a proclamation anent recruits, levies, deserters and passes proclamations. - - scotland. privy council. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proclamation anent recruits, levies, deserters and passes proclamations. - - scotland. privy council. william iii, king of england, - . sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the kings most excellent majest[ies], edinburgh : . dated at end: edinburgh, the thirteenth day of february, and of our reign the seventh year, . steele notation: ireland, ing be. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -- scotland -- early works to . recruiting and enlistment -- scotland -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation anent recruits , levies , deserters and passes . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to macers of our priv● council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute ; greeting . forasmuch as , it is requisite and necessary , that during this present war , which so much concerns the defence and security of the protestant religion , and of our kingdoms , rules and orders be set down for recruits , levies and deserters , whereby frequent disorders and oppressions may be prevented , and unfit men may not be engaged , and none may be troubled upon the head of desertion , but such as are truly deserters : therefore , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , conform to the thirty third act fifth session of this our current parliament , entituled act for the levies : do hereby appoint and ordain , that no officer , either at home or from abroad , offer to take on , or press any free leidge to be a souldier , unless the man be taken on by agreement , owned by him in presence of the judge of the bounds . and if any officer shall contraveen this order , and press or compel any man contrair to the rule hereby established , that it shall be reckoned oppression , and the transgressor punished by the fyne of a months pay , and further by imprisonment , or breaking and casheering , as the saids lords of our privy council shall think sit . and further , we with advice foresaid , do strictly prohibit and discharge all our officers which have come for recruits from flanders , to seize upon any persons as deserters , but such as have deserted from our scots regiments in flanders since they were there , and none others : and allows the officers of our forces in this our ancient kingdom , to seize upon none upon the head of desertion , but such as have deserted from one or other of the saids regiments , of which they are at present officers : and discharge any person to be seized upon , on pretence of desertion before our accession to the crown . and for preventing any mistake anent passes , given to such as have been souldiers : we with advice foresaid , do herby appoint and ordain , that no pass be sustained for any souldier from our forces in flanders , or out of this kingdom , unless the same be subscribed at least by the collonel of the regiment , to which he belonged . and that no pass be sustained for any of the souldiers of the standing regiments of this kingdom , unless the same be subscribed by the collonel of the regiment , or by one of the field-officers , commander of the regiment for the time , to which he belonged ; and declares , that the passes signed in manner foresaid , shall free the persons in whose favours they are granted . and further , we with advice foresaid , do hereby ratify and revive , all former acts and proclamations , made anent recruits , levies , or deserters , except in so far , as the samen are hereby innovat or altered . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that in continent thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this our ●ingdom , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make intima●●●●●hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains our sollicitor to transmit ●rinted copies hereof , to the sheriffs of the several shires of this kingdom , to be sent ●y them , to the ministers of the several paroches within their respective shires : and appoints the ministers of the paroches , to cause intimat these proclamations in their paroch churches where they are ministers , immediately at the dissolution of the congregation , and that either from the pulpit , or at the church-doors . and ordains these presents to be printed and published . given under our signet at edinburgh , the thirteenth day of february , and of our reign the seventh year , . pe● actum dominorum secreti concilii . da. moncreiff cls. sti. concilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors o● ●ndrew anderson , printer to the kings most excellent maj●●●● . select essays tending to the universal reformation of learning concluded with the art of war, or, a summary of the martial precepts necessary for an officer / by william freke, esq. freke, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing f estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) select essays tending to the universal reformation of learning concluded with the art of war, or, a summary of the martial precepts necessary for an officer / by william freke, esq. freke, william, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for tho. minors ..., london : . "imprimatur, decemb. , . edmund bohun"--p. . errata: p. [ ] at end. reproduction of original in british library. includes index. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng learning and scholarship -- early works to . military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , decemb. . . edmund bohun . select essays tending to the universal reformation of learning : concluded with the art of war , or a summary of the martial precepts necessary for an officer . by william freke , esq ; london , printed for tho. minors , in the inner-temple-lane . . the author's apology . deo , patriae , tibi , seems a common motto , that all mankind are equally fond , and ambitious of ; i will not say , that they all answer it ▪ alike : but the character which is so universally approv'd of , surely ▪ needs no apologies for its entertainment : and yet , after all , i know a censure that will as naturally , as unjustly , follow it ; what! saul among the prophets , or a man attending business in print ? and so , o sir ! you are an author ! and why not ? what is the shame of it ? is not a good author a master of as great charity as an almoner ? an author not licens'd by common vogue , as well as authority ▪ looks like one with the plague-sore upon him ; and every one that passes by him , is ready to write , lord have mercy upon him on his door ; and not a man-gossip , but what is for passing his verdict upon him . but , whatever others imagine , for my part , i am none of captain tom's followers , nor ever will be : i shall never think any man , for that reason alone , to be reflected upon in his business , because withall , he is a master in science , and notion also . besides , it is no more agreeable to my constitution than my inclinations , to glide away insensibly , and leguile my self of half my time at a tavern : i know there are a great many petty arts full as advantagious , as real skill in professions ; but use them who will , i am resolv'd not to ●n-man my self for interest : and i neither can , nor will buy ▪ favour at the rate that 't is beneath me , to purchase it at ; if it come in a more regular w●y , 't is welcome . 't is a much more pleasant exercise to me , thus to bestow my leisure hours in curing the several errors of my mind : and , whatever others may fancy , i shall never think it loss of time , nor barely a diversion , pertinently to improve my vnderstanding : true sense is a sword to him that commands her ; and he 's an ill master of her , that having once got her , is not able to turn her to all advantages upon occasion . i know 't is a prudent rule in life , not to ramble out of the way in needless excursions : nor do i think that in this i have transgrest it ; it is my design but to perfect my notion , and in what is absolutely useful , and not to run to either folios or trifles : nay , and even this is not a vvork as of to day with me . the papers i present the reader with , are not new , i have had them years by me ; and what i have done of late , has been only to correct and revise them a little for the press . but , do i seem too pert , or pragmatical in what i write , in pretending so confidently to instruct our seniors and masters ? why i have just the same excuse that all other authors have had before me : you may be sure , i had never wrote what i have , had i thought it had been , impertinence and arrogance only ; and , after all , vvill you say i am deceiv'd ? truly i have no other answer for you neither , than that authors seldom call a council , to know whether what they write , be all just orthodox or not . so , do you think , in humility , i ought to have forborn presuming thus ? why truly , and as to the point too , i am a little conceited , i must confess it ; nay , i were an ass for printing what i have done , if i did not think it to the purpose . but what ! after all , i am mistaken in my mighty imigination ; and it may be so : but surely then also , i have done no more , than what a whole heard of fools has done before me . and yet , after all , the world may be deceiv'd , and find my matter better than they expect it : all perfections are entail'd on no man , and there is many an excellent spokesman that makes a bad writer , as well as there are a great many good writers , that , as st. paul and moses write ▪ of themselves , are neither of voluble tongue , nor extraordinary presence . it may be too , you think my stile too light ; and truly if you do , i shall not alter it , nor quarrel with nature for not giving me another genius , or disposition : alass ! our stile is like our stature , no more to be altered by our thought , than our bodies : suppose , with the same reason , you should quarrel with the features of my face , or the gate or meen of my body ; and why may not i , with as much reason , complain , and be aggriev'd at the sight of yours ? after all , mr. johnson , and mr. rimer's mettled stiles to me , look with full as much native beauty as ever a slow-pac'd don 's in the vniverse : every thing in its way ; 't is as natural for the cholerick , and the sanguine , to be daring and sprightly , as 't is for the melancholy and phlegmatick to be heavy and dull . but will not all this please you neither ? truly , i shall not cramp my self to a spanish cutt to do it ; if it won't , i have wrote what i have , and i have thought it worth publishing : accordingly , i have publish'd it ; and i hope , i have no need to be asham'd to father it ; i have deliver'd it in my own way , for i am resolv'd never to turn fool by an unnatural imitation . after all , i have made my title , apology , and book , all of a piece ; if thou likest it , 't is at thy service ; if not , i am resolved not to be melancholly upon it : i won't say , ad captum lectoris habent sua fata libelli ; for i am willing to submit the judgment of my book to the readers , and to allow it no greater weight than he is pleas'd to standard it at : but surely , i might add also , that a great many good things have been lost in the world , because men have not known the value of them . and , however the world may rellish it , yet surely , i think , i may say too , that there is a gift of thinking and digesting , as well as flourishing and bantring , or writing tedious tomes or volumes either ; 't is not every tall boy that can jest with flashy wit and thought at random ; nor every author that can appear in folio , that can either speak , write or judge of good sense , or true wit ; and though even such may prove master criticks in a coffee-house , or well-titled in a booksellers shop ; but then , ne sutor ultra crepitum . in plain terms , the haughtiest combatants through the meer dint of extempore natural parts only ; and the greatest mountebanks disguis'd with the false paint of learning , prove but as pigmy drolls to a moderate man at arms , and one truly accoutred with the weapons and defence of good thought and literature . non cicero , cicero , nec appelles , natus appelles ; id , quod uterque fuit , fecit utrumque labor . after these , i know no other considerable apology , but that thou pass by some roughness . perhaps thou mayst be offended at too frequently in my stile : i tell thee before-hand , 't is greatly collective ; in the temple church there are stones that they say are cast , and many compos'd out of one ; alass ! we have lost the art : and when thou considerest therefore , that the building i am rearing , lays it's foundations as wide as all the knowledge of the vniverse , thou needst not wonder that every stone in it is not melted or cemented as into one , or carv'd , or gilded and adorn'd , like bawbles in ladies closets . surely , he 's a good workman in such case that joints his building well , and that handsomely pursues his draught and designs : if therefore the sense and sincerity of my work has been full and just , i think i may well leave the fretwork and chequering it to an after part . perhaps i know as well as another man , what it is to have my stile heavy , bodg'd , and incoherent ; but he must be more than a man , yea an angel , that can perfect so laborious a task as i have design'd , without such faults . to be short ; as to the substance of my attempt , i hope i have answer'd it to the full ; as for the rest , reader , use thy pleasure ; thou seest i unde●eive thee before hand ; and therefore if it displease thee , be angry at thy self , and not me : and yet , i hope , i shall not vex thee so much neither by it ; for i have not taken a little pains in the matter , to make my coherence as polish'd as needful . to shut up all ; are you offended that i write so little of logick , and so much of censure and reputation ? heads that seem to be but as trifles , when compar'd with a science ; and so in many other the like cases . why truly , at present you must consider , that you are with one that sets up for a reformer , and perhaps at last , thou mayst be convinced by him too ; not only that too many of our sciences are trifling , but that there are many other subjects that require far more of our care than any of the little kick-shaws , that the schools have dress'd up for us ; if not , i can but again tell you , the reformer may err as well as the science-maker . to conclude ; after these , i might add , i expect a whole troop of petty carpers , criticks of the most noise , but just of as much judgment as to be able to make errata-men for the press ; and truly , as for these , the author is willing to let them applaud themselves in their kackling ; their censure is not likely to do either much harm or good ; if it were , he would tell them , he does not pretend to be able to correct every comma , letter , or little variance in his very sense , by the press from his copy : but , as for these men , the author is rather of opinion , that they want an apology for what themselves do , than he in vindication of himself against them . and so he bids all farewell . the entrance or the digester . the turkish spy tells us , the arabians say , that a man must forget twice , and learn thrice , e're he can expect to be perfect . if that be a good rule , i am persuaded these essays will please ; for if to perfect and lay by , and then to mend and lay by , and then to correct again and lay by , be the way to render a book compleat and useful , i am sure these essays cannot be defective ; which like the venetian vessel , have suffered through time , so many corrections and alterations , that the author himself hardly knows , whether there is ever an original piece lost in them . painters ordinarily present you with your picture after twice or thrice sitting . books are the draughts of our souls ; and why then should we be less curious in the pourtraictures of our souls than our bodies ? some men again think it enough , if their porch be well adorn'd , and their reader when first usher'd in by a brisk sally , wheedled with the hopes of an entertainment accordingly ; but surely , how agreeable soever such methods are for the interest of the bookseller , the author gets no reputation by such arts : for my part , i declare , there is not an essay herein , that to the best of my knowledge , has not cost me full as much pains as this entrance ; and i don't know of one thought that i have inserted throughout , that i would not have expunged , if i thought it would nauseate with my readers ; that in some cases i am a little larger in explaining my self , surely may be very well allow'd : are all mens capacities either equal to receive instructions , or their prejudices easy to be rooted out ? as for the design of my book , it may seem to interfere with a great many lately publish'd . we have every day journals of abridgments , and the philosophical transactions , the authors of the vniversal and historical bibliotheque , together with the athenian society , have obliged us with large volumes of abstracts ; but none of all these is what i have here propos'd and design'd . they abridge books , i subjects ; they refer you to authors at large , and analize several on the same subject ; i on the contrary have endeavour'd to extract the marrow of all , by all to render each subject entire , and to trouble the reader with neither catalogues of authors , nor quotations , but purely the very heart of his subject entire , or reflections in what is useless in it . and shall any one after this , acquaint me , that my performance is short , that my design is large ; alass ! he forgets what i propose is but in essay , nay , that the perfection of knowledge is more than human ; and that more than essay is not modest . if therefore by these short essays , i can prove a faithful remembrancer to the learned , of the present state of knowledge , and a happy guide to the student , through the several useless labyrinths , introduced by pedantry into human knowledge , to keep him from those unhappy rocks , that have shipwrack'd many excellent parts , i think my brevity in it will be the more acceptable , and my design such , if well answer'd , as all the world must cherish . for my part , i could wish i were even yet shorter than i am , 't is the bane of good books , when their length makes them tedious : but to be more brief , i as much despair at , as to be more perfect . the whole field of wisdom and science is my subject . what man so vain , as to think to contract it in a sheet ? so that body of knowledge that has puzzl'd whole ages of the wisest , who is so weak as to arrogate the masterdom of it alone in himself ? surely , one might as well expect to decipher a court in a cottage , as universal science in a little tract ; nay , the bounds of universal wisdom are such , that the best of us know but in part ; and god has made it one of the bonds of the universe , that we mutually rely on one another in our imperfections . but to pass by all further apologies , and to descend into the very reasoning of our methods , both of our writings and studies , let us consider a little : we study , but why ? that our knowledge may be profitable to our selves and others , and benefit posterity . but instead of this , and for want of a due method , what do we do , but intangle our selves in the cobwebbs of nicer notions , and even confound all that follow us ? alass ! the very source of wisdom is almost corrupt amongst us ; and a learned man is a chimera we have now no idea of . shew me one in a million that can tell you the bounds of learning , that can tell you abstract from pedantry , how much is fit to be known , and that can satisfy the mind , that all further enquiries will be needless ? a youth that is now bred a schollar , is like a vessel launch'd at rovers , and in the midst of the ocean , without either pilot or rudder ; he may do well or not ; but if he does succeed , 't is through the vigour of his own parts : for , as for the directions and helps he is to expect , they will rather amuse and distract , than lead him right . we enter upon languages , and their criticisms are infinite ; so we proceed to sciences , and there we are lost in a wilderness of subtilties ; our metaphysicks puzzles us , our logick fetters us , and our nice mathematicks is a field , where even our greatest masters are lost . nor is even our morality better ; our vertues and vices are lost in endless schemes and subdivisions ; and our divinity is wrangled to pyronism , so that when we look about us , we know neither where to begin , nor where to end ; and when we would proceed , we do not know where we are . hence also , if a man be learned , yet he is never known ; there is no standard to try him by . and hence it is , that there is no encouragement for real wisdom ; all that the world looks for , or knows how to esteem , is but the little cant of pedantry ; and if a man leave that , tho' on never so good grounds , he is more likely to get the name of a proud illiterate , than of a schollar or wiseman . but where is all this while then our real improvement of wisdom ? alass ! this is but a more perplex'd and subtle ignorance , and a chaos of literature . and what does not this lumber require a digester then ? indeed a man of vigorous parts himself may dispose it some way to his use ; but how many become meer schollars , and are lost in the confusion , and that dare not so much as look out of this cloud ? what a shame 't is , that man that was made to be as a lord of the creation , should thus be lost even in his dominions over his own notions ! and what shall we call this art that leads us thus ? no , 't is a laborious distraction . were this an art , 't would facilitate our actions ; whereas , instead of that , it clogs them , and impedes our natural force . a bird that 's wild , sings better than one ill taught . besides , can that be an art for the use of life that would require even two ages of us , if we had them to attain them ? or shall we ever esteem that as an helpful speculation that must drown us in the theory , before we can come to practice ? and is not this too true in the common circumstances of learning ? is not what we call a moderate competency of knowledge , now become almost even a work for our lives ? who can almost enumerate , much more think to peruse the infinite volumes of science ? nay , let us but state any one of the arts and sciences in the whole enciclopaidion , and let us see who has the command of all her branches , and to whom we may not add ; nay , let us see , how many are imperfect plagiarys , and how much is wanted in the best , that might be added on the perusal of all . let us see likewise what vast bodies the sciences even contracted compose , is alsteds epitome , in his enciclopaidion , fit to be enlarged : or can we reduce the schoolmen to a nut-shell ? nay , or can we complete the usual tables , much less an absolute curses mathematicus , in one managable volume ? and what then ! are all these fit for a schollar to study ? or can we not obtain a competent idea in these things without our leaders melancholly schemes and niceties ? alass ! if we cant , we had better banish studies , and burn our books , and live like true philosophers altogether , secundum naturam . the mischief of it is , we have a sort of men title and table learn'd , who because they can manage the inconsistent scraps of authors , to get themselves a reputation by it , cry up , and endeavour to support this gallimaufry ; and without one had a mouths to out-cry the little beagles , that these men raise up to support their reputation , one had as good save ones breath as speak , tho' with never so just a cause . i must confess for my own part , i have not been wanting to study , and may be as much as the best of them , and that in the whole body of learning too ; and whatever mountains others can espy in it , i declare , i am unfortunate and thick-sighted , for i can find but few . this i find indeed , that the weight of universal learning , as it now stands , is too great for mortal shoulders , too long for their perusal , too nice for their memory , too various for their imagination , and too confus'd for their judgment ; but this i must declare withal , i see not why it may not bear a rational contraction ; for the most part of it is meerly curious and impertinent , or at least it seems so to me . so curious may i say , that could any man foresee the fruitless labour that our pedantry would cost him , before he would be able to lay by her spectacles , as he should do , he would as soon go into an house of correction , as undertake so irksom a task , as to be a schollar , and so impertinent . that in the most of his studies , could he but judicially see what he was doing , he would as soon busy himself in catching of butterflies . but the matter is , when a man enters thus amongst the crowd of learned fools , 't is a thousand to one , if ever he keep his senses longer for to be able to bring him back again . and hence it is , that we have few or none to lead us from it , whilst we have almost infinite examples to encourage us in the dotage . and thus when i first begun my studies , i could quickly see that there was a world of pageantry that ought to be laid by , that our books were even compos'd of a specious empty vein , and which beguil'd us with appearance in stead of substance : but how to separate this dross from the finer oar , or how to cut off the excressence , and preserve the body , that seem'd a work almost as difficult even as alexander's in conquering the world , i may say herculean , and harder than to cleanse the augaean stables . i plainly saw also , that as the present state of learning was a vail for the hypocrite , being too dark to let men really ingenuous , be otherwise than modest , and leaving full room for confidence and ignorance to vent their pretences ; so i saw plainly that there was a sort of men in the world , that would oppose any such attempt , were it only to keep their own blindness from being expos'd . but as withal i saw , that if such a work were finish'd , it would even force its own way in the world , and illustrate its self ; and , through its use , turn its own advocate in proving so beneficial to mankind ; so i was resolved to see what i could do about it ; and as i was satisfied of the lawfulness and charity , nay , and i may add , goodness of my attempt , so i durst trust the success of it to god , in duty to whom i design'd it . as for my method in it , i have not exactly followed the excellent des cartes , i never yet engag'd my self to a nine years oblivion of what i formerly read , nor have i tied my self to any principles whatever , absolutely , whether divine or moral ; i always thought both those courses of little advantage to him that studies wisdom , in truth rather obstacles than assistants . indeed in this i have imitated him , i have meditated most freely ; but withal , i have both read and heard too : for my part , i have neither fear'd errors , nor been jealous of my genius ; but i have trusted it freely , as it were upon a promise , in my judgment , that at all hazards 't would be sincere to me , nay , and in all cases , and against all prejudices whatever . and to this purpose i perus'd all the books i could come near ; nor did i care on what subject , so they were excellent ; for my designs were after an entire reformation of learning ; and tho' i design'd , in a manner , to re-build all a-new , yet i did not think to be so ill an husband , as to tear up all the old foundations , where i found them sound and ready before me . so that , by this means , i collected almost without end ; i took the notion , and left the dress ; nay , and i carefully separated what i thought might be of use , and left what i saw as needless : i did it but in sentences indeed at first , because i looked for only matter , and not form : but then i did it carefully , that if possible i might not leave any thing material that i should not reduce to its proper head. indeed , in my method how to deliver it to the world , i was not a little confounded ; for as i saw that to heap up precepts without order , were to make them useless : so on the other hand , i observ'd , to tye my self to a clear coherence , were a burthen intollerable ; and besides ▪ not consistent with those perpetual additions that would be necessary to a growing idea . i chose therefore a mean for my digester , and as such a loose essay , a body that could either retract or dilate , so i chose also rather to deliver my essays in confusion than order ; for since so vast a subject could not rationally seem to bear an orderly coherence ; i did not see why i should affect it , especially when i consider'd , that such a careless change and variety , would not only ease and delight my self , but my reader also . to be short , wisdom , in full perfection , is too great for man : and , as one would reduce that useful part of her , that is within our capacities , to an apt and pertinent brevity for use , so withal , one would not arrogantly think to force her to bounds too exact for the reach of mortality : as i despair'd therefore of ever attaining any preheminence in her , by the vigour of any single attempt , so i rather chose to leave my method freely to an easie loosness , that might be apt for any addition or amendment . whether what i have now done , may be ever done fuller or better , i cannot tell ; i am sure it has mine own full vigour in it , and i should have been glad with all my heart , could i have met with a companion , to have improv'd and assisted my designs : but 't is generally the misfortune of men , who are charitable in so great and laborious undertakings , to be forced to walk alone . i have no more to trouble thee with in this place , except it be that thou excuse the roughness of my stile ; remember 't is collective , and though by pains i might make it more correct , yet i hope already 't is sufficient for use , if not for ornament . oratory was never agreeable to the rigidness of my genius , i could never yet leave matter to catch at butterflyes , and gather flowers . besides , the niceties of curious discourse are infinite ; and i am sensible , that after my greatest care , i must write with a style and method imperfect , or not venture at five words a day : pure perfection in all things in only god's ; and when a man has once atchiev'd in any thing the full strength of his genius , what he attains after , is but by sallies , and at best makes but abrupt , imperfect , and incoherent efforts . but why should i court thee thus with apologies ? if thou art ingenious , thou canst not but follow thine own advantage ; if thou art humoursom , i had as good endeavour to embrace the wind , as to move thee . whether therefore thou likest me or not , i am not deceived in thee : that man must think of reconciling contraries , yea impossibilities , that aim at captivating all men , the perverse and tractable , the contradictious and the modest , the virtuous and vicious , pious and wicked , learned and ignorant , with the same discourse . of books . a good author should have the stile and courage of a captain , the integrity of a dying man , and so much sense and ingenuity , as to impose nothing , either weak or needless on the world. some men thrust out their bratts amongst us , e're they are at the stature of wisdom ; and not knowing the present growth of learning , oblige men with crudities instead of discoveries : but who suffers most by it ? the reader can easily lay them by . so some even fire the state to get books suppress'd , and they 'r in the right where they are seditious ; or else sure man has an equal right to writing as speaking ; or , if not , why one more than another ? does the variety of books offend you ? surely it has at least this good in it , it hits all humours . do they overwhelm you with their number ? certainly you mistake ; and rather want judgment to discern what are proper for you . so , does an ignoramus present you with mushrome thoughts , and cannot you lay them by ? must none but civit-cats have leave to sh — ? and , if not , who shall sever the bad , without endangering the good ? nay , i may add , the best of authors are not without their faults ; and if they were , the world , i fear , were too purblind to entertain them , as they would deserve . enoch's , the first and best of books , are lost . thus one , by a long preface , cools the fancy e're he entertains it ; a second frights his reader by his voluminousness . alass ! we must consult the weakness of man , as well as the meer extent of our subjects . nay , did the real dignity of our subjects lead books , they would be short enough , while sprightly hints would more delicately pourtraicture our minds than the largest circumlocutions . and surely therefore i may add , there is an empty wantonness in all the profuse embroideries of authors . and what are our legendaries , our varnish'd comparisons and explanations , but a beggarly and tedious tautology in a better dress ? thus the pedling canter never wants a nosegay of vertue or religion , be his text never so barren ; and there is not a subject that he shall not screw in his whole stock of knowledge upon it . on the contrary , your finer poets have made but six verses a day , and a late famous author would return back to his study again , but to secure some more excellent notion from oblivion ; and yet there is an error even in this also . one keeps his book seven years by him ere he prints it , as if it ripen'd by lying , and not care , examination and perusal . a second cites euclid , to prove a circle round ; and a third condemns the whole body of wisdom for some little pedling nostrum . a fourth enamour'd with the whimseys of the ancients , had half his book quotations , and creeps along by the shore of authors , as if he were afraid to trust himself to the free compass of reasoning . surely i would no more quote authors by tables thus , than slight their assistance altogether , by laying new foundations . when thou readest my book therefore , i expect thou look for my sense , not aristotle , or st. austin's . so shall i write nothing that is not purely my own : alass , there is nothing new under the sun ; nay , and why have not i as much right to my thoughts , as he that wrote them a years ago ? should i say , i borrow nothing from no man , who could gain-say me ? i have the same circle of creatures , and i must needs therefore track after others , and surely therefore our invention about them is equally ours also . succeeding ages feed upon one another ; and the sense and flesh i have digested , are as much mine , as they have been others before me , or else may be i cannot say i have either sense or flesh at all . vve have all our appointed seasons to enjoy vvisdom , and the sun in ; our ancestors have but beat the track before us , where our posterity would follow of course ; and who can claim a common road ? vvhere then is the injury of plagiarism , does an author deserve his merits must preserve him , nay and they will too , if he has them : vvho shall add to a picture of apelles ? ex pede herculem . at worst , is honey the worse for being gather'd from many flowers ? indeed to theive meanly is ungenerous , and to follow parties , corrupts all ; or else is not my diligence in collections to be preferr'd ? but alass , after all , the fountain errour of authours is vanity ; and that which puts them upon the tenters , is , that they seek eternity ; but surely 't is one thing to have it , and another thing to deserve it . you think your truths will make the world commend you whether they will or no ; alass , you must prostitute you honour to obtain the common vogue . a man had as good be a common hangman , as an impartial moral monitor : and as for speculative knowledge , the man that found , but that the world was round , was treated , even by st. austin , as an heretick . as my lord bacon rightly says , the world , like a river , bears up things swoln and empty , while gold and jewels sink ; and thus vain-glorious and romancing ovid no doubt survives many a better author . of criticks . a critick to a good author , like the refiner's fire , but purges his imperfections to make him shine the brighter , whilst the answerer , like don quixot , exposes himself with post-absurdities . shall we say of a garrison'd army of thoughts , that'tis taken , because the enemy has defac'd the walls with dirt , when the truth is , the answerer like the viper , by gnawing the file , has but bit his own teeth away . criticks , like bald-pate boxers , while they attack others , generally take care to print nothing of their own , they malitiously root up all they can , thought they plant nothing in the world of learning themselves . criticks , the robbers , are only excellent in a plunder , and in which case , their onely game is to magnifie themselves by exposing others ; their armory the whole field of malitious rayling and vvrangling . surely if our brother is weak , we ought rather to pity him , than abuse him ; nay , is he perverse and fallacious ? yet can it either become us , or our cause , to confute him otherwise than with humanity : that conquest is to our credit , where our adversary is duly magnified . what says the scripture of pious frauds ? will it let us hold the truth in unrighteousness ? no , we may not do ill that good may come ; if we do , we are assur'd our damnation is just . some men indeed are so linked to their errors , that charity , which loves to answer all with tenderness and softness , would be glad to part them ; he that errs , through frailty , is at least out of the harms-way of errour ; but he that offends presumptuously and obstinately , must need fall together with it . but the meaner critick that even hunts for slander , and delights in contumely ; the generous mastiff should teach us to scorn such currish yelping ; indeed 't is a reflection on a man of sense , to give a common rayler but the hearing . of divination and astrology . there are certain truths enough in the vvorld surely , to improve our understandings by , that we need not confound our selves so much by conjectural ones as we do ; 't is true , the influence of the sun and moon might tempt one to an essay in this matter , but when it has been so long successless , i don't know whether the prosecuting it further will argue rather a madness and a folly , than a presumptuous contempt of god's commands , in prying into those things he has so designedly conceal'd . nay , did men understand themselves aright , the very vanity of these things were enough to make them hate them , and they would sooner be idle then squander away their time so impertinently ; but above all , had they any conscience , they would regard god's vvrath against our deluding diviners , if they had not the vvit to see how they were imposed upon by them . 't is full time now to sweep away these cobwebs of superstition , and relicks of paganism ; were we to contract with the devil , then these little blinds might be wisely set to disguise the predictions he acquaints us with , and to seem to tell that little fore-knowledge he hath , by our own skill ; but for us otherwise to dive into senseless , groundless , and irrational ways of prediction , i declare , in my opinion , is such a meer stupidity and weakness , that we had much better cast the dye for our fortune ▪ so , would not a man of moderate thought be asham'd to imagine , that god has given an extraordinary power of conjuring by his name tetragrammaton adonay sadai , &c. so , who but a madman would think the number five cabalistically sanctified , because a man has five fingers , five toes , &c. and so who but one that has more fancy than judgment would mind the climacterical years , when indeed the year is since much lengthened ? yea , several days since that whymsey was first broach'd , so that now would have been then . so , that shall i say of our common crosses and charms ? the devil fights with us , like a parthian , flying ; pretends himself to be vanquish'd by us ▪ that he may the better conquer us through superstition by his flight ? so what shall i say to your set-form of words , the seeve and sheers , and your other trifles and gewgaws ? if words do any thing really , it must be through faith , and if faith be once so powerful , it can easily effect without a set-form , like conjuring ; but if words prove powerful without faith , latet anguis in herba , we have all the reason in the world to apprehend some delusion from our common enemy the devil . nor indeed , with all the power of the devil himself , are we likely to do or know much , whatever our corruption and rebellion may promise us ; alass ; the devils are under perpetual chains of darkness , the best of their oracles were always doubtful ; and if god has denied the foreknowledge of things even to the good angels themselves , as christ assures us , how is it likely he should shew a greater favour to the wicked apostate spirits ? so we are curious in other predictions ; we are desirous of an exact fore-knowledge ; alass , shall we never be contented with the plainer dispensations of providence ? is god obscure and mystical in his prophesies , even to lead his church its self ? and shall we desire presumptuously a prerogative he has not vouchsafed even to the universal church ; nay , and when all the pious and learned men of ages have not been able to unfold those holy prophesies that in the revelations , and otherwise he has given us ? can we be so mad to expect , or rely upon more certain predictions of their own ? in short , if there be any divination lawful , it must be through the signs of natural causes ; thus christ himself allows to divine by the face of the sky . sero rubens coelum cras indicat esse serenum . si mane rubescit ventus vel pluvia crescit ; and so we may guess when a western wind blows , or that a rain-bow looks pale , that rain is likely to ensue ; and that when the rain-bow looks clear , that it is going away ; but what is beyond this , must be either sin or delusion . but to proceed a little to particulars , and so first of astrology . our astrologers pretend , that the bodies above are the male , the terrestrial the female ; and the creatures on earth are the off-spring engender'd between them : but pray , who shall declare their generations ? i do not doubt but that there is such a art as astrology ▪ in some degree ; but who is the artist ? what are the set-bounds of influence ? and how are we to gather it ? how far does providence and its free-agents interrupt it ? and what stars are more particularly eminent in their influence . let our star-gazers alledge what they will , the reviewing histories past in the stars would have perfected this art absolutely before now , if it had been attainable by the wit of man ; when alass , consult but your astrologers , and you shall not find two to prognosticate alike : after all these advantages , read but their books , they agree not in their methods ; nay , if they foretel the weather , which is more immediately under the influences of the stars , and which grace cannot be suppos'd to alter their influence in , to give them their old sham , astra regunt homines sed regit astra deus : yet you shall find that they as often miss as hit , and which , in my judgment , in plain terms , declares meer chance . st. austin's confessions give us an excellent passage of the impertinency and fallaciousness of this science : it seems the mistress and the maid were both with child by their several husbands at the same time , and an astrologer being willing to predict the several fates of their children , order'd care to be taken of marking the exact time of both their births ; now so it happen'd , that mistress and maid were both brought to bed at the same instant , and their several messengers met at the just half-way , to give each other accounts of it ; and what think you then ought to be the success of this chance , ought not these two sons , as they then happened to be , to have equal fortune and success in the world , at least with respect to their several circumstances ? yes surely : but alass , the stars fail'd their artist , the servant was born and died a servant ; whilst , as st. austin observes , the young master afterwards became vastly advanc'd in his fortunes . but i give astrologers too much ground when i trifle thus upon experiments ; let me hear them reason a little ; thus what particular virtue is there in a sextile or trine , before the quartile or opposition ? besides , if there were , like blockheads , they take the trine of appearance , and never mind the real one ; thus a retrogradation shall imaginarily give you two trines of saturn and jupiter , when , in reality , neither of those is the true trine ; so what stuff your direct retrogade stationary and swift are , when , in reality , the planets have no such imperfections ; and all that trumpery we conceive , forsooth , because we will follow the blind mazes of our ancestours , and their errors in astronomy , and which made them make them in their astrology also . further , how ridiculously they have fram'd and order'd out their twelve houses , and attributed their several powers to them , according to the two old latin verses , vita lucrum fratres genitor nati valetudo , vxor mors pietas regnum benefactaque carcer . what nonsence 't is to give the ascendant most power , which can scarce have any operation for distance , and vapours upon the native , whereas , in truth , the mid-heaven , and the planets most southerly , and the stars in the zenith , ought to have the greatest operation in all reason ; and so in case of their being perigeon , and apogeon ; so , how absurd 't is to give saturn a greater influence on the native , than even the sun , that in truth is the very earthly giver of life . besides too , were astrologers ▪ true to their rules , and examin'd all significators , planets , houses , and fix'd stars , with their several aspects , applications and transits , they would find themselves so confus'd , that they would never be able to pick out a judgment : and what if you add to all this the part of fortune , the part of honour , and several other parts that nice astrologers order to be calculated , as well as the capat & cauda draconis ▪ all castles in the air ; where could you and your judgment be able to be fix'd amongst such almost innumerable significators and their applications . nay further , one tells you your fortune by a horary question , another by a revolutional figure , another by your nativity , another by profections : now if you examine it , all these figures shall , nay must be different , and yet your artist , from the latitude of fore-telling , i before described , must by one significatour or another ▪ serue them all up to one tone , and whether the devil may not sometimes inspire them in this chance to their delusion , i very much question . hence also if you consult them , one shall cast up your significatours stronger , another weaker ; one measures the time of accidents one way , and another a second ; a third person does not like your common tables of houses , and yet forsooth all these must speak , and write as infallible in their way , although no reason can reconcile them , or shew one more in the right than the other , nay , though they contradict one another ; yet alass we must believe them all , as the infallible oracles of truth ; h●● quanta fides hominum ▪ i have studied this art my self , and i have flatter'd my self often in chance predictions ; but when i have consider'd that in all things there is but a wrong and a right , and that all men naturally favour , and even deifie divination , i cannot but see , and detest my own weakness in regarding it ; indeed , if astrological predictions were certain , they would by their fatal necessity destroy and consume religion , and all the arts and sciences with it . to be short , if men must have their prognosticating whimsies , were it not better rationally to frame them from the noble hypothesis of des cartes , than from such meer maggots as our common artists do ? thus spots growing in the sun rationally would foretel ruine to his sphere , and comets prognosticate a disorder , would follow in nature ; but to lay such weight on meer chymera's , as the imaginary houses ▪ nodes and fancies of astrologers are , at best favours of a little tincture of either melancholly , or imposture , judge which you will. of the dependants of astrology . but besides its self , it 's scarce conceivable what a pack of brats and monsters astrology brings forth with it ; it marks you out natural magick by planetary influences , and characters on herbs ; it tells you mens fortunes by figures , the planets make through moles , lines , and other marks ; and hence it teaches you chiromancy , physiognomy , metaposcopy , nay augury depends on the same root ; and not a bird that flies to the right , but portends ill-luck , though to a thousand spectators : indeed , there is not a man , either mad , bewitch'd , or prophesies , but streight the astrologer will give you a reason for it ; though by and by again , to save himself at a fault , he will tell you , a good man is above the stars . thus telesmes , or talismans also , and our divining rods , are a spawn of astrology ; but , in my judgment , of just as much force as powder of post , without the assistance of witchcraft , and then i don't know but a man may do feats , like the egyptian magicians , but by the power of the devil , and not by our little conjectural blind arts , unless ceremonially ; for my part i once made a telesme of venus my self in silver , but found no more effect in the mettal than before . so brown in his vulgar errours , says , he tried the divining rod , but he found it all cheat and deceit . further , geomancy is another off-spring of astrology , indeed her very ape , for she follows her into her divisions and partitions of houses , &c. cornelius agrippa wrote a book of this ; and in his treatise of the vanity of arts and sciences tells you , he believes it as good as the best ; but withall , that it is all lyes . and indeed , what an odd chymera foundation this art has , that men , by making points backwards , with their left-hands upon the ground , should fancy the stars should lead them , by drawing those points into figures , to predict by them ; a man had better by half bestow less pains , cast a pair of dice , or dip a leaf in virgil , if he is resolved to be superstitious , and so discover his fortune that way , rather than run himself to the niceties of geomantick houses , and fathers , your laetitia , &c. for it . so i cannot but wonder too , what intelligence , and of what planet it was that taught us the jurisdiction of planetary days and hours ? 't was very happy the natural day was not divided into twenty hours , as it is now into twenty four ; for if it had , our divinors had been forc'd to have made a new computation ; besides , that as it is , every planet has not his equal share in the day , and why should he not have it in the day , as well as he has it in the week ? astrology therefore , if it serves for any thing , it is to be as the devils lure into the more obscure and black recesses of magick : i my self remember too well , what studies it wheedled me into , when i gave it the favour of my thoughts ; as first , to seek to the planets intelligences for my knowledge , and after to other spirits : now , though i resolv'd to pay an exact deference to the duty i ow'd to god all the while , yet i could not , in a long time , perswade my self , but that such arts , as in the case of balaam , might be lawfully attainable , though at length i was convinced they were presumptuous . but where shall we end the further whimsies of predictions ? pythagoras's lot , predicting by the number of our names , the jewish caballa telling mysteries , and prognosticating from titles , numbers and letters ; your rosacrucian figments , what shall i say , do not men deserve to be deceiv'd , when they imploy themselves to catch such shadows of wisdom ? indeed , 't is their due reward , that they miss and lose the substance by it . so what shall we say to hydromancy , puromancy , and aeromancy , nay and alectromancy , that fore-tells by the pecking up of corn by a cock , are they not trumpery , that scarce deserve the naming ? so of palmestry ; how shall we reconcile the giddy and senseless contradictions and variations of authors about it ? so in physiognomy , who but one that had it from some spirit , or star-intelligence , could be brought to think any useful or certain ground in it ? only man that runs a whoring out of the ways of truth , seeks to , and believes every thing he should not . or else who would fancy , that mars must be thrust into the palms of the hand , while little venus and mercury have the honour to possess in chief , with the grand planets , the thumb and little finger ? but besides these , there are omens also , the weakest of all fore-tellings ; but how often of fatal consequence , not from the prediction i mean , but from the deadning the spirits of them that superstitiously believe them , i need not mention ; indeed they are so uncertain , that their very interpreters are forc'd to fly to the mind of the person omen'd , and what conception he had of the accident , to construe it ; and which is , in short , to make mens thoughts and fancies predictions . william the conqueror was an evident confirmation of this truth ; at his first landing in england , his foot slip'd , and he fell flat on the earth ; and the morning he fought , his esquire put on his back-piece before , by mistake . now these omens daunted some , but the conqueror interpreted them best , who merrily said , the fall shew'd the earth was willing to be acquainted with him ; and the change of his armour shew'd , he was to change his dukedom for a kingdom , as it after hapned . as for prophesies , when they relate to state-affairs , they are dangerous ; and have deservedly drawn down many good laws to suppress them , not that they are so formidable in themselves neither ; but that which gives them credit , is , first , that men mark when they hit , and never when they miss . secondly , the nature of man , which loves to turn all to divination , calls even probable conjectures , and obscure traditions , prophesies ; and thirdly , and lastly , that almost all of them being near infinite in number , have been impostures , and by idle and crafty brains , meerly contriv'd and feign'd , after the event past , with some evil design and influence on the present times . but why do i stay so long upon particulars ? where shall we end the more noxious methods of deluding and superstitious theurgy , devillish geocy and necromancy ? as if the devil could not personate a ghost : so where shall we conclude , with the faeiry sisters , the invisible ring witchcraft and conjuration , the use of christals , pentangles , circles , and an hundred other little devillish machinations , wherein , though the devil does not immediately , as in witchcraft , draw men to express covenant with him , yet as by many sad experiments has appear'd , he gradually sinks them into all manner of wickedness , and in the end drowns them in eternal despair ; and thus he tempted our saviour at first , only to fall down and worship him : he is a subtle enemy , and knows very well how to bait his hook suitable to the persons he intends to catch by it . of meekness . surely meekness needs no praises : meekness is the moral paradise , nay , meekness is the only cement to the faults and errors of humanity ; vvhat can we do without bearing with one another ? meekness was the perfection of christ , and peace is the very attribute of god himself ; and can any thing be wanting then to make them amiable ? alass ! do not we every day , without thinking , commit a thousand little faults against others ? and will we not give the charity we cannot but desire ? and yet after all , the subtilty of the serpent must be mixed with this dove-like innocency ; 't is a strange temptation men have , that see they can wrong us with impunity ; and why should i , by a too great softness , proclaim my self a prey to all ? the world may call such submission , vertue and clemency ; but , alass ! 't is facility and fear that lead to such cowardize , and not meekness . true vertue is a streight line , that neither virges for laziness nor glory . so the imperious commander , the dogmatical opinionatre , and the morose cynick , who desire all to be enrol'd among the virtuous , are men that would seem too perfect to be born with ; but , alass ! who want the meekness and patience of others more , who err more , and yet preserve the peace less ? i have not an interiour peace in a union of thoughts and opinions with my brother ; but must i therefore in self-conceit break the exteriour peace in the devoires of humane civility ? does my brother err ? and why may i not as justly quarrel at the diseases of his body , as the imperfections of his mind ? nay , why am i not as angry at the imperfect variety of the weather ? to reform others perfectly , is as impossible as vain : what have we to do then , but to despise all little capricious humours , and to amend our selves ? do i hazard the peace in rebuking my brother ? and why may not he be as rough to me ? at least , may he not as justly resist so unjust an imposition ? i am obliged to love my brother ; and how may i then make him look coldly on me , through my crossing him ; is this my humility , in doing as i would be done unto ? i. s. has different opinions from me ; and what then , ought i not to have all the consideration that truth or charity will permit me for them : indeed is it fit that i should cavil with him about them ? i have condemned my self in errors often ; but i cannot say so of my brother ; is it not just then , that i rather humbly and submissively prefer his judgment before my own , than be angry at the variance ? of contention . a contentious spirit is both barbarous and bruitish : what is the benefit of humane reason , unless in humanity ? and are not humanity and contention contraries ? contention either infects us to a likeness , or cankers out our spirit with cowardize : what , all the day in battel , and neither fly nor fight ? christ says , to call our brother fool contentiously , is as damnable as murder ; can he that delights in provocations be assur'd what will follow them ? the least evil of contention is , that it abates our virgin respect , and civility for one another ; and is it a slight matter for us to traduce each other to contempt ? my contention is in revenge ; and what then ? is revenge , either a christian or moral apology , or is there not a just and modest vindication of my self without it ? do we think , through contention , to back every wild colt we meet with ? nay , and can we otherwise then expect some time or other to meet with such swine , as will turn again , and rent us ? surely , gentle and soft applications are best for conviction ; and as a contempt passes to our persons through contention , so to our instructions also . does seneca wrangle with a fool ? he degrades his philosophy by the equality of the contention ; but does seneca advise , and is the fool stubborn ? indigna est caesaris ira. of contradiction . does my brother contradict me , he has as much right to it , as i to speak to him ? and why then am i concern'd ? but he does it , you say , unjustly ; and are you as assur'd that you do not as unjustly provoke him to it , by requiring too hard things of him ? i have a right to hold my tongue , and be silent at all times ; but if i speak to my brother , i have not right to make him answer me just as i please . but my brother is cross and perverse you say , and will unjustly contradict me ; and what then ? whose fault is it that he is uneasie to me ? am i mad to dispute him when he is out of humour ? or do i want to see how he can cross me , or i vex my self ? besides , alass ! there is no end of some mens perverseness , and 't is in vain to expect to cure it ; should even god himself write or speak , he would no more want an answerer , than the devil in the like case , an advocate . and yet after all , and for all this , though i can see my brother is in an error , and i am obliged to use agreeable means to set him right , yet can i discern his heart to say , he lies , is false , or that he is perverse ? surely god only , who fearches the heart , can lay such charges to my brother ; and what though in such case i may contradict him , yet , in charity , i wrong him , to say , he is either false , or lies ? i see but the mistake . thus , though i have the strongest natural duty on me to reprove my brother , and nothing but his malice for it can discharge me of it ; yet does that give me either power to judge , or force him in his actions ? the wise and good indeed have a rightful dominion and empire in reigning over mens thoughts , and we are bound in conscience to submit to it ; but surely every confident contradictor has not the same reason for our submission ? lapis errantium ; or the stray-office : for all manner of things lost , found , or mislaid within the weekly bills of mortality of the city of london . it is not my business at present to run out upon the antient use of this office in other kingdoms , which , by its very name , i am perswaded a great many learned men are not unacquainted with ; i shall wholly confine my self therefore to shew , of what a general and great benefit such an office must needs be to this present city ; and , in doing that , i shall fully answer my end in this little treatise . and that i may the better do that , therefore , first , i shall , briefly as i can , give the particular state of such an office. secondly , i shall answer all manner of objections against it : and thirdly and lastly , i shall shew the wonderful conveniences of it ; and in all these i shall be the shorter , because the very hinting at the great uses and conveniences of it , will be sufficient to excuse all need of other apologies for it . the state of the office i shall represent briefly thus ; first , in a set-table of rates and fees , to be paid and allow'd to the finder and office ; and , secondly , in some few reflections on them .   l. s. d.   l. s. d.   l. s. d. if the thing found be valued at then the finder to have of it for his honesty and care in bringing it , and the office to have for their keeping it . my reflections upon this table , are these , first , that all things found shall be valued , at a rate , by appraisement , and that if any difficulty arise between the finder and loser , so it shall be decided , each of them choosing an appraisor , and if they shall not agree , nor find an umpire in two days , that then the office shall do it for them ; and that shall be decisive . secondly , if either finder or looser , or the lord on escheate , in two days notice refuse to appoint their appraisors ; that then the office upon both or either of their defaults , shall be able to get appraisors to set a value , and to give the finder his due thereon , and to keep the goods , or sell them , if perishable , and keep the mony till the looser , or the lord of the royalty shall allow him both his , and the finders fees. thirdly , that all things enclos'd , as writings in a box , mony in a bag , or cloaths in a trunk , shall not be open'd till the looser come , or the lord of the royalty claim them ; but that then the finder may have them to be open'd , to be apprais'd , or otherwise as he shall desire it , before they be deliver'd out of the office. fourthly , that all things of real value , the office shall be ready on bringing in to receive , and to give the finder his due immediately ; but for dogs pocket-books , and keys , it shall reserve them to give an account of them , or else make an entry where they are to be found , as the case shall reasonably require . fifthly , if goods , perishable are found , that then the finder and office shall have power in convenient time , to sell them by appraisors , and so to be answerable for the mony only . sixthly , that if any thing above s. value be found , that it remain in the office at least a week , that the right owner be not cheated by a collusion of the finder ; so if goods , or money , above l. value be found , that they remain in the office a months , before they be delivered , except the pretended loser give in security for their forth-coming ; but after a month , that they be delivered him only on a note of the losers place of abode and quality , to inform after claimers . seventhly , that all pocket-books , or dogs that are found , shall be valued as at s. and keys of all sorts , as at d. to avoid all disputes ; and that bills of exchange , by which the mony might be receiv'd , shall be valued as mony. eighthly , that all things under s. value shall be forfeited to the lords of the royalty , if not called for in six weeks ; and all things under l. value , if not called for in a quarter of a year : as for all things , of a greater value , to remain a year and a day , as the law directs before , the lord to have them . lastly , let no man think that to allow to the finder and office , in this case , l. s. in the hundred , is too much ; for , as when he is in hazard of all , it 's well if so little will procure it ; so indeed , less will not be sufficient , either to incourage the finder , to bring in what he has discover'd , or to answer the trust and hazard of the office in keeping and registring it . the objections that seem likely to be made in this case , are these ; first , that such an office will destroy royalties . as to that i answer ; 't will rather vastly promote them : for , as now , all findings are conceal'd ; so , by this means , they being discover'd , they will be assur'd of them : indeed in this case they will be forc'd to make some allowance to the office and finder for their care ; but that surely will be reasonable , when 't is no more than is required of the loser . secondly , that the gazette will be wrong'd in their publications . but as to that i answer ; it must needs be very inconsiderable ; for publications there are generally of dogs stolen of value , and of horses , and of other things lost in the country ; and , as to those , you see , this office gives no diversion . thirdly , that this may be apt to encourage thieves ; but , as to that , i say , on the contrary , that it cannot but be the greatest disincouragement to them imaginable ; for when they who have lost , or been rob'd of their goods , shall repair to this office , and make their entry of them there , not only the office will be ready to seize them , but every one that happens on such suspicious goods , will know speedily where to repair to know whose they are , and whereupon a discovery must necessarily follow . fourthly , that we shall want power to make the losers , and lords of royalties allow the fees of finding , and the fees of the office ; but , as to that i propose , we may be effectually help'd by an act of parliament ; if not , by the king's patent . fifthly , but you will say , what security shall the loser and finder have , not to be wrong'd by the office ? i say , they shall have a publick security given in by him that keeps the office , to see that what ever is left there shall be forth-coming , and the office-books lying always publick , they shall make their entries , if they please themselves ; and if goods of value be found , the office shall be responsible to the finder , that it give him notice to have a just appraise●…nt , if he desires it , before the goods are deliver'd to the loser ; and in the same manner shall the lord 's right be secured also . sixthly , but you will continue to object , that finders will still conceal their goods and mony notwithstanding : i say , to prevent that , a clause in such an act of parliament , that if the finder bring not in the goods or mony within a week after they are found , he shall not only lose the profit of such his finding to the informer , but be liable to an action of trover , with treble damages on conviction ; i say , such a clause would make it almost impossible that any thing should be conceal'd from the office. the benefits of such an office , would be such as these . first , you see this office will be as a general place of notice for seizing all manner of suspicious goods . secondly , this office will as well encourage , as threaten a return of found goods ; for when men see they may have honestly a good reward , they will scarce , by being dishonest , hazard the losing all , and paying for it too , by an informer , which , in the present case , they will be in great danger of , especially when we consider , that finders have generally too much joy to be silent . thirdly , an informer , in this case , would be so far from a contemptible and servile office , that it would not be too mean , even for a gentleman to undertake ; and , though he might give his reward to whom he would , yet , in honour , he might assist any one , when so basely and meanly injur'd . fourthly , as nothing is so inconsiderable , that some people have not a fancy for ; so nothing scarce can be of so little a value , that this office would not draw to it , a little , sure , and honest profit would tempt thither , even things of six pence worth ; and he , that in such case , will not care to carry the thing to the office himself , will not want some one or other , that he might oblige by it . so that the benefit of such an office must needs be , i may almost say , past expression ; in short , 't will make this great city and suburbs to have the correspondence almost of a family ; and it should be no small recommendation of this office , to a considering man , that it has been in another nation before , and therefore consequently to be presum'd to be of success , as well as of most considerable publick benefit to this . in short , if use and innocency can recommend any thing , this office has all the advantages possible ; and i shall say no more of it , because no man can look into his own thoughts , and not be convinc'd of it , and that even in many things not here mentioned . the project ; or , the method of putting this office in practice . first , that for the ease of finders , there be four or five places appointed for the receipt of found goods ; as at , . charing-cross . . temple-barr . . leadenhallstreet . . southwark . and secondly , that for the ease of the loser , these be only places of receipt ; and that one chief office being appointed , as at temple-barr , that all found goods and mony be fetch'd daily from those places of receipt , about the hours of and each day ; so that goods left in the morning shall be ready for the owner , for a certainty in the afternoon ; and those left in the afternoon , the next morning at the one principal and only office of delivery . thirdly , this method to continue all the week , and all the year round , sunday excepted . fourthly , that several books for entring such goods and mony be kept as well at the several places of receipt , as the principal office , and that they be in four columns , and under four heads in manner and form following . things lost . place where . finder . loser . fifthly , that when such goods are fetch'd from the said several places of receipts , that then a duplicate be brought with them of all their several entries , to be recorded in the general-office ; of all , which duplicates , the general-office may once a week , take an account , by comparing them with the several books of receipts . sixthly , all the office-books to be mark'd ; and lye publickly ; so that if the finder see but the things entred , 't is impossible but that they must come to the losers knowledge ; and 't is as impossible that any lords of royalties should be able to lose their rights . seventhly , the goods being thus remov'd to the general-office , the finder may receive notice when to meet at an appraisement , if he has not receiv'd his due before ; and the loser may know what his demands are ; so that , if he agree to them , there will be no more , but that the office receive the mony. but as for the entry of suspicious goods to be seiz'd , that as it ought to be in a distinct book , so for the readier recourse , it should be only done at the principal office at temple-barr ; so the like for a caution entred for goods lost , that the owner may have notice sent him if they come to this office ; and for this the office is to be particularly paid , according to the length of their entry ; but where the goods are found , no other fees are to be paid for the entry , than in the table before . of cvnning . the cunning man and the wise man differ not only in point of honesty , but ability . he that can pack the cards does not always play well . cunning men , like juglers , are only vers'd in two or three little tricks , while wisdom excels in the whole ring or circle of action . but is wisdom to be despis'd , because others sculk through their cunning ? shall a general abandon all discipline , because his parthian foe fights flying ? no ; rather discovering his petty shifts , let him destroy him in his wiles . surely , cunning men are too weak for council ; for practice , and understanding men , indeed , they may do well enough ; but he abuses himself that turns them out of their channel , and trusts them . were men always skilful , they would never use craft or treachery : alass ! that men are cunning , is from their little minds , which , if it can conceal its self in one place , quickly discovers its self in another . hence the cunning man is as ridiculous as odious ; while the greatest art of such subtile men is , to conceal their skill ; the wiser sort of them know therefore their interest , and are subtile only on some great occasion , and for some great advantage . besides , he that is out of the plain way to deceive others , has not so ready a prospect of the cheats design'd against him ; so that not only a man is soonest deceiv'd , when his conceit of cunning beats him from his guard ; but cunning men are afraid of us , when they see an exact simplicity . and thus 't is the perfection of wisdom , to seem to fall into snares laid for us , for fear of worse , and yet to avoid them ; but , by subtilty , 't is as easie to deceive ones self , and not perceive it , as 't is difficult unperceiv'd to deceive others . usual tricks of cunning , are , to surprize , and fascinate with the eye , to propose in business , when our friend is in hast , to surprize with bold questions , and to foyl , by ungrateful and unseasonable desires , the thing we would not have done . of wisdom . man is not more above a brute , than the one above the other , through the advantage of wisdom . plus posse , surely is also nobilius esse . wisdom as from a tower , gives us the true prospect of things . where the higher we climb , the clearer we see , and the fairer is our view . and yet wisdom consists not in trifling curiosities and nice speculations . wisdom not only solidly pourtraictures vertue , but gives it practick life also . the fool hates wisdom as exceeding his reach ; the sluggard envys , instead of attaining it , while the wicked man abhors it , as the touch-stone to his actions . but surely he that hates wisdom : hates his own soul with it . wisdom is as our guard assign'd us by god. wisdom clears our mind of undigested thoughts and resolutions , while she looks down with contempt and unconcernedness on the little tumults of fancy and passion below . reason hastned in the digestion by fancy and passion , the giddy apes of judgment and courage , like fruit gather'd unripe , sets the teeth on edge , whilst wisdom leads us without repentance . our saviour tells us , qui sequitur me , non ambulat in tenebris : and surely , not without the justest cause ; if the fear of the lord cannot be the beginning of wisdom , what else can move us to act or judge impartially ? surely , 't was by wisdom , that holy men approach'd to god , and became prophets , wisd . sol. cap. . can we think , we shall not answer to god for it then , if we omit to improve our reasoning ? was it nothing , that moses was skill'd in all the learning of the aegyptians ? surely , god had neither gather'd his prophets into a colledge at bethel , nor made the learn'd st. paul , the chiefest of the apostles , if he had not regarded even our industrious self-improvements ? but alass ! what are all our improvements without the grace of god , and sincerity ? solomon tells us , wisdom will not enter into a malitious soul , wisd . . the perverse , be he never so ingenuous , yet by degrees will he vitiate his principles by his practice ; the corrupt man may shift and be a good sophister , but never reason well ; to be wise and good , are reciprocal . the seeming wise . reason has not more admirers than there are hipocrites ; who admiring only the profits of wisdom , approve just so much of her , as can be agreeable and serviceable to their ends . some indeed see but the appearance of things , their thoughts and resolutions , perpetually tripping up one another ; and they deserve our pity . but how many set up the hypocrisy of a formal gravity , above all the reasoning of man ? how many through a wild banter and paradox , content themselves in meer endless and giddy extravagances ? a decaying merchant has not more tricks for his credit , than such persons for their sufficiencies . sometimes they are so close and so reserv'd , that they will not shew you their wares , but by a dark light , hinting as if somewhat more weighty were conceal'd ; and they 'd at least have you think , that they understand more . so sometimes they are shrew'd by countenance , and wise by signs ; while they bear it out by speaking a great word , and being peremptory . is any thing beyond their reach ? 't is easily exploded as curious or impertinent ; and then even their ignorance seems judgment . but alass ! can such shuffling appear otherwise than ridiculous to any man of sense ? some are never without a difference , and so amusing men , by a subtilty blanch the matter ; so they find it easy in deliberations to affect the negative side : when propositions are denyed , there is an end of them . but certainly , this affecting of objecting and foretelling difficulties wholly , is the very bane of wisdom . there is an harder work indeed in perfecting our contrivance ; but surely for that reason alone , a man somewhat absur'd , is better either for business or counsel , than one either over-formal or exceptious . of logick . if any thing can excuse the superfineness of our present logick and argumentations , it must be the depth of their wisdom , and the state of the universities in using them ; and yet even then in my sense , they were better laid aside , or at least more regulated , and more pains spent in the exact definitions of words , and setling ultimate principles and maxims , than the meer forms of reasoning . in truth , the schools have render'd the niceties about syllogisms almost infinite : so that when we have lookt for the purity and simplicity of truth through their disputes , we have found our selves maz'd by our own forms , and rules in our search , and instead of being help'd out in our difficulties by them , we have discover'd our selves sunk deeper by the weight of our guides : and when we should consider about the substance of our argument , we are taken up with thinking whether we may say properly , negatur minor , or no. i shall not therefore descend into the little niceties of logical propositions , their categoricks , hypotheticks , disjunctives , universals , indefinites , &c. nor into their formalities of their several argumentations , their enthimems , inductions , exemplum's , sorites , dilemma's , and syllogisms . let them that have a mind to catch butter-flies pursue them if they please , for my part i will not . so , what shall i say of our ordinary logical fallacies , as quod emisti edisti , carnes crudas emisti , ergo , &c. so duo & tres sunt par & imp●r , quinque sunt duo & tres , ergo , &c. would not a man of any judgment be asham'd to think , that one should be put to a formal distinction in terms to answer such trifles , to be forc'd to have set topicks to discover the mystery of nonsense : in truth , were most of their arguments but reduc'd to writing , nothing would be more ridiculous ▪ they are nothing but a few empty catches in meer words at best . and the excellency of a sophister , as i find , is not to fly to principles of truth , but quirks . in short , therefore in my judgment , and i think i iudge right , this sophistry is so far from an improvement of the understanding , that 't is as a crop of thorns and weeds in our ingeny ; and tho the forms of argumentations , and their several rules , as barbara celarent , &c. may have a great deal of art in their regulation and composure ; yet , no one , at best , can deny , but that they are rather curious than useful ; that a disputation may be very well brought to a just crisis without such formality ; and consequently , that the great study and labour about it , might be better spar'd about something more material . its parts . but to descend more particularly into its parts ; and so , first , as to its predicables , predicaments , and ante-predicaments : would not a man think , that those termini comprehended some divine matter ? surely one would : but , when it comes to the test , 't is all trifles . thus what a ridiculous and obvious distinction is vnum vagum ut aliquis lapis , unum determinatum ut johannes , unum demonstrativum ut hic arbor , & unum hypotheticum ut hic filius senior : is this quibling , in trifling distinctions , worthy of a philosopher ? if it is , let my ●riend peruse dr. wilkins's vniversal character , and he shall have enough of them , though by that ingenious author design'd for a far better purpose . so for your proprium's quarto modo ; as , . proprium soli non omni ut hominem esse doctum . . omni non soli ut hominem esse bipedem ( plato's goose . ) . omni & soli sed non semper ut ridere . . omni soli & semper ut risihilitas in homine : is not this pretty stuff , that a man must be bound to tell another he talks nonsence , by the rule of proprium to . modo ? what is this but pedantry ? indeed but a kind of brutality , and unworthy of the liberal and generous search of a rational soul. indeed , the rule of genus , species , and difference , might be of excellent use , were it in proper place , as in a treatise of method , or analysis , but disguis'd in such cant , with a summum subalternum simpliciter ; or , secundum quid ; in truth quite defaces it , and makes it to become all of a piece with the rest . so further , what shall we say to the ante-predicaments , the equivocum , vnivocum , analogum , and denominativum ? and why may not we as well bring in the metaphoricum , ironicum , and an more ? and so for your voces abstractae , concretae , simplices , complexae : why may not you as well add , finitae , relativae , and infinite others ? in short , is not this meer trumpery , and fitter for a dictionary , or a castaneus's distinctions at best ; but surely , not worthy of a philosopher , to strut up a science withall . indeed it makes logick appear like a gouty leg , in respect of the body of wisdom . so the predicaments in new philosophy , are : mens , mensura , quies , motus , positura , figura , sunt cum materia ; cunctarum exordia rerum . and why may not these do as well as aristotles . substantia , quantitas , qualitas , relatio , actio , passio , vbi , quando , situs , habitus : ludovicus vives is of opinion , that you may add many more ; and for my part i think 't were no hurt there were none at all ; indeed if they are of any use , 't is to help invention : and as for invention it ought to be treated of distinctly , at least it belongs more to rhetorick than logick . so also , what predicamental distinctions we have got , as quantitas entitativa , & quantitativa ? so that there are five intellectual habits under quality , viz. intelligentia , sapientia , scientia , prudentia , & ars ; whereas they may as rationally make fifty , and by the same reason distinguish every several object of wisdom into a several intellectual habit. and to shut up all i have to reflect of this nature , i shall add , what has logick to do with definitions ? she is only to teach men to reason : let the vocabulary help them to terms , particular sciences to principles , and definitions ; her business is only to cast up the account . so what hath she to do with divisions into universals , essentials , integrals , subjects , accidents , &c. let her leave all to their proper places , to analitica and method , and the principles of the subjects she disputes of . of arguments . but as we would thus take away our too formal university disputes , as the mothers of quibling and wrangling ; so on the other side , one would leave so much to art as might be able to lead a dispute to a crisis . thus we ought to let our descriptions , definitions , genus and differences , be laid down as postulata or principles ; and if they be denied , prove them from the fountain topicks of sciences . so we ought to skill , how to run an argument to a contradiction or absurdity ; not i mean a nice and logical contradiction and contrariety , than which nothing is more pedantick ; but to a real and obvious contrariety and inconsistency , and under which every one ought to submit , and not to dispute on , as if he aim'd at victory , and wrangle , rather than to search for truth ; and therefore , in sincerity , we ought to desist , as if we had no further reason for what we first affirm'd : where we are sensible , we are not able to make any thing further appear . but as for your common logical contradictions , as i have said nothing , is more impertinent : thus , that two negatives make an affirmative , can only be from custom . indeed , did men follow the true concatenation of thought , and were they not more artful than wise ; two negatives were nonsense . so what need have we of the puzle of contrary , subcontrary , subaltern , and contradictory ; is it not to maze us ? so when two dispute , is it not much easier to bring all to the test of a plain contradiction to find truth , than to stand quibling , quidam homo est doctus , quidam homo non est doctus ? indeed , as cornelius agrippa well reflects , logical terms and niceties are like the trojan horse , which tho not powerful enough to enter by force of reasoning , yet when once admitted , and taken for granted , will at least baffle and destroy your cause , by their starch'd and empty formality . and yet this we must needs grant of arguments in general , that they are as much better for the growth of wisdom , then lectures as many heads are than one . as the understanding is more lively when whetted and sharpned by contention , than when flat in its self ; but yet your single discourses are better than disputes , when debauch'd to a perverse wrangling : and hence , how often have our wisest men reflected on the formality of syllogysms ? in the infancy of philosophy indeed , such a shew of wisdom were tolerable ; but such pedantry at these days , that the two or three first years of a university students time , should be spent on such trash , as i remember too well , is intollerable . in short , therefore as nothing but perverseness and malice can come from contention and wrangling ; so if you dispute , let nothing provoke or confound you . is your adversary hot ? be calm and slow ; measure your words as it were by the pendulum of a clock . is he interrupting and violent ? let him alone ; 't is easie after an hours discourse by three or four words quite to confound him , if he is in an error ; and remember there is a way to answer short and smart . but as in set-disputes , for the better progress , we ought to limit each ones share to a proposition or two at a time . thus suppose it were only by enthymems , that we entertain'd our disputes ; so we ought never to admit of metaphors or similes in a rigid argument ; to let a man dispute us so , is to let him fight in a cloud , when he ought to appear on equal terms , and naked ; and so to grant the least point in dispute wrongfully , is a confusing folly ; and so not to be able to reduce your argument to particulars ; what is it , but to make it recoyle in its self ? are you in a dispute therefore , and do you find your adversary perversly through a spirit of wrangling , to withstand you in clear and evident principles of truth ? never suffer him to move you to further argument after that . if you have no moderator , cease for good and all , standing firmly and eternally on the first error . he that admits the least corner of a false foundation , forgets that his whole building will surely fall by means of it ; and besides , that sophistry in its self , is divelish ; and when it has other ends than a fair and candid search for truth , is to be hated and avoided by all . further in arguments : without you are sure to speak alone , and not to be interrupted , as in the pulpit , never multiply reasons ; for since one or two is enough for conviction , and sufficient most times for an honest mind ; to alledge more , what is it but to leave room for perverseness , and to give the better opportunity for wrangling ? but above all , in disputes you must remember to proceed from words to sense ; for 't is in vain to argue , when you do not understand one anothers terms : nor is it less necessary in your method to proceed first to some fundamental principles , such as self-preservation , demonstration , &c. to think of arguing otherwise , is weak and foolish ; and tho one would explode and banish the formality of syllogisms , yet if one takes away the method of reasoning of clearing first terms , and granting first principles , one had better never speak than argue ; for it must be endless . i proceed to the last part of logick or method . of method . several subjects and several genius's delight in several methods ; in which case , what is clearest and easiest to all , is undoubtedly the best . 't is a fault in method to give more labour than benefit . method is for matter , and not matter for method . i must confess , as to general learning , i wholly esteem essays , first , as by their short and pithy fulness , they are more apt and assistant to a complete judgment : and , secondly , as by their looseness , they are most ready for corrections and additions . to write too largely of a subject , scatters and distracts the sight , and to write too little of it , leaves determination to a lottery : the best method therefore is to be short and full , to give most large and ample general directions , and to leave the judgment to manage lesser corollaries , particulars , and consequences ; and as for the advantage of such good methods , 't is scarce expressible ; you will not think how gently , and with what ease , even the difficultest parts of wisdom well rang'd , will lye in our minds by it . and in this one may justly say of knowledge , the diamond or jewel is not immediately ready so soon as it is got ; it wants polishing and trimming , yea , and beautifying , and setting at last also : and even so in wisdom , the labour is not inconsiderable , even after it is gotten and obtain'd , by exact method and order , to address it , and set it out to the best advantage . in truth , method is not much less considerable than matter its self ; 't is obvious every day to observe how much deliberate and orderly proceeding , confounds even truth when irregular . indeed , method is a sort of truth , and confusion a lie , and as generally men judge of the cause by the proceedings , by a kind of precipitancy and haste in judgment ; so those truths had need be very bright , that can shine and command attention , under the vail and disguise of disorder . as for the form of method in general , 't is best to pursue the order of fact , and to connect all the parts of the discourse duly ; thus to acquaint men first with the informing , or explaining part , that they may know the better how , and to what to bind their attention , and then to proceed to the several parts of discourse , as they best agree together ; and there to take care that nothing be either wanting or abound , but to make every part of the discourse agreeable and suitable to the main end. of genesis and analysis . but that you may the better skill how to form a subject into exact method , i shall here present you with the pattern of an exact genesis and analysis ; in which case , the right forming of a subject in discourse , is call'd , the genesis ; and the anatomy or dissolution of it to its prime heads the analysis ; the head dividing we call the genus ; the heads divided till they come to particulars species ; but when particulars , as peter , paul , john , &c. individuals . notions . abstracted . ideas pure relative . words , discourses . real . vniversals of god , creature , body , spirit . world . particular substance , animate , — rational . peter , iames , iohn . sensitive , exanguious . insects . sanguineous . beast , bird , fish . vegetative . imperfect , as stone , mettal perfect . herb , shrub , tree . accident . quantity magnitude , space , measure . quality , and so either habit , manner , natural power , sensible quality , sickness . action mixed , simple . corporeal , spiritual . relation , private , or oeconomical i● possession , provision . publick ecclesiastick , civil judicial , military , naval . as an ingenious author well observes , algebra is the pinacle of argumentation , and analitica is the gage of mens parts ; and , in which case , though several discourses may be equally adorn'd in being florid ; yet 't is only by the analysis , or anatome , that you are able to discern the wisdom , and the solid matter , and composure of a treatise . nota , if you would see the exact distribution of such an analysis , through all subjects , you must peruse dr. wilkins's vniversal character , and alsted's encyclopaidion , where you have an unspeakable variety in it . of anger . there is an anger from pride , and an anger from complexion more excusable , but surely neither tolerable when raised to a passion . the picture of a full passion'd anger is a tiger bath'd in blood , assailing , fierce , cruel and inexorable : and can any provocation then justifie a vice so inhumane , and barbarous ? as seneca says , anger appears like ruine , which breaks its self upon all it falls . while the man in anger is out of possession of his own mind , he 's like the vext bee , that stings all , nay equally the next unconcerned person , as his enemy : annimamque in vulnere ponit . but above all , malice and a setled hatred are most pernicious . if anger is able to endanger our quiet and safety ; what must malice do ? surely a setled anger , or malice , must needs tear up the very roots of humane society . besides , anger leaves neither room nor mercy for failty or mistake . be there but a possibility that the adversary is in the right , yet is the angry man in a temper to consider and do him justice . the scripture says , be angry and sin not . learn to turn the course of your anger therefore , and instead of shewing a bitterness , and an irrevocable resentment of indignation , learn the courage to change it to pity . above all , beware of revealing secret , and of bitter words , whether rayling or satyr in your anger ; for why should you be perfidious in the one case , and add needless fuel to an unreasonable fire in the other ? alass ! man is such a touchy thing , and yet so unconstant , that almost all his passions depend upon his opportunity and temper . to day he bears abuse , without measure ; and , to morrow , every circumstance of contempt and reputation whets the edge of his resentment . undoubtedly therefore , anger is the child of weakness and baseness . is it agreeable to a well-ballanc'd temper and courage , and a due resolution , to make even desperate efforts of resentment for trifles ? women , children , sick men , and old folks , we may justly allow them to be angry , as fit subjects for the weakness of passion ; but men should be above it , and learn to make others tremble , while themselves stand unmov'd : the superlative courage answers to aquila non capit muscas . to be short ; are you provoked ? therefore repeat the alphabet ; nay , rather bite off your tongue , then let him make it a billinsgate-scuffle for you ; not only for the ungenerousness of it , i mean ; but when you begin with evil words , do you know what actions they may lead you to ? of mvrder . he that intends to avoid murder , must shun violent anger also , or else he may set his guard too late . can you reasonably expect to stop the stream , that you are not able to keep within its banks ? the scripture says , he that hates his brother is a murderer . and you see , not without a cause ; if we once let vice get the reins in managing our actions , need we wonder that we are to answer for all the consequences thereof ? the laws of god and man allow us even to kill another in our own defence ; nay , whether chastity , or a limb be only threatned ; yet even then we are excusable : but shall i destroy my brother for a blow , or an affront only ? what though mine enemy is desperate in his malice , yet shall i meanly distrust the providence of god in my protection , so as to kill him for it therefore ? but above all , the self-murderer is the most stupidly presumptuous . what , shall i fly in the face of my maker , because of his trials of patience , and other virtues , nay , and for which he has promis'd to reward me in another world ? what , now that i am as gold in the furnace to be tried , will i rather rebel against his will ? nay , and if i do , what can i think my god to be , either rational or just , and not expect but that as he at first gave me a talent of life , so he will resuscitate it again to an unhappy immortality for my contempt of him ? the world , i know , has sainted some self-murderers , as for chastity , and otherwise : but can the world excuse such shuffles to the masculine trials of god's afflictions ? are we to live and die to god , or to fantome honour , and humour ? to be short ; 't is easie and light to die : the women in some countries burn in complement , with their deceas'd husbands ; and what then , shall we be less grateful to the lord of life , who pretend to be of the nobler sex ? of revenge . revenge is to be rooted out as wild justice . a first wrong does but offend the law , but revenge puts the law out of office : surely when government is once established , revenge belongs to none but the law and god. and yet the vice of revenge shall not keep me from a lawful resentment ; nay , i am as strongly bound to self-preservation , as against revenge ; and even st. paul would not refrain appealing to caesar to redress his injuries . so the same christ that bid us turn the one cheek when the other was smitten , yet could himself whip out those that defiled the temple : and even so i , while i bear anothers injuries , through mistake or frailty , surely i may well choose to refuse to let him slave me by it . 't is true , providence can reign in even the furiousest tyrants , to protect us , but shall that enthusiastically make me surrender my self a prey to corrupt men ? but has my brother , as i have said , injur'd me through inadvertency , or repents ? 't is noble to forgive him ; revenge would equal us , but pardon makes me superior ; and besides , is it prudent to rub a sore to keep it from healing ? so , does your enemy vow to be reveng'd on you ? answer him , i vow i will perswade you to be better minded if i can . whatever others are , can that excuse you of your invincible christian charity ? to conclude , i will dread revenge where i have injur'd my brother ; but when i have offer'd him reparation , i 'll force my self through a christian magnanimity to satisfaction and content , and only be sorry my brother has so much malice as to be my enemy . of reformation . art thou sorry , my friend , that christians have such variances and different ideas ? thou art sorry then because they are not angels : for , as we are men , we cannot but err ; and if we err , 't is impossible but that we must differ . what remains then to reconcile us , or preserve peace , but charity ? divine charity ! let us follow that therefore , and not seem to quarrel with god , because he has not made us otherwise . in truth , were the apostles themselves ever free from little animosities , acts . , . think of this therefore , my friend , and pity mankind in their weakness ; do not enter into contention , but bear with a mercy like god's ; nor despair , but do all that thou canst to reform them ; nor be angry if they are not exact , for 't is more than human to be so : nay , if thy designs miscarry , be not discourag'd , for thou must do thy best always , and yet expect still that god work his own way . remember what luther said to melancton , when he was too anxious about the success of the late great reformation , desinat melancton esse rector mundi : why should melancton take upon him the cares proper to god ? for though man may reason even divinely , yet 't is only god that can give conviction , and dissolve the stubborn heart . besides , as a rational man , i may modestly give my advice to reform the world , as 't is every man's duty , where he lawfully may and can : but i am presumptuous against all the laws of nature , if i seek to impose it on others . is the vvorld corrupt ? why , and even my very knowledge of its corruption is uncertain : and how dare i then presume too freely to be its reformer ? i may do well to pray to god to inspire apt persons in a lawful way therefore , or else i sin ; that with my known weak performances i encrease the confusion . you think what you would enforce thus , may be of use and benefit ; and it may be so ; but will you on the hazard of that presume on all the consequences of your proceedings , and how far you may stir up others to disturb the peace by it ? nay , speak from your conscience , do not you often vary even in your own thoughts , and with your self ? and can you expect then to set up a better sect than some already are ? or if you can , can you assure your self the benefit will exceed the blood and divisions that may be occasion'd by it ? alass ! our best and only method to reconcile these our differences in religion , is , by setting up , or imposing nothing on no hand , but reassuming the antient and apostolick liberty ; more especially a compliance is fairly and humbly to be desired , where most likely , and where there is most judgment ; and therefore i may add , that if the magistracy to whom we ought to address in this case , and who ought to be the strong trespass on their weaker brethren , by imposing on them , though never so innocently , the people will hardly ever be induc'd to a submission to it , though never so reasonable , be it almost only for the very imposition sake . but for private reformers , and quacks in religion , who shall set any bounds to their giddy methods ? in truth , one may say of all such men , that they have rather essay'd than proceeded in any thing like a reformation , while the imperfect embrio has turn'd to a monster in the womb : alass ! the best of them have not said sufficient fundamental precepts to support or continue it by ; and , in truth , when i consider this , i wonder not that their flocks go astray , when even as the poet sings , their guides themselves know not the way . besides , i have a fair system , says one , and a second sets up another , and so infinitely , &c. and pray what must the state do in this matter ? she is in equal peril if she disregard either , and all have an equal right to her hearing : nay , one tells her , she is jure divino ; a second , that she has the spirit ; a third , the dominion is founded in grace ; and a fourth , translates the supremacy : in short , all would fain make the state a property , and rescue the sword out of her hand . if she accept one , she 's damn'd by the rest ; and if she accepts none , like young vipers , rather than fail of their birth , they 'll eat through their mothers womb : and what then , ought she not to crush such cockatrices eggs in the embrio , and confound their sanctified treasons for god's sake ? and so , if she suffer them to clamour each other , she 's in danger even by that also . so that till you can convince us mankind will never disagree in reasoning these methods and principles of reformation so apparently against the peace of states ; must needs be seditious and unlawful , and after that i need not add irreligious . you say , alass ! what you do or propose has none of these evils in it ; you do not think to give any general disturbance , or to offend the state : but why do you write then what she will not bear , and publish doctrines without her licence ? either you write to be regarded , or not ; you are not so ridiculous i am perswaded , as to say the latter ; if not , can you assure your self to rule all your followers , to say , thus far you shall go , and no further ? or , if you are so ridiculous to think so , is the state bound to believe you , and sit still while you sowe your seeds of discord in her bowels ? no , from a small spark may rise a mighty flame : and they who will not destroy the lions whelp , may strive in vain when the lion's grown . besides , we forget our saviour's advice , that we ought first to cast ought the beam out of our own eye , before we can expect to see how to cast out the mote out of our brother 's : and hence , methinks , considering the corruption of the world , 't were hard to expect a reformation perfect , semel & simul , especially without the immediate power of god ; and yet , methinks , we might all have had the wit in common , not to be offended at trifles , and to have joyn'd against the roman wolf : but alass ! our new reformers are reform'd into as great errors of their own , and our corruptions will not let us unite . but you will object then , what , is it never lawful to reform publickly , but when the state will give you leave ? no , surely : and , in truth , can you justly desire it ? can you value your little private opinions before the publick good ? you see plainly , that if this liberty of zeal be allow'd , it must destroy the state : the case then is , which must stand , religion or government ? i mean your little model of religion , or the state ? surely , as populous as the world now is , we had better have none of your religion , than no government : and therefore if we consult the good of god's creation , we ought rather to omit our little speculations , than disturb the state with them . besides , if every prejudic'd reasoner were allow'd of himself to disturb the state , and to set up a new religion , would it not rather distract than help the vvorld ? but , no , you say , you are sure you are in the right : no , you are proud : vvhat ! did you never err ? and if you did , vvhat assurance have you that you do not now ? nay more ; were you sure you had even the standard of truth ; yet ought you not to take this liberty ? not , i mean , that any man can reach that perfection ; but to anticipate all proud thoughts , i say , we ought to forbear such a liberty : for what , might not many men think they might justly leave your standard truth , and yet follow your presumption . nay , and if i undertake to reform men , and know i can do it but imperfectly , what do i do by it , but give offence ? christ refrain'd doctrines , because men could not bear them , though he knew how to instruct them : and what shall we essay then to teach , what not only men cannot bear , but what we know not how to instruct ? i would reform the world therefore , but i would not put it into a greater confusion : i would put my neighbours house in order ; but , i would not fire it about his ears . and what do i do otherwise , if i so much as countenance every little reasoning to be able saucily to disturb the state ? farewell government ! farewell every thing ! if this may be allow'd , who shall stint how high such liberty may arise , and what effects it may produce ? nay , may be at last , even to resist the government its self , on pretence of unlawful process against such reasoning , and consequently to anarchy ? nor is it enough in such case to say , that the state is bound to see , that they prohibit nothing but what is unlawful ; for as good and evil in this case is doubtful , so the state ought therein to have an entire power or liberty given them , or else you had as good take all power from them whatever ; when alass ! in truth , as i have said , 't were better there were no printing than no government ; and no humane teaching , or religious instruction , than no laws . government is the great and only humane foundation of religion : to destroy government therefore , or to disturb it , without a particular revelation to advance religion , what is it but to tear up the foundation for materials to raise the building ? nor is it enough in such case , to say , that you have a charity for mens souls , and that such opinions are damnable . for pray , how come you to judge so of opinions ? or what , have you got a particular warrant to shew us , that god has flung all the care of the world on your shoulders ? if christ's , or any others revelation , have threatned the wilfully ignorant or perverse , yet where is your warrant either to limit exactly their damnatory sentences , or to raise new ones of your own ? if you modestly and peaceably offer your sense in such case , you oblige mankind in reforming them , and they are engag'd to you for your charity . but if you endeavour either by might or calumny to force them , may they not most justly ask ? and why have we not the same right of force on you also ? but you say , your zeal to god moves you ; does it so ? and how are you sure that it does not move others as well as you ? besides , that 's strange too ; can the god of the world be better pleas'd that you destroy his creation , than that you omit every little speculation that you think will tend to his honour ? and what do you do otherwise , when that you but endeavour so dangerous a work , as thus violently to innovate either in state or religion , against the leave of the government ? you say , god has wrought deliverances by such reformers ; sometimes 't is true , and so he has by tyrants and usurpers also : but must that justify their methods ? or what think you , that god cannot stir up reformers where he sees good , without our presumption ? men should therefore think it enough , that they are so happy as to have freedom in themselves , and thank god that they have the truth ; and if they have a charity for the world , they should shew it regularly , and in prayers , that god might send as lawful & real reformers ; and not thus pragmatically confound us by such unaccountable presumptions of their own . and besides , scarce one in the hundred of such reformers , but what have miscarried ; and if ever any have got success in remedying evils , they have too often promoted new ones , and as bad of their own , if not degenerated again to the first state ; so that at best , generally they have done more hurt than the good propos'd . and , thus we see how many have reform'd of their own heads , and we see the effects of such reformations , instead of reducing the church to a primitive purity ; by them they have but rent her into uncharitable and senseless divisions , worse i may almost add , than even popery her self . in short , can i expect to prevent all corruptions in my self ? or if i am so proud as to think , i can , am i able to do it in my followers ? if i cannot , therefore before i hazard the mischief of a change , let me consider to what degree of good i can expect to reform ? nay more , may not god be willing , that this generation should have just such a dispensation of knowledge ? and what , shall i cross providence then , or destroy my self to reform mankind , whether they will or no ? god allows you to reprove personal vices where ever you see them provided , but consistent with your safety ; and so national ones also , where you are not in danger . but when a man or nation becomes so unhappy as to turn again , and rent you for your kindness , methinks you might rejoyce that you are quit of your office , in leaving them to reform themselves . and thus also , there is a lawful liberty for writers , and there is an abuse of it ; and there is a convenient liberty of suppressing books by a state , and a pernicious one : and thus it is either the misfortune or the wickedness of a state to suppress those books that might give them good advice . but if it is either , who shall call the state to account for what it does ? but to turn the method of mine argument a little : am i not presumptuous to go before god sends me ? and who has requir'd these things at mine hand ? and indeed , were god resolv'd to have such a reformation , might not i as rationally expect he would impower some person orderly in his providence towards it , as he has done before , through moses and christ , without my presumptuously going of my own head ? and indeed , were not this god 's instituted method , why should god complain , that men came that were not sent , and threaten them for it , as he does by his prophets , if it were no offence ? and the common mission of the law of nature were sufficient , in truth a warrant that needs no more to confute it , than to consider : should every man take the full liberty of it , what a world it would make ? not that i would mean from hence , neither that the law of nature is not sufficient to direct every man privately in his duty : i am not so much a pyronist as that comes to neither . nay , i think , that by the light of nature , and the common assistance of god's spirit in our consciences , we may very justly take the liberty to advise and reprove one another ; yea , and more that publickly too , when the law prohibits not . but as i have said , shall this general commission only authorise us to be idle to other things , to teach others , or endanger the publick quiet or peace by it ? surely we need a warrant from god , like christ and his apostles , as well as a bare conviction of consciences , to proceed thus far ? but you will say , this is cowardly , and not to the bravery of a martyrdom . i say , it is : for tho' every man is bound to stand to the truth , and confess it , even to death ; yet no man is bound to preach it , or spread it to this degree , till he has a call to it ; nor is it enough to say in this case , that because christ would not let him be silenc'd , that preach'd in his name , that therefore we may follow him without some order ; for if god will not destroy our trials , so as forcibly to obstruct us in our ignorances , yet he does not therefore require us to continue in them . thus even christ , did not go about purposely to preach publickly , till he had the warrant and protection of a mission ; nor did moses or elijah hazard themselves till god commanded them : and what , would i seem braver than they ? would god have chosen moses , if his flight for being a deliverer , had been cowardize and not duty ? surely not ; and that because the apostles lived and continued in this hazard , was withall , because they were sent . in short then , should i not be a self-murderer to run my self into the fire ? and should i not forfeit god's protection from enthusiasm , to arrogate spiritual power , and to pretend to be a guide where i am not ? what , can god order me to live by miracle without express notice ? nay , and am not i an enthusiast , to run my self even into the very jaws and pit of destruction , in hopes of his help , and that even in inevitable dangers ? and indeed , what has made god let so many well designing men be sacrificed in this case , but presumption ? and if i attempt any such thing therefore of my self , can i expect either to fare better , or have other success ? in truth , if i do , thus i go of my own errand , and i must not expect the protection of god to bear me out ; nor will it be enough for me to suggest in such case , that such an error is considerable , or not ; for if we admit that , we admit all ; for all immoralities are equally pernicious , and the least were no more to be born with than the greatest . nor indeed is the vice of such a seditious practice worse than the vanity of it : am not i an unstable doubting thing my self ? and how can i expect then that i , as the blind , should be able to lead the blind ? when i am commission'd from god indeed , i may justly presume on his warrant , or else my fallibility will make me a deceiver , tho never so sincere . it is the real duty of every man therefore to say , i will not move an inch beyond private advice , till god shall give me authority ; nay more , no faint dream or vision shall impower me , and all the presumptions of this nature , that i have been guilty of before , shall remain as monuments in my memory , to keep me from the like for the future . indeed , may i say , is it not a ridiculous thing , to see a little petty reformer fond of his trifling imaginations , and really ignorant of the true state and nature of religion ; neither knowing of what nature catholick communion is , nor what is the guilt either of heresy or schism , blindly to run himself and others into amaze , that he no more knows how to get out of again , than how first he got into it : alass ! what a miserable spectacle may i add it is , when such men take fire into their zeal , and lay a necessity , either that they destroy the state , or the state them . but this essay being on a subject somewhat singular , i have thought fit to add a passage of the incomparable arch-bishop of canterbury's , much to the same effect ; to confirm it , see tillotson's sermons , vol. the d. p. . and to speak freely in this matter , i cannot think ( till i be better inform'd , which i am always ready to be ) that any pretence of conscience warrants any man that is not extraordinarily commission'd , as the apostles , and first publishers of the gospel were ; and cannot justify that commission by miracles , as they did , to affront the establish'd religion of a nation , tho it be false ; and openly to draw men off from the profession of it , in contempt to the magistrate and the law. all that persons of a different religion can in such a case reasonably pretend to , is to enjoy the private liberty and exercise of their own conscience and religion ; for which they ought to be very thankful , and to forbear the open making of proselytes to their own religion ( thou they be never so sure that they are in the right ) till they have either an extraordinary commission from god to that purpose , or the providence of god make way for it , by the permission or connivance of the magistrate ; not but that every man hath a right to publish and propagate the true religion , and to declare it against a false one : but there is no obligation upon any man to attempt this to no purpose ; and when without a miracle , it can have no other effect , but the loss of his own life , unless he have an immediate command and commission from god to this purpose , and be endued with a power of miracles , as a publick seal and testimony of that commission which was the case of the apostles , who after they had receiv'd an immediate commission , were not to enter upon the execution of it , but to stay at jerusalem till they were endued with power from on high . in this case a man is to abide all hazards , and may reasonably expect both extraordinary assistances and success , as the apostles had , and even a miraculous protection till his work be done ; and after that , if he be call'd to suffer martyrdom , a supernatural support under those sufferings . and that they are guilty however of gross hypocrisy , who pretend a further obligation of conscience in this matter : i shall give this plain demonstration , which relys upon concessions , generally made on all hands , and by all parties ; no protestant , that i know of , holds himself obliged to go and preach up his religion , and make converts in spain or italy ; nor do either the protestant ministers , or popish priests think themselves bound in conscience to preach the gospel in turky , and to consute the alchoran to convert the mahometans ; and what is the reason ? because of the severity of the inquisition in popish countreys , and of the laws in turky ; but doth the danger then alter the obligation of conscience ? no certainly ; but it makes men throw of the false pretence and disguise of it : but where there is a real obligation of conscience , danger should not divert men from their duty , as it did not the apostles : which shews their case to be different from ours , and that probably this matter was stated right at first ; so that whatever is pretended , this is certain , that the priests and jesuits of the church of rome , have in truth , no more obligation of conscience to make converts here in england , than in sueden or turky , where it seems , the evident danger of the attempt hath for these many years given them a perfect discharge from the duty in this particular . of wit. the common abusive wit , what is it but the crude digestion and excrement of reasoning ? what can i call a talking thing , when the truth and sincerity of it's judgment is gone , but a parrot at best ? to ridicule , to droll , to banter , &c. what , are all such contentious railleries , either to be commended or us'd for ? is the best of them agreeable either to sense , justice , or good manners ? in short , raillery is a false theatre jewel ; and whereas true wit stirr'd up , does wonders , and becomes as a cordial to alleviate the cares of humane life . raillery confounds and embitters all . besides , such little pedling satyrists can't shew themselves without the company of blockheads , and yet not but that they will rather sometimes be speaking evil , even of themselves , and their best of friends , than not talking . but are not all such scoffers then taken deservedly as common enemies ? nay , and are any more ridiculous than such , to men of sense , especially when they are unmasked , or as the player , e're he is in his disguise ? but as for real wit , there are undoubtedly many pretty things , which the mind searches not , and yet finds in its self ; it seems they are hidden there , as gold and diamonds in the bowels of the earth , and which when produc'd , even dazle and enamour all mankind with their lustre . and yet , there is a general revolution of wit , that changes its fashions , as well as the fortunes of the world ; and whilst all her little idolaters to magnify themselves , support her in them , they too often sacrifice their very judgment in complement to her . politeness of wit in general , is a frame of mind , as always presents us with things genteel and delicate ; and gallantry of wit , what is it but an easy way to please , whilst as for its deceits , they are as many and various ? thus , 't is not fruitfulness of wit , which makes us find out many expedients in one affair ; but 't is rather a darkness in the understanding , which makes us lay hold on all that imagination presents , and hinders us from seeing presently what is proper for us . to be short , 't is the character of a great wit , to make a great many things be understood in a few words ; and in recompence of it , i may say , the little wits have a talent of talking much , and saying nothing . to conclude , the general excellency of wit is in diversion , and on a ready turn , while its mischiefs are , that its delicacy is too often apt to destroy the laboriousness of consideration , and its lightness to offend in seriousness and business . of rewards . god has put it in the power of princes to encourage us by rewards : punishment and revenge whets but on one side of the edge of vertue , unless rewards be added to sharpen the other . nor is it less the duty than interest of great men , in such case , to bestow such rewards duly . surely , neither an aesop nor socrates should be neglected , if we would encourage goodness and vertue truly . you give your pimp his hire , & he in gratitude , like timon's friends , seeks thy ruine to be rid of the obligation ; had he any real worth , he would rather starve than pimp for thee : can he be faithful to his king , that is not so to the king of kings ? so surely , to give for a jest or a trifle also , is to be prodigal , and not reward ; but alass ! how often are true abilities and merits supprest , lest their lustre should eclipse the false lights and deceits of the world ? of pedantry . there is a common and lazy asilum in learning , ars longa vita brevis ; mens judgments are so dazled with the curiosity , the fine dresses and excursions of authors , that they think learning as bad as infinite ; and lazily and sluggishly rest in a confus'd view , in despair of all perfection . but why ? because they know not how to separate the gold from the dross , and to encumber themselves only with what is really material . i must confess my genius is too hardy to approve of trifles ; and as i hate all superfluicies , so such little formalities have been of no annoyance to me : i have flung aside all such embroidery of science as nonsence ; i cannot bear what cannot be digested to use ; my reader therefore must excuse my freedom , if i have laid aside all such looser thoughts , as deluding chicanery and speciousness , and presented him only with the main and solid substance . but to proceed : among the rest therefore , 't is the particular work of this present essay , to shew wherein such trifling pedantry consists , and that is it i am now to write of . now , first , as the chief among these disguises may be reckon'd our terms of art , the cant of learning , that makes trifles mysteries , and obscures even common sence , the rise whereof , one may justly say , is all hypocrisy ; we would magnifie our reasoning , and we would rather , like gipseys , be shrew'd for our gibberish , than nothing . so for our distinctions also ; how preposterous it is to set up terms of art paramount to sence ; terms to sence ought to sit like cloaths to the body , usefully and ornamentally ; but never so as to cramp its motion ; so , what a senceless thing 't is to explicate by distinction that , that is obvious to every reason ? an admirable way to reduce learning to studied ignorance and trifling , but the only course to divert the real growth of wisdom . for my part , words are my counters , and i make my own criticisms on them ; surely if a notion make me wrest a word a little , terms may well bear a compliance to arts : if besides the weight of sence , you bind an author to the nice and endless criticisms of words , you are unreasonable ; if my meaning be good therefore , surely you may well enquire a little into my peculiar sence of words , and then you leave me a freer liberty for invention , and to digest my matter . nor were even the teaching of arts and sciences in this matter difficult neither , were they but reduc'd from pedantry , a little time would suffice ; while 't is the weight and formality of our rules , that not only ruines the perfection of our ideas , but obstructs their communication also . thus , what but this has made cornelius agrippa and many others rayl at their vanity in general ; not that i think them in the right neither ; for surely , that abusus tollit usum is a most barbarous maxime , and we should rather reform wisdom , than fling her quite aside for it . so amongst the rest , one of the greatest blemishes of learning is , that men have made her stoop to trifles ; so that when a man comes and expects to find something , as it were divine , instead of philosophy , he is entertain'd with their picking of straws , notions so idle , and yet so particular and superfinely nice , that they seem rather design'd for petty jugling-tricks , to puzzle idle wits withal , than to be of any real use or benefit . and from whence but hence comes that common , but too true reflection , that the most exquisite folly is made of wisdom spun too fine ; and we are never made so ridiculous by the qualities we have , as by those we affect to have ; and indeed one may justly add , that pedantry is the very plague and contagion of learning , that diverts and mortifies all good parts , with the pretence of assisting them . 't were an heroick act therefore , would some prince dissolve these cobwebs in our voluminous rubbish libraries ; and by a select committee , collect , perfect , gell'd , and reduce them into a manageable and usefull form : i should rejoice , could this my little rationale be subservient to so excellent a purpose : but , alass ! i am afraid this is a matter we must rather range under the desideranda studii , than really expect . and , in truth , the fault is rather in the will than the understanding ; alass ! men will not reduce their sciences to purity , and to sincerity and truth , their prejudices will not let them ; they are afraid of the light , because their deeds are evil. our sciences indeed ought to repair the pure image of god that we have lost , and they would too , did we pursue them right ; but we make use of them only to lead our selves into greater darkness . you see therefore i have the fire of the greatest charity to spur me on herein ; nor is there any difficulty to demonstrate the usefulness of my design : how many ingenious men would not only have been good schollars , but exceeding serviceable to their country also , were but learning to be atchiev'd with a due case ; whereas , as it is now , in a despair , they leave it to a pack of perverse and wrangling sophisters to make their ends of it , while mankind suffers equally by their villany and ignorance ? like a good physician ; an honest man cannot pretend to that knowledge he has not ; while the quack , that knows little or nothing , will swear you , he is infallible : the one , if you converse him , shall acquaint you , learning is at her perfection ; whilst the other modestly shall let you know , that his industrious labours have found it imperfect ; nay , so far , that he questions almost in conscience , whether he may use the little skill of his profession . so if you examin men of integrity , the common idea of the arts and sciences , as they now stand , is a sea of learning , and hardly ever to be fathom'd ; they 'll tell you , our books run in formal tracks in quest of them , but never take care of their full and true reasoning ; that 's a gulph that few or none have been so hardy as to dive after . and yet even this has not discouraged me ; i have resolved to hint at least , at the leading substance of all arts and sciences , not only towards the better compleating a body of wisdom , but that i may be the better able to censure what is impertinent in all . i hope my reader will excuse me therefore , if when i see a science drawn even cobweb-fine , i enquire her merits , as what portion of our memory , or judgment she really deserves ; and that we may no longer imprudently squander away our pains in dividing fractions , and atomes to infinity . nor need a man be accus'd of satyr , to say , almost all our sciences are pedantry ; indeed science and wisdom ought to be really one ; but as learning is now degenerated , 't is as unnatural as uneasie ; and he that will reduce it to its full power and substance , must envigorate it with brevity , and by docking it from its superfluous pedantry . in truth , 't is the sphere of wisdom only to give a general and clear idea , and a universal prospect of the sciences ; fully to trace their nice particulars , were not only to be tedious and volumnious , but to cloud your clear and brighter leading truth ; whereas the general and leading ideas , well fix'd , will lead , of course , the lesser corollaries . when a prince gives an ambassadour instructions , he only gives him general orders ; and even so wisdom , whom she enlightens , she teaches general precepts ; and accidents , as too many for instruction , for fear of a greater confusion she leaves to discretion . to be short ; both arts and sciences are then only good , when they are useful ; when they answer to our service , and the circle of creatures about us ; and even as a watch , though it have wheels , yet if the teeth are not fit , and plac'd apt for motion , is good for nothing : so arts and sciences not dispos'd for practice , become , not only a burthen , but an idle evil ; nay , and indeed , as piety is the only rule for arts , so , whatever is purely curious , is evil also : and what shall we say then to those , who write volumes about genealogies , and whole libraries of notions purely speculative ? do they not rather deserve an house of correction , than a reward for their encouragement ? as hobbs well notes , we have now but one true and real science , to wit , the mathematicks , that begins well , lays down principles sure , and proves its self , as it proceeds ; and yet not , but that were other arts and sciences manag'd , as they should be , we should not let their principles neither be so precarious as they are ; but , founding them on undoubted truths , give them a certainty , at least , near equal to demonstration . nor is this little cant less pernicious in our languages and schools , than our sciences ; i may add almost to turn our reason to madness . if ovid does but cry , omnia vincit amor , though the sence and words were but worthy of a school-boy ; yet streight , by pedant spectacles , we are ravish'd by an elaborate and delicate adage , with a lofty and incomparable stile , and purity of language ; nay , and a mystery shall supply the sence , rather than fail ; and , as if the sentence were deliver'd personally by some god , and mortals durst do no other than commend it . and thus also , who can write a poem , but he must streight invoke the mighty nine , the muses , and by and by , we must have some heathen gods , bacchus , mars , vulcan , or some one or other to agrandize our stile , when , in truth , the surer reason why they are brought in , is not so much in conceit of the elegancy , but that they are as lazy topicks to supply the imperfection of our invention . but in reality , what is it but to drive away richer notions from our heads , to fill up our discourses with such formalities of the furies , as fatal sisters , and the graces , &c. we were pardonable , did we do like hackney-letter scriveners , who write all epistles in one form , for that were to confess a downright honest plain sence : but we forsooth would strive to be elegant , and to charm the world by our wits , when , at the same time , we ride none but the hackny-fancies of thousands of years standing . so , our gods , victory , musick , and such hieroglyphical statues and emblems , are fit enough to set out the great mock-prince at versailes ; but to imagine them learning , or to think to get much out of their story or moral , surely is an impertinency too great for a philosopher ; or , at best , if we must value this petty sapientia veterum ; can't we take the substance of the advice , and spurn away the little fairy stories of their gods. nor do i think it a less vanity , though more common , that men , at every turn , must confirm what they say , with stanza's from virgil , &c. to make men think they are skill'd in the poets ; alass ! what is my opinion the better for bringing sententiously every man's fancies to support what i write ? i say , let every man's work stand and fall by reason , and by the meer dint and force of justice , sincerity , and truth . so in sciences also ; what are your common little formal analysses , wherewith they are patch'd up , but pedantry ? and what your little set , and cramp forms in them , but so many mysteries and blinds , to keep the understanding from truth ? 't is true indeed , such trifles hardly deserve to be taken notice of ; and yet even trifling , when it appears in formality and method , deserves a censure , nay , and that even to a ridicule , lest at weak times they prevail upon us , and by their meer speciousness byass our judgments ; and yet not that they deserve to be carp'd at , or answer'd , so much as laugh'd at . i have perus'd alsted's long enciclopaidion , sincere 't is true , but besotted to all the little forms of pedantry : there you have even all mechanism reduc'd to sciences ; indeed arts infinite , and definitions and niceties without end : in his method seemingly short , yet too full for a ready recourse ; nay , so voluminous with distinctions , glosses , philosophick notes and quotations , that to peruse him orderly , would , at least , require two years work : and , is this , think you , a fit body of wisdom for use ? nay , i will say more for alsted , though he handles all subjects in general , yet in most particulars he is so excellent , that i know few single treatises that exceed him , even at their own mark ; but especially in his rhetorick ; and yet for all that , they that can bear pedantry in piece-meal , will be even sick when they peruse his masse of it , though never so correct . to be short ; his heaps of analysses's , and his incoherent florilegiums , would even distract a man to comprehend , or reduce them to use : i would as soon think to reduce the ocean , as to bring in order every one of his little notions : indeed , a wisdom so nicely pursu'd in an angel were somewhat , but in a man , 't is as if we would try to carry a mountain on our backs , besides the impertinency of it in a great many parts : what , if a melancholy genius , hag-ridden by an art or science , dwells , and raises castles in the air on it , must i be bound to follow the dance of his frenzy ? nor would i be thus uncharitable to quarrel at the body of learning , had i not , at the same time , essay'd to make it more perfect ; but now i hope i may be excus'd , that i endeavour to display its giddy confusion : alass ! what a scene 't is to see ? here lies one man confounded and sinking into sceptism ; another satiated like cornelius agrippa ; sits down and spews up all that he has read again , because he cannot digest it : another rails at , and undervalues all , because 't is so intricate he cannot reach it . hence nothing in the world confounds wisdom like pedantry ; nay , and when men are once season'd with it , 't is as hard for them to unlearn it , as it is to learn what is real knowledge ; nay , to root out a rotten leven of principles , and to rectifie formal errors , is more difficult than to dive into simple knowledge ; natural folly is bad enough in man , but when he has got letters and sciences to maintain his madness , his frenzy is intollerable . but , alass ! i am afraid , after all , i write in vain ; men are so bewitch'd to the borrow'd counterfeit ornaments of learning , that when the devil pedantry is cast forth , they will be even offended at the innocent simplicity of wisdom , and slav'd to their old pageantry , they 'll not be able to rellish , even substance , without their old forms . men delight to continue in the maze they are educated in , they hate to come to the light of truth ; so that i may justly say , this one accursed knot of pedantry has baulked all the improvements and amendments of learning : so that when men have once laid this rotten foundation , because they are unwilling to bestow the pains to new-lay it , as wisdom and folly can never piece together , so they run , like sheep in a flock . i have known men following meditation , hit of truth exactly ; but pedants , like wild-geese , follow one another in trains , for fear of losing themselves ; the reason is , they have not truth , nor any other method to keep themselves in a body , but to tread in one anothers steps only . and hence all those that have pursued the natural powers of reasoning sincerely , have even done wonders ; whilst pedants , sneaking pedants , whatever blind path the first happens to enter , you shall see ingenious men , and even men of parts , afterwards make up the specious train of fools . nay , and i do not know whether i may not iustly add , that as such blunderers wander on , our learning as we generally have it now , rather corrupts and disables , than helps or assists a wise and active life of imployment : and i think , the turks are the only wise men in this , in rejecting all our petty sciences , since they are clog'd so far with artful vice. and , to shut up all ; whence but from hence is it , that one cries learning is infinite , and will trouble himself to know nothing : a canter comes , and will only know christ ; he rails at archimedes for dying in a study ; as if man were not made to be charitable and serviceable to his country , as well as to worship god ; and so all have racked against one rock or other , and not one in a million has had the courage to reach after the haven of a true humane competency , or perfection of knowledge . of pity . what is pity , but the sense of our own miseries in another subject ; while we lament others , only to engage them to succour us on the like occasion : surely pity therefore , for the most part , is but as a good turn done before-hand to our selves . and thus , alass ! an hypocrisy is in all our afflictions ; we lament our dead friend , but why ? we weep for our selves ; we bewayl the loss of our pleasure , and esteem , in the person deceas'd ; so that i may truly say of most of our tears , that they fall for them that shed them . at best , we are apt to respect the misfortune more than the cause or person ; the sad spectacle prevails on us , and we weep as men laugh , or yawn for company : but , deserves such a pity as this then to be call'd a virtue ? so , some weep to get the reputation of a tender heart , others to avoid the shame of not weeping , or to be weep'd for again , while others aspire at glory , through an eminent and immortal grief ; away with all these deceits . give me the friendship that is not so weak as to be soft-hearted , that has a tenderness as lasting as moderate for me : if i dye , yet let my friend be happy ; can his anxiety bring me back from the grave again ? we can easily hear of others misfortunes , when at a distance from us ; nay , and time abates the greatest of our proper griefs ; and why should we then , either through vveakness , or hypocrisy , support that concern and passion that is manifestly so unaccountable and unreasonable ? of pardon . has my brother offended me ? 't was one he took for me ; he 's misinform'd of me ; and , what shall i leave no room for his misunderstanding ? no surely , i will have mercy to the last : what shall i condemn , where i am not sure that god does ? nay , nor is it less christianly and generous , than prudent , to pardon our enemy : christ could say , even on the cross , father forgive them , they know not what they do . and it makes men desperate , while we leave them no hopes of forgiveness . besides , is it not cowardize , either to have malice , or seek for security through vicious means ? have i rivals ? i have society then worthy of my self . have i enemies ? let my very good behaviour reduce them to an esteem of me . but shall we forgive no body that offends us , either through surprize or mistake ? surely , then we shall no sooner forgive our selves than others . st. peter denied his master , and st. paul was a great persecutor , and yet both the greatest apostles . certainly , god the prototype may be our best of examples in this . i will have mercy therefore to the last , but i will not destroy my justice by passing by the injuries i have receiv'd without repentance ; but who shall charge his brother on mistakes ? to forgive before repentance , indeed is never to take offence ; if such had been christ's doctrine , why should he have added , that if our brother offend us , we should tell the church of him ? and that if on that he repent not , he be to us as an heathen or a publican . i may add , in this it is to be harmless as the dove , and wise as the serpent , to guard our selves from known ill men ; and yet , were mine enemy the bitterest villain on earth , i would not only love him , but trust him again , were i assur'd of his conversion . but shall i pardon out of necessity , or save a murderer to cut my throat ? alass ! 't is cowardize , not pardon , to pretermit without repentance . to pardon in general is to encourage vice ; while there are laws indeed , i will pass by revenge , but the least escape of due punishment is unjust ; and how can we forgive , where mankind has the right of vengeance against a villain ? christ bids us indeed , to part with our coat , and to go two miles where compell'd one , but to regulate a contentious claim , and to preserve peace , and not to destroy either property or justice . so the same gospel that bids us love our enemies and forgive our persecutors withall , forbids us casting pearl before swine , and not flying from city to city to avoid them : but do i fly my persecutor , while i repose too dangerous a trust in him ? to be short , i love my worst of enemies ; he shall not want the common dues of humanity from me ; nay , and i forgive him too , as to private malice and revenge ; but i owe to my self and family , to sue for reparation for the injury he has done me . nay , and if i have reparation , i have but my own again ; indeed , if i sue for trifles , i have malice , and i forgive not my brother : but in weighty injuries , i am no more obliged to pass by my amends , than to trust him that deceiv'd me again . of rhetorick . rhetorick is the art of speaking delightfully , and pretily tickling and pleasing mens passions by our discourse ; its instruments are quaint , active , and moving figures and modes of speech , but the greatest skill lyes in managing them , sometimes lowring our selves , and sometimes again raising a more lively imagery to continue always in the same strain ; be it what it will , at least cloys and satiates , if not lulls the auditors attention asleep . and hence , we should have a graceful embroidery , not a daubery in expression ; the crisis of an affection should be gently touch'd , and not over-worded , lest we corrupt it . the best mean in this case therefore indeed were , to intermix sentences ; the first material , the second only diverting and circumstantial ; the first weighty and deliberate , the second easy and voluptuous ; and thus to continue through the whole speech . for why should we pall the edge and sense of what we intend to recommend ? and yet even in this i would not be superfluous neither . true eloquence consists in saying all that ought to be said , and nothing but what ought to be said , and in giving every sentiment a several tone of voice , meen , and posture of the body , which is proper to it : nay , i may add , 't is this agreement that makes good or bad comedians ; and other persons please or displease us in their discourse : and thus there is an eloquence in the eyes , and the air of the person , which persuades as much as that of words ; and there is as much elegance in the tone of the voice , as in the choice of words themselves . the common error in rhetorick , is to make every quirk in speech a figure ; now the best method is , to have a few & choice figures , precepts sufficient to adorn our speech , and yet not to burden our use or idea : so for our speaking , a compos'd discourse by memory may have a more set and formal stile than another ; but it will want much of the lively coherence of a discourse deliver'd extempore ; the one commands all the helps of invention which happen during the discourse , whilst the other , besides the insipidness of formality , quite cutts off all advantages that of nature . to be short , a man would no more use himself always to repeat a form , than he would to walk with a staff ; when i am either too young or too old , i will support my feeble parts with props : but when i am adult , tho i will never speak without a condign deliberation , yet will i not too far confine my speech neither : i will remember my method and analysis , but i will not manacle mine imagination ; i will rather with a generous freedom , keep it ready against any new emergency . of delivery . and even so for my delivery also , i will not think to excel by loudness ; were i in a dispute , should i be willing to put the crisis of my controversy on scolding , an expedient excellent for him that is foolish or in the wrong , but madness in a wise or good man ? indeed , an emphasis sometimes answers to a rise and fall in musick , and carries a kind of charm on mens passions , but a continu'd baulling can have no original or sourse from wisdom . men are like violins ; if you strike the note right in one , the other immediately answers you , and the affections and passions move together with the musick ; but if you lay too much emphasis on your words , and more than the affection will bear , what do you do but viciate your delivery to a cant ? a man may have a zeal without knowledge , as well in wisdom as religion . by the same reason also , it is not good to be short or abrupt in our speeches , as loquacity is , like a noysom fistula in the mind ; so short speeches are like stabs , and seem by their fierceness and quickness too near a kin to fire : besides , as by a long familiarity and deadness of speech , we level our selves too much to censure , by abating too far the edge of men's respects ; so by a speech too abrupt and short , we let men answer us before they duly weigh the deference and esteem they owe to us , and the truths we deliver . above all therefore , we ought to keep a mean in our discourse , neither to let fancy run us a-drift from one subject to another where ever she pleases , nor to let our delivery run a gallop , too swift for the care of our thoughts ( like school-boys that long to be at the end of their lesson ; ) but rather , as we ought to avoid a poynancy , so we ought to regulate our fancy by discretion , and our celerity by a due presence of mind : nay , is our discourse like to be long ? 't is a pretty skill in speech to refresh our hearers by pauses . such little rests revive mens apprehensions ; and not only give leisure for their refreshments , but pre-occupy a season for their conceptions also . so 't is of excellent use in our discourses , to condescend to the customs and capacities of our hearers ; the vulgar admire their own phrases , and applaud no truth so much as what is in their own dialect ; just as when we talk to children , to please them , we lispe , and bring down our voices in imitation of theirs , to persuade them we are rather going gently to lead them , than violently to force them on with the harsh and manly voice of authority ; and yet a voice loud , clear , and distinct , is of excellent use , where we talk to men of courage and judgment . as for our method in this matter , i think our old way of rhetorick is well enough : thus , first , to begin and enquire demonstratively an sit , and when we are fully satisfied of the reality and considerableness of our subject , and have satisfied our hearers withall , then we should proceed to deliberate , quo modo sit , an bonum facile aut necessarium ; and if bonum , an jucundum utile aut honestum ; and after we have done this regularly and perfectly , we may boldly speak our judicially , and cry , sic sit . of persuasion . i shall now proceed to persuasion , in which case as 't is most successful and safe to sayle with the tide , so 't is a singular art in persuasion , where we find our auditors affections engag'd against us in what we are about to speak , first to plead for a candid audience , and to stay the entring on our subject , till we have moved a convenient stream of affection in them , to carry and entertain our discourse : for why should we labour in vain ? and indeed , who but one besides himself , is so hardy as to engage , when he hath both the wind of passion , and the tide of inclination to oppose him ? in truth , one may say the passions are the only orators , which always persuade , they are a kind of art of nature , whose rules are infallible , and which once mov'd , are strong both in hearer and speaker ; the veriest fool mov'd to a true pitch of passion , persuades more than the greatest orator without ; so that , could men at all times command such accidental advantages of their passions , they would never be without them ; but the matter is , we are fearful to do those things in temper , that in passion we make light of . but to proceed a little more particularly : to persuade to a thing unknown , first insinuate your self by things known , and and yet doubtful , and then without hyperboles , relating what you would have believ'd , urge it with a meet confidence ; and yet , taking care as you do it , first to shew a due caution , that you be not taken for a babler ; secondly , to shew your grounds for your ' diffidence , that you be not judg'd as credulous ; and lastly , to fix all , yet with so meet a confidence , that you be not taken for a dissembler . and besides this to persuade , we ought to skill how to lay hold of mens particular passions , and so to know to which they are most obnoxious : thus the miser was cured of his lethargy , by being made jealous and watchful of his gold ; and thus the milesian virgins were cur'd of the humour of hanging themselves , by dragging the dead bodies of the like offenders through the streets ; and thus selenicus took away womens gorgeous apparel , by an order , that no one should be allow'd to be a whore , but she that was so and so dress'd , and had such and such attendance . but , if you would persuade one that is obstinate , and that neither sense nor arguments can immediately prevail on , streight turn your reasoning , and seem to follow and admire his methods , and then by pursuing them on as his friend , run him as at unawares on absur'd consequences , and so fright him by those reasonings in you , that in himself he will not admit to be examin'd . thus the mobile in a certain common wealth , being enraged once at the senate , yet voluntarily put themselves into the hands of a friend , to be judged by them ; and he thereon advising the mobile first to choose a new senate for fear of mischief , before they proceeded to the cutting off of the old one , streight thereby he begun to shew them the consequence of upstarts ; so that they immediately agreed , to continue their old senate on again . and yet , as when we have not mens passions of our sides , we must thus by preambles , apologies , preparatories , mollifiers , and other topicks of argument , endeavour to root out the old biass of mens prejudice , and to implant a new and truer idea in their stead ; so on the other side , when we have mens inclinations on our sides , we may avoid this prolixity , and begin freely , triumphantly , and openly , or else , till we have engag'd a party of thought and passion of our side , we are imprudent to launch too freely into the ocean of discourse . and yet even in all cases , we ought to know , how to limit our persuasions too : thus i would not seem too fond , lest i make men believe the interest i persuade them to , is more mine than theirs , as appears by my concern ; and yet i would neither want fancy nor vigour enough to express a thing fully , nor to illustrate what is more rare and singular to the life ; but yet then , no more than is fit ; for why should i seem either so interested or poetical , as to deaden the edge of my persuasion . nay , and tho abruptness generally be a vice , yet sometimes little hints are of excellent use in persuasions ; it sets men to beat out our notions in themselves , and they are ever more fond of bratts of their own brain than others : besides , that setting men so upon such a scrutiny , makes them engage in a party for us , and nothing obliges men more than to let them seem to be their own contrivers . so further , 't is good to know the force of every argument and figure : thus for instance , a repetition or recommendation by figures and allegories , can command the affections , and charm the passions ; but only reason without art , and with sincerity and truth , are able to move a durable and steady resentment and courage : indeed , figures are but for ornament , and he mistakes their very end , that makes them substance , or that disguises his discourse by using them too far . ornaments are to recommend and beautify , and not to blind or deform , if we have not skill enough to apply our ornaments therefore , we had better neglect them altogether . but above all ornaments and figures in speech , there are none so useful as parables , fables , metaphors , and allegories ; when reasoning will do no good , when the mind is quite blind and deaf with prejudices , allegories and parables can revive it , and by paralels confirm it . thus nathan convinc'd david's sin in vriah , and humbled him , and brought him to repentance , by the parable of the poor man's lamb , when the bare sense of the action alone could never do it . but indeed after all , as i have said , no rhetorick is like honesty , and no speech like reason ; if we have truth on our side , that 's all , and enough , if we take but care to illustrate that sufficiently ; only this we ought to remember in prudence , to let our last words be most forcible , as they are most likely to be of the most lasting impression : and indeed , to leave truth and follow colours too much , is like aesop's dog , by catching at the shadow to loose the substance . i will not rely therefore on fancies or figures of speech ; but if i use them , it shall be as by the by ; but my main weapon shall be clear sense and reason ; if men have either any judgment or truth , my very sincerity shall force their attentions ; and while flowers only dally to delight the mind ; by a lively apposite expression with notion , i 'le even strike to the quick. so 't is an error in persuasion also , to multiply reasons , and aim at conquest by numbers ; the best arguing is from few topicks and from general heads , the retreat of the discourse the easier , and the management the better ; nay , and the memory and passions of the hearers are the more easily captivated by it , whilst as for figures they may be us'd but seldom : 't is better to be regarded for matter than form , reason than words , and yet it is not convenient neither to let our sense want a suitable dress . parts of discourse . but as it is the misfortune of a great many persons to make a good cause ridiculous by their ill proceeding , so 't is good to know also , what order is decent in an oration ; and if it be written , to mark it as it proceeds , for the greater clearness with your topicks in the margent : nay , and not only so , but to be sure not to neglect the cogent topicks of recommendation , as praising your judges , or at least assuring your self , that they have so much honour , that they would not hear you , if they were not resolv'd withall to give you an impartial sentence . and thus in an orderly discourse , i may say , there ought to be five parts : first , a preface pertinent and short , to open your design , and to prepare the minds of the hearers . secondly , the narrative true , & well circumstantiated to instruct them . thirdly , a confirmation , and that solid , to convince them . fourthly , a refutation nervous and strong , to refute all colours for them . and fifthly and lastly , a conclusion pathetick , and forcive to move them . but if we extend our discourse beyond an oration , that is , if we write a book , then a more perfect method ought to take place , and we ought to proceed by the exactest rules of a compleat genesis ; our very method ought to be so conspicuous as to supply the part of an index ; and every clause , sentence , chapter , and part of our discourse , whether greater or less , ought to be fram'd so naturally , as to fall into a beautiful body , and joint its self , so as to be able even actually and orderly to force the readers conviction . and when i consider this , i cannot but reflect , that had men either any reverence for themselves or others , were they cautious of their own reputation or others trouble , they would not thrust out their shapeless cubbs upon the world as they do , but would lick them into some order before they did it ; when alass ! were some discourses but dissolv'd to their first principles by analysis , what would they contain too often ? scarce a chapter , nay , or a sentence to the purpose , that the authors seem to be blind , or they could never publish what they do . what you enter their book , their title speaks you fair , and makes you fancy they 'll perform as well as promise ; but when you come to peruse their substance and solidity , you find your self fool'd and ne're the wiser for the subject ; and our author who has a world of humour and fancy , when may be not three grains of digestion , gives you a broad-side of maggots ; and if he confounds and mazes your reason by them as bad as his own , he is satisfied and is wise in his own conceit , because he is a fool in company . i shall add no more , but that our fable and emblem writers deserve no better censure : 't is true , an example or metaphor occasionally in precepts , is of excellent use ; but 't is an elaborate way of making learning intricate and confus'd , to turn her in pursuit of such laborious and disorderly excursions and trifles , as far from the clear sight of knowledge , as a cloud , or a maze , or a veil . of invention , i proceed to invention in rhetorick : now to help that ; our best method is , to have recourse to general topicks ; examples whereof i shall give you as follows . topicks intrinsick . . definition . . destribution into parts . . etymology . . conjugates . . kind , genus species . . form. . similitude . . dissimilitude . . contraries . . adjuncts . . antecedents . . consequences . . repugnances . . causes efficient material formal final instrumental . effects . . comparison . . possibility . . bonum honestum . vtile . jucundum . topicks extrinsick . . prejudication . . report . . laws . . oaths . . torture . . witnesses . . scripture . . learned men. . circumstance . time. place . and person predicamentals , as . substance and person . . quantity , and demonstration . . quality ordinary , or not . . relation . . action . . passion . . place . . time. . scituation . . habit. of figures . figures of rhetorick are either in words or sentences ; the usual are as follows ; figures of words . metaphor , as vir gregis . irony , as o● bon● vir . epizeuxis , as vicimus , vicimus . anaphoras , as nobis voluptati , nobis solatio . epistrophe , as ibimus , pugn●bimus , triumphabimus . epanalepsis , as multa promittis , prestare teneberis multa . climax , hoc animum , animus virtutem addit . epanados , non vivo ut edam , sed edo ut vivam . polyptoton , as qui memorat , quod ille meminit . conversion . complexion . conduplication . disjunction . equality of cadence numbers . adjunction . gradation . paranomasia . repetition . synonime . syncohdoche . figures of sentences are , augmentation , he beat him , he murder'd him , he crucifi'd him . apostrophe , as audite o cali , vos eritis mihi testes . concession , as sit humilis ortu , at est probus . correction , tacebo ? imo loquar . diminution , he beat him , he fillup'd him , he touch'd him . exclamation , as o tempora , o mores ! interrogation , sicoine fieri opportet ? preoccupation , dicat aliquis , sed regero . prosopopeia , as egone sol luceo , ut vos dormientes altum stertetis ? reticence , as plus possum dicere , sed de his tacebo . allegory . antithesis . communication . deprecation . distribution . dubitation . ethopeia . expolition . hypotiposis . imprecation . interpretation . irony . licence . preterrition . sermocination . subjection . sustentation . transition . thus , you see , i have given you here a catalogue of the more eminent figures of both sorts ; but i have not given examples but of some few that i thought more useful : indeed , whoever peruses alsted's enciclopaidion , will see such a multitude of figures , that they are not only almost without number , but that there is not a quirk in speech scarce , but what that by one author or other , is reduced to some figure : so that indeed this exuberancy now seems to require some limitation . lastly , for the use of such figures , i shall only say this , one would read them sometimes cursorly , as so many several patterns to form one speech , and as so many moulds to be committed to our memories in reading , to shape our utterance and delivery by ; but to think otherwise , to force our thoughts just to such a precise form , or cut , is to make them more unacceptable in being unnatural , then all the ornaments of art can add to them . of jvdgment . whatever intuitive knowledge , or divine ideal truth adam had , his posterity are forc'd to plow the soul for wisdom , as well as the earth for fruits . we must track truth step by step , and weigh as well ideas as propositions to attain her : he that takes truth by the gross , or jumps into her without a due comparison of things , at least knows not in judgment , whether he is right or wrong . the true judgment is mathematical , reason's the scale , and propositions are the things weigh'd , while judgment , like justice , favours the heavier scale . where there is most consideration , therefore there are likely to be most propositions , and consequently the more assur'd decision of judgment ; while to judge without propositions forethought , is like weighing with the scales empty , and shooting at the mark blindfold . as for the errors of judgment , they are either want of consideration , or irresolution : the inconsiderate man leaves all to happy chance ; while the irresolute is like a ruffled skein of silk . in truth , judgment , like an army , ought to march slow , with full trains of imaginations , and not a concatenation of thought ought to be unconsulted for fear of the ambushes of error . to conclude , were poets as happy in holding the scale , as in their sprightly and vigorous sallies of fancy , poets assuredly would have the best judgments , and accordingly make the best philosophers : but our experience shews us the contrary , and where they fail . of happiness . for all the difference of estate and quality among men , there is notwithstanding such a common allay of good and evil , that all , in the main , are equally happy . felicity , alass ! is in content and opinion , not the things we possess . thus 't is what i love , and not what another conceits , that makes me happy . and thus , indeed , what but our pride makes us miserable , and restlesly ambitious ? our great concern , in truth is , to shew , that a man of desert is unfortunate . 't is not to be disputed , but the blessings of health , wealth and friends are valuable ; but are they comparable in the making of us happy , to vertue and content ? the best of such enjoyments are casual , momentary , and disgusted by conscience and passions ; but can any thing rob us of vertue ? pleasures enjoy'd with innocence indeed , are real ; but can there be any satisfaction with regret , to catch at the baits of sin and vice. nay , were there no hell , the epicure should be moderate for his gusts sake ; so that we are doubly bruitish , to pall our palates by luxury . the vertuous enjoy pleasures truly , and can thank god for the refreshment , while neither satiety nor passion annoys them . besides , a vertuous soul , i may say , is as a rock against the waves and storms of the world , while she looks down with pity on giddy and mudling mankind below . i want to coach and dainties ; and what then ? are not walking and temperance wholsomer ? but oh , i love fine cloaths ; and what am i not asham'd to be so like a peacock ? prithee friend tell me ; can thy gold or purple keep out diseases ? or thy guards , garrison'd in iron , repel bold fears and despair ? virtue , indeed , as she is indifferent against such trifles , so is she hardned to evil ; vertue turns all misfortunes to martyrdom . what though mine enemy rage ? can he move a foot beyond providence ? does he intend to kill me ? and can't i rejoyce to be so soon with god ? does he torment me ? and have i not god and a brighter crown of martyrdom to support me ? nay , or can my despondency relieve me ? i will allow a man groans to relieve his spirit , and an honest submission to appease his enemy ; but shall i surrender my sincerity to him , and give him opportunity to destroy both soul and body too ? but , alass ! thou art griev'd to dye so soon ; and what art thou afraid to be with god ? the apostle could desire to be dissolved : and , art thou , on the contrary , so unwilling , as to repine at the call of his providence ? surely , faithfully to love god , and observe his laws , therefore as they are the great end of man , so are they his greatest and best methods to happiness also ; and in which case , the quicker & sharper our passage in prospect , the more desirable ; without we think there is no god , or future state , to reward us in what we do and suffer . of presence of mind . what good will all the precepts in the world do whilst a man wants his presence of mind , the necessary clue to lead him through them . surely our senses ought always to keep due centinel , and our understandings as readily to attend their summons : can he fence well that is not on his guard ? archimedes died for being too busy to give an answer . carelessness and disattention therefore undoubtedly are the daughters of folly : certainly the judgment ought to be in readiness for every new object that approaches . i may add , what is madness but such a debauch of thought , to a greater degree , and when an idle soliloquy disjoynts the whole reasoning of the man ? we ought therefore to avoid all such violence of thought , as poyson ; at least the plow of thought , clogs and cuts but heavily , that 's never sharpned by rest . nay , even for the very unseemliness one would avoid such flurts in reasoning ; for surely 't is as disagreeable to others , as pernicious to our selves . and yet after all , certainly there are diseases in the mind , as well as the body ; and after our best endeavours , our sense will slacken , and our styles vary , do what we can : what! are we not men ? of secrets . the mind , like the body , exposes its self , by appearing naked ; it discovers its weaker parts , and lies more liable to injuries ; undoubtedly therefore secrets ought to be embrac'd as armour , and admir'd as soveraign prudence ; but yet then , we ought to remember also , that we cannot be too wary in them ; our looks often speak as well as our tongues , and we must be careful our nakedness appear not through the little vail of its cloaths . so , though secrecy and silence thus be undoubtedly vertues ; dissimulation , whether in words or actions , is the furthest from it imaginable : dissimulation is an act with an intent to deceive , a downright lye ; dissimulation is the weak art of those , who have not judgment enough to manage a concealment . as for the difference between simulation and dissimulation , it appears in the old latine verse , quod non est simulo , dissimuloque quod est ; their benefits are these , first , they lay opposition asleep . secondly , they leave a room for retreat . thirdly , by their lying , they draw out secrets . their mischiefs are ; first , they spoil business through fearfulness . secondly , they barr the assistance of others . and , lastly , they take away all trust and belief , while , as for secrecy , it has all the prudence , and none of the vice of either of them . but to return ; if we would keep a secret , we are bound , in pain of indiscretion , to discern who we trust with it ; indeed , how can we hope another should keep our secrets , if we cannot keep them our selves ; so we ought also to stand in guard , even of our servants , and not to make others jealous of us , by being too busy ; on the one side cardinal richleiu took care wisely to turn away that man that he found looking into his letters ; and , on the other side , how can we expect that others should not enquire after , and guess at our concerns , when we seem to busy in our jealous inquisitiveness at theirs ? but , besides this general prudence of secrecy ; secrecy is a sacred obligation , even in discourse also : thus , when two discourse , they render each other mutual depositors or thoughts , and which they trust one another withal ; so that , let it be that we require secrecy , or not , in such a case , our discourse is always as a pawn , which ought never to be dispos'd of but according to the intentions of him that trusted it . and yet the rule of secrets seems to be this also ; though what i am told , i am bound to keep as a secret ; yet if i knew it before , that cannot make that a secret to me , that was none before ; though with regard to the relator , that i make not him the author , it is , and yet not , i fear , but that this liberty has been often abus'd ; and many that have not known a secret before , yet have pretended they have , to salve their reputations in breaking it . but then , 't is an undoubted exception from all the laws and obligations of secrecy , when any one acquaints us with a wicked or criminal design ; for friendship loses its obligation in wickedness , and there can be no tye between god and belial ; a man ought therefore to have wit and honesty enough to discern of what he speaks , before he requires secrecy , or else 't is at the peril of his imprudence to betray his own wicked intentions . to be short , unless in case of these few exceptions , when we enter into a discourse with a man , we begin a friendship with him , and which , at least , includes the obligation , not to abuse his confidence ; now , though this friendship continue but for a minute , or for an hour , year , or years , under greater or lesser trusts , yet the obligation to secrecy is still the same , and all one , whether in an hourly , or a perpetual friendship . in truth , a good christian is not only no man's enemy ; but in this , he loves all mankind equally ; that he shews more kindness to one than another , is from the providence of his association , his outward compact , or friendship ; but this general tye of humanity to secrecy , is , what nothing can dispense with in us . to attain secrets . as for the particular methods to obtain secrets , there are several : thus some have gotten them by frightning with a contrary dangerous design ; and thus the priest that would know whether such a man frequented the church or not , got it out of him by accusing him of a contempt of the service . so have you employ'd informers to find out secrets ; and would you know whether they deceive you or not ? employ such as can have no manner of acquaintance with each other , and then in what they all agree , you may be assur'd , they are in the right . some have attain'd a secret by pretending , they knew in part of it already ; and thus men to save their own bacon , jealous of others treachery , have been the first informers themselves . some , when they have not been able to attain the secret desired , have fish'd for some other , and by that tempted the persons friends , as by tokens to reveal the other : and thus the grand seignior , by asking a prisoner when he lay with his wife last ? by that as with a token , drew the confession of the prisoners guilt from his wife . nor is that other method less certain of obtaining a secret by a secret , for men when they think they have possession of others secrets , presume that they have so much advantage of them , that they may safely trust them with their own : and thus by dissimulation and trifles , sometimes the weightiest matters have been discovered . sober men you may fathom by obstinate and reproachful controversies ; by which means their very passions will open them , and as for their tempers you may know them by what they were at school ; but as for drunkards the only way to fathom their speeches , is to examine them by their other frolicks , whether they have not been for a constancy foul-mouth'd or lying , &c. so , to know whether a suspected person be guilty or not ; do but charge him with things false and true at the same time , and you shall see it quickly by the different manner of his vindication ; for as sound sleep , a compos'd mind , & careless behaviour , are great presumptions of innocence ; so you will easily discover him as not concern'd at the fictitious forgery . a king of france being willing to destroy a treacherous noble that was in company with him among others , if he could get the consent of the rest , put forth the nobles treachery in a parable like david's lamb ; whereupon understanding all their resolutions , he made the application of it as it were by all their consents upon the lord that offended him . and now i have wrote thus much about the discovery of secrets , i shall add a little also about the management of them , and occult writing , and conclude . occult writing . if to be secret be lawful , which indeed the strictest morallist and religious cannot deny ; for , in truth , secrecy is one of the considerablest branches of wisdom , and we are taught to be subtle as serpents , as well as harmless as doves : if secrecy i say therefore , be not only lawful , but a vertue , besure unsearchable ways of writing must be of excellent advantage , since by such occult writing , we can communicate secrets to whom we please , and conceal them from every body else . now to enumerate the several methods of secreting our sense in writing , were a work as frivolous as endless : i take it therefore for granted , that if i describe some of the best methods , and leave them to be improv'd , alter'd and chang'd by every man 's own invention , 't will be far better than to tire him with all particulars ; for when once the mystery of an art is unravell'd , there is no difficulty to copy it a thousand ways by our own invention . some make a new alphabet , and alter only the characters of the letters , as suppose i wrote english with arabick letters , not understood in this country ; others alter only the signification of letters , and use the common characters , as suppose i should all along write a for b. b for c. c for d , &c. thus for example , were i to write the word ( and ) it must be by z mc. for z goes for a. m for n. and c. for d. being all the immediate letters before them , and consequently ought to take their places as so ; but this method is easily discover'd by the vowels and short words ; and yet it may be blinded too , by inserting insignificant letters , and multiplying the characters of the vowels . some will invent a peculiar cant like jipseys , which is indeed like making a new language ; others will cover their designs in a dark metaphor ; as suppose i treated of a common wealth of bees to reflect on government , or cited some anitent historical passage to represent the present scene of affairs , and the correspondence between them : and this is the method us'd by the prophets in scripture . some will write with common letters , and in common english , but alter the placing of the letters ; thus suppose i wrote moses said , i write the odd letters in the first word , and the even letters in the second ; and so it will be mssad oesi ; and so i go on with every two words till i end what i write . others dispose every , , , , , , , or . successive letters , according to a table of chimes for bells , and then divide them into words at their pleasure ; and after all to make it the more intricate , you may dispose the words in sentences by the rule of such chimes , as you did before the letters in the words ; so that without you key , the table of chimes , 't is impossible to read what you write , since at this rate by double chimes you may vary your letters a thousand , nay , i may say , ten thousand ways , if you please . but all or most of these ways are imperfect ; for as they cannot but infallibly breed a jealousy and suspition , so many times they are as mischievous and dangerous , as if they were reveal'd : and therefore those methods of secret writing are most beneficial , that cast a blind before mens eyes , and by giving them a fair and seeming sense to read , take away all imagination of their being a secret couch'd under it . thus some will write you a common and civil letter , but do it by the key of an alphabet of synonemas for every word ; so that when you examine it by your key , every word in the epistle shall give a secret letter , which being collected in order , shall give you a secret sentence ; but if you read it in the ordinary and currant sense , you see a plain familiar letter , without either doubt or difficulty in it . a g n t b h o u c i p w d k q x e l r y f m s z some again will write by muscial notes , and so make love by a song ; thus the words shall be what you please , but the notes shall carry the secret : for in this case the six spaces or lines shall signify the letter you desire to write , according to your pleasure ; and the notes of time which shall distinguish them , being four , make just . the alphabet , being multiplied by . the spaces , as above . note , you may prick your notes or put them on the line or space at your pleasure . others , will make the first word in the first line ; the d . in the d . & the d. in the d. &c. to contain the secret , while the other words in the several lines are ingeniously contriv'd , with the significative words , to make a good and common sense for the disguise sake . others will cut papers in figures , and then all that is not wrote within the compass of such figures , is superfluous ; others will write what they would have read with black ink , and reserve the secret to be written in a by-place or corner of the letter , with a white ink , &c. others again will refer through numbers to the letters , or words in a known page and line of a particular book , and so endite . but in short , the best and least suspitious way , is to reduce your secret to one or two words , and then having several keys to write it by , to intimate to your friend by what key you write , by the manner of writing your name : and thus you may make a few such letters blacker or bigger than ordinary in several lines , or make seeming accidental blotts , and so discover your sense . of collections . surely , it can avail us nothing to quote authors in catalogues , and to raise large folio's with recitals . what is wisdom , if too long for use and recollection ? or what are precepts good for , when scatter'd in libraries ? good precepts 't is true , are like rocks and anchors to the instability of our thoughts . the perfection of vertue indeed , consists in the uprightness of the will ; but what is the will without an understanding accordingly ? nay , what will the most excellent understanding avail us , without agreeable precepts , and those ready and at hand ? the best of us dose , dote , and slumber at times ; and among huge and numerous volumes , where shall we find what we want , unless in the meridian of our reason we store up precepts for old age ? alass ! we have seen the force of an extempore strain , in its imperfect essays towards it , often enough ; we see how far the waves of proud fancy can reach ; nay , we are not ignorant even of what enciclopaidians can do . but what ! can a little whifling treatise command respect ? surely , a body of philosophy and an army of thoughts much more ; nay , what is even a library , but an undigested rubbish , to pure and select precepts ? has man leisure to peruse or pursue every current of thought nicely ? surely , he cannot even survey all the books that are , and are not the extracts and spirits of thoughts then , far more eligible than your flat and endless corollarys . no doubt , a general body , if so prepar'd , were of admirable use , the universal view would clear our prospect , and lead and direct our notions and actions ; nay , and error and vice would appear through their dissonancy to the whole body of knowledge . to conclude , reasoning like figur'd silks and cloaths , is only truly to be judged of in the whole piece , while the composition of our precepts , like a garison , should be for strength , and use only , each place defending its self , and defended by another . of precepts . there are several methods to vertue ; but surely precepts excell all . can an harrangue make you good ; and why not the precept in short ? examples are lively 't is true , but time alass ! will allay all their emulation ; while as for the close reasonings of precepts , can they ever fade ? the man 's a false proselyte that does not love vertue for vertues sake ; and are long examples then comparable to brief and wholsom precepts ? what avails it , as i have said , to have volumes of cautions one knows not where to find ? by precepts i will store up wisdom against age ; nay , i will fortify my vertue by reasons impregnable , the quintessence of wisdom . our first ▪ thoughts are too crude for wisdom ; nature does not give vertue : and 't is a kind of an art to become good . nay , without precepts our wisdom is bruitish , and our vertue , constitution and inclination , not judgment . while petty vertues sink in their trials , precepts will level every wrinkle that disturbs the tranquility of the mind . pure precepts will smell sweet , when the little gusto's of fancy shall fade . i know the world love to hide their vices under the broken fragments of morality ; but are not wilful ignorance and disobedience equal , as well in morals as divinity ? besides , can any thing excel good precepts ? or is any thing more desirable ? nay , is not wisdom the unchangable good of god himself ? true precepts will compose thy spirits beyond musick , and lull thy passions asleep . true precepts are a perfect antidote to vice , if thou but use them duly . the true philosophy is clear and self-evident ; it leaves neither difficulties nor scruples , but chears the mind , enlightens the understanding , and confirms the courage , where e're it comes . some admire precepts ; but why ? they want variety and change. alass ! they want but diverting strains : true precepts are one , and eternal . can true vertue be ever out of fashion ? surely then , 't is a defect in god , that he is not vicious for variety ; if not , i will not be giddy in my precepts , lest i become giddy in my morals also . in truth , is vertue such a trifle as to be sacrificed to novelty and curiosity ? or am i so wretched as to think so of her ? no : let her be as unchangable in my breast , as she is pure and chaste in her self . neither reading nor meditating , neither study nor discourse , neither passion nor zeal , therefore shall give me that advantage , that i will not secure by precepts ; but then to perfect , not to change my vertue . to conclude , i may add , 't is even ridiculous to see what slight passions can discompose us , when reason does not rule . surely therefore , good precepts are as armour , and the only way through which to attain the perfection of our nature . of sincerity . i am sorry , i may say too often , our heart by habit is apt to cheat our reasons , while our sincerities become but as a more curious art , to draw a religious respect to what we say . the true sincerity is good without a witness , and can love unfashionable vertue ? the true sincerity never fails : is it frail ? yet at least it keeps in the track of vertue . a pure integrity has no reserve ; she dreads not the scrutiny of the best of men ; she will not do evil even that good may come : her loyalty for goodness can serve her without either livery or dower . wilt thou be good therefore ? let no temptation impurify thy will : or if thou wouldst be wise , let not the least error blemish thy judgment . is a castle ever easier maintain'd , than when without breaches and disunion ! alass ! the exactly sincere is so between god and himself only : the world has but the colour of integrity ; the true sincerity would not be hired from the paths of vertue . how earnestly do some men seek excuses to be corrupt ? but can we say , that man is good , that does not wish and endeavour to be better ? surely , god and vertue elect by our wills , and not by our powers or actions . pure vertue is even in the bottom of the heart : christ says , he that lusts after anothers wife commits adultery with her . indeed , why should i tantalize my self so with lusts , did i not love the temptation ? when i reflect on the integrity of seneca and marcus antoninus , and other heathens , methinks i am asham'd to hear corrupter christians say , that such divine men are damn'd . are we the better for knowing or believing only ? and , why not the devils also , who tremble with it ? are we rich in grace ? alass ! we forget that god accepted the widows mite . to be short , the true sincerity will even in this life benefit us ; it leads us to truth , and it gives us credit ; nay more , 't will add us respect also . 't was christ's sincerity that made him speak as with authority . nay our sincerity will benefit us , tho in a mistake : thus what but integrity could bring st. paul from the greatest persecutor , to be the greatest apostle . surely , both piety and vertue lye only in sincerity ; if action without intention were valuable , we should even make bruits vertuous also . and if any thing be vertue , or there be any vertue , 't is mixed with sincerity ; for sincerity is really the great and only touchstone both of religion and morality . of vows and oaths . all vows , of that which is unlawful , are void ; nor availes it in such case , whether the thing vow'd be a greater or lesser evil , since nothing can oblige a man to what is really evil : 't is as unlawful to tell a lye to fulfil an oath , as it is to murder a man : and as it is impossible that god should love to have ill done , so it is impossible that he should engage us to it , purely because we have vow'd or promis'd it . i may add , the nature of good and evil , still remains , notwithstanding the influence of any vow , oath , or promise whatsoever , and is in the eye of god and reason only obligatory ; and therefore according to scripture , and the best casuists , it is , that it happens , that the vows of a servant , or wife , may be good in part , or void in part , as consistent with their prior duty ; and so also where there are two oaths , the prior ought only to take place . and , in this case , that the superstitious notions of vows and oaths have been wrong , ought not therefore to make us to follow them : 't is true , in the reformation , we ought to preserve piety , and not to contemn what is really sacred ; and yet we ought to examine matters so sincerely also , as not to leave our selves partial , blind , or confus'd in the search . what shall not a man pay his debts , because he has vow'd he will not ? and must a man starve , or murther himself , because he has sworn it ? this were for him to set up a new law in opposition to god's sacred law of nature ; and , by artifice , to subvert the most holy will of god : and thus i may add also , humanity and charity are as great debts even as a bond ; and therefore if i vow not to pull off mine hat to another , that is even void also . upon this therefore , i conclude , that no vow can change our state , or bind our liberty ; to confine our selves against a prospect of good , is an ill ; and it is the only power of a vow to bind us to a known duty , from a known evil , or in a thing indifferent ; nay , if any thing be indifferent , if the confinement fret us to the injury of body or mind , from that instant it becomes ill , and ceases to obliege us as not indifferent also . and thus a vow may engage me to the greatest self-denial , so as consistent with my duty , but not to the least evil , though even but of imprudence : a vow to fling away my wealth into the sea , is void ; but i may well vow all i gain to the poor , and yet even then i must reserve me maintenance , and bestow it with discretion . so i may bind my self from wine and flesh ; but if so , their want impairs my health , i must use them : and so i may bind my self from going into the country , till my health , or a better service from god and my country require it ; but i may never thereby obstruct the advancement of any greater good or talent : and so , though i vow to go to rome , if i cannot propose some good by my journey , the imprudence of it makes it void , in idly neglecting my business ; and so also , though it were but to go half a mile , the evil is the same . so also to serve a man's country in the best imploy he is capable of , is every man 's fundamental duty ; and to neglect it , is to bury our talents : for any man therefore to vow such a vow , as engages him from his best capacity of serving his country , as to lead a monks life , &c. is of it self unlawful , and , ipso facto void , as it forbids an apparent duty , and renders us little better than drones in the common-wealth we live in . nay , and such breaches of oaths and vows , in such case , like that of corban , are no sin ; that we need not fear not to keep them , they being of themselves void ; the rash making of them indeed was a sin , but they have not the guilt of a black and wilful perjury , as the world too often mistakes , but rather a rasher resolution only in them . a false witness is guilty of a wilful contempt to god , and injustice to man : but , in this , we have nothing more to repent of , then that we called god too lightly to witness to a resolution not well weigh'd and understood : and , if this were a sin , how could the jews leave their vows to the law on christ's converting them ? or how can the husband break his marriage-bond , by divorce , as even christ gives leave for adultery , and be guiltless ? so , if i make a vow , it does not bind mine heir ; or if as an officer , it does not bind me as a private person ; so , are you a prince , and would you know how far your parliament-oath engages ? all the power not transfer'd to you remains , the law of nature makes all states compleat in themselves , though by compact it may be limitted . so also , as 't is impossible to think of all necessary conditions , as life and capacity of the parties , &c. so we must have an implicite regard to such conditions , in whatsoever vows we make ; and yet on the other hand , christ teaches us , that though i swear but by my self , yet am i as much bound , as if i swore by god ; so though i swear by false gods , yet my obligation to verity and sincerity is still the same . but to return ; though there may be many things that may thus make a promise void , although confirm'd by an oath , witness adultery in marriage , &c. yet justice , in many cases , will bind a promise much stronger than a vow , because of the expectance and dependance thereon , and it's necessity in commerce and conversation ; and yet little pety and deliberative promises to ones self only , as , i 'll go to london to morrow ; or , i 'll buy such an horse , have no obligation at all , but leave the speaker free to his discretion . so also a mutual promise is not valid till accepted ; and yet even so , i am bound steadily to my offer as a proposer ; but if matters after change upon my promise , and before acceptance , i am not then bound , till you make my first terms good : thus if a person be offer'd , and i accept to marry , if she fail me , i am releas'd of my promise ; if not , i must stand to it : and thus god resolv'd to destroy nineveh , when , on their repentance , he revok'd their sentence . further , i am bound by the promise of my ambassadour , deputy , or general , to the utmost of their commission , and that though against private instructions ; and yet if by their commission i leave them the power only to treat for me , none but the sponsers are engag'd beyond express order ; so i am bound , by my league , though even to an heathen , so far , as to preserve him : but , as wicked leagues are void , i may not fight for an heathen to destroy christians , for that is to add more sin to rash swearing , like the death of john the baptist to herod's foolish oath . so also , no promise can engage me against self-preservation ; 't is not lawful for me to lay down my life even to save my friends ; i owe my life only to god ; and yet i may joyn with my friend even to death in a good cause ; but then i must martyr for the cause of god , and not my friend : so , though i promise to go a journey , yet i may not go if there happen a dangerous tempest at the time to endanger my person . but indeed , a man has generally little need to add all these cautious limitations to promises ; we are too apt to promise according to our hopes , and perform according to our fears , without these encouragements ; but surely , in truth , all our promises , whether confirm'd by oath or not , ought to be equally sacred : and though , in one case , we are in danger of perjury only ; yet ought not that to beguile us into a conceipt that a lye is of a weaker guilt ; and yet not but that tho' i may neither equivocate , nor strain the words , i promise , or declare , if they are propos'd me knowingly doubtful , i may justly take them so . where ever therefore we have made promises , and we have reason to judge them faithful with whom they are made , we ought strictly to observe them ; but when they are made with persons false , either by practise or principles , they are void , though confirm'd by oath , as being contrary to the most sacred law of self-preservation ; and yet , in such case , i offend god , by treachery , indeed black perjury , by offering to engage my self falsely where i cannot . thus , for instance , 't is impossible to make a league with a papist , who cannot onely , by principle , swear what he intends not , but disengage himself from oaths by equivocations , or otherwise , at pleasure ; for , as leagues and promises are mutual in their obligation , and are otherwise of no force ; so is it impossible that there be faith oblig'd to , with such men ; and if there be any method therefore to make agreements with them , it must be by securities and hostages ; witness the late persecution in savoy . so also , if a man has been known to be false to his promise by practice , or otherwise , no mutual obligation can tye us to fidelity with him ; and yet even then , if there be no danger of life , but only of some temporal damage , and i make a single , not mutual promise , i am bound to fidelity . so in a mutual promise , if the false person has actually perform'd his part , without he give me a release , and then i am discharg'd , though on oath . of censvre . the better to deliver what i have to write concerning censure , i shall distribute my in discourse into four parts ; the first part of my essay , to shew the nature of praises ; the second , to shew us what contempt is ; the third , to add a few words concerning libels and satyrs ; and , the last , to add some reflections on all manner of rash judgments and reports whatever : but first , as for praises . of praise . we censure others to be commended our selves ; and , in truth , it is rather to exalt our own judgments , than the merits of those we praise , that we enlarge in their commendations ; so that at the bottom we praise our selves , when we would seem to praise them . in plain terms , one might almost conclude , that neither vice is blam'd , nor vertue commended , but out of interest ; and , that for interest we can admit any praise : and so also , the modesty which seems to refuse praise , is indeed , nothing else but a desire to have it in a way less visible , and more delicate . thus also we do not love to give praises , nor do we bestow them but rarely , except for interest . indeed , i may say , praise is a conceal'd and delicate flattery , that satisfies differently him that gives it , and him that receives it ; the one takes it as a recompence of his merit , and the other gives it as a mark of his equity and judgment ; and yet praises have at least this good , that they serve to fix us in the practice of virtue ; and the approbation that is given , to wit , to beauty , or to courage , at least augment and perfect them , and make them do more than they were able to have done of themselves . but , besides this , some men too often use poyson'd praises , and which shew , by a side-glance , the faults of those they praise , and which they dare not to discover otherwise ; thus they exalt the glory of some , thereby the better to lessen that of others ; and give men a little commendation , that they may be the better able to accuse them also . and thus it happens sometimes , that there are praises that reproach , and reproaches that praise ; and yet there are few people that are wise enough to love the reproof which does them good , better than the praise which betrays them ; and yet ▪ they shall refuse praise too ; but yet then 't is as with a desire to be doubly prais'd . upon the whole , he that always praises me , is undoubtedly a flatterer ; but , he that sometimes praises , and sometimes reproves me , is probably my friend , and speaks his mind : and yet in such case , did we not flatter our selves , others would do us no hurt ; but , when men take shelter under the arch-flatterer ones self , then it is that they injure us . and as men are thus apt to be fond of praises , so are they no less inclin'd to be avers'd to contempt : in truth , i may say , nothing makes men greater slaves than mockery ; yet not but that flattery is more dangerous than contempt , though less acceptable : contempt at least keeps us in the methods of plain-dealing ; whilst flattery carries multiply'd mischiefs in it , and not only cheats and cozens us , but eats out and destroys the very fountains of truth in us . to be short ; well might augustus lament for varrus's death , because , said he , i have none in my country that dares tell me truth : and , if any thing upon earth can make us miserable , surely it must be to be fool'd and cheated by the false lights of flatterers : i do not mean your little common flatterers , that seek no deeper than into a few general pleasing attributes only ; but your arch-flatterers , and such as are too common in courts , and who , perverting the whole course of sincerity and truth , aim at nothing else but scruing up all things , just to please and delight the party courted . of contempt . but on the other side , as for contempt , one may say , the rich and the poor have the same appetites and passions , only differently express'd and disguis'd ; and all people , nay even the meanest , are alike impatient of discountenance or contempt , be the person never so great from whom they receive it . nay , and we all agree further in this , that we are more impatient to have our understandings reflected on , than our manners ; and we can better bear the imputation of vice than folly ; the reason is , we value our credit and interest more than our honesty , and we had much rather save our estates and our pleasures , than our souls . but indeed , had we courage enough to be wise , we should regard resentments only from their reason , their depth and weight , and not from popularity and opinion : now , should we do so , i say , not only our greatest concern would be at vice and sin , when they reproach us , but , as 't is evident , that contempt , scurril and laughter , are but as the froth of reasoning , and have no other bottom , but vanity and folly ; so they ought not to be regarded in no sort , but as the effects of weakness , and want of judgment . wisdom bids us be charitable , and bear with others ; nay , and not only so , but assist them in their infirmities : how contrary then must this malitious resentment of contempt be , which delights and rejoyces in others misfortunes , and endeavours all it can , to advance them ? besides , contempt is a set , stubborn , and resolute aversion and hatred : now , i say , as this can neither with justice or charity be paid to any thing but vice or sin , so we are unjust to give it to any thing else : and hence , what though a man be vicious , and his crimes deserve all the contempt in the world ; yet his person , and as he is our brother , he rather deserves our pity ? and , in truth , we are rash fools to hate any thing that god does not ; he only and wholly ought to be the standard of our affections ; and besure as he neither does nor can hate us for our misfortunes , as indeed it were to hate us for being his very creatures to do it , and which is impossible ; so the only occasion of his contempt of us , is our misaction , and our aberration from his law ; and yet even then also he has mercy : and we , if we will be like him , surely ought not to be without it . nay more ; is any one weak and foolish , 't is my positive duty to pity him , and , in charity , where i can , to advise him , much more not to despise him ? so , is there any one wicked , 't is my duty to reform him , and not harden him by scoffing at him ? and , indeed , christ , by his example , shews us , that we ought to pray for , and advise , not only our enemies , but our murderers also . and , with what arrogance then shall we presume to leave our stations , as creatures i mean , in continuing in invincible brotherly love ; and , to take upon us , like god , through a rash and peremptory contempt , to judge , censure and condemn , as our little fancies shall lead us ? of libels . but , above all things , in this matter , our personal satyrs and libels are the most pernicious , the most vicious and uncharitable : i might say , nothing deserves satyr , but sin and satyr . and if a man would ask the question , when a wicked man most resembles the destroyer of of mankind ? 't is when he is maliciously dipt in the barbarous guilt of satyr , and flinging fire-brands about him , to the distraction and confusion of all he converses . nor know i any remedy against this pest , but such a scorn and contempt as it deserves . some have prescrib'd humility ; and say , a flint is easiest broke on a feather-bed : others , to avoid it , like sir john sucklin , have laugh'd at themselves first ; but , my sense is , they deserve none of this care . what a wasp , a child , or a fool fleers at my actions ! and he understands no more a true reason for his censure , than a parrot ; only he is well-skill'd at the elegancy of rayling ; and , for prevention , cries blockhead first . and , hence it is as a secret belonging to the wise , to give full liberty to the malice and envy of such , the baser sort , and to let them vent themselves in calumnies , and false reports ; so that when they have spoken very ill of brave and worthy men , at length finding their own reputation and fortunes to lye at stake , for fear of revenge they may be brought to forbear . and , indeed otherwise , the only remedy against satyrs and libels , is a contemptible silence : nor can you half so much vex their authors , by a witty retort , as such a neglect : by the first , you at least acknowledge their power , and you may be sure they will not be without hopes or endeavours to be even with you again ; for , they have seldom that charity as to forbear abusing you , while , by the latter , you shame them , and irretrievably condemn them as billinsgates . upon the whole , our best lesson that we can learn from hence , that i see , is to know the true value of contempt , and reputation : now , as the only benefit of a good name therefore is like cloaths to defend us from outward accidents , and the only real mischief of contempt , the impediment of our affairs ; so , why should we value it further ? alass ! what is a name when we are dead ? were it not to advance our children and posterity ? the honour otherwise that is not paid us in person , vanishes into idle air : and what , tho' our names remain , our little tickling and fond vain glory , which is the only itch we aim to satisfy , perishes with our persons . of true satyr . and yet after all , not but that there is a satyr as excellent and profitable as innocent ; a true juvenal shall lash men out of vice as fast as ten serious sermons ; but then withall , it ought to be against things and causes , and not persons ; against vices and errors , and not their subjects or professors : thus , like elijah , we may innocently droll at ahabs false gods , and say , they are sleeping , talking , or gone a journy , and therefore they cannot hear us ; while our charity at the same time , shews all tenderness for our erring brethren , and that we are ready with him even to a miracle , if in our power , to reform them of their errors : but otherwise , who can write or speak satyr , and be guiltless ? and just so in our ordinary writings also , when we take care to give all the dues of charity to our brother ; 't is a modest sheepishness not fully to rescue truth from his clamours ; vice and errors deserve their true characters ; and 't is false reasoning , not genteelness , to speak easily and smoothly of wickedness , to sooth men in their corruptions : give me the man that dares give all subjects their proper colours ; i hate the stile that nautiates with too many broad words ; but the mincing frenchify'd stile that complements all things , and ruines the partition wall of truth , what is it but lying and impertinent , in that it wants the true and opportunely life of satyr● in it ? i might add , to what end do we let such harsh words pass like current coyn amongst us , if they have not perfect ideas ? if they are chimera's , in god's name , let us fling them quite aside ; but if we must hate the word poyson for the thing , if we must not speak a word that is not alamode and agreeable , for fear of grating dainty ears , let us also for the same reason , neither see nor converse , lest we meet with those very objects themselves that are more disagreeable . in plain terms , these finical sir courtly nice wits want judgment , not elegancy for their apology : alass-a-day ! we must not speak out broad vice and whoring , for fear of touching their guilty consciences . this i grant , i would not rip up unknown vices , lest their very repetitions should breed contagions : in that indeed , there is some vertue in being modest and obscure in our discourse ; but in known and every day practic'd crimes , to lose the vividness and force of half our notions , by a tedious circumlocution , and beating of the bush ; is in plain terms , no other than a mean and cowardly sneaking to a worldly false idea'd honour , a gilding the way to hell , and right devil-advocate like , a means to destroy all those true ideas of horrour , which genuinely and naturally quadrate to the setting forth of the odiousness and deformity of vice. if any one think i write too bitterly in this case , let them know , i think , even this very sheepish insipidness as great a vice as reigns in our age ; and let them not wonder then , that i treat it accordingly : our saviour , and the apostles , and prophets of old , treated their generations of vipers in stiles answerable to their demerits ; but we forsooth are afraid , in genteelness to own their whore of babylon , as monsieur jurieu well reflects ; tho' all the scriptures require it at our hands , to brand her for her fornications and adulteries : but let such cowards and lukewarms ( that the holy revelations sufficiently threaten ) do what they will ; for my part , i shall always condemn vice and sin , in as gross and harsh characters as the monsters deserve . to me 't is no wit either to lye , or write insensibly ; and what do we do else , when we do not pourtraicture all the things and notions we treat of to the full life ? should a painter draw the picture of a bear , and omit his claws , or his brawny muscles ; or should he decipher a tiger like a lamb , or slim the wild-boar to a greyhound , and omit his tusks ? should we value the pictures for their insipid genteelness ? no : the grace of the bear were in his terrour , the beauty of the tyger in his active fierceness , and the whole life of the boar in his horrour and deformity : and even so in the pictures of sin and vice also ; 't is all the art in a true morallist and religious , exactly to delineate their tusks , their claws , and their jaws ; nay , 't is the object of elegancy , to be nice in those parts ; and not to be afraid to display them for fear of offending silly women , weaker men and children . the vulgar indeed , like unskilful dawbers , spoil this liberty , and are so bewitched to painting bears through their malice and railing , that they can hardly draw a man without some bestiality ; either they add claws to him , and make a beast of prey of him , or gay feathers , and turn him to a peacock , or add him a tayle , and turn him to a monky : but what ! must their blunderings make us paint nothing but beauties , their deformities make us deal in nothing but angels ? surely , after all , and in all cases , the true good picture answers the life , and neither humour nor fancy can change their natures ; and , if on the one side we will avoid the billinsgate colours of the mob , on the other the proverb , stulti dum fugiunt vitia in contraria current ; will certainly hit us , if we do not draw the owl and batt to the life , as well as the dove and eagle . of rash judgment . but to return , and proceed a little more particularly to false judgments and reports . most people see nothing in others , but the repute that they have in the world , and what their fortune merits ; and yet they are as confident in their censures of them , as if they had windows into their hearts . indeed , we are perfectly known only by our friends , and yet our enemies and strangers will judge us most , and who know least the truth of what they censure . and one might say in such case , our readiness to be evil without examining , is pride and laziness in a medley . we would willingly find persons guilty , but will not give our selves the trouble to examine their cases : but alass ! had we no faults in our selves , we should not be so apt to observe them in others : i may say , we are naturally apt to disapprove in others what we think in justice , others may disapprove in us . to cure this rash judgment therefore , i may add , we should take care as well to rectify our own faults as our reasonings : in our reasonings we should be rather slow to speak , and considerate , than fiery and precipitate . in our errors , should we but have perpetually memorandums of the failings of our selves before us , we should not be so apt to have so little mercy for others ; but alass ! we are neither so just as to reflect on our own faults , or the excellencies of the persons we would condemn . and hence indeed , i may add , were our principal quarrel at reports for the injustice of their rash censure , and not from self-love , we should be equally cautious and concern'd at their injustice to others as our selves ; but really our general grievance is , when our selves are the object of them ; and so in truth , all our judgment of them is partial . nay , and we are the more concern'd at such rash censures , as if we fancied our selves the only objects of them ; and whereas indeed , we are not : but all the world in general , are apt to judge by appearances ; and whoever has such and such appearances , or where ever they happen , just such a censure follows , whether in our selves or others , of course . so that , i may say , till we can hope to rectify this common , but unjust judgment , by appearances , and which to me seems next to an impossibility , we had as good fancy , that common robbers had a particular design upon us , that meet us , & rob us , with all that they meet in such a road : for just so men censure such and such , that they find mark'd with such offensive qualities . nay , and it is even ridiculous therefore to expect to be the only person the world will spare , since christ himself was nor priviledg'd in this case : can you walk the streets and not expect to be dash'd ? surely , if such judgments can put us out of humour , we shall never be pleas'd . so also , suppose that any man tell thee of such a censure ; what is it , but that a whisper is reveal'd to thee , and a giddy report published ? for thou art beside thy self , if thou expect there should be no censure of thee ; and if so , no wonder that some of them happen to be publish'd , of thee , and to thy disadvantage . and besides , do we expect an universal love ? we are unjust , and there is none of us that deserves it ; nay , and as there is nothing more free than love , so we ought not to pretend to purchase it by complaints and reproaches , but love and complaisance : nay , and suppose we deserve not this love , yet would we put a force on mens passions , and make them to love us whether they will or no ? nay , and indeed suppose we really deserve to be lov'd of men , but some light appearances make them censure us , we ought rather to complain of their weakness and lightness , and of the frailty of humanity than of their injustice ; 't is not he that mistakes , but he that wilfully censures wrong , that is unjust . besides , some love us not so much that we deserve their love , as that they fancy an idea we have such qualities as they esteem amiable , and which possibly we have not : suppose then that truth were setled in censure , we should lose as much love as hate ; for mankind is giddy and unsteady , and has not set the sure grounds of piety and vertue for their censure ; for indeed those qualities are only really amiable , and all other friendship unstable and fleeting . but to proceed , if such rash judgments and censures of any sort really injure us , 't is more that they join with our imagination , and by them affect us and disturb us , then that they have any real power in themselves ; alass ! in themselves generally they are but air , and their love and flattery is more hurtful than their spite and mischief ; for that too often poysons our hearts with a mortal sweetness ; while as an indifferency leaves our journy toward god with more liberty . and besides , if others are faulty in their censures , their injury is to themselves and not to us : it deserves our pity , not our complaint . when we do our duty to others , we do it for god's sake , and frustrate our ends ; when we expect our reward , and return from man , we should be glad , that god gave us the opportunity therefore ; and we should dread a recompence from the world , lest our hearts should accuse us , and say , this was not done purely for god's sake . in short , when you are charitable to the poor , do you expect they repay you ? and so , when you are charitable to the slandered , to the poor in fame , must be return your complement ? well may god , may i say , punish us by their ingratitude , when we so basely translate the true end of our actions from himself to his creatures ; and indeed , what fools are we to value a complement and trifle , before the great rewards of an all-sufficient god. of reports . therefore , i think , that by this time , we may very well conclude that . lastly , as for reports , 't is a common , but grievous error among mankind , that justice should let mens tongues loose to a full liberty , in respect of them , more than in the more solemn distributions of meum and tuum ; whereas certainly , in truth , and if men would but duly consider their duty , they would find , that justice and charity engage them equally in reports as in commerce . and thus , suppose any person of credit inform'd me , that such an one was a cheat : i say , i have no title hereby to condemn or call him so , no more , than to hang a fellon through common fame : and yet i may justly refuse thereby to give him any great degree of credit ; nay , and to indempnify my friend from him , i may acquaint him with the just grounds of my jealousy , but then it must be to preserve his real interest , and not malitiously ; and therefore , i am bound in justice not to add to the story i have heard . nor is it a less vice in reports , to commend wicked persons more than they deserve , than to defame and blemish the reputation of the innocent ; for thereby we authorize and make an example of what is abominable : and surely , nothing can be more pernicious than such a course ! thus we ought not to praise the devotion of a man that is a known cheat , nor the honesty of a robber or pyrate : can we assure our selves how far the influence of such our commendation shall extend ? but to strike at the bottom of reports ; did we proceed with justice , we should do like judges ; and not condemn one side , till we have heard t'other , till we have examined witnesses and proofs , even scruplously on both sides . i am sure , no man but would think himself hardly us'd with other measures in a court of justice ; and why not in reports also , when we presume with confidence to affirm groundless scandals of one another ? i may add , how often are the sense and coherence of men's words wrested , quite contrary to their primitive intention ? and who is more apt for such an injustice than a captious and idle tale-bearer ? so , how often are the best and fairest actions represented even as vices ? and if so , what care can we take sufficient in our censures and reports ? or what real value can one place on reputation , when one considers the inconstancy and injustice of the world ? to conclude , when reports therefore are faulty of us , we ought rather to pity the world in their weakness , than to be angry at them : for is it not a spectacle full worthy of our compassion , to see men love to ruine one anothers reputation ? and if they entertain an esteem of any one , 't is as it were against their wills , and in spight of them , and they are glad of every little scandal to blemish the fair character . upon the whole , defame not good persons , tho' for accidental blots in their actions , in justice to the rest ; and for evil persons , tho' never so mean , do not too easily defame them , in justice to thy self , and left they be reveng'd upon thee , remember aesop's beetle could fling down the eagles eggs ; and though 't is true , innocence is a breast of steel against malice and ill fame , yet only in our own consciences ; for it will not preserve us from outward mischiefs . of poetry . the traffick of poetry is but in the froth of reasoning , and the colours of morality . i must confess , for its light and careless touch to the mind , like musick , 't is an excellent recreation sometimes ; but for any man to set his genius upon it , is to trade in cockle-shells , and to catch at meer empty noyses and shadows . give me the diamond that is true brilliant cut in its self , and that needs nothing of the golden caskanett , to set it off , or adorn it : i may say , 't is a kind of whoring of true wit , to dress it in poetry ; and if a true poet hates to see the plot , and turn of his play fum'd away by opera into shew and noise ; much more may genuine and vigorous sense , scorn to be cramp'd and manacl'd by verse , for the sake of a little paultry rhime and metre , to set it out with . and to me therefore , it appears no other , than a reflection on mr. hobbs , who would otherwise seem a philosopher to translate homer ; not that i would so much undervalue homer neither , as the imployment of his judgment , and that he should squander away so much time in a meer diversion , and the endless gingle of words . would you know why poets are poor ; i think it is their due reward ; for when men weakly are too much enamour'd with butter-fly fancy , 't is fit , as a piece of natural justice , that poverty , as an arm'd man , should come upon them , and force them to reason , and to worldly and heavenly real cares to imploy them better . and yet , to shew the vanity of mankind , 't is wonderful to see how they are bewitched to the charming rhymes of verses ; but more especially , if they are satyr , men are naturally envious , and love to admire themselves , chiefly , in the degrading of others : and hence 't is , that you shall find a lord r — malitious wit , cry'd up for a miracle , when may be a fifty times greater or diviner in a good man , is scarce discernable . but above all , what infinite lies and fables our poets , ancient and modern , have fill'd the world with ? who can end the stories of their gods , their ryots , and metamorphoses , &c. the most pernicious means in the debauch of the old heathen morals ; and so even now , who looks into a poem and expects truth ? and alass ! what is it but our common plays and poems that paint vices for vertues , and turn even the devil to an angel of light ? and what , shall we call these poets prophets then ? no : if their rage be inspir'd them , 't is by the devil ; if they deal in history , they sophisticate it ; or if in morality , they rhodomontado it : so that in truth , poetry may very properly be call'd vinum daemonum , and deserve no manner of respect with men of judgment ; for tho' the subject be good and pious , yet who delights to see it strain'd beyond truth ? surely , poetry when it is excessive , deserves rather to be called a madness than an art. as for the laws of poetry , 't is idle to set fixt forms or bounds for rhymes or metre either , since the only rule for poetry , is the adding the delight as it were of chyming words to the sense ; nay , and that may be as well without rhymes as with . witness milton's paradise lost , and the latine poets , or without set metre , as horace and cowleys pindaricks , or indeed , any other way whatsoever . and , so as to the feet of such meter , whether dactils , or spondees , &c. and as to the bounds of such meter , whether jambicks , &c. the search is both idle and endless : indeed alsted reckons up no less then . several feet ; so that custom is only able to limit them , and pleasurableness is their greatest excellency . smoothness even in oratory is necessary , that its roughness may not interrupt attention ; and more even in poetry , is idle . so , what shall i say to our several sorts of meter also ; your acrosticks , your anagrams , and an hundred other little bawbles ; as ecchoes , riddles , meter , compos'd in the shape of pots and crowns ; so your verses that are to be read backwards , and that contain the year of the date in roman letters ? are not these endless and innumerable trifles , and fitter for a toy-shop , than a wise man's head ? so also , what a sputter we have to know the long , and the short of a syllable ! forsooth , we must have whole volumes for the sake of such a trifle : so , what a noise we have to know the due bounds of a poetica licentia , as if there were some mystery , or divinity in the impertinencies of poets ; risum teneatis amici ? and yet after all , not but that poetry not abus'd , may be both pleasant and useful too , in its time ; but then it ought precisely to follow truth in story , and not be cramp'd in the meter : to be short , the two great faults , in my sense , and that generally destroy the air of most poetry , are , when men either cripple it with too nice rules , like aristotle ; or , in stead of presenting us with an even current of thought in it , patch it up to us as with an endless fardle of fancies . of preface and dedication . our common preface-makers tell us , that a book without a preface , is like a face without a crevat ; but , suppose a rugged spaniard is avers'd to this little alamode de paris ; i hope the true english-man will not refuse to converse with him therefore . just so , if the preface be the crevat , surely dedication is the beaux-string ; and the man is as no body , that cannot prostitute himself genteelly and delicately to rhodomontade and flattery in it . in plain terms , men use their books like begging-passes , more to procure themselves good and easie means by the way , than to hasten themselves really to the truer ends of life by them . so our dedications also run in a strain , as if they were to beg a protection to our books ; but alass ! consult the authors real sence in the matter , and he 'll tell you , he has rather done an honour , than expects such a favour by it . i won't say , that all our prefaces and dedications are compos'd of such a medly as this ; but surely too many of them are so impertinent , and so luscious , that the authors have often spoil'd a good book by them . the zealous puritan , that will not so much as smoke a pipe of tobacco without a grace ; yet , when more solemnly he comes to make a publication to instruct the world , his interest shall make him sacrifice all his cant to some profitable brother or sister . god smote herod for taking the honour of his own speech to himself : alass ! we are infinitely more arrogant than he . we dare so great a property in such our glory , that we can presumptuously transfer it to another ; 't is well we live not among the primitive dispensations of judgments . what a delicate medly it is ; a book full of raptures of devotion , and a dedication as vile and wicked , as unmanly and ungenerous in its flatteries . did you approach , by a gracious permission , the presence of a king ? and would you be so sawcy , as to make the noble favour and honour done you , only the occasion to complement some little petty courtier before him ? much more , dare you appear in the presence of the king of kings , in solemnly presuming to declare and deliver his laws , and at the very footstool of his throne , presume to exalt the merits of any mortal man ? surely , if e're we take god's name in vain , 't is then ; and when we rob the divine majesty of a suitable reverence ; but who has the loss by it ? and who suffers by our bringing the sacred deity into contempt ? surely our selves : if we reverence him not duly , 't is we shall suffer for it : alass ! he himself stands in need of none of our honour . some heathens have never deliver'd the name of god but in great letters ; nay , others have never printed any other word in the same line , least the hasty reader should heedlesly pass it o're ; but , can this be to the honour of us christians , who thus care not how we treat him ? were we to write the life of alexander the great , and after some singular praises and encomiums , should dedicate it to some illustrious , over-grown , and singularly well qualified mouse ; would not this redound , by way of matchless honour , to alexander ? even so , when we treat with the great god of heaven , is it decent to magnifie even princes in his presence ? nay , is there any parity between finite and infinite ? and the dishonour to god and alexander in such case ? surely , all our private dedications are , at best , but an injustice to god therefore ; but such as these a manifest contumely to him : vve ought not to name the name , much less to treat any thing relating to the divine being , without the greatest sence of his majesty . vvhen we name therefore the invisible , infinite and eternal maker of all things , is it suitable , even to aggrandize the whole earth in his presence ? and to whom the whole globe is but as a drop of the bucket ? vvhen we deliver his truths , is it suitable to any sence of providence to crave the protection of any man on earth for them ? good god! how great is the vanity , as well as the impiety of these flatteries ? he that alone endures for ages , that disposes of kingdoms at his pleasure , and in whose hand , are , and have been all the mightiest men upon earth ; needs he an assistant , least his eternal vvill should fail ? and , if 't is not his vvill , vvho shall support it ? to be short ; i wish what i vvrite could perswade men to a more truly religious frame in this matter ; if not , i yet shall be content , that i have done my duty in vvarning them , and to the vvill of god be left the success on it . but , for my own part , i declare , were i either to lose or gain the indies by such methods , i would sooner burn my self and papers , than stoop to so mean and corrupt a practice . i will not say , that like the apostles , we may not justly write epistolarly to a church , or brother ; for certainly , so long as we preserve the due decorum of decency and verity , that must be most innocent ; but surely , whatever exceeds that , must savour either of vanity or evil. of stvdy . studies serve either for delight , for ornament , or for ability ; for delight in retirement , for ornament in discourse , and for ability in judgment , and disposition of business ; and yet to spend too much time in study , is sloth ; to use them too much for ornament , is affectation ; and , to confine our judgment too precisely to their rules , is formal and pedantick . and thus likewise , reading makes a full man , or copious notion ; conference a ready man , and a temper conversable ; and writing an exact man , or a complete idea . indeed , there is no stond , or impediment in the wit , but that may be wrought out by fit studies : and if there be any knot , that i cannot by study work off at one time , meditation shall do it at another . but he buyes himself but a melancholy slavery , who studies more than necessary : now , such our necessity appears by this , either in attaining agreeable accomplishments , or in preparation for business , or in a charitable instruction of our brother : but rather than study beyond these ends , we ought to confine our selves even to set-hours , and to times and seasons . to be short ; crafty men contemn studies , as the longest way about , and , as true wisdom is too laborious for them ; simple men admire them , as it is their very exaltation to be in wonders ; and wise men use them : they perfect nature , and are perfected by experience : for natural parts , like natural plants , are the better for pruning and grafting . the method of study . but , as we love to do nothing in vain , and are not willing to bestow pains , where it will not make us any return ; so , no prudent man will venture on any course of study , till he has first throughly setled the exactest measures of his method . and thus , if you read , observe nicely to do it deliberately , choosing your times , when you are not likely to be disturb'd ; but , above all , be sure to maintain a continued and steady apprehension in whatever you do ; and whenever you find that disturbed , or destroy'd , never distract your self further , but cease study , least you lose as much in the confusion and want of method , as you get in the quantity . indeed , i may add , to study more than four or five hours a day , except it be purely in copying writings , is too much ; it precipitates our judgment , and sowrs our proceedings ; and , what improvement can you expect then , when as you increase in the mass , you lose in the digestion ; nay , and may be , for want of consideration , indiscernably engage your self in nothing else but trifles . nay , and besides , what is it that makes our studies uneasie to us , but when we are thus careless in examining their circumstances ? if we are too violent in them , well may we be confounded and fatigued ; and if we thoughtlesly set about them , in the midst of interruption , can we justly charge it on the nature of study , when we complain of its uneasiness ? so in reading , can you think that when you gallop over a good author , you do not flatten him , and lose half his life and substance ? surely you do : alass ! if you intend to be a student to effect , you must learn to pursue your subject with patience , and discipline your self to a laborious constancy ; but , above all , if you intend to study much , rise early , and have time before you , for why should you impair your health by it for want of exercise ? nor be discouraged , that thou canst not succeed in thy studies immediately , or at the first engagement ; if thou aimest at perfection , thou must not mushroom-like , think to spring up in a day , no , nor a year ; no , alass ! thou must cut thy way even through mountains of errors and prejudices : and , though thou mayst patch up a cottage in an hour , yet a beautiful city of thought , a new rome , fit for an humane soul to reign in , is not to be hew'd out of the rocks , rear'd and adorn'd in a day . and , in this case , had the world been as diligent in a sincere and impartial meditation , as they have been in their pedantry , i am perswaded that by this time , knowledge had been quadruple to what it is ; not that i would have men wholly fling aside all former helps neither ; but i would have them make their reading as subservient to their own digestion ; for my part there 's nothing that i have either receiv'd or borrow'd , that i have not reduc'd to my own method and disposal . hence some books are to be tasted , others to be swallow'd , and some few to be chewed and digested ; some books may be read by deputy , that is , by extracts : but , in all our methods we ought never to read , to contradict and confute only ; nor to believe , nor take for granted , nor meerly to find talk and discourse ; but duly to weigh , consider , and digest also . and , in this case , i may add , that , as an ill stomach craves for more than it can digest , so 't is an irregular student that reads more than he considers how to command : and , as he that in such case , eats more than he digests , breeds humours ; so , surely , i may as justly add , that a reader , beyond the true capacity of his comprehension also , breeds errours . and , to carry the simile a little further . as the soundest meats prove the best nourishment , though they are often difficult to digest , so the intricatest notions commonly prove the students best informers , though for a little time they may amuse his conception ; for , as marrow lies in bones , so valuable secrets lye generally wrapt in difficulties ; besides that , any one difficulty left unconquer'd , is enough to cloud and confound the whole idea of our studies and notions that follow it . as for collections in writing , and without which , to study by reading , is but to try to fill proserpina's seeve : think first with your self , what will be really material and substantial in them ; and learn to distinguish dressing from subjects , and ornaments from things ; the first may be abridg'd , and compris'd in short , while the latter is various , nay infinite , and consequently impertinent : thr first is the composure of solid judgment , the latter but the froth and wantonness of fancy . as for your method in collecting therefore , let it be clear , short , and well-advis'd ; clear , that you may make an easie recollection , and easily continue your course ; short , that you may not bestow more pains in shadow than substance ; or method than matter ; and well-advis'd , that you may proceed without repentance , and that you may not be perpetually imploy'd in laying of new foundations , but be able cheerfully to build your superstructure on . for my part , till i purified thus my method , the more i studied , the more i was confounded ; but thus i have not only preserv'd my idea entire , but one part of my study has help'd the other , while my whole body lies easie for me , either for correction or improvement , and as hereafter i shall see occasion . but besides this , we ought to consider to keep our studies within the bounds of a due limitation also . the true limitation of studies . and thus , first , we ought to limit our studies to our use , and to fit them to supply our defects ; thus histories will teach us wisdom , through experimental precepts : poets will make us witty , but light and flashy ; the mathematicks will make us subtile and not credulous ; natural philosophy deep and reasoning ; morality grave and good ; and logick and rhetorick will teach one faction , and make one able to contend . hence also , if a man's wit be wandring , let him study the mathematicks ; for if in demonstrations he go never so little aside , he must begin all again ; so if he be not apt to distinguish , read the schoolmen ; or if he be not apt to beat our matters , or to call up one thing , to prove and illustrate another , let him study the lawyers cases , and so every defect of the mind may have a special receipt . so if he be apt to be idle , let him borrow the books he is to study , for a time , and that will make him either diligent , or want ; nor let him , in studying , only meditate or read , for that is but to see his face in a glass , and to leave fleeting characters in the memory only , and that will instantly be blotted out ; whereas by writing also we draw a more lasting picture . so likewise reflection on conversation is far better than crude books , and too much reading ; in truth , one may say , not only that book-learning is commonly too pedantick and formal to benefit ; but indeed , that books , in themselves , are almost as idle as infinite ; and so that , in truth , 't is a matter greatly worth our examining , how far to study , and what to read ; and also , what to fling aside as superfluous . and thus the knowing what 's fit to be studied , saves half the pains ; and , in such case , just enough in charity and necessity is sufficient : we are not here to get knowledge for the other world , as some idly have imagin'd ; our sincerity indeed will stand us in stead there , but our knowledge not in the least . alass ! the present state of our nature and sences is probationary , and not to last . before therefore we descend into the several branches of humane learning , it were the highest prudence first to discern between knowledge , profitable and useless , curious and solid ; and in which case , in general , as i have said , 't is equally vain and foolish , to think to arrive at a nice perfection of wisdom , the prerogative of god ; and we should confine our selves therefore , as well to what is rationally within our powers , as to what is useful . and thus the philosophers stone , supposing it acquirable , yet it were both lazy and an unindustrious encroaching on the publick property to attain it ; and therefore , deservedly punishable by laws . and thus , there are some things also more directly unlawful to be studied , as i have already shewn , and which will much shorten an universal idea , as witchcraft , as rebellion to god , and superstitious magick , as tempting him . but , besides these greater evils , how many may i add , spend their time about words , and never dive into sense ? how many please themselves rather with the slight imaginations and fancies of other than trouble themselves to look for truth ? i say , we need only reflect , how easily we may dispence with these , and many others sorts of knowledge , and not envy the possessours of them ; and indeed , what but such exuberances in studies , make our present philosophy a meer idle chimera and vanity ? to be short , the true end of study , as of all things else , is the glory of god , and the good of his creatures : now , as we cannot say , we pursue either of these ends , when we study trifles , so are such imployments sinful ; and tho' i would obtain a complete knowledge , and raise its banks too high for the storms of raving wit and trifling error , to be able to destroy ; yet withall , i would not bestow the least pains on what might look either unnecessary or evil . of the choice of books . and thus also we pity our loss of books ; alass , fond fools that we are ! what is lost that occasional industry and necessity cannot retrieve ? besides , we are mistaken to seek for wisdom in the multitude of authors ; we had as good look for it in the mobile , where some are moon-ey'd , some purblind , some confident , as mountebanks , and others , perverse even as devils . nay , when we consider the meer multiplicity of books , tho' i would allow my self to consult the choicer for my assistance , yet in general , i would as soon hear every man's dream as read his works ; and i ought therefore , rather first to consider what books i ought to read , and next , what may be convenient for me by way of resort . now , as for the election of authors , i know no other method than the vogue of the learn'd ; in morality and divinity , those whom time and antiquity have commended , and who have stood the censure of ages , are to be chosen ; and not every modern author , whose gawdy titles and popular prejudices make him better at noise than reasoning : but as for experimental wisdom , as interest is likely to improve the world with her age , so the latter authors are there to be prefer'd before blind antiquity . but wouldst thou know a more particular test for good books , i mean moral ones ; they are such as have learning and sincerity , but more especially sincerity : and hence the scriptures which no one can esteem , to exceed in regular learning ; yet as being most pure and transcendant in sincerity , infinitely exceed all other books : alass ! 't is not notion but bright sincerity , that duly and justly gives the preference . indeed , what good can a sinister , cunning , or pedantry do us ? upon the whole , 't were too tedious for me here to give you long catalogues of books ; and besides , my designs is rather towards a general advice ; if the student want particular authors names therefore , let him consult the proper artists , and the perusal of books themselves ; and yet let him even then rather choose a few and choice books than a library ; for a multitude will confound us , where a moderate quantity will assist and help us ; and in truth , masters of great libraries too commonly like booksellers , deal no deeper than in titles . as for the encouragement of diverting needless studies , i shall only say this , 't is fit a gentleman should have at least an insight into all things ; he need not aim at being a master in all , and yet he may take a slight view or lanskaf of all : for tho' he intends but one thing as his business , yet he may justly make the survey of all , the ring of his recreation and diversion : for who can distinguish things better than he that has the largest prospect ? and yet in such looser studies , i would not read a mean book : suppose he help thee to a good notion or two , will that avail thee for thy pains and loss of time ? nor needst thou doubt in such case , but that if thou readst the choicer authors upon the same subject , that they will give thee the same thing , and in much better order , than a little pretender shall . i may say , our dozing our selves with an unprofitable reading , what is it , but like poysoning and cankring our minds , and which induces us to dote away our time in perpetual maze and confusion ? when thou hast therefore tryed some few pages in an author , and canst not like him , reject him : for as 't is impossible for a man to read all books , so 't is enough if he do the best ; and 't is our unhappiness if a pearl lye scatter'd in an unproper soile : and if a good notion be lost , because deliver'd by an ill author , i say , 't is a misfortune in discretion inevitable ; for the man is mad that thinks to read all books : and yet , if an author lye in a good method , a little pains may serve to examine him . further , there is a weak and cowardly prejudice in men , i mean , when the dread of being seduc'd by ill books , makes them afraid to read good ones , if they have but a bad name : but why so , i say ? if what an author write be true , why should i be bug-beard from an opportunity of being wiser ? if false , am not i a fool so to question the integrity or strength of my reasoning ? and thus is it not a shame , that an hobbs should fright an university worse than a monster ? i am afraid , the too common and fondling notions of the world are a little rotten at the heart , or else methinks their abettors need not be put to these shifts and burnings , to confute their adversaries : alass ! truth , like the sun , of its self , and without force , is able to cleer all the fogs of fallacy and sophistry ; and nothing but error and prejudice need dread the combate of argument , and the test of examination . an affected singularity indeed in all colours , is odious ; but this perverseness in the popularity of the world , makes it , that if ever we intend to study truth , we must be singular sometimes , and dare converse with men and books that are so ; or else at last , we may find to our loss , that we shall explode truth and sincerity too often with such authors . i shall add a little in general of speculation and practice , as the main rule of our study , and conclude . of speculation and practice . our speculation in general , ought to be so far subservient to our practice , that i may say , we profane precepts as well as piety , when we take their words into our mouth , or transcribe them with our pens , and do not live and act accordingly . in divinity nothing is more dangerous than knowledge without obedience : christ tells us , that he that knew his masters will , and perform'd it not , should be beaten with many stripes : and he that pretends to vertue no otherwise than in notion , is no better than an hypocrite , or at best a chymera book-worm . 't is true , we ought not to neglect speculation ; and yet as practice is the end of speculation , surely no man will prefer the means before the end . practice without speculation at worst , makes us but imprudent ; but meer speculation renders us unprofitable , and drones : and in truth , vertue , by meer speculation , is confounded , and only ripen'd by action . nay , knowledge without practice , is but a lust of curiosity ; and the man that cannot propose a good moral end in his studies , had as good divert himself with the purling of brooks and pibles , as the meer change of words and notions ; and yet 't is the curse of your dreaming speculatists , that they not only have no taste of real wisdom , but mispend the time that should lead them to it . wisdom is folly , and prudence madness , in such a man ; and yet , hypocrite-like , he shall read their precepts even with delight , as long as their novelty lasts . the measure therefore of our speculation , ought to be this ; sufficient to advance our practice , and not impede it , of things useful , and not of unprofitable whimseys , of bettering life , as vertue and religion , and not turning men into thinking , and reading melanchollists ; 't is a vice to procure that knowledge that is not of advantage when had ; and we misemploy our method of thinking , if we engage it purely in a puzzle of thoughts : indeed , the mind working on matter , produceth worthy notions , but on its self nothing but cobwebs and trifles . and thus also , there are some men so weak as to look for morality even in plays and romances ; but alass ! they but flatter themselves , and seek but for the colours of vertue , while they dare not the brave and nobler self-denial of her purer precepts : poor pretenders ! why do they shuffle so ? a courageable enemy is better than a bastard friend : think you ever to reconcile good and evil , or god and the devil ? surely , the man that even carouzes in his lusts , is an innocent to such as hypocrite . upon the whole therefore , you see i may make my self learneder by reading , but only wiser by moderating and regulating my actions : i will not therefore spend all my vigour in discipline , in the dressing room of my soul : i must live as well as think ; and yet , as i know error is too often to strong for me , i will always leave room for repentance , amendment , and new precepts . and , as our speculation therefore ought not to be continual , so at length , i would have a man say , lectum , consideratum , & scriptum est , & nunc vivam ; when once i have made my rule to live by , i 'le see how i can draw my life and actions by it ; wisdom was never intended to be acquir'd only , but enjoy'd ; and that knowledge is folly , not wisdom , that does not apply its self to the uses of man. and to conclude ; the only reason that makes speculation and practice differ so much , comes from the vicious and chimera prejudices of mankind : indeed , were our knowledge reduc'd sincerely to the due bounds of wisdom , we should find our precepts would be like to demonstration ; and a man would no sooner read them , but he would be convinc'd beyond all doubt , to act by them . of constancy . one may say , the sun , the air , and all things about us , contribute to make us what we are in every respect ; but our minds , and the purity thereof , so that indeed , who ever loves us on any other account than that , their love must needs be transitory ; for being made what we are by our circumstances , and they changing as they perpetually do , we become others than we were ; so that in such case , it cannot be justly called an unconstancy , to change our affections , when the objects themselves have chang'd . and hence it is , that our constancy in love , what is it but a perpetual inconstancy , and which causes our hearts to encline successively to all the qualities of the person that we love , giving sometimes the preference to one , and sometimes to another ? so that , in truth , the best of our constancies , except to god , want a foundation ; and really , what are they but our inconstancys limited , and unreasonably bound up in one subject , by an unaccountable obstinacy ? and thus , what but this is it , that makes us seek for new friends , and fresh faces every day , and yet not but that that which makes us love new acquaintance , is not always so much a weariness of our old , or the pleasure of change , as the distaste which we have , that we are not enough admir'd by those that we know too familiarly , and the hope we have to be more admir'd by those that know us but a little ? but to return ; there are two sorts of constancy in love ; the one is , because we find perpetually in the person we love ( as in an inexhausible fountain ) new causes to love ; the other is , that one holds it dishonourable to change or break ones word ; and so also , there is an inconstancy which comes from a levity of mind , and which changes every moment its opinion , or out of weakness , which makes it receive all the opinions of others : and so there is another inconstancy , which is more excusable , and which comes from the things themselves , through their losing their relish . nor is such an inconstancy , except in vertue or friendship to be discommended ; for why may not i justly follow my inclination , and the change of things ? but he that is false to his friend , or that complains of his friend , that he may be able before hand the better to justify his own levity , is guilty of a perverse treachery ; or else , i may say , our perseverance deserves neither praise nor blame ; for indeed , 't is no more than a continuance of our taste and thoughts , and which we may as innocently as justly be able to remove from us , or change at pleasure . but as for our constancy in goodness , sincerity , and truth , it is the chief and crown of all vertues , and even the best of vertues : vertues themselves degenerate to a vice without it ; if we have either bravery or goodness therefore , let us remember to crown all such endeavours with constancy . constancy will make even condemn'd innocence glory in her vertue ; and patience and penitent guilt submit and co-operate with justice . whilst i am constant to the tracks of vertue , my breast shall be immovable and easy , and neither crowns shall make me proud , nor rags asham'd . nay , and while i thus mix constancy with wisdom , my affairs shall be in order , and prudence shall cut out their seasons : i 'le foreknow the variety and difference of business , and neither accident nor novelty shall confound or surprize me ; indeed that man ought not so much as to presume at the name of prudence , that by a steady perseverance in st●●ly and meditation , has not strengthned and garison'd his reason , and given it an entire prospect above the common little mountains of prejudice and inconstancy . to be short , i would even hate my mind till i make it speak the same thing to morrow that it does to day ; my certainty and my faith shall be the same , and i will have an equal regard for them at all times . cannot human frailty bear this ? purified reason and precepts shall . my ideas shall not be fleeting and changable at every blast of reasoning , nor my resolution wavering ; i will know the certainty of piety , vertue and truth ; if they have no bottom , i 'le never hamper my self with them ; if they have , if possible , i will follow them ; nay , and i hope by the help of god , by the same rule , to be able to reduce my notions to principles that shall last as long as the sun shines . have i misfortunes ? and what then ! does not the same reason of things always continue ? or was i ever so weak as not to expect accidents ? if not , why is my mind and resolution chang'd ? is not my reason the same still ? or what ! must i commit my self to the wind , and be as changeable as the weather-cock ; be a philosopher to day , a fidler to morrow , and every day find some new whimseys for my entertainment ? no , constancy is the most potent and crown of all vertues ; and through constancy i will , nay i doubt not , but to conquer all things . constancy even in drops wears stones away , while nothing is more weak than a pretender ; if we have never so great an appearance in our actions either of vertue or courage , yet if we want constancy and perseverance , our profession is idle , and our pretences are vain ; nay , and they reflect more upon us , than if we were absolutely negligent . and yet , tho' nothing can recommend its self more to us than constancy , yet it ought to be with this limitation , in what is good , and truth only ; and not in a lie , or evil . constancy in vice enhances our guilt , and perseverance in error after conviction , be it on any pretence whatever , is the sure method of folly and ignorance . indeed , constancy is only in good things ; and 't is obstinacy that fixes us in evil , and that makes sin and vice eternal , and that forbids repentance for fear of change. of the art of war. of the lawfulness of war . to god alone belongs the prerogative of life and death ; and who art thou , who presumest to assume it ? art thou a king ? even a king ought to be a father to his subjects , and not a slaughterer : but is that for trifles , to drown them in blood ? surely , they forget king phillips monitor ; remember thou art a man therefore , who can too easily engage themselves in war ? and yet tho' hence we ought to abhor war , yet we ought never to forget it , no , not even in time of peace : if the rigour of our discipline cease , yet at least our military precepts should be preserv'd pure ; for nothing surely can disengage us of our self preservation . and yet not that , not to be backward in just wars , should forward us therefore to rapine or murder neither ; god certainly has plagues and real causes of wars enough to ease the world of being over-peopled by , without our presumptious , murders and desolations : have i therefore the justest cause of war , if possible , i will stifle it . thus , is my merchant injur'd ? i will satisfie him by reprisal . and , have i wrong'd my neighbour ? i will acquit my self before god , in tendring him satisfaction . indeed , princes should consider the hardship of an unjust war upon their subjects , before they begin it . i might add , is the right doubtful ? and what , will not an arbitration serve and save humane blood ? in truth , war without cause is predatory and bruitish , and a meer souldier is worse than an blangman ; a generous officer sure would die rather than fight without a good cause declar'd . in doubtful cases indeed , i 'le obey my prince ; but shall he make a man-butcher of me ? not but that war undoubtedly may be most lawful too ; for even the same christ that could abolish the rule , of an eye for an eye , &c. in forbearance and mercy ; yet himself could once think a sword necessary , luke . . and lash the thieves out of the temple . to be short ; god has given us a being , and shall we not value his kindness , by all the lawful ways of self-preservation ? and what , may we not then justly resist all violent aggressors , and avenge our selves of our secret enemies , to incapacitate them in their evil designs ? nay , and if this be the law of nature ; pray where is 't abolish'd ? and surely , it is such , nay , and to that degree , that a people may lawfully raise a war of self-defence of their own heads , and without the authority of their prince , where 't is necessary , even as all casuists allow . and yet , not but that i may wickedly prosecute the justest war too ; war should be manag'd , as by a judge , to pay the original debt , and not as by a robber , to murder and plunder . thus i have a just occasion of war , when i see another assault me , nay , when i have a good ground of jealousie and suspicion , i am not bound to wait the first blow : but are my suspicions weak , and his preparations trifling ? peace and charity commands me to entertain no ill opinion of them . so , do i see my neighbour's subjects miserably distrest ? 't is my duty not to see piety , honesty and innocence discouraged ; and yet , though to relieve the opprest for religion , may be a good cause of war , yet , to propagate it , can be none . so , is my brother ignorant , or an heathen ? charity will let me advise him , but not force him : but does my brother sacrifice his children ? is he a sodomite , or a murderer , as benjamin ? surely i , with israel , may war with him , to bring him to a better temper . so papists , by their principle , that no faith 's to be kept with hereticks , give an immortal cause of war : we sight a more generous and open enemy , and are not we bewitch'd to forgive one , bloody , barbarous , and inveterate , as the devil himself is then ? 't is pity , indeed , we don't indulge their tender consciences , and let them murder us ; 't is their principle and religion : if it be their religion , i say , 't is from the devil , and let us fight them till they alter it : what! profess our selves sheep for the slaughter ? i don't know whether protestant states may not answer for 't to god , as self-murderers , that they have tender'd such vermin-principles so long . so , surely , i have a right to take a sword from a mad-man , to arbitrate my neighbour's popular commotions , and to interpose towards setling the peace of my neighbours . thus , if my neighbour begins a war , though with another neighbour ; the wolf shall not think , by my standing neuter , to devour me next ; and yet i will not help a too potent prince abus'd neither ; for why should i assist him to destroy my self ? thus 't was the war of righteous abraham to reduce those conquerors that carried away his brother lot. and yet , if the war for my brother be too desperate , i am not bound to fling away my life for his sake . but are only my merchants injur'd , and by private persons ? i have no cause of war , if either satisfaction be tender'd , or the offenders deliver'd up ; but such an injury , by a commission'd subject , is a compleat cause of war. so i may naturalize a subject of my neighbours without offence ; but if i offer to naturalize a town , or to encroach but one foot on his dominions , he has a just cause of war against me ; and yet even then he ought not only to demand a reasonable satisfaction , but solemnly to denounce it , e're he begins with acts of hostility . of generals in war . one ordinary general is better than two excellent ones ; for nothing is more pernicious than confusion and irresolution : and yet 't is hard to trust the courage of one general only ; the mean seems the appointing three several commanders , for van , main body , and reer ; and changing their commands each week ; and so you may not only be assur'd of a general on all hazards , but as well secure their fidelity , as relieve their courages . nor were it amiss also , for the same reason , once a year for a general to make all his under-officers change their commands ; and which , to avoid offence , he may do by promotion ; for so he will not only instruct all , and make military discipline familiar , but hinder all corruption in false musters , and prevent all factions in his army whatever . as for the skill of a general , it has two advantages , duty and stratagem ; duty , to know the force and order of military discipline , and therefore a general must be a souldier ; and stratagem , to prevent and secure future accidents to his advantage ; and , in this , 't is his own ingenuity ; and a council of war must aid him . nor is any thing more worthy a general 's care in this case , than the choice and management of his council of war : does he fear treachery in it , and can't he talk of what he will , though he never resolves on it then , and seem to doubt in what he most intends ? but above all , a general ought to esteem his life as the whole armies ; indeed , he acts the greatest publick good in preserving it ; nay , he ought in this , to be so nice , as to be always in temper , and never suffer himself to be harrass'd out ; he is the head of the army , and therefore ought never to be without vigorous thoughts and counsils for every opportunity of stratagem , or service that may offer . and , in this , a general ought to remember also , that in all extremities he has a commission from the law of nature , as well as his prince ; not , i mean , but that in affronts and trifles , he should choose to let time give him satisfaction ; but , in imminent dangers , his own discretion , as well as his princes words , ought to be his rule . further , a general ought to be most severe , and yet most just also ; severe , to awe his enemies , and preserve his own discipline ; and yet just , that he provoke neither to hatred : and , indeed , in this matter , nothing is better than that the general be belov'd : and yet , for a prince to permit his army to choose their own general for their loves-sake , is to dethrone himself . but , does a prince see the army hate their general ? he will do well to choose them a better : so , does a general see his army jealous of him ? let his friend head the jealousie , and expostulate satisfaction , who , besure , will be more tender than if his enemies were to judge him . but , does a general find his prince jealous of him ? his only way to anticipate it , is , by laying down his commission ; and when he is so ingenious , he need not fear further mischief . princes know the evil consequence of ill-treating such great officers : if he punish one too easily , the next he may expect to secure himself , by going over to the enemy . of vvar in general . war is the decision of a right too high for judicature ; wherein , arms is the trial , and conquest the judgment . to begin a war after conquest perfected , and mercy shewn , is a piece of perfidy , that deserves no quarter . are you a private man , and have receiv'd mercy , through yielding up your right ? surely , you merit a thousand racks if you ungratefully reassume it again : you might have died in the field , or now continue neuter ; but , is it nothing to fight against that benefactor , that has given you your being , and so spill innocent blood ? so to allow quarter , when ask'd , is both a christian and a humane duty ; while to execute men by law-civil , forgiven by quarter military , is most barbarous . but does some hen-roost garrison withstand a royal army ? they deserve no quarter , or at least they ought to be decimated ; 't is not generosity , but madness , that makes men prolong wars , and destroy one another without prospect of relief . so , is mine enemy perfidious ? 't is his fault that our slaughters are endless , who , by his treachery , has put it out of our power to believe or trust him . not that stratagems are disallowable , or that victory is the less honourable for them neither ; 't is jesting , not fighting , to proclaim every blow we intend . 't was a generous custom of the antients indeed , to give notice of battel by the sound of a bell ; the course of late is more wary , but not less bloody , to secure frontiers by garrisons , and spin out wars by the tricking of armies . wars are usually of two sorts , either of conquest , or like moses's , to root out the inhabitants . in a common dispute ▪ the decision of a goliah , or horatii , may save blood ; but , an extirpating war , and such as papists and protestants at this day are , can safely admit of a peace on no terms . thus , am i entred into a war , and am i like to engage with a stronger state ? by garrisons i will stop mine enemy , till either by diversion or assistance i can withstand him ; but if neither my self , nor allies , can probably resist him , i will rather generously fling my self under some agreeable protection , than stand with a silly sullenness to be destroy'd . but are your forces equal ? and are you well fortified ? admit the war in your own country , where you may command both men and provisions upon a loss , and which abroad may be fatal to your army . thus the suiss that can fight an ● ● . at home , strain hard to maintain but men when abroad ; and yet without forts , your whole country 's destroy'd . so , is your war with a trade-state ? pen them but in , and stop their course , and you make them ruine themselves : but is such a state too powerful for you ? either buy your peace , make in with its enemies , or distract him by some intestine commotions ; perhaps some of the royal family have a claim to be assisted . would you delay a war ? send an ambassador with proposals of peace ; but with such perplex'd terms , as may judicially require some time to deliberate them . but are you resolv'd on a war , and in the mean time would blind your enemy while you are preparing ? amuse your enemy by secret counsels and close ambassadors ; nor need you be wanting in congratulatory complements and civilities . must i presume , my honest demands will create a war , and may not i wait till i am duly enabled to make them ? so , is a war begun ? invite your enemy by mercy , and fright him through severity . have you two armies ? by the one block up forts , while the other enters on the enemy . so also , are you forc'd to proceed by sieges ? blood will save blood , and by destroying every man in the garrison , where there is not a surrender on summons , you will make a quick dispatch of the war. so also , to manage secrets well , is a great point in war ; and so for precepts and orations , to bear up mens courages . one general on his death , for this very cause , order'd a drum to be made of his skin , only to hearten his souldiers . so , as for punishing warlike offences , nothing deserves a greater care : cowards alass ! are not worthy of death ; let them rather live to expiate their disgrace : but as for the false and treacherous , let them be no sooner discover'd , than sent to the father and promoter of perfidy , lest it prove too late for you to destroy them in their second wiles . of conqvest . a pious conqueror ought but exactly to do justice and right to himself ; if he acquires new dominions , it should not be out of ambition but necessity , and because that his enemies are perverse and implacable . as the pirate notably answer'd alexander the great , what are great conquests but great robberies ? so surely , one might as justly be guilty of a robbery as a conquest , unless one had the justest cause of war to move one to it . for my part , had i the empire of the world through conquest , yet like lycurgus with sparta , it should be but to settle their states the better by it : did i root out a tyrant , yet like the old romans , would i not rob his heirs ; or should i subdue a common-wealth , t' should be but to reinstate them in their ancient purity . surely , i but pretend to war for my neighbours relief , while i make a prey of him . indeed , if a state be so corrupt , as not to be able to bear to be reform'd , i will rather take the conquest into my own protection , than leave it weltring in anarchy and blood. to be short ; robbers and murderers of thousands in corruption and flattery , we admire without regret , while the more innocent rogues from necessity we destroy in this world , and damn in the next ; but surely , god will be more just to them . but to proceed , would you secure a conquest ? you must root out the antient governours , or the mobile in faction will reinstate the worst of tyrannies : so , would you transform a corrupt common-wealth ? you must either raise their chief cities , or transplant their principal heads , or else the first advantage that offers them will confound your establishment . thus also , a conquest where there are nobles , is easier than where all are slaves ; the turkish vassals will be forc'd unanimously to withstand you , tho when subdued , your conquest is entire and secure ; while english nobles , that may assist your victory , will withall by the same hereditary power , render your conquest as ticklish . to preserve a conquest therefore : first , reside personally sometime upon it , the better to prevent all plots : and , secondly , on pretence of kindness , take some of the nobles sons as hostages with you when you depart : thirdly , continue titles of honour to the natives , but keep all offices to your own servants : fourthly , let your ministers be only seen in harsh things : and lastly , take particular care of all popular meetings , on any pretence whatever . to be short ; all alterations naturally leave a toothing for new changes ; and therefore the best way to secure what you have got , is like the generous romans also , to make one law of nations : and so , if you let humanity crown your peace , as valour has adorn'd your war , you need not fear but to govern without danger . when your conquests find themselves united to you by marriages , their taxes eas'd and remitted , and their whole states chang'd for the better ; when you change not the customs of their provinces , and your impartial justice gives them not the least jealously of their rights , you will find men are not mad to embroyle themselves . and yet , are your conquests in different languages ? your vigorous beginnings must not end in too supine a negligence ; you must have a jealous eye on neighbours , least they joyn the discontented natives ; and in this case , if you cut off seditious heads , yet withall you must pardon and reward as generously , but especially your nobles . but lastly , are you so necessitated , and would you secure your conquests by force ? do it rather by colonies , than firing them against you through standing forces ; he that by right of conquest is master of all , surely may command any little particular part , and dispossess the natives of a few convenient fortified towns for colonies . are a few dispossest , do you obiect ? 't is for the good of the whole , and they become too poor to be formidable ; and as they are , you may make them satisfaction in another place , if you please , and which is best ; or if not , others injoying their rights justly , will never assist them . of stratagems of war . there are many advantages of stratagems ; but above all , that they breed confidence in your own army , and dismay your enemy : he 'll dread to take the advantage of your miscarriages , while he fears the reputation of your designs . nor is it the least excellency of stratagem , to alter at every turn your methods . thus , if sometimes a cap on a staff be made the signal of battel , as well as the sound of the trumpet , &c. how can your enemy measure your intentions ? so , to encourage your army , print sometimes a hearty speech to your souldiers , with the promise of rewards ; so do they dread your enemy ? skirmish him with some of your best men , to make him familiar to them . so , would you make your souldiers unanimous ? let them do but the enemy some considerable mischief before they mutiny , and fear will do the work . hannibal finding his souldiers desert , in a speech told the rest that staid , that those that had left him had leave , and went as spies to the romans ; the romans hearing of this , cut off the deserters right hands , and sent them back to hannibal again . so by letters or chance words in embassies , to insinuate that the eenemies generals or officers are false , will give just the same jealously and distrust as if they were so . above all , spyes are greatly to be feared ; are they run-aways ? command but every man to his tent , and they are discovered immediately ; but spyes near your counsels are most pernicious ; if an inconsiderable enemy can so far undermine you , you may justly dread at last , least he destroy you by stratagems also . some to feel an enemies pulse , send ambassadours often with good souldiers in disguise ; while others to blind such discoveries , continue their number of tents , and draw their parties out of the whole army . to obtain your desire on your enemy , counterfeit but that you fear or desire the contrary , and you need not doubt his readiness to cross or disappoint you : but would you avoid fighting him ? besure keep at least miles from him . so , does he streighten you ? amuse him by some truce or stratagem ; thus some have driven oxen with combustible matter fir'd on their horns before them , and so escap'd . nor , is it inconsiderable , the skill and command of posts and passes in this case , and yet not but that to repose your whole trust on them is as ruinous . but has your enemy distressed you already in stratagems ? use the following or like remedies . thus , does your enemy encompass you gather your self close and break through his weaker sides ; does he press you between two hills ? make but a trench behind you , and you may fight which half of him you please : does the other half come round upon you ? a wooden-bridge made , and laid cross the trench , frees you of all . so , does he stop you at a river ? either privately send out a detachment to make a bridge cross to secure your passage at another place , or divert the channel , and so make it fordable ; some have laid combustible matter in their trenches , while others have turn'd the river and drown'd their enemies with it . some have counterfeited preys and fears to draw an ambush , while others have set up sayles on sticks , and shewn their baggage retinue on an hill , to terrifie their enemy with the approach of succours . some by favours to captives , have divided their enemies , and by little messages , sooth'd them in their divisions ; but then remember , that to attack them too soon upon it , is to unite them ; and here a general 's dispositions and passions are to be regarded . some also have let their enemies enter , and take towns , and assaulted them when weakned by garrisoning ; others have waited only for some advantage over him , as his passing a river , &c. but in all cases , a general had better fight than baulk his men by too much caution . but to proceed ; is your army at leisure ? ravaging is the best employ : seiges are uncertain , conspiracies loss of time , storming towns is dangerous , and battels more hazardous ; but the best plundering is under the enemies colours . but above all , the reputation of a geneals justice , his clemency and severity to perfection are most useful ; he that is gentle to all but the stubborn , and implacable to the obstinate , has a double force to beat his enemies with . and yet , after all , a possibility of retreat , and a back-door to cowardize , ought to be left to the most obstinate ; 't will influence your own souldiers with fear , to deal with an enemy , desperate , and beyond all power of escape : and thus caesar would not let his souldiers see , that a town they besieg'd was reduc'd to a bread of herbs . to reduce your own men to a necessity therefore , were much the rather to be chosen . thus , i would burn my ships , if i invaded an island to make my men desperate : but , if i storm'd a town , i would proclaim , not to kill a man that laid down his sword , rather than to suggest i intended no mercy . so also , 't is dangerous after a battel , to fall upon the conqueror , unless he has had a very hard victory of it . slaughters are generally in the flight , and not in the field ; and 't is therefore no little disadvantage to attack a flush'd victor , and one just practis'd in ready fighting . to conclude , histories may teach us more and better stratagems than these ; but where shall we find them ? has a general leisure to consult volumes for the result and occurrence of an hour ? surely therefore , even in this , precepts exceed history also . of plunder and slaves . not only the goods , slaves , and lands of the conquer'd , but their very persons also , by the laws of conquest , are at the discretion of the victors ; and yet , not but that at worst , they owe them all the freedoms and duties of humanity ; nothing can excuse us of rapes , of putting women or children to death , or men , except souldiers , or actually in armes . nay , if even souldiers become your humble suplicants , and surrender on discretion , only the principal guiltists among your enemy ought to suffer death , i mean in prudence , as well as justice ; for sure , the mercy that can soften your enemies , is highly to be esteem'd of . in the partition of plunder , 't is not agreeable the state should have all ; surely the soldiers deserve the price of their blood : but then let an oath be administred ▪ for every souldier to bring in his plunder to be divided ; or else , not only they may lose the day , through the avarice of plunder , but the worst of souldiers will get most ; while the general , and other officers , that deserve best , will want even an equal distribution . in the roman distribution , the state had the lands , houses , and goods royal of the conquer'd , while other goods were distributed to the merits and dignity of the officers and souldiers ; a share being always reserved , as a reward for all singular bravery . but free-plunder is most barbarous , and , of all military offences , deserveth death : nor is the maxim less bruitish , of spoyling countries where we come , to stop the progress and advantage of our enemies , to destroy dangerous castles and fortifications , and the fruits of the earth , has some sence in it ; but , to burn houses , and ruin temples , and plantations , what is it but a cowardize , and a malicing the very good of mankind ? does mine enemy overcome me ? therefore let me bravely let his valour have such fruits of his conquest , as may reward it ; and , if it be my own happy lot , is not a country dress'd and civiliz'd , better than ruine and destruction ? of sovldiers . nothing more embroyls a state , than a standing army ; if they have not work , you 'll quickly find they will make it , tho' even as in turky , by domineering over their very princes : besides , is there any truer method to barbarisme ? could experience ever shew us , that souldiery did not destroy property , and corrupt all vertue ? and yet , nothing is more unsafe than to disband a great army all at a time ; it oftentimes creates a new disease in a state ; the better way therefore to move , is by degrees , and to casheer those that can live without pay first , and the other after . but , are you to raise an army ? choose your officers of the gentry , and , if possible , volunteers ; yet still , provided they be not profligate , or dissolute ; for such men are no fitter to be officers , than of any other employment . so , let your souldiers be hardy , your horse from the city , and your foot from the countrey ; their age between and . as for their strength and activity , you would do well to exercise them before you list them . to choose an army of your common volunteers , and miscreant fugitives , is the most imprudent ; an army ought rather to be a body of martyrs : debauch'd men are fitter for an house of correction , than to be of an orderly and designing body , tho' in an army . so a mean militia and army of your own , is much better than a great mercenary force : by good and constant discipline , you may inspire the worst of men by degrees , while forreigners damp the courage and estimate of your own . besides , how many states have felt the ruine of auxiliary forces ? if you trust them , they either give up your cause , or prey upon you ; at least they are interested but to fight in jest for you ; as in italy , they shall not suffer your sawcy bombs to disturb their rest at night in their sieges . further , forces of your own you may command at your pleasure ; while forreigners will be only desperate for their own ends . are you necessitated to forreigners therfore ? front them in your army , or mix them so as to force them to fight . as for the breeding souldiers , liberty only can give us good hearts : the old roman peasants durst face kings , and make generals in the field : their country was as worthy their love , as their courage ; while men cow'd , can slave to all tyrants alike . hen. the seventh therefore , politickly settled farms of such a size , &c. to breed good boors by . as for the sorts of souldiers , your granadeers are a body of men design'd for any extraordinary occasion ; they wait at the flank of your army , as the dragoons do ; and they are often as well horse as foot ; and on sudden and desperate emergencies very needful . as for horse and foot in a well-disciplin'd army , experience has shewn , foot doubly to excel horse ; indeed , foot with pikes have often beat double their number of horse . horse , 't is true , at a rout , or , as scouts , or to raise contribution , or to confound a weak enemy , are excellent ; but , to think a spur can force an horse upon a pike , is as absurd as dangerous . so , what are pikes , or muskets either , without defensive arms , for head , breast , arms , thighs and legs , with a buckler ? men thus arm'd , put by your pikes , and come in with ease upon your men with naked swords ; nay , if such men ride but as dragoons , they attack you more speedily , and even just where they please . nor is this a fiction neither ; the romans , who by use , made such defensive arms tolerable , withall conquer'd the world with them : and if either the best politicians , or the best historians be to be credited , this sort of men , for all our fire-arms , are not even yet to be despis'd . of militia . that souldiers are voluptuous is not always so much from their corruption , as that perils ask to be paid by pleasures : to dye a souldier , surely is a kind of martyrdom ; and he that blames the profession for the abuse , forgets , that on sudden approaches of enemies , and invasions , 't is every man's duty to be a souldier ; but more especially the young , and vnmarried , luke . . cor. . . but then i would rather be a volunteer , than a listed souldier : surely it can never be lawful to kill men purely at the call of the ambition of princes . souldiers in war , are sinews to the body-politick , in peace its feaver : not that it is safe neither ; quite to lay aside your warlike discipline in peace ; but think you there is any justice for one man to live sluggishly on the labour of another ? the justest mean therefore must be , a well-manag'd militia ; and if we are for teaching warlike-discipline in peace , why do we not also turn our university speculative mathematicks to the more useful improvements of fortification and enginery ? but , in a militia the disciplining a few men , and they every time strangers , and drawn , with charge , from remote parts , to meet in a body ; surely , such a martial-discipline can avail little or nothing . let it rather be , that every man of such an age , and stature , be a souldier ; that every parish be a distinct body of them , having its proper officers in it's self ; and , that no one , capable on any account , be exempt from discipline . this would force our gentry , as their officers , into esteem ; and , if by any means , make a nation invincible : and surely , 't would rather be a delight , and a diversion , than a charge , for such a militia , ( like as at our ancient wakes ) to meet and exercise an hour or two in a week . and , do you fear in such case such disciplines being superficial ? how easie is the cure , by the examination of commissioners for hundreds and counties , &c. and , do you want an army ? how quick does every parish proportion you a supply ? nay , and such an army you may easily disband with a donative ; and , every man knowing his home , is welcomely receiv'd ; while you are out of danger of being pester'd by vagabonds , indeed if any such should happen to be disabled , 't would be a generous charity in the state to provide hospitals for them , or else they are provided for , with a kind welcome to your hand . donatives to standing armies are most pernicious , even to make them at last , state-robbers ; but donatives here would be the justest reward of our brethrens blood. besides , such an army would have humanity and christianity ; nor need we doubt but that their constant exercise would make them brave , as souldiers by profession ; besides , that souldiers thus rais'd , would know truly how to value their liberty . to conclude ; the constant and universal exercise could not but whet their spirits and courages in emulation , and make them familiar to force and arms , while every souldier imploy'd , would , like the romans of old , know how to fight heartily for that peace he knew what 't was to enjoy ; and especially , if when maim'd , they were assur'd of a comfortable subsistence in their several parishes . of battel . are you suddenly to give battel ? publish a speech against cowardize : alass ! are not all our great slaughters made , when men run away ? and can you want topicks ? so , if possible , before you fight also , give your men , from some hill , the prospect of your enemy ; by that you may deride their discipline , and expose them to the contempt of your army : fear is seldom so considerable , as when of something unknown . so , when you fight , make their ensigns carry their pay , and that will make your souldiers vigorously defend them : nor be without rewards or punishments ; thus , to kill a captain , so much ; a general , so much ; and , to mount a breach , so much , &c. does a regiment offend ? decimate them . are they cowards ? mark them with a c. and let them live to the disgrace : are they treacherous ? give them the death they deserve . and yet , to avoid sedition , let the general but give them a little blow with a wand ; for when you make a souldier pass the pikes , the army are their own executioners . as to figures , armies are generally drawn into three lines ; and the turkes use the crescent ; but surely , the ground and circumstance ought , in this case , to be considered . thus , is your army biggest ? fight in open field , and try to compass your enemy ? is it little ? flank your self with trenches , and fight close . have you no horse ? seek to enclosures ; but , above all , beware of the wind , or sun , in your faces . so , are you assaulted in a wedge , to distract you ? become a pair of sheers , to cut off your enemy . are you enclin'd to compass him ? equal his breadth , advance gradually your wings , and retreat your front ; but this is a dangerous work. when the battel begins , generals , by drums and trumpets , order their souldiers to the field , and great guns attempt the first execution , while the dragoons attack them ; and e're a second discharge , the fight begins , and they become useless . thus , are the guns in the middle of their battalions ? divide your army , and you avoid them ; the first shot is distant , and goes over , or under ; or your infantry , by their wide ranks avoid them , while your horse are secure in their reer . after this , shouts joyn both your dragoons ; who , bearing the first shock , make room , by retiring to your flanck and reer , and while more silent orders join the battel . and now the pikes advance to keep off the horse ; while the armies once join'd , the pikes withdraw within the bucklers , and your bucklers worsted within your pikes . musquets serve a shot or two , till the fight is clos'd , but then your man at arms , with sword , buckler and armour , does all ; who , if the first rank but kneel , their very bucklers keep off the bullets ; but , what can fence your rapier with armour ? the wise romans had their ranks wide , their hastati , or young men , bore the fury of the battel ; if worsted , they retired among their principes , or strong men , and they again among their triarii , or old souldiers . your horse , in the mean time , engage at the side of your army , while your dragoons retire to take care of your camp : the proportion of your foot is ; have you ten battalions ? five hastati , three principes , and two triarii ; the benefit of such orders is , your men are refreshed by the new support of your best men at last ; while a square army runs , and is defeated , before half can fight . but now , why do i stay ? the fight 's begun , stratagems follow , pits , ambuscades , false allarums , surprizes of novel words , engines , shouts , and appearances of succours . officers fling their colours among the enemy , to reward the souldiers that fetch them again ; while the general minds intelligence , and orders succours to the side that is oppress'd , and the dragoons refresh'd ; return to try to flank the enemy . after all , have you worsted an unequal enemy ? either perfect the victory , or snap at his disheartned terms of peace : the only time of slaughter is , when men are disorder'd , and lose their confidence in one another ; to let them rally , spoils all . so , was your flight doubtful , and parted by night ? carry off some dead , to dismay your enemy , through their fewness next morning ; such a night cannot but be a night of dread , and the least push will be likely to give the morning's advantage . but are you beat ? to hinder pursuit , fight where you may retreat ; at worst , retreat part of your army orderly first ; and so your enemy not daring to divide , appoint a common place for the rest to meet at : but are your souldiers forc'd to fly ? yet at worst , let them detard their pursuers , and save their lives by scattering their treasures . on the whole , in a pitch'd battel to be first in the field , is of great use ; you choose your ground , and you hearten your soldiers by it ; but even on this , nay on victory , beware of a too careless success ; for that almost ever ruines the day , and too often sacrifice all , ( while the souldiers are careless , merry , or plundering ) to some trifling reinforcement . to conclude , as for engines , surely archimedes's arrow-engine must needs , even at this day , gall horse worse than any guns whatever . arrows not only are of equal execution , but fret horse doubly more than guns can ; but as for your scithe charriots , they are now become of no use , being so readily stopt by stakes . of military discipline . i shall not trouble you with the mechanick rudiments of discipline , as shoulder your musket , advance your pike , &c. a formality not without its use ; for how can men charge together otherwise ! but this i shall say , you should keep your rancks at foot distance , your files at . lest you cramp your motion ; so your collours and drums between your muskets and pikes , your captain with the pikes , and your lieutenant with the muskets . so , the general order of martialling souldiers , is to every squadron , or ten , a serjeant or corporal to head , hearten , and command ; to every . a captain ; to every . a collonel ; and to the whole body a general . or , in battalions of . thus , companies in a battalion , in a company ; and which making . the remaining . are to be pikes , and . velites extraordinary . so the proportion of a good army , should be in men , with bucklers , with pikes , and with musquets ; as for your ranks , the closer the better , as not so easily broken ; yet still provided , that they leave convenient space for motion , and that their files be so constant that their souldiers never want to find out their post again . if your company contain men , you may draw them up in a file , and in a rank ; or , if you 'd reduce them to a square for fighting , 't is but casting your first file into your second , your third into your fourth , &c. and then there will be files of . and so you may bring them to . of . if you please , to be ready to answer which way soever attack'd . and , as inferiour officers ought to reduce souldiers to a readiness in such discipline , to be able to answer their generals commands upon occasion ; so ought they to enure their souldiers to hardship also , that they be not dismay'd in extremity . thus , to let them carry their own corn , will not only help , but strengthen them ; so for them to learn to swim , may save them on occasion ; while to drown them in luxury and ease , what is it but to soften and effeminate their very courages withal , to their destruction . as for your disciplining dragoons , there needs not so much care ; they being design'd rather upon extraordinary occasions than in any thing like a regular fight . your horse indeed should be more orderly ; thus , suppose in a battalion , of which to be men at arms , and to be light. your pikes are to front the square of your army , and as ranks of them is as many as can well charge at once ; and as the fight begun , and the army secur'd from the horse , they fall to make room for the men at arms ; so files of pikes , that is , or to be ready to supply falling men , is as many as you can have occasion to front with . the manner of commanding an army , is , the souldiers follow the colours , and they the drums ; the inferiour officers command the centinels , and the superiours them , while the general governs all . a bad general , or a bad army therefore , are equally dangerous . on the whole , an men in military discipline , and convenient arms , are a match for two in confusion ; the one helps each other ; the other promotes but one another's destruction , while the cull'd angular men of officers and corporals in an army , bind and hearten the whole regular number as into a body . of marching an army . to march an army through a foreign country , observe these rules . first , that the prince have due notice , that quarters may be provided , and a sufficient pay prescrib'd . secondly , that the second body go the same way that the first did , and that if they are in great bodies , they march not every day . thirdly , that damage done by souldiers be made good . fourthly , that they approach no prohibited place within a mile . and lastly , that they do not quarter in cities or towns that are intrench'd . the usual method is , your dragoons march first to scower the road , then your right wing and carriages are to follow ; then your body with its carriages , and after those your left wing with its carriages , and after all your cavalry . and , thus withdrawing a little your carriages , you are ready for the enemy any way , and he cannot well attack you in your march if you are circumspect , but that he will be at as much disadvantage as your self . your dragoons who scower the road , guard your pioneers also , who are to plain your ways , and make entrenchments for your camp ; and in this , not to multiply men needlesly , your own souldiers may serve as pioneers , and who , when an enemy approaches , may retreat to their arms ; your spades and pick-axes being carried by for them in carts . if you march where you may be streightned in provisions , have at least a months necessaries before hand , and take continual care for supplies ; and to this end you may have a market with sutlers in the middle of your camp , while your cattel laden with corn , are driven by your bakers , butchers , and cooks , after them . above all , take care to march in exact order ; and if a few men assault you , and flye , or a prize of cattle appear , do not let them decoy you into an ambushment ; a general must anticipate stratagems as he marches . so , do you fear surprizes or ambushes ? beware of hills , of woods and hedges , and you need not fear but that either scouts , dust , or birds , will give you notice , that you may at least provide your self of advantage against their attack . further , when you march , never acquaint your army with the enterprize , lest it perish through the discovery ; but rather getting a chart , pick up some countrey guides , and make them yours through threats and rewards to conduct you . as for the size of your army , the romans by their conquests seem'd best judges of fighting , and they thought , or at most men a double army enough ; indeed , more not only confounds and devour one another , but are not well manageable , nor can they conveniently march in the field . of treachery , &c. is an enemy treacherous or extream bloody in his wars ? does he break his word , or lay countries waste causelesly ? he has flung up his right either to treaty or mercy from thee , and the mildest quarter that he can expect upon it , is , that he be decimated . now the treacherous are not only such as are faithless , and observe no treaties , but those that war like robbers without the least apparency of cause to justify it , or those that abuse our embassadors , or any other way violate the sacred laws of nations . not , but that the just right of war leaves me all the liberty of stratagems to bribe or divide mine enemy whatever ; nay , i may send spyes to assassinate him , as well as parties to plunder him ; but if i am once either false or perfidious , my enemy has no tye of mercy to me till i am naked in his power . so i may use all the honest means of simulation ; thus i may justly seem to fly , to draw mine enemy to an ambush , and so i may plunder under mine enemies colours , and make fals alarms ; alas 't is not fighting , if i am not allowed by false passes to draw mine enemy from his guard , the better to make a real one . the true rule therefore is , all known signs of treaty , whether by flag , or otherwise , i am bound in veracity to stand to ; but in other matters , even christ himself gave us another example , after he was risen from the dead ; and set his face as if he were going where he was not . nay , does even a nest of pirates reform to a government , and our treacherousest enemy begin to leave his perfidy ? i will not too far hazard the wiles of the fox , but after a moderate self-justice and reprisal for my injustice , i am bound to treat both and either as my brethren . but , above all treachery , beware of trusting exiles too far , in leading your expeditions ; consider how dearly such men may value their own countrey , and how redily they may be apt to purchase their liberty at thy expence . of fortification and sieges . for a fortification , take some rocky nap in a plain , that is neither blinded by hills nor woods ; the walls if possible , are better natural than rais'd ; for if cut out of a rock , neither batteries nor mines can destroy the hill. as for the thickness or height of walls , or the number of redoubts , they are matters wholly at discretion . can you make a castle like a city ? surely , your works ought to be suited to your own size and proportion of ground , and to the enemies approach , and not a figure . a fort of two or three angles only , is of no value ; but after that , the more the better , provided if not like babylon , too big for intelligence : but the silly imagination , that the strength of a place depends on every mathematical figure , is trifling . a fort not strong by nature , cannot receive much by art ; now by art the walls ought to be three yards thick at least , and towers built at every yards . for ditches , two are best , without and within ; if you have one only , 't is best within , and that of yards broad at least , and deep , with artillery to scour them at every yards ; and so 't is better without water than with ; if your water freeze , the town is gone at an instant ; and if not , a bridge of boats is easier made than another . is your ditch to water , or rock ? there is no possibility of mining your wall. is it in the inside ? there is no way to come to fill it up ; your wall in battery will fall the other way : and so that your ditch will be good when your wall is flat . further , in forts , let your houses be low , so as not to hinder your prospect ; let your gates be secured by ravelin and and portcullis , and let your free passage be secur'd by draw-bridge , or at worst by a timber-stand from the bottom of the bridge , and which you may command by cannon of your inner redoubt . little entrenchments without the walls are most mischievous , the losing and retreating from such little bastions , are perfect baits of cowardize to your souldiers ; and surely , 't is no good lesson to teach them to give ground . further , in founding a fort , the air and water are greatly to be regarded , as also an agreeable country , and roads near it ; if built in too fertile a land , it may luxuriate it ; if in too barren , not be able to provide against a siege . the beauty of forts in buildings , or otherwise , is not much to be regarded ; but frontiers that are like to be disturbed by war , will require all the encouragements imaginable : now such are , . free-trade , . easy justice , . asylum , &c. a fort thus setled , the inhabitants by the law of nations , owe the government a right to defend her ; and in which case , tho' a single person may desert it , a prince may justly withstand a general departure , provided he fear not their treachery . but is a siege begun ? due order is to be observ'd : let women and children keep their houses to avoid disturbance ; and the men be distributed into three parts , . to be on the guard , . ready as a reserve , and a d. taking their rest . some add , a mastiff dog to their centinel , full as serviceable as a man. nor let your discipline be neglected on any account ; towns have been storm'd even at dinner time ; and yet not but that in such case , when they have , the besieged sometimes by showers out at their windows , and sometimes by firing the town , have made their walls good again against the besiegers . some on the other hand , have seem'd to leave the walls , as if the town were fired by some bomb , only by a false fire , the better to draw the enemy to a disadvantagous attack ; and while at the same time , the walls have unseen , been doubly guarded . but does the siege proceed ? and would you avoid mining ? digg holes every yards , like wells by your walls , and they will give vent ; or sound the mine , and countermine it . so , is your ditch in the out-side , and your wall flat ? make but a ditch within of yards broad , and the breach is as easily kept as the wall. some , when a siege has been drove hard , have shot in empty bombs those propositions , that the officers would not acquaint their souldiers with , while others seeming only to march near a town , have fallen upon it at unawares , and so surpriz'd it in disorder . some have seem'd to fly , and leave their camp , and so drilling out the enemy , surpriz'd the town ; while others poysoning their camp-victuals , have destroy'd the enemy that way . so , where a town has stood doubtful , t' has been secur'd by begging to receive some sick men , while the stoutest men have been sent in disguise into it . so some have poysoned waters , others drove in the besieged's friends , to consume their victuals , while some have been reliev'd by nutts floating down a river . caesar made a bread of herbs for his souldiers ; and londonderry fed on starch for bread , and leather boyl'd soft for meat . but are the besieg'd come to a treaty ? 't is neither honourable nor safe for a governour to parly in a siege , nor to accept other terms , than at least to go out arm'd , and in order . surely , he 's mad that can trust himself naked with a triumphant and revengeful army . nor is 't a little imprudence for a general to divide himself to destruction in besieging little henroosts before a royal army ; and if there be no such army , forts alone cannot hinder your army from ravaging your enemies country . to conclude , forts are only of use against enemies & on frontiers ; 't is a self-destructive policy to think to retain subjects in obedience by them : the wise romans chose rather to demollish them ; but while you have forts , military discipline is as necessary ; for your garrisoners in their sallies , as your field souldiers in their march. of the camp . the order of your camp ought to be , as if you were ready to charge your enemy ; only you may stand a little wider , for the conveniency of streets and air , and for the benefits of reintrenchments , but always in the same manner , that the souldiers may naturally know their home , and the whole seem a moving city , constantly with the same gates and lodgings . nor ought your camp , if near an enemy , to want either water or provisions ; nor if your stay be long , a good air ; above all , streighten not your march by want of securing passes ; nor lye too near to hills , lest your enemy incommode you . your ditch ought at least to be yards wide , and deep , together with half-moons for your artillery , to flanck your enemy as he approaches ; and so your camp may be better for conveniences , than either as on a hill or by a river . further , while you are encampt , beware of surprize ; and while your enemy is near , besure watch all comers and goers ; nay , a third part of your souldiers ought to be continually arm'd ; and a fourth of those , perpetually on the watch , some at the corners , and some on the patroll or search , lest your enemy either stratagem or besiege you in your camp. lastly , in decamping , the usual order is , the general sounds his trumpet thrice the first time , to give notice to take down tents , and pack them up ; the second , to load their sumpters ; and the third , to march away . finis . the table the entrance , or the digester . p. . of books . p. . of criticks p. . of divination , &c. p. . astrology p. . — its dependants p. . of meckness p. . of contention p. . of contradiction p. . lapis errantium p. . of cunning p. . of wisdom p. . the seeming wise p. . of logick p. . its parts p. . arguments p. . method p. . of anger p. . of murder p. . of revenge p. . of reformation p. . by a. b. tillotson p. . of wit p. of rewards p. . of pedantry p. . of pity p. . of pardon p. . of rhetorick p. . delivery p. . perswasion p. . parts of discourse p. . invention p. . figures p. . of judgment p. . of happiness p. . of presence of mind p. . of secrets p. . to attain secrets p. . occult writing p. . of collections p. . of precepts p. . of sincerity p. . of vows and oaths p. . of censure p. . praises p. . contempt p. . libels p. . true satyr p. . rash judgment p. . reports p. . of poetry p. . of preface and dedication p. . of study p. . method p. . limitation of study p. . choice of books p. . speculat . and practice p. . of constancy p. . the art of war. of the lawfulness of war p. . of generals in war p. . of war in general p. . of conquest p. . of stratagems in war p. . of plunder and slaves p. of souldiers p. . of militia p. . of battel p. . of military discipline p. . of marching an army p. . of treachery p. . of fortifications p. . of camps . p. . errata . page . line . read , together with your rosacrucian figments . p. . l. . r. quatuor modis , for quarto modo . p. . l. . r. that dominion , for the dominion . p. . l. . r. with such formalities , and the like as . p. . l. ult . r. of that nature , for that of nature . p. . l . r. judged by him , for judged by them . p. . l. . r. currunt for current . p. . l. . r. fancy and idea , for fancy an idea . . r. their indifferency , for as an indifferency . p. . l. . r. hypocrites , dele as . the first publique lecture, read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy, concerning military architecture, or fortifications, to the lovers of virtue, come hither to that purpose. gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) the first publique lecture, read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy, concerning military architecture, or fortifications, to the lovers of virtue, come hither to that purpose. gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . [ ], , [ ] p. : ill. printed by gartrude dawson, and are to be sold by hanna allen at the crown in popes-head-alley, london : . [i.e. ] attributed to balthazar gerbier. the final leaf is a folding diagram of fortifications. annotation on thomason copy: "august ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military art and science -- england -- early works to . military architecture -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no the first publique lecture,: read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy, concerning military architecture, or fortifications, to the lovers gerbier, balthazar, sir d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the first pvbliqve lectvre , read at sr. balthazar gerbier his accademy , concerning military architecture , or fortifications , to the lovers of virtue , come hither to that purpose . london , printed by gartrude dawson , and are to be sold by hanna allen at the crown in popes-head-alley . . the first publique lecture read at sir . balthazar gerbier his accademie , concerning military architecture or fortification . i shall by way of preface , say somewhat in generall concerning this art of military architecture , properly termed architecture , by reason that it serves for a rule to the building of forts , castles , and towns ; though their besiegers batter , and ruine them , faster then they were first erected by the same art . it s true , warre is to have scripture for it in divers places , wherewith they maintain their proceedings , against the opinion of some scrupulous men , who will rather be taken ( and even loose all ) then learn how best to defend themselves ; when they cannot deny , but that even the apostles were commanded by the prince of peace to provide armes for defence . the scriptures doe in effect in sundry places warrant so much the proceedings of warriours ; that therefore this art of military architecture is the more laudable , and to be made use of as well in the defence , as for the besieging of places ; so the prescriptions be duely observed , and that the destruction of towns and people have those grounds prescribed by holy writ . deutronomie . cap. . and . vers. when thou commest nigh a citty to fight against it , then proclaim a peace unto it ; and it shall be , if it make thee answer of peace and open unto thee ; then it shall be that all the people that is found therein shall be tributary unto thee , and they shall serve thee ; but if they will make warre against thee , then thou shalt besiege it . other texts prescribe the besiegers to make havock of all ; yet in some things with a certain restriction , of sparing even the trees of the field ; as we read in the . v. of the said chapter of deutron . viz. when thou shalt besiege a citty a long time in making warr against it , to take it ; thou shalt not destroy the trees thereof , by forcing an ax , against them ; for thou mayest eate of them , and thou shalt not cut them down ( for the tree of the field is mans life ) to imploy them in the siege ; onely the trees which thou knowest that they be no trees for meat , thou shalt destroy and cut them down . this holy writ sayth , but few men observe it in any age , nor among the most regular , for that those of machl●n ( in brabant ) cut down above forty thousand cherry-trees when the late deceased prince of orange approached them with his army ; their pretence was a necessity , as farre seeing governours of besiedged townes are often moved to set their owne subburbs on fire , at the example of a carefull chyrurgeon that cuts off a leg to save the body of a mortall gangreen , however , as a true souldier ought in his proceedings and vocation to shunne all depraved basenesse , also to seeke his glory in the overcomming of an enemy , by a generous faire course ; sparing those things which contribute not to his fame , nor to his good : ill customes make good things evill , and good customes make them good , and honourable . it hath beene therefore noted at all times , that the switzers in the times of the romans , made their wars detestable for laying the land waste ▪ by firing it ; and so the proceedings of the campaniens were abhorred , when agathocles ( fighting in sicily being entred into messina under colour of freindship ) put to death the greatest number of the citizens , to get their meanes : and and it was no lesse odious in haniball , when after he had given his parole to gerion a town neer nicerie , to put all the inhabitants to death . but that this preface may not weary you , i shall proceed to particulars . wee shall beginne by the divisions of the places which are strong either by nature , or by art , or both . by nature when their seate proves so advantageous that it is very hard , nay almost impossible to force them , such as are the places that are on hils and inaccessible rocks , either in the seas , on the land , or in the marches , or such other like places . those are strong by art , wihch wanting an advantagious seate , are fortified by art and labour . such places are strong by nature and by art , when the one part of them is strong by nature , and the other is fortified by art . to fortifie is to build , or to inclose the places in such a manner that all the places of their circumference are seene from each other flancke , and that they can resist the armes and engins whereof the enemy makes use : and therefore it shall bee said a place to bee well fortified whensoever all the parts of its circumference are flanckt . a place that hath but a single straight wall about it cannot be said to be a fortified place , but onely inclosed , and whatsoever doth flanck as what is flancked , ought to be strong enough to resist the engins of an enemy . flancking is to see by its sides ; to bee flancked , it s to be seen either by the side or flanck . there are two sorts of fortifications in generall , one the ancient , and the other moderne : the places that are fortified according unto the ancient manner , are those that have single wals onely , and with towers at certaine distances , made of materials that are not capable to resist the canon ▪ and their towers being too small as that they cannot beare any canon ; those kinde of places deserve not to be said fortified ones : the modernes are those which are flancked on all sides , and that the flancking and flancked bodies are so solid and of such matter as that they may resist the canon . every country hath its owne way of fortification , as the hollanders , the spaniards , the italians , and the french , &c they differ in certain circumstances , or accidents , but agree in the essentiall parts : there are two kindes of modern fortfication , to wit ; regular and irregular ; the regular places are those , that have the sides and the angles equall ; and such bastions as are on them , and its strength every where equall : the irregular places are those that have not the aforesaid equality , either of the sides or the bastions or of strength , of that kinde are the most part of places . object . it might be said against this definition , that a place which hath all its faces , and all its bastions equall , being commanded from any side ; its strength could nor be equally strong every where : therefore according to the definition it could not be regular , which is absurd . answ. i doe answer , that a place , though commanded from some side , would neverthelesse be equally strong every where in it self : but from this side that strength would bee over-topt by that of the commanding which notwithstanding would remain the same , though the said greater strength stood not in oposition of it , as a man that shall resist another ordinary man , and cannot resist a gyant ; he shall notwithstanding have no lesse strength against this , then against the other , but his strength shall be overcome by a greater : bastions likewise wi●l be in themselves of an equall strength , but some overmastered by an outward strength . of the regular fortifications , the parts are the figure , which is the space propounded to be fortified , comp●ehended of divers straight lines , equall in themselves , which in their meetings make their angles equall . the figure takes its denomination either from the number of angles , or sides ; if it be from the angles , it s exprest by two greek words ; whereof the first signifieth the number , and the other angle , as trigone , of tris , which saith three , and gonia angle ; terragone , of tessares , which saith foure , and gonia angle , and so of the others ; pentagone is to say , at five angles , exagone at six , eptagone at seven , octagone at eight , enneagone at nine , decagone at ten , endecagone at eleven , dodecagone at twelve , decatrigone at thirteen , decatetragone at fourteen , decapentagone at fiftteen , decaexagone at sixteen , decaeptagone at seventeen , decaoctogone , at eighteen , deca●nneagone at nineteen , icosigone at twenty , &c. if it be from the sides , that it takes its name , it shall be exprest by two latin words , trialatera , quadrilatera , and others likewise . the explica●ion of terms and words , whereof use is made in fort●fications , are viz. the curtain , is all the space of the wall or bul-work , which is between two bastions , as h. l. flack , is the line which joynes the curtain to the face of the bastion , as h. g. the gorge , is the entrance of a bastion , whereof the one half is called half gorge as c. h. is a half gorge , and h. c. v. is all the gorge . the bastion is that great body advancing on the angles of the figure , which is markt in the figure by the letters h. g f. h. v. the face is the line most advanced of the bastion towards the fields , as f. g. capitall line , is that which is drawn from the angle of the figure to the angle of the b●stion , as c. f. second flanck , is part of the curtain which is between the point of the face and the flanck as h. i. lengthned flanck , is the line drawn from the flanck to the outward poligone , as g. y. inward flanck is the line drawn from the flanck to the next diameter , as l. . inward poligone , is the line of a fortresse of one angle to the other , as c. d. outward poligone , is the line drawn from the point of one bastion to the other , as f. e. the fixt line of defence , is the line drawn from the flanck , defending the flanckqued angle , as l. f. the rasing line of defence , is the line drawn from the curtain , which raiseth the face of the bastion , as k. f. the center angle , is that which is made ▪ by the meeting of the two next lines drawn from the angles of the figure , as c b. d. the poligone angle , is the angle which is made by the side of the two poligones , as v. c. h. flancked angle , is the angle , comprehended between the two faces , as x. f. g. the inward flanckt angle , is the angle which is made of the curtain , and of the rasing line , as h. k. g. the outward flanckt angle , is the angle which is made of the two rasing lines ▪ which c●t one another , as f. z. e. the shoulder angle , is the angle comprehended between the flanck and the face , as f. g. h. an angle is markt with three letters , that of the middle doth shew the angle . the maximes or generall rules for fortifications are , that there ought not to be any place unflanckt about the town . that the flancked parties ought not to be further from those which doe flanck , then the reach of arms , whereby the place is defended , the principall whereof are muske●s . that both that which flancketh , and what is flanckt , be of proof , and capable to resist the arms and engines of the party that doth a take , the strongest whereof are canons . that the pieces of fort●fication nearest to the centre , bee alwayes higher , and command those that are further off . that the flancked angle be never lesse then degrees , nor bigger then degrees . that the poligone angle ought not to be lesser then of degrees . that the angle of the flanck and of the curtain be always straight , that a regular place is better then an irregular . that the more bastions a regular place hath , the better it is . that all the places about a fortresse be commanded by it . that the bastions which have much defence , or that are much flancked , are the best . that which we are to consider before we begin to fortifi● is , that the end of fortification , is to defend with the most advantage , and that a small number may resist a great one . that fortification is the work of a state , because of the great expences thereunto belonging ; and the charges of the garisons which are to be kept in such fortified places . that fortifications must be in the most necessary and important places , on the frontiers to hinder the inrodes of neighbours : the ports which are frontier sea-towns , and those of traffique , where rivers are ; where there is a good aire , for the preservation of men , both in time of warre and peace . that the places that are seated high command far . that they hinder the works of an enemy . that they have great advantage to make sallyes on the enemy . that they need but a smal quantity of men and victuals , and doe enjoy a good ayre . they ought also to consider , that there wants water and earth . that they cannot defend their sloape , especially when the parapets have their just and necessary thicknesse . that they are seldome succoured , and are unfit for the civill conversation of mans life . that the places that are in the plain fields are very good , because of the use of carriage , the extent of the campagne , and earth at will ▪ whereof art and wit can make any thing , the defect of it is that those who doe besiege such places have the same advantages , as the besieged have . that those which are neere the seas , without being commanded , and the which the seas surround by ebbing and flowing , cannot be taken but by surprisall . that the marish places are very hard to take , and the sieges thereof of great expence , as for example , the b●sh in brabant . the raising of such places proves of great charge , they are ordinarily extreame unwholsome and prove a spoile to munitions , they must bee wrought upon in summer . that the sandy is somewhat better , but the clay is to be preferred to all other , because it is maniable , groweth hard , and needs no great sloape ; and if walled about , the bricke needs not to be thick . that the earth may bee beaten , mixt with bavins , and peeces of wood laid overthwart , for that it binds very much ▪ and the canon cannot doe any great effect thereon , nor pierce above ten foot deepe , making but a hole without shaking any thing , and therefore it proves to be a grave to canon balls . that the parapets that are made of this earth , need not to be so thick , as those that are made of earth . that the rampiers cavalliers and other works of this earth need not any more sloape then the halfe , or the two thirds of their hight , for that the earth holds of it selfe with a small sloape . now to attaine unto the designed purpose , in the fortifying of a place , it is necessary well to flanckt and cover himselfe . to flanck himselfe well according unto the principles and maximes of this art , there must not be one point in all the circuit of the figure of a regular , or irregular place , which ought not to be seene within , and that the line whereby self defence is intended , bee not above . paces , a measure which is prescribed by divers that have fully obtained the practicall part , for that it would import very little to see an enemy from within a place if he wereso faire distant that you could not offend him , and by the mouths of your muskets to make him retire . in this matter four things are necessary ; the defence of a place to consist of the musket and not of the canon , for that a canon requires too many attenders , consumes a great deale of munition , is easily dismounted , uneasie to raise againe , and will not endure a continuall fire . and although a common musket ca●ireth but point blanck geometrical paces , yet with that force as to serve the killing of a man ; nor is there but few that have frequented the armies , but that know men to have been killed at a further distance , then of two hundred geometricall paces : likewise well know that divers of the best places of europe , as well those in germany as in italy , france and in the low countries , that in divers bastions of them the great line of defence is of a farre greater extent ▪ and yet notwithstanding those townes have withstood the most famous sieges of our dayes . finis . fortification diagram a proclamation, taking off the stop of execution against heretors, called out to attend his majesties host. scotland. privy council. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). b wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proclamation, taking off the stop of execution against heretors, called out to attend his majesties host. scotland. privy council. sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh, : anno dom. . title vignette: royal seal with initials j r. caption title. initial letter; text in black letter. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scotland. -- army -- early works to . military discharge -- scotland -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ir royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , taking off the stop of execution against heretors , called out to attend his majesties host . edinburgh , the seventh day of december , . forasmuch as by a proclamation of the date , the third day of october last , calling out the heretors and others , to attend his majesties host , there was thereby personal protection granted to all , who were called to attend the said service , against all personal execution , for any civil cause , or debt ; as is alwayes usual and customary on such occasions . and now his majesties privy council considering it unnecessary to give is majesties leidges any further trouble in that service , and that they have dismissed the heretors and others , who were called out to that effect : therefore the lords of his majesties privy council do hereby discharge the said personal protection , and takes off all stopes , to all personal diligences whatsomever , granted upon the account above-mentioned , after the twentieth day of december instant , that in the mean time , the persons respectively concerned herein may return home . and ordain these presents to be forthwith published at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and other mercat-crosses of the head burghs of the shires of this kingdom , that none pretend ignorance . extracted forth of the records of privy council , by me col : m ckenzie . cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson . printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom , . the souldiers accidence. or an introduction into military discipline containing the first principles and necessary knowledge meete for captaines, muster-masters, and all young souldiers of the infantrie, or foote bandes. also, the cavallarie or formes of trayning of horse-troopes, as it hath beene received from the latest and best experiences armies. a worke fit for all noble, generous, and good spirits, that loue honor, or honorable action. g.m. markham, gervase, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the souldiers accidence. or an introduction into military discipline containing the first principles and necessary knowledge meete for captaines, muster-masters, and all young souldiers of the infantrie, or foote bandes. also, the cavallarie or formes of trayning of horse-troopes, as it hath beene received from the latest and best experiences armies. a worke fit for all noble, generous, and good spirits, that loue honor, or honorable action. g.m. markham, gervase, ?- . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by i. d[awson] for iohn bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the three golden lyons neere the royall exchange, [london] : . g.m. = gervase markham. printer's name from stc. errata on verso of )( . pagination and signatures continuous. f r is a separate title page, with same imprint, reading: the cavallarie; or the formes and manner of trayning of horse, as it hath beene received from the latest and best experienced armies. together vvith all such knowledges as are meete for the practise of those that are profest teachers, or profest learners of this noble art. by g.m. print faded and show-through, and some pages stained. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the sovldiers accidence or an introdvction into military discipline , containing the first principles and necessary knowledge meete for captaines , muster masters , and all young souldiers of the infantrie , or foote bandes . also , the cavallarie or formes of trayning of horse-troopes , as it hath beene received from the latest and best experienced armies . a worke fit for all noble , generous , and good spirits , that loue honor , or honorable action . virg. aenei . — at nunc horrentia martis . g. m. london printed by i. d. for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the three golden lyons neere the royall exchange . . to the right honorable , and thrice worthie lords , oliver , lord viscount grandison ; george , lord carew ; fulke , lord brooke ; arthur , lord chichester : and to the right honorable , sir edward conway , knight , sir horrace vere , knight , sir edward cecill , knight , sir robert mansell , knight , sir iohn oagle , knight , and sir thomas button , knight ; being the lords and others of his maiesties most honorable councell of warre . i doe not presume ( right honorable ) to offer this poore tribute of mine experience , as a modell whereby your goodnesses might shape any thing to adde strength to your owne vncontrolable knowledges ; god forbid there should be in me such an impudent daring : but i humbly desire it may kisse your hands , as a sacrifice offered from your servant , or as a weaknes that stands in need of your protections : vertue i know measureth every thing by its owne goodnesse , in which is exprest an infinite charitie , and you are that large fountaine of vertue , that i cannot feare ( how ever imperfection may perswade me ) but i shall touch of your noble waters ; in your honors i know is power to iudge of my labour , and in you is authoritie to exercise mercie : and though you finde nothing written in it , but what you may reade ten thousand times better in your own brests , yet be pleased to thinke there be many puny scollars in our kingdome ( to which i haue ever desired to be a servant ) that from these briefe rules may gather more abler iudgements . therefore it is onely your noble favour and allowance , that must make it acceptable to those which neede it , and profitable to our empire , which i wish to be serued by it . o then let these graces flie from your noble natures , with that mildnesse that as i haue ever lived , i may die your honors poore servant and souldier , g. m. ¶ to the reader . knowledge , which is the divine mother of certaine goodnesse , never came vnwellcome to an industrious nature , for shee ever maketh a smooth way and a straight path ; no more ( i hope ) shall this my labour to thee ( worthie reader ) since doubtlesse thou shalt finde in it many things new , ( which is apt to catch covetous spirits ) somethings necessarie ( which are ever imbracst of solid and substantiall iudgements ) . and i hope nothing erring from sense or truth ( which is such a crowne , both to the worke , and thine owne satisfaction , that if thou beest any master of charitie , thou canst not giue me lesse almes then thanks for my paines taking , ) i haue not labord mine owne , but thy profit , neither haue i measurd any thing in this worke by any other rule , then those wants which i found in my selfe when i first betooke me to the warres , and had no other companions in my bosome but desire and ignorance , the one being so contrary to the other , that had i had millions , i would haue given it for halfe the knowledge in this booke , to haue reconcild , or at least expulst that ignorance which was so offensiue vnto me . this for thine industrie sake i haue performed , which if thou please to accept with that goodnesse of heart which it is meant , i haue got my desire , and will ever rest at thy service : g. m. ¶ a table of all the materiall things contained in this booke . and first of the infantrie . pag. two things referred to commanders . sorting of armes . election of man. arming of pikes . arming of musquetiers . arming of hargobussiers . arming of halberdiers . arming of the ensigne . arming of the lieutenant . arming of the captaine . the formes of trayning . imbattayling of men . what a ranke or fyle is . of flankes and fronts . the continent of ranke and fyle , and the reason thereof . the devision of companies . the duties of the corporall and the lanspresado . foure things to be taught in trayning . the carriage of armes . the vse of the pike . the vse of shott . how to giue volleys . volleys marching . volleys standing . volleys vpon advancement . volleys vpon a swift retrayt . distance of place . what distance is . the vse of distances . the names of distances , and the variation of names . the measure of distances . of marches . the severall places of officers . of motions . diversitie of motions . of the sounds of the drumme . vse of words . the words of proper directions . of motions in distance or in forme . of motion in distance of fyles . of motion in distance of rankes . of motion in distance both in fyles and rankes . of motion in forme of fyles . of motion in forme of rankes . of motion in forme both in fyles and rankes . of charging of pikes . giving of fire by the flanke . of constancie in words giuing . what march and motion is . word of particular motions . what postures are . the postures of the pike . postures standing . postures marching . postures charging . the postures of the musquet . the postures in skirmish . postures in exercise . postures standing . postures marching . postures charging . postures discharging . the postures of the hargobu● . a repetition by way of advise . the dignitie of places . a table expressing dignities . the vse of the table . leaders of middle fyles . middlemen to the front and reare . subdevision men . the first sixe parts of martiall discipline . carriage , election , and composition of colours . mixture of colours . captaines colours . colonells colours . superior officers colours . where gentlemen may finde their colours . the libertie that captaines take . of severall mettalls and colours . the signification of mettalls and colours . of bastard colours , and their significations . offences in colours . of obedience and the vertue thereof . the end of the first table . the second table of the cavallarie , or trayning of horse-troopes . the difficultie in this art. the things considerable in this art. the election of men and horses . the arming of gentlemen at armes . arming for triumph . arming of launciers . arming of light horse . arming of cuiraissiers . arming of hargobussiers . arming of dragons . arming of captaines cuirassiers . arming of lieutenants . arming of cornets . arming of the trumpet . arming of corporalls . arming of captaines hargobussiers . arming of captaines of dragons . difference betwixt the cornet and guydon . a●vancement of captaines of horse . the formes of trayning . the imbattayling of horsemen . the extent of a fyle . the extent of a ranke . the devision of a horse-troope . fiue things to be taught . manage of the horse . words of command . the performance . the words and the performance . . . carriage and vse of armes . the postures of the pistoll . postures standing . postures charging or marching . postures discharging . postures in skirmish . the best way to teach . of distance of place . of motion . of marches . words of especiall direction the manner of opening or closing rankes or fyles . of doubling rankes or fyles . of doubling the front divers wayes . the turning of faces . of countermarching or wheeling . observations in countermarching . observations in wheeling . observations in doubling the front. of the trumpet . the first poynt of warre , and its vse . the second poynt of warre , and its vse . the third , and its vse . the fourth , and its vse . the fifth , and its vse . the sixt , and its vse . speciall notes . the chiefe officers in an horse armie● wherein the iustice consisteth . the places of great officers . the composition of regiments . whence directions are received . the end of the second table . errata . page . line . for before reade betweene . p. . l. . for formes r. forme . p. . l. . for lenitie r. leuitie . p. . l. . for not r. at . p. . l. . for yea r. yet . p. . l. . for rooes reade races . the sovldiers accidence . the captaines of the men to be trained for the warres ( whether they be muster-masters , or other private commanders ) haue two things to be referred vnto them , that is , sorting of armes , and the formes or true manners of trayning . for the sorting of armes , it is a good preportion to haue a companie equally compounded of armed men and shot , the armed men to be all pikes ( except the officers . ) the shot to be at least halfe musquets , the other halfe harquebushes , but if the shot could be two parts musquets , it were better , but if all musquets , then best of all . also care is to be had what men are put to every finde of armes , the strong , tall ; and best persons to be p●kes , the squarest and broadest will be fit to carry musquets , and the least and nimblest may ( if necessitie compell ) be turned to the harquebush ; but aboue all other respects , it is to be considered to what armes every man doth best frame himselfe , for which cause it is not amisse , that the captaine see the same men to vse severall armes before he doe appoint them certainly to carry any one . next he shall see that every man be well and sufficiently armed with good and allowable armes ; that is to say , all his pikemen shall haue good spanish morians , or els steele caps for their heads , well lined with quilted caps , curaces for their bodies of nimble and good ●ould , being ( at the least ) high pike proo●e● large and well ●ompa●t gordgets for their neckes ; fayre and close ioyned . taces , to arme to the mid-thigh , as for the pouldron , or the vant●●●●e , they may be spared , because they are but 〈…〉 . all this armour is to be rather of russet , sang●ine or blacke colour● then white , or milld , for it will keepe the longer from rust . they shall haue strong straight , yet nimble pikes of ash-wood , well headed with steele , and armed with plates downward from the head at least foure foote , and the full size or length of every pike shall be fifte one foote , beside the head . these pikemen shall also haue good , sharpe , and broad swords ( of which the turkie or bilboe are best ) strong scabards , chapt with iron , girdle , hangers , or bautricke of strong leather ; and lastly , if to the pikemans headpeece be fastned a small ring of iron , and to the right side of his backpeece ( below his girdle ) an iron hooke , to hang his steele-cap vpon , it will be a great ease to the souldier , and a nimble carriage in the time of long marches . all his musquetiers shall be armed in good spanish marians vpon their heads . about their bodies bautrickwise from the left shoulder vnder the right arme , they shall carry bandiliers of broad leather , hauing made fast● vnto them at least twelue or thirteene charges of wood or horne , well covered with leather , and hanging by large long strings , that with ease they may be brought to the mouth of the peece . and these charges must containe powder according to the bore and bignesse of the piece by due measure . they shall also haue swords , girdles , hangers , or bautrickes , and bullet bags , in which they shall carrie their moulds , bullets , wormes , screwes , rammer , and pryming iron . also they shall haue good and sufficient musquets , of true size and bore , with cleane barrels , and straight scowring stickes , headed at the one end with rammers of horne , sutable to the bore of the piece , and at the other , with boxes of iron in which to screw their wormes , iron rammers , and the like . the cockes and trickers of the piece ( for seares are not good ) shall be nimble to goe and come , and the stocks shall be straight , & of very sound wood . lastly , for their right hands they shall haue rests of ash wood , or other tough wood , with iron pikes in the neather end , and halfe hoopes of iron aboue to rest the musquet on , and double strong stringes fastned neare therevnto , to hang about the arme of the souldier when at any time he shall haue occasion to traile the same ; and the length of these rests shall be sutable to the stature of the man , bearing his piece so , as he may discharge it without stooping . the harquebushes shall be armed like the musquets ; the rest onely excepted , and the quantitie of the piece , and the charges duely considered . your halberdier shall be armed in all points like your pike , onely in stead of the pike he shall carry a faire halberd , that is strong , sharpe , and well armed with plates of iron , from the blade at least two foot downward vpon the staffe , and fringed or adorned according to pleasure ; and these halberds doe properly belong vnto the serieants of companies , who by reason of their much imployment are excused from armes ; otherwise in the day of battaile , or in the battaile they are for guard of the ensigne , or matter of execution , and then to be armed as is aforesaid . the ensigne , or bearer of the captaines colours , shall be armed at all pieces to the mid thigh , as as head-peece , gorget , curaces , pouldrons , vantbranes , and taces , with a faire sword by his side , and his captaines colours or ensigne in his hand . the lieutenants of companies shall be armed like the ensigne-bearer , and his weapon shall be a faire guilt partizan . the captaines shall be armed as the lieutenants , onely as much richer as they please , and their weapons to lead with , shall be feather staues ; but their weapons to serue or encounter the enemy with , shall be faire partizans of strong and short blades , well guilt and adorned , according to their owne pleasures . for the formes or manner of trayning ; that forme is onely to be followed , which shall be soonest and easiest learned , and of most vse for all kind of service whatsoever , and which i take to be this forme following . first you shall draw your company into two battalions , or square bodies ( the pikes by themselues , and the shot by themselues ) which bodies shall consist of ranks and files , and you shall draw them forth by files or tens , man after man , or if they be much disorderly and vncapable , then draw them forth by halfe files or fiues , and when they are so placed , by doubling those halfe files , you may bring them to whole files ; which done , then placing the pikes in the midst , wing them on either hand with your shot , wherein if you haue ha●quebushes ( which are now out of vse with vs ) you shall then giue to your musquetiers the prioritie of place , that is , they shall make the outmost files both of the right and the left hand . now for a ranke , you shall vnderstand it is a row of men placed pouldron to pouldron , or shoulder to shoulder , their faces being directed all one way ; and a file is a sequence of men standing one behind another , backe to belly , extending from the first to the last man ; and it is taken from the french word la fila signifying a thridd , because men stand long wise and straight like a thrid , and the files consist of single men downeward , as the ranks consist of single men ouerthwart . now these files in some discipline are called flankes , because they doe flanker , or wall in the battalia , and the rankes are called fronts , because they stand formost and doe as it were affront the battailes , and looke vpon the enemie , but in truth none can properly be called the front but the ranke which standeth formost , nor any file be called a ●lanke , but those which stand outmost , yet all are ranks , and all are files , and therefore those two names are without contradiction . now lastly you shall vnderstand , that a ranke may consist of as many men as you please ( according to the number of your company ) but a file ( howeuer the spaniards and italians vse it in vncertaine depth ) ought neuer to be aboue ten persons deepe ( except it be in marching or in most especiall seruice , where advantage of ground requireth the contrary ) the reason thereof , being that the first man hauing done his dutie in discharging his piece , may in the space that nine other men shall do their duties , and discharge their pieces distinctly one after another , be againe in readines & make his first place good , there to discharge his piece a-againe . besides it is the readiest and best way for the drawing of grosses and great numbers , into any forme that you please , because according to this discipline , euery hundred men make a full square , that is to say , iustren euery way . this done you shall deuide one hundred men into foure corporall shipps or squadrons , and euery squadron , into as many files as the number wil beare , and euery file into fellowships or camera-does , th● corporall of euery squadron , shall be the leader of the chiefest file of the squadron , and the lanspresado : ( who in the corporalls absence , as vpon a guard or otherwise , doth all the corporalls duties ) shall lead another file , and the most sufficient gentlemen of euery squadron shal be the leaders of the rost . now for the especiall duties of these two officers ( which is the corporall , and the lanspresadoe ) you shall vnderstand that the corporalls chiefest dutie is vpon guards at night , after the watch is set , and the sentinells placed● where so soone as the sentinell shall call vpon any approach , lie shall immediately goe with his sword drawne , or in especiall cases ( where the enemy lodgeth neare ) with a guard of two at least ( being a pike and a shot ) vnto the sentinell , and making his guard stand vpon their guard he shall place the point of his sword to the breast of him that is to giue the word , whether he be rounder , or other private passenger , and so with his eare to his mouth very closely receiueth● word , which if it be right he shall giue the partie passe ; if otherwise he shall take him prisoner , and disarme him , and either keepe him vpon his guard , or els deliver him to his superior officer : but if any resistance shall be offered then it shall be lawfull for him to kill him . also the corporall shall in the time of service fee that every souldier in his squadron haue his armes neate , cleane , and handsome ; that they be not vnfurnished of powder , match , and bullet ; and the lanspresadoe ( as was before said ) shall in the absence of the corporall doe all the corporals duties , and in the time of rest he shall call vpon his squadron , and see them dresse , trimme , and scoure their armes and weapons , and teach them how best to doe the same . and also he shall see them cast their bullets , if need require , and to such as are ignorant , teach them how to doe the same , and shew them how to scoure their pieces , and oyle them , and in time of necessitie , or vpon cloying , how to vnbreetch them . the companie being thus devided , in the trayning foure principall things are to be taught . . first , the carriage and vse of armes , conteined in divers postures or stations , expressing the formes of men in armes . . secondly , distance or proportion of place in files and rankes . . thirdly , march and malion , contained in words of most especiall directions . . and fourthly , all the sounds or beatings of the drumme , and ordinarie words of direction ( which are our vocabula artis ) and how by the drumme , or the voice of a commander , to moue and obey the direction . . the carriage of armes must be comely and readiest for vse . the vse of pikes is either in receiving or giuing a charge ; by being t●ught the first● the souldier learnes to withstand horse ; by the second , to encounter with the enemies pikes , in which the vse of armes is most in knowing when and how every man , and so every ranke should giue his push . in teaching the vse of shot the souldier must first learne how to carry his piece , then how to present it , and to take his levell , and how and when to giue his volley with those in his ranke . all which shall be more plainly described when wee come to speake of postures ● and this part of instruction is the proper office of the serieants of companies , for they should both teach the shot the vse of their armes , and be their leaders in service , if by an especiall commandement , a superior officer be not appointed . in teaching to giue volleys , the ancient and vulgar manner of discipline ( which is that the whole volley shall be given of all the shot in one battalia , or troop , at one instant , as well of them behind as before ) is vtterly to be condemned ; for either the hind most must venture to shoot their fellowes before through the heads , or els will overshoot , and so spend their shot vnprofitably . besides , the volley being once given , the enemy comes on without impeachment or annoyance● but in stead of this kind of volley at once ( which onely serues to make a great crack ) let the first ranke onely giue their volley , and if the bat●ali● ma●ch , then that ranke which hath giuen their volley to stand , and the second to passe through it , and so giue their volley , and then to stand , and the third to come vp , and so consequently all the rankes . but if the battalia stand , then the first ranke having given their volley , shall fall back to the reare , either in wheele , or in counter-march ( according to the number of persons in the ranke . ) and the second ranke come into their places , and so the third , and fourth , till the first ranke be come to their places againe , and so to continue to the end of commandement . but if the battalia shall fall backe or retire , and loose ground ; then shall all the shot stand still , and no man advance a foote of ground ; but the first ranke in its due place shall giue their volley , and then fall backe behind the last ranke , and then the second ranke shall giue their volley in their due place , and so fall behind the first , and in the same manner all the rest , till they haue lost so much ground as to the commander shall seeme convenient : and so the volley shall be still continued , whether in marching , standing , or retyring , and the enemy never free from annoyance ; all which is easily performed , if before the motion you doe make all your shot open their files well , either to one or the other hand . there are two other wayes of giuing fire , the one vpon advancement , the other , vpon a swift and speedie retrayt : that vpon advancement towards an enemy when your men skirmish loose and disbanded , must be done by rankes in this manner ; two rankes must alwayes make ready together , and advance tenne paces forwardes before the bodie , at which distance a sergeant ( or when the body is great ) some other officer must stand , to whom the musquetiers are to come vp before they present and giue fire ; first , the first ranke , and whilest the first giues fire , the second ranke keepe their musquets close to their rests , and their pans guarded ; and as soone as the first are falne away , the second presently present and giue fire , and fall after them : now as soone as the two first rankes doe moue from their places in the front , the two rankes next it must vnshoulder their musquets , and make readie , so as they may advance forwards tenne paces , as before ; as soone as the two first rankes are fallen away , and are to doe in all points as the former ; so all the other rankes through the whole devision must doe the same by twoes one after another . the manner of giving fire in a swift retrayt is as the devision marcheth away , the hinder most 〈◊〉 of all ( keeping still with the devision ) maketh readie , and being readie , the souldiers in that ranke turne altogether to the right hand , and giue fire , marching presently away a good round pace to the front , and there place themselues in ranke together , iust before the front ; as soone as the first ranke turnes to giue fire , the ranke next it makes readie , and doth as the former , and so the rest . next to the carriage of armes , you shall teach the knowledg of distance or seperation of places , being accounted a certaine orderly space betweene file and file , ranke and ranke , in such order and measure as the gaptaine shall be disposed to nomina●e , which not being obeyed , the whole body of the battalia is put out of order , and neither carrying proportion● nor true shape , are as men in rout or disorder● therefore it ought carefully ( of all things ) to be observed and vsed according to the limitation or fitnesse of every motion ; for the stations of all military persons , and the motions in armes , are not alwayes certaine , or in one steadie role● but do● continually interchange and alter agree a●y one with another ; and the vse of this distance is both in rankes and files , in marches , and in motions ; in files , as when they stand or march at the first distance , which is called closest , that is to say , pouldron to pouldron , or shoulder to shoulder , or when they stand or march at the second distance , which is called close , and is a foot and a halfe distance man from man ; or when they stand or march at the third distance , which is called order , which is three foote man from man ; or when they stand or march at the fourth and last distance , which is called open order , and is sixe foote betweene person and person . so likewise in rankes to stand or march closest , is to be at the swords poynt , to stand or march close ; is three foote , to stand or march at order , is sixe foote , and to stand or march at open order , is ever twelue foote . now there be some commanders which vary in the nomination of these termes , though not in quantitie or distance , for they will haue close in files to be pouldron to pouldron ; order , a foote and an halfe ; open-order three foote , and double-distance sixe foote● and so omit the word closest . and so like wise in rankes , close they will haue to the swords poynt , order three foote , open order sixe foote , and double-distance twelue foote , and so not the word closest at all . others vary it another way , and will haue but three distances , that is to say ; open order , which they will haue to be six foote both betweene ranke and fyle , order three foote betweene ranke and fyle , and close-order a foote and an halfe betweene fyle● and fyle , and three foote betweene ranke and ranke , and when they come to open rankes , then they command double-distance also , which they make twelue foote , and so by steps come to the fourth distance also , but i preferre the first discipline , and hold the words fully as significant and most in vse , which aboue all things are to be esteemed and imitated . now to take the true measure of these distances , because the eye is but an vncertaine iudge , you shall take the distance of sixe foote betweene fyle and fyle , by commanding the souldiers ( as they stand ) to stretch forth their arme● , and stand so remoued one from another , that their handes may meete . to take the distance of three foot betweene fyle and fyle , you shall make the souldiers set their armes a kenbowe , and put themselues so close that their elbowes may meete , and to take the distance of a foote and an halfe , euery other souldier in the ranke shall set one arme a kenbowe , and his fellow shall neare touch it ; and thus likewise in rankes wee take the distance of sixe foote , when the but ends of the pikes do almost reach their heeles that march before . three foote in ranke is when they come almost to the swords poynt ; and twelue foote is the length of a pike charged ever . next vnto distance of place , is to be taught marches and motions , and in teaching of marches , after euery man knowes his place , and is willed to obserue his fyle and ranke ; in a plaine march , there is no hardnesse , nor yet in a counter-march , if the leaders of the fyles be well chosen , and that every man obserue well him that goes next before him . besides , if there be any little disorder , the officers keeping a good eye , and being every one of them in their due place , will easily reforme it . now for the places of the officers , they are these : the head of the troope or band is for the captaine , and the reare for the lieutenant , except it be in a retrayt , and then the captaine should be in the reare , and the lieutenant at the head. the ensigne ( in an ordinary battalia ) vpon the head behinde the captaine , or within a ranke thereof . but marching in an extended battayle , then in the heart or midst of the pikes . the drummes are in a square battalia to beate before the right and left wings . but in an extended battayle , the eldest drumme shall beate before the third and fourth ranke of shot , which followeth next after the captaine . the second drumme shall attend the ensigne ; and the third ( if there be so many in one companie ) shall beate betweene the third and fourth ranke of shot , which marcheth in the reare next before the lieutenant . the phiphes ( if there be more then one ) the eldest shall march with the eldest drumme ; and the second shall attend on the ensigne . the sergeants are extravagantly to march on each side the company , and to see the souldiers keepe their rankes and fyles , according to the captaines appoyntment ; as also to listen and performe any direction that shall come from the captaine , or other officer in chiefe : as also ( vpon any occasion ) to leade loose and disbanded fyles of shot in skirmish , or els devisions of pykes or shot in ordinary marches , where superior officers are absent . now to these marches , are added the teaching of motions , because there are many such that are not marches at all : as some without changing of place , in onely turning of their faces to the right hand , or the left , or about ( that is to say ) the meere contrary way , to that they were at the command giuen ; which is necessarie if the enemy should charge of either side or behinde . some motions there are which change place ; but yet no more then a remouing from one ranke to another , or from one file to another , when as ( commonly ) though some doe remoue , yet others stand still ; and these kinde of motions are doubling of rankes or fyles , whereby the battalia is made broader or longer , as the enemy or the ground you haue , causeth you to make your flankes , fronts , rankes , or files greater or lesser . and here is to be noted in this doubling of rankes or fyles , that rankes when they double to the right hand , must ever turne to the left hand to come to their former places againe , and if they be doubled to the left hand , they must turne on the right hand to come to their first places againe ; and fyles when they are doubled to any hand , by the doubling of rankes to the contrary hand , they are brought to their first places againe . and so having doubled your rankes to any hand , by the doubling of fyles to the contrary hand , you also bring them to their first places againe . there is also to be taught another motion , in which all doe moue , and yet none doe march , which is the opening and closing either of rankes or fyles , and is of vs● not onely when you would haue one ranke passe through another , or the whole body of the battalia make a counter-march , but when we would draw the battayle quickly , and in order , more of one hand or other . in teaching the souldier how to know the sounds or beatings of the drumme , you must make them obserue not onely what the drum doth beat , as whether it be a call , a march , a troope , a battalia , a charge , a retrait , a batterie , a reliefe , and so forth , but also what time he keepes , for euer according to the measure of time , the souldier is to march slower or faster , to charge with greater violence , or to come off with greater speede , also he shall know when by the drum to attend his captaines directions , when to repayre to his colour● , and when to doe other duties . and many other beatings as occasion shall administer , and as by the sound of the drum , you doe teach your souldiers to march , so by the voice ( at their first instruction ) you shall teach them all other motions . to make them therefore perfect in these and all other motions , it is good to vse them to some certaine words , which being once learned● will serue for direction , and they must bee the wordes● now most in vse in our english armies . the words which are now in vse , both here and in the netherlands , are these and such like 〈◊〉 following . first for all motions in generall , they must eyther be in distance , or in forme . if in distance , it must eyther be in file , or rank , or in both together . if the motion be in distance o● files , it must eyther be in closing or in opening ; if in closing , then your words of proper directions are th●se . first hauing drawne your ba●●aile in order you shall say — leaders stand forward with your files . then close your files . close your files to the right hand . close your files to the left . and all these three motions you shal doe eyther closest , close , to order , or to open order . open your files . open to the right hand . open to the left . or to any order as aforesayd . if in distance of rankes , then also in closing or opening , if in closing — then close your rankes . close your rankes , from the front to the reare . close your rankes , from the reare to the front . and any of th●se to any order as aforesayd , and if in opening — then open your rankes . open your rankes , from the front reareward . open your rankes from the reare forward . and any of th●se to any order aforesayd , and heerein is to bee noted that rankes when they open , ought ( for the most part ) to open downeward , turning to the reare , and if they close , it m●st euer be vpward to the front. lastly if motion in distance , be both of rankes and file● at one instant , then you shall say — files and rankes close . files and rankes open . and both these to any order aforesayd . now if it be motion in forme , it is also in files , in rankes , and in files and rankes both together . if it be motion in forme of files , the words of direction are — double your files to the right hand . double your files to the left . advance 〈◊〉 files to the right hand . advance your files to the left . advance by devision to the right hand . advance by devision to the left . files ranke by conversion to the right hand . files ranke by conversion to the left . files ranke . . . &c. shorten your files to . . &c. lengthen your files to . . . &c. files counter-march to the right hand . files counter-march to the left . files counter-march to both by devision . and this counter-march may bee done divers wayes and manners , as after the manner of the macedonians , the lacedemonians , the persians , or out late and more moderne vse and fashion , & all these motions must be done to some one or other order as aforesayd . if it be motion in forme of rankes , then the words are — double your rankes to the right hand . double your rankes to the left . rankes file by conversion to the right hand . rankes file by conversion to the left . rankes ranke . . . &c. midlemen double the front to the right hand . midlemen double the front to the left . midlemen double to both by devision , to the right entire , and to the left entire . rankes counter-march from the right hand to the left . rankes counter-march from the left hand to the right . in the manner as formerly in fyles , according to severall nations , & when you will counter-march to the right hand , the first ranke of leaders onely must advance one stepp forward with the right leg , and then turne , and all the other ranks must march first vp to the place from whence the first ranke did counter-march before they turne ; so likewise , if you will counter-march to the left hand , the first rankes must stepp forward , one stepp with the left legge , and then turne , and all the other rankes behind , must come vp to that place before they turne as before ; the same order is to be obserued , when you will counter-march your files ; also in counter-marching , though both are here set downe for distinction sake , you are to name neither rankes nor files , but are onely to say — to the right hand counter-march , or to the left hand counter-march . now if it be motion in forme , both in files and rankes iointly together , then the words of direction are faces to the right hand . faces to the left . faces to both by devision . faces about , or all one . faces to the reare . all one . wheele by conversion to the right hand . wheele by conversion to the left . wheele to both by devision . charge to the right hand . charge to the left . charge to both by devision . charge to the front. charge to the reare . charge to both front and reare by devision . now to reduce any of these words of direction to the same order or station in which the souldier stood before they were spoken , you shall say — as you were . now in these words of generall directions , this is principally to be regarded , that in charging with pikes , halfe the rankes are but to charge their pikes , and the other halfe to carrie them advanced , or ported , so neare the heads of the formost as they may doe them no annoyance , either in charging or retyring ; and they must also obserue when they doe charge standing , to fall backe with the right foote , and marching to step forward with the left . there is also another motion in forme , which is the giuing of fire by the flanke , or by whole fyles one after another , which are strange to the dutch , or spanish , yet exceeding frequent with the irish , and therefore necessary for our english vse . and that is for the beating or clayring of paces ( which are narrow strait wayes through woods and bogs ) and the words for direction are — cast of your fyles to the right hand . cast of your fyles to the left . cast of your fyles to both by devision . now for the most of these words there can be hardly better chosen . but it is not so materiall what words you first choose to trayne by ; as it is to vse some words constantly : and yet the same words should be vsed generally through the troopes of an armie , or els it will breed confusion . and if it were also generally in the discipline of one kingdome , it were better and more absolute . and thus much touching march and motion ; which is nothing els but an actuall working of the bodie , contained in foure severall circumstances : the first being a marching forward ( as charging to the front ) the second backward ( as by retrayt ) the third side-wayes ( as by closing , opening or doubling of fyles to either hand ) : and the last wheeling ( as by conversion or turning to either hand ) all which must be performed as occasion shall be offered to the vnderstanding of the commander , observing every motion in true order , place , distance , and posture . all other motions in the mayne body of a battalia being nothing but the parents of disorder and confe●sion ; 〈…〉 art , by the opinions of the auncients● is o●●ly the true science of warlike motion , of the emperiall art of comely and well ordering of battayle● , armes , gestures , and motions , any of which will not indure monstrou● shape● 〈…〉 . next vnto these words of generall motions , wee will place the words of particular motions , which onely concerne the manage , vse , and carriage of weapons . and these kinde of motions are called in one present discipline postures , that is , the true 〈◊〉 of men in armes , carrying all manner of mar●●all weapons ( in every motion whatsoever ) in the comeliest , ●●ad i● 〈◊〉 , and easiest way both to 〈…〉 , and not onely making everything 〈…〉 very deligh●full to the eye , but also taking away all dangers and disorders which might otherwise happen , either through igno●an●e or rudenesse . to speake then first of those postures which belong vnto the pike , and are published by the most excellent prince , the count ma●rice of 〈◊〉 , prince of orange ; they are in number ●●●●one ; that is to say , three which are exprest standing●●ixe ma●ching , and seaven charging . the three which are exprest standing , are — lay downe your pike . take vp your pike . order your pike . the sixe which are to be done marching● are — advance your pike . shoulde●● your pike . levell your pike . sloape your pike . cheeke your pike . trayle your pike . the seauen which are done charging , are — port over hand . port vnder-hand . charge over-hand . charge vnder-hand . couch over-hand . couch vnder-hand . charge against the right foote , and t●●aw yo●●●●ord over-arme . as touching the postures which belong to the musquet , they are fortie in n●mber , and are to be done ; fiue standing ; three marching ; eight-teene charging ; and fourteene discharging : and are onely for military instruction in the time of trayning , and to make the souldier most exquisite and perfect . but in the time of present service before the face of the enemy , or in fight , then all this great number of postures , the captaine shall reduce into three onely and no more . the three postures or words of command , which are vsed for the musquet in the face of the enemie , in fight , or in skirmish , are these — . make readie . . present . . giue fire . the postures or words of command which are vsed in ordinary trayning , or daily exercising of the souldiers , are these following — first there are fiue to be performed standing . — that is to say — put on your armes . prepare your skirmish . rest your musquet . your sentinell posture . your saluting posture . the postures which are to be performed in marching are these — shoulder your musquet , and carry your rest in the right hand . levell your musquet . sloape your musquet . the postures which are to be performed in charging , are these — cleare your pann . prime your pann . shut your pann . cast off your loose cornes . blow your pann . cast about your musquet , with both your hands , and trayle your rest. open your charges . charge your musquet with powder . draw out your scowring sticke . shorten your sticke . ramme in your powder . draw out your sticke . charge with bullet . ramme in your bullet . draw out your sticke . shorten your sticke and put it vp . bring your musquet forward with your left hand . hold it vp with your right hand , and recover your rest. the postures which are to be performed in discharging , are these — carrie your rest in your left hand , preparing to giue fire . sloape your musquet , and let the rest sinke . in the right hand poyze your musquet . in the left hand carrie the musquet , with the rest. in the right hand take your match betweene the second finger and the thumbe . hold the match fast and blow it . cocke your match . trie your match . guard the pann and blow your ma●ch . open your pann . present your musquet . giue fire . dismount your musquet and carrie it with the rest. vncocke your match and put it vp betweene your fingers . now touching the postures of the hargobus , i hold it needlesse here to insist or stand vpon them , since they are all one with the musquet , ( the rest onely excepted ) and whosoeuer is a good musquetier cannot chuse but be a good hargeletier . and therefore i referre it to mo●s particular practise . and to make a connexion of all that is before sayd , i would wish euery industrious teacher , first to respect his men ; then their armes , and to sort and place each man according to his worth and cunning , not his wealth or birth ; then for his lessons , first to bring him to an exquisite readinesse in the postures , and true manage of weapons ; next to make him know all the sounds or beatings of the dr●mme . thirdly , the ●rue distance of places and orderly proportions : fourthly , the execution thereof in all manner of marches and motions . and lastly , a generall performance of all that hath beene spoken in the practise of skirmishes and alteration of battalions . so shall men become readie and not confused , as many are by silken and simple tutors , who striue to teach many things together , but nothing in order . now for as much as dignitie of places is a most needfull knowledge for every commander , both for the adornment of the band , and the incouragement of the well deserving souldier , i will shew you here a table , containing the honor and dignitie of places● as they haue beene observed by the most auncient masters of martiall discipline . the vse . now for the vse of this table , you shall vnderstand , that the figure . which standeth on the right hand , is the leader of the right hand fyle , and so the first and chiefest man in the battalia , and that whole ranke in which it standeth is the front , so called , because the faces of the whole companie are directed one way , and also every man in that ranke is called the leader or captaine of the fyle he leadeth . the figure . which leadeth the left hand fyle is the second man. and the figure . ( which is in the reare ) because there the backes are turned , is the third man , and the whole ranke in which it standeth is called the reare , or the bringers vp . then the figure . is the fourth man , & so forth according to the number of the figures , are the dignities of the places . now here is also to be noted in this table , that the figure . standing in the front , is the leader of the middle fyle to the left flanke ; and the figure . leader of the middle fyle to the right flanke ; and so are called leaders of the mayne devision . the fifth ranke from the front downeward towards the reare , are called middlemen to the reare , and the sixt rank are called middlemen to the front , or the leaders of halfe fyles . lastly , whensoever this bodie , or any other whatsoever ( which containeth but ten persons in fyle ) shall be devided in the midst betweene the middle-men , then the last fiue rankes to the reareward are called by the name of subdevision . and whensoever the reare shall double the front , then are the reare called bringers vp , because they bring vp their halfe fyles by sequence . these rules knit vnto memorie , and practised with care and diligence , will make any souldier perfect in the first sixe parts of martiall discipline ; as election of men ; sorting of armes ; march or motion ; distance ; posture ; and lastly , the beatings of the drumme . now to these i will adde a little touch or essay , touching the carriage , election , and composition of captaines colours , or ensignes , which is the honorable badge or marke of every captaine , and in which both of late here at home , and also formerly in forraine nations . i haue seene as grosse absurdities , as any malice would wish to see in the folly of his enemy , which doubtlesse must proceed from ignorance , since no master of reason would be guiltie of his owne iniurie . you shall therefore vnderstand , that all colours belonging vnto private captaines , ought to be mixt equally of two severall colours , that is to say , ( according to the rule in herauldry ) of colour and mettall , and not colour on colour , as greene and red , or blew and blacke , or such like , nor yet mettall on mettall , as white and yellow , or orrengtawnie and white , for colours so borne shew bastardie , pesantrie , or dishonor . now in the corner which is next to the vpper poynt of the staffe , he shall car●ie in a faire large square , or canton , containing a sixt part of the colours , a plaine red crosse in a white field ( which is the ensigne of our kingdome of england . ) if the colours doe belong to a colonell , they shall then be all of one entire colour , or one mettall , onely the red crosse , or ensigne of the kingdome shall be in his due place , as aforesaid . if they belong to a colonell generall , to the lord marshall of the field , or any such superior officer , then they shall be all of one entire colour , or mettall , and the red crosse or ensigne of the kingdome , shall be in a verie little square or canton , as in a twelft part of the field , or lesse if it please them . but if they belong to the generall of the field , then they shall be of one entire colour or mettall , without any red crosse at all , as was before sayd . thus much touching the generall composition and carriage of colours . now for a more particular election and vse therof , you shall vnderstand , that every gentleman of coate-armour ( being a private captaine ) ought to carry for his colours , those two principall colours which are contained in his coate-armour , being the field and the chiefe charge thereof ; which that no ignorance may be busie to find out , they are evermore contained in the bandrole , vpon which his crest standeth : being indeed a true type or figure of his colours wreathed together , as the support of his honor . now in as much as captaines are not all gentlemen of coare-armour , and so take vnto themselues ( in these dayes ) a more particular freedome , affirming that honor is not buckled to them , but to their vertues . and that vertue consists not in the same of auncestors , but in their owne actions , and defences of their countries , mistresses , widdowes , and the oppressed : and so may suite or elect their colours , according to their hopes or imaginations . taking ( as it were ) their honor from the parties they most reverence ( which is a paradoxe easily confuted . ) i will here first shew you the nature and signification of colours . and then some particular offences , in which an indifferent mixture being made , the composition must needs be noble and wholesome . you shall first then vnderstand , that there be in military honor nine severall faces , or complexions , that is to say , two which be called mettals , as yellow and white , figuring gold and silver , and ●eaven , which are called proper colours , as blacke , blew , red , greene , purple , tunnis , and ermine ; figuring seaven precious stones , of whose natures here to speake were tedious and needlesse , and of these , as before i said , mettall may not be carried on mettall , nor colour vpon colour . now for the significations of these mettalls and colours , you shall vnderstand , that yellow betokneth honor , or height of spirit , which being never seperate from vertue , of all things is most iealous of of disgrace , and may not indure the least shadow of imputation . white signifieth innocence or puritie of conscience , truth , and an vpright integritie without blemish . blacke signifieth wisedome and sobrietie , together with a severe correction of too much ambition , being mixt with yellow , or too much beliefe aud le●itie , being joyned with white . blew signifieth faith , constancie , or truth in affection . red signifieth iustice , or noble and worthy anger , in defence of religion , or the oppressed . greene signifieth good hope , or the accomplishment of holy and honorable actions . purple signifieth fortitude with discretion , or a most true discharge of any trust reposed . tunnis , or tawnie , signifieth merit , or desert , and a foe to ingratitude . ermine ( which is onely a rich furre with curious spots ) signifieth religion , or holinesse , and that all aymes are not devine obiects . now from these colours , and their mixtures , are derived many bastard and dishonorable colors , as carnation , orengtawnie , popeniay , and such like , all which haue bastardly significations , as craft , pride , wantonnesse , and such like ; of which who so is desirous to vnderstand , let him looke into du tillet , and other french authors , and he shall gaine satisfaction . for mine owne part , since they appertaine not vnto honor , i will here omit them , and to those free spirits that haue gaind these noble places ; from these considerations leaue them to their owne elections , and compositions , with these few advertisements following . first , he that in his colours shall carry full coate-armour , doth indiscreetly ; for he puts that honor to hazzard , which he may with more honor keepe in safetie , and inticeth his enemie by such ostentation to darre beyond his owne nature . he that in his colours beareth any one blacke spot● and no more ; if it be round , square , or of any equall proportion , it shewes some blemish in the owner , and that his life is not voyde of some notorious scandall . if the spot be of vnequall proportion , that is , longer or broader one way then another , it signifieth funerall , or deadly revenge ; for such a spot is called an hearse . he that carryeth a word in his colours without a devise , carrieth a soule without a bodie . he that carrieth a devise without a word , carrieth a bodie without a soule . he that carrieth both word and devise , carrieth both soule and bodie , yet if the devise carrie any humane shape , it is a grosse bodie , and if the word containe aboue three or foure words at the most ( except it be the latter end , or beginning of some verse ) it is an imperfect soule : but if both word and devise be compleate ; that is , empresa and not embleme , yea they are much fitter for maskes , triumphes , or pageants , then the field , or reall action ; for the true mixture of colours is devise enough for every foote souldier . he that carrieth more colours then two , except it be some small dash for an especiall note , or the ensigne of severall kingdomes , carrieth a surcharge , and it is esteemed the ensigne of folly. now to conclude and knit vp this sleight discourse , with the true cement which bindeth all the former duties faithfully together , every souldier must especially regard obedience , a worke which is contained in three circumstances , and every circumstance adorned with an especiall vertue . the first is reverence from the inferior to the superior , in which is expressed loue. the second , a readinesse to take directions , and a willingnesse to be commanded , which is a performance of dutie : and the last , in the allowing of his captaines opinion , and approving his iudgement ; which is a certaine character of modestie , wisedome , and discretion . for that captaine cannot be sayd to be perfect , that wants vertue worthie of reverence ; authoritie fit for commandment , or experience able to direct and censure his actions . and he that hath these , hath that sufficiencie , that to disobay , is to die , as witnesseth all the best of the romanes , who never spared any in that capitall and grosse trespasse of absurd disobedience . and to this i must also adde , that the tyrannie of captaines in commanding with too great rigor , is as offensiue as the former disobedience : for as montaigne saith ; the authoritie of them which teach , often hinders those that would learne . and therefore nothing like manly courtesie doth become a commander . the cavallarie ; or the formes and manner of trayning of horse , as it hath beene received from the latest and best experienced armies . together with all such knowledges as are meete for the practise of those that are profest teachers , or profest learners of this noble art . virg. aenei . arma virumque cano — by g. m. london printed by i. d. for iohn bellamie , and are to be sold at his shop at the three golden lyons , neere the royall exchange . . the cavallarie ; or trayning of the horse-troopes . infinite great ( and nor without much difficultie ) are the considerations which dependeth on him that taketh vpon him to teach , command , and governe a troope of horse ; for to instruct man onely ( who is a reasonable creature , can vnderstand my language , and apprehend my directions ) though he be never so ignorant or peevish , yet there is much ease in the progresse , and what favour cannot perswade , authoritie and punishment may inforce ; but to bring ignorant man and more ignorant horse , wilde man and madd horse , to those rules of obedience , which may crowne every motion and action with comelie , orderly , and profitable proceedings ; hic labor , hoc opus . to come then to the office or dutie of that commander , who taketh vpon him to trayne or drill a troope of horse ; he shall vnderstand , that there be three things referred to his iudgement . first , election of men and horses . secondly , arming . and lastly , the formes or manner of tray●ning . for the election of men and horses , they mu●● be sutable to the armes and weapons ( defensiu● and offensiue ) which they carrie , which becaus● they are of divers kindes , and divers dignities and in as much as horse-troopes consist all of one entire bodie or armes , and not of divers bodies , or divers armes in one troope , ( as foote companies doe ) i will first giue you the names of every severall troope of horse , and after elect men , horse and armes agreeable with each severall dignitie . in the old warres , and before fire was got to that height of excellence to which it is now arived , the first and principall troope of horse were called , men at armes , or gentlemen at armes , because the bodie of the whole troope consisted of noblemen , knights , and gentlemen . a prince ( for the most part ) being ever their commander ; they were armed with defensiue armes at all pe●ces , c●●p a pe , from head to foote ; that is to say , with close caskes on their heads , gorgets about their necks , faire brestplats of hargobus proofe , and backpeeces of lesse proofe for their bodies ; pouldrons for their shoulders , vambraces for their arms , gauntlets for their hands , taces for the belly , cui●ses for the knees , and greaues for the legs and feete , ●nd about their wa●ts rich bases of velvet , sattin , s●●ke , or other s●uffe , and girdles and hangers . for offensiue armes , they had faire guilt swords and daggers , strong launces headed with steele , a case of short pistols , with priming-box , flaske , key , and bullet bag , a well armed battellaxe , and a strong payre of spurres on his heeles , with long neckes and long rowells . his horse should be strong , well shaped , of great courage , and throughly mand and ridden , he should ( by all meanes ) be stoned ( because tyring hurts them not ) of lustie age , and faire trotting : and of these horses the neopolitan is the best , the greeke next , then the spanyard , the english , the almaine or the french. for his furniture , it should be either a barbe of steele , or a caparison of bend-leather , arming from the pole of the necke to the pomell of the saddle , and so round about his brest : as also from the hinder part of the saddle over all his buttockes , and downe to the cambrell : he shall haue a shaffron for his forehead , and for the other part of his head , an headstall , and raynes of broad leather ( the raynes being lyned with a small chayne of iron to prevent cutting ) and in his mouth a faire bitt ; on his backe a steele-saddle , with three girtes of double webb , with stirrops , stirrop-leathers , and for his tayle a faire saker , with rich tassels , and a strong twynsell . this was the ordinarie arming of the gentlemen at armes for the field , onely some at their owne discretions would to the former peeces adde a placcard to cover the brestplate , which was an advancement of the proofe , but not an inforcement from commandment . now if these gentlemen were to arme for triumph before the king or queene , then to the peeces defensiue ( before shewed ) they ought to haue ( if it were for the tylt ) a grandguard for the breast , a pasguard for the left shoulder , and a maine-fere for the left hand . if it were for the tourney , then onely a buffe for the chynne , and a lockt gauntlet for the right hand . the second troope of horse were called launciers or demilaunciers , they were armed at all peeces from the head to the knee , like the gentlemen at armes , and their offensiue weapons were a launce , a case of short pistolls , a battle-axe , sword and dagger ; strong horses , well ridden for the field , armed with a steele-saddle , headstall , raynes , bit , brest-plate , crooper , trappings , girtes , stirrops , and leathers . the third sort of auncient horsemen , were called light-horse , and they were armed for defence with burgenets , or steele-caps , gorgets , curats , or plate-coats , gauntlets or gloues of male ; for offensiue armes , they had a slender chasing staffe , a single pistoll , and sometimes a case , a sword and dagger . their horses were nimble light gueldings , fayre trotting , and well ridden : the furniture for the horse was a strong headstall and raynes , a bitt , a morocco saddle , pettrell , crooper , light trappings , and other necessaries sutable . the men to be handsome yeomen or serving-men● light timberd , and of comely shape , where it skils not much for the tallnes or greatnes of the bodie , but for the height of spirit , and the goodnesse of the inclination . in which little david ( many times ) puts downe the greatest goliah . thus for your knowledge , nor your example , i haue shewed you the severall compositions and armings of horsemen , according to the auncient times , when the bow and the hargobus had the first place , and the musquet , and other fierie weapons lay obscured . but to come to these our present times , wherein the vttermost strength of the fire is found out and explaned , and to shew you that which you must onely imitate and follow ; you shall know , that all our horse-troopes are reduced to one of these three formes . the first and principall troope of horsemen for the generalitie , are now called cuirassiers or pistolleirs , and these men ought to be of the best degree , because the meanest in one of these troopes , is ever by his place a gentleman , and so esteemed . they haue for defensiue armes , gorget , curats , cutases , which some call culets , others the guard-de-reine , because it armeth the hinder parts from the wast to the saddle-crootch , then pouldrons , vambraces , a left hand gauntlet , taces , cuisses , a caske , a sword , girdle , and hangers . for offensiue armes , they shall haue a case of long pistolls , fierlockes ( if it may be ) but snaphaunces , where they are wanting● the barrels of the pistolls would be . inches long , and the bore of . bullets in the pound ; flaske , priming-box , key , and moulds ; their horses should be stoned , and of the best r●ces , fayre trotting , and well ridden for the warres , that is to say , being able to passe a strong and swift cariere , to stop close , to retire at pleasure , and to turne readily on both hands , either in large rings or in strayt , especially , the turne called terra , terra , the horse shall haue saddle , bridle , bit , petrell , crooper , with leathers to fasten his pistols , and his necessary sacke of carriage , with other necessary things according to the forme of good horsemanship . the second sort ( of which many troopes of horse are compounded ) are called hargobusseirs , or carbines , these men ought to be the best of the first inferior degree , that is to say , of the best yeomen , or best serving-men , having actiue and nimble bodies , ioyned with good spirits and ripe vnderstandings ; these men shall haue for defensiue armes , gorgets , curats , cutasses , pouldrons , vambraces , and a light head peece , wide sighted , and the ●ever to let downe vpon barres of iron ; for offensiue armes , he shall haue an hargobus of three foot , three inches long , and the bore of twentie bullets in the pound , with flaske , p●iming-boxe , and moulds ; or in stead of these , cartalages which will serue either for this or any other peece on horsebacke ; also a good sword , and other accouterments according to his place . his horse shall be either a fayre stoned trotting horse , or a lustie strong guelding well ridden , he shall be armed with a morocco saddle , bridle , bit , petrell , and crooper , with the rest before shewed necessarie to his place . the last sort of which our horse-troopes are compounded , are called dragons , which are a kinde of footmen on horsebacke , and doe now indeed succeed the light horsemen , and are of singular vse in all the actions of warre ; their armes defensiue are an open headpeece , with cheeks , and a good buffe coat , with deepe skirts ; and for offensiue armes , they haue a fayre dragon filted with an iron worke to be carried in a belt of leather , which is buckled over the right shoulder , and vnder the left arme , hauing a turn●ll of iron with a ring through which the peece runneth vp and downe ; and these dragons are short peeces of . inches the barrell , and full musquet bore , with firelockes or snap-haunces : also a belt , with a flaske , pryming-boxe , key , and bullet-bag , and a good sword : the horse shall be armed with a saddle , bridle , bit , petrell , crooper , with straps for his sacke of necessaries , and the horse himselfe shall be either a good lustie guelding , or a nimble stoned horse . these dragons in their marches are allowed to be eleauen in a range or file , because when they serue , it is many times on foote , for the maintenance or surprising of strayt wayes , bridges , or foords , so that when ten men alighteth to serue , the eleventh man holdeth their horses : so that to every troope of an hundred , there is an hundred and ten men allowed . now for the arming of the superior officers of these troopes , you shall vnderstand , that a captaine of cuirasseirs may be armed at all peeces cap a pe , in such sort as i shewed for the gentlemen at armes , onely he shall haue no launce nor battle-axe , but onely his pistolls and sword , his owne head , his horses head , and his horses buttockes may be p●umed . he may lead his men with a white trunche on chargd on his right thigh . his place is on the head of his troope before the trumpet ; he hath the absolute governmemt of his troope , both for instruction and maintenance : onely he is to receiue all especiall orders from his colonell ; his colonell from the serieant-maior of the field , and the serieant-maior from the marshall . the lieutenant may be armed to the knee like the captaine , and his owne head , and his horses plumed ; his place is at the reare , and in marches he may carry a truncheon , but of a thicker size then that of the captaines . the cornet shall be armed and horst in all points both defensiue and offensiue , like the lieutenant , onely in stead of the truncheon , he shall carry charged on his right thigh , his captaines cornet , which ( being a private captaine ) should be compounded of colour and mettall impaled , that is , the one halfe colour , the other mettall . the substance of the cornet should be of damaske , and the forme must be almost square , ( onely a little longer from the staffe then on the staffe , ( and frindged about sutablie . the staffe shall be small like a foote ensigne , and not so long as an ordinary launce ; it must be headed with steele , and either guilt or silverd ; with fayre tassels sutable to the cornet . if the cornet belong to a greater officer , it shall then be of one entire colour , of lesse quantitie and full square ; and in this cornet , the captaine may carrie devise and word , or els none , at his owne pleasure . the trumpet is not bound to any armes at all , more then his sword , which in former times was not allowed , but with the point broken : he shall haue a fayre trumpet , with cordens sutable to his captaines colours , and to his trumpet shall be made fast a fayre banner , containing his captaines full coate-armour ; he may weare scarfe and feather , and all other ordinary accouterments of a horsemen , and for his horse it shall be a good hackney , with gentleman-like furniture . the corporalls shall be armed at all poynts , and horst like the mayne bodie of the troope , onely in their right hands they shall carry truncheons ; for their office is , like the serieants of foote companies , to ride extravagantly vp and downe on either side the troope , & to see them keepe their rankes and files , and that all things may be performed which shall come from the captaines direction . they are likewise to supplie and doe all the duties of corporalls , and lamprizadoes of foote , both vpon scoutes , watches , and guards , as also to looke to the provision of all necessary things which appertaineth to the troope , and where their own power cannot reforme , there to informe their superior officers . and therefore these officers are to be chosen out of the troope , as the principall and best vnderstanding men therein . the captaine of the hargobusseirs shall be armed , horst and accoutered at all points like the lieutenants of cuirassiers ; the lieutenants of the hargobusseirs like the cornet of cuirassiers ; and the cornet of hargobusseirs like a priuate gentleman of the troope of cuirassiers . the captaine of dragons shall be armed like the lieutenant of the hargobusseirs ; the lieutenant of dragons like the cornet of hargobusseirs ( the cornet and pistolls excepted for he shall carrie the weapons of his owne troope ) and the guydon ( for these shall not be led with a cornet ) of the dragons shall be armed like a priuate gentleman of hargobusseirs . and here is to be noted , that the difference betwixt the cornet and the guydon is much ; for the guydon is the first colours that any commander of horse can let flie in the field ; this guydon is of damaske friudged , & may be charged either with the crest of him that is the owner thereof , or with other devise at his pleasure ; it is in proportion three foote at the least deepe in the topp next the staffe , & vpon the staffe and so extendeth downe narower and narower to the bottome where the ende is sharpe , but with a slitt devided into two peaks a foote deepe ; the whole guydon is sixe foote long , and should be carried vpon a launce staffe . if the captaine ( owner of this guydon ) shall do a good dayes service , or produce from his vertue somthing worthy advancement , so that he is called to a better command , as to lead hargobusseirs , or cuirassiers , then the generall or officer in chiefe , shall with a knife cut away the the two peaks , & then it is made a cornet which is longer one way then another ; if ( after that ) he do any thing worthyly , whereby he is made by the king or supreame , either banneret or baron , then shall his cornet be made iust square in forme of a banner , which none may carrie in the field on horsbacke vnder those degrees ; now if these noble customes be neglected and that men out of ambition , vsurpation , ignorance or conivance , take to themselues other liberties , let those great knowledges which haue the cōmand of armes reforme it , or ells vertue will fit mourning at the ladder foote , because she hath not one true round left to mount by . hauing thus giuen you a briefe touch of the election of men and horses , and the manner of arming & appoynting them to each seuerall seruice , with some other especiall notes which ( as strangers vnlookt for ) haue encountred me by the way , and i hope are not all vnworthy your consideration , i will now proceede to the formes and manner of trayning of men on horsbacke . that forme ( as i sayd before ) is to be followed which is soonest and easiest learned and fittest for all manner of seruice ; therefore supposing you haue a troope of one hundred horse standing in route , you shall first draw them out man after man , into as many files as the number wil containe , euery file consisting of six persons ; that is to say a leader , two midlemen , a bringer vp , a follower betweene the leader and the midleman to the reare , and a follower betweene the midleman to the front , and the bringer vp which is the last man in the file and called the reare ; for you must know that a troope of horse consisteth of ranks and files as well as a company of foote , and hauing set file vnto file close , that is cuise vnto cuise , or knee vnto knee , and made euery man to follow his leader in an euen line , you shall then ( hauing left some space betweene the rankes ) make the rankes stand even , and in one lyne also , so that looking vpon the whole battayle , you may see them present vnto you a iust square , then going to the head you shall finde you are sixteene in ranke , and sixe in fyle , which maketh nintie sixe men , to which adde three corporalls , & the clarke of the troope ( who is the captaines continuall attendant ) and there is the full troope of one hundred men and horse . where by the way vnderstand , that as in foote companies , so in horse troopes , a ranke may consist of as many men as you please , according to the number of your troope . but a fyle ought never to be aboue sixe deepe , because that number is sufficient for dutie , and more are cumbersome , and not so fit to take directions . this troope of one hundred , you shall devide into three squadtons , the first squadron shall appertaine to the captaine , the second to the lieutenant , and the third to the cornet ; and vnder them the eldest corporall shall command the captaines squadron , the second , the lieutenants , and the youngest , the cornets : and the cornet himselfe shall ever march vpon the head of his owne squadron . these squadrons shall be devided into as many fyles as the number will containe , and the principall and best vnderstanding gentlemen of the troope , shall be the leaders , bringers vp , and middlemen of every fyle . the troope being thus formed into battayle , and devided into rankes and fyles ; in trayning there are fiue principall things to be taught . first , the manage and government of the horse , contained in certaine motions of the hand , foote , and sometimes of the whole bodie . secondly , the carriage and vse of armes , contained in divers postures . thirdly , distance or orderly proportion in rankes and files . fourthly , march and motion , contained in words and commands of especiall directions . and lastly , the soundings and commands of the the trumpet . for the manage and government of the horse , though it be supposed that the horse is ridden and made perfect before he came into the souldiers hands , yet if the souldier cannot ( after an orderly manner ) make the horse doe what he hath beene taught , and likewise correct , or helpe him ( in due time ) when the horse shall either doe amisse , or not doe with so comely a grace and dexteritie as he ought . the motion without all question will be full of disorder and confusion . the first word therefore of command to the souldier , is — mount your horse . for it is to be supposed , no horseman is so simple , as not to know how to dresse or apparell his horse , and therefore for the monture it is in this manner ; he shall first in his left hand take the bridle-rayne , laying his thumbe flat on the nearest side of the rayne and his fore-finger , his great-finger and his ring-finger gryping the farre side , and the little finger he shall put betweene the raynes , and so with the other hand stretching the raynes to an even length , that the horse may feele he is within restraint , the horseman turning his left shoulder to the horses neare shoulder , shall put his left foote into the stirrop , and then staying his left hand vpon the pomell of the saddle , he shall bring his right hand to the hinder part of the saddle , which as soone as he toucheth , he shall immediately ( without heaving or iumping ) rayse his bodie from the ground , and bring it into the saddle . the other words of command , are — advance forward . this the souldier shall doe by thrusting both his legs forward at an instant , sodainly and strongly , and a little yeelding his bodie forward , ( yet as covert as may be ) and when you haue advanst enough , by restrayning your bridle-hand , gently make the horse stand still . and this advancement shall be done either vpon footepace , vpon trott , or vpon gallop , as the captaine shall command — then retire your horse . this is to make the horse retrayt or goe backe , which the souldier shall doe by drawing in his bridle-hand strayt , and observing that as the horse yeeldeth and goeth backe , so he must also yeeld and make gentle his hand . and when he hath gone backe sufficiently , then the souldier shall jert both his legs forward sodainly , and that will stay the horse from retyring any further . — then trot your large ring to the right hand . trot your large ring to the left . gallop your large ring to the right hand . gallop your large ring to the left . any of these the souldier shall doe by thrusting the horse forward with his toes vpon the stirrop , or with the helpe of the calues of his legges against the horses sides , or els with the even stroake of his spurrs , ( in case of dullnes ) and the souldier shall obserue in this lesson to take a verie large circumference , both for the horses ease , and his owne instruction . and there is no motion more necessarie then this , because it is vsed in every charge , in euery conversion , but chiefly in wheeling . — then set a strayte turne to the right hand . set a strayte turne to the left . this ( if the horse be readie ) the souldier shall doe , by drawing vp his bridle-hand strayte , and turning it inward to the side on which he would turne , and then clapping the calue of his outward legge hard to the horses side , and jetting it sodainly forward againe , and ( if there be dulnesse ) by giuing the spurre on the outside also he shall make the horse turne terra , terra , in as small a circumference as may be . and this serveth for counter-marches , charges , or any sodaine assault or ingagement . — then passe sidewayes to the right hand . passe sidewayes to the left . passe sidewayes to both by devision . any of these the souldier must doe by a constant restraynt of his bridle hand , and ( as it were ) carrying the foreparts of the horse to that side he would passe , as also laying his contrary legge , and sometimes his spurre to the contrary side , and so making his hinder parts to goe equally with his fore-parts . and this lesson serues for the closing and opening of fyles . — lastly passe a cariere and stop close . this the souldier shall doe by thrusting the horse violently forward both with his legs and bodie , and giuing libertie to the bridle . as soone as the horse is started into his gallop , he shall giue him the even stroake of his spurres , once or twice together , and make the horse runne to the height of his full speede , then being at the end of the cariere ( which will not be aboue sixe score or eight score yards ) he shall then draw vp his bridle-hand very hard and constantly , and laying the calues of both his legges gently to the horses sides , make the horse stop close to the ground , with onely a comely aduancement . and this serveth for all manner of charges , whether it be horse against horse , or horse against foote . when your souldier can doe these things perfectly , he can then do as much as belongeth to the manage and government of the horse : you shall then proceede to the second instruction , which is the carriage and vse of armes , contained in divers postures . now for as much as the principall weapons on horsebacke , are pistolls , petronells , or dragons , and that all these are with fire-lockes , and those fire-lockes ( for the most part ) snap-hances , because the other are too curious , and too soone distempered with an ignorant hand . i will therefore vnder the name of the pistoll onely , ( without any tedious comment ) giue you the names of the postures , not doubting but every man of command , will ( vpon the reading ) at the first sight finde out the application . you shall vnderstand then that the postures of the pistoll-snaphance , are twentie-foure ; whereof three are to be done standing , two marching , fourteene charging , and fiue discharging . the three postures which are to be done standing , are — . prepare for service . which is to gagge the flaske , and to put bullets into your mouth . — then . the scout posture . . the saluting posture . the foureteene postures which are vsed in charging , — are . draw vp your cocke . . secure your cocke . . open your pann . . prime your pann . . close your pann . . shake off your loose cornes . . blow your pann . . turne your pistoll about into your left hand . . charge with powder . . draw out your scowring sticke . . ramme in your powder . . charge with bullet . . ramme in your bullet . . put vp your scowring sticke , and stand readie . the fiue postures which are to be performed in discharging , — are draw downe your hammer . vnloose your cocke . present . giue fire . dismount your pistoll , and put it vp . now as in foote companies , so in horse-troopes . in the time of present service , these many postures are reduced vnto these three onely ; make readie . present . giue fire . the first is done standing or marching ; the second , in the charge , and the last , in the face of the enemie . now for as much as time is precious , this labour tedious , and men vnwilling to take long paines , it shall not be amisse ( for the speedier perfecting of the men ) first to labour the leaders of the fyles ( which should be the most sufficient men of the troope ) in all these lessons before shewed , and then to make every leader to instruct the fyle he leadeth , which will not onely make the teachers striue to be excellent for their owne glory sake , but also stirre in the other ( which are taught ) a braue ambition to equall or exceede those that informe them . after they can thus manage their horses , and handle their armes in a decent manner ; you shall then come to the third lesson , which is , distance of place , and orderly proportion . a matter necessary and dependant vpon every forme of battayle , and may not be absent eyther from ranke or fyle . it is then to be vnderstood , that in horse-troopes there are but two sorts of distances or orders , eyther in rankes or fyles ; that is , close order , and open order , close order in fyles , is cuish to cuish , or knee to knee , and open order in fyles , is six foote ( which is accounted an horse length ) : so close order in rankes , is to the horses crooper , or without streete , and open order is sixe foote , aboue which the rankes must never open . and therefore that the troop may march orderly and keepe their distance truly , let the whole troope in marching , mooue all at one instant , that is , when the head begins , then the reare to be ready , so shall they seldome be found to erre disorderly . also you must know , that when the troope cometh to march in battalia , that then they must march at their close order in fyles , and at open order in rankes . but when they come to doe the evolutions or motions in warre , then they must be at their open-order , both in fyles and rankes . the distance betwixt troope and troope ought to be twentie-fiue paces ; and betweene regiment and regiment fiftie paces . and thus much for distance or proportion of place . the fourth lesson succeeding for the vse of the horse-troopes , is march or motion , both of the horse and man performed in an orderly and comely manner , without neglect of any of the three former lessons already described ; for in all these motions following , there must be a true manage of the horse , and government of the mans bodie , a formall and cunning carriage of the weapon , and a due observation in keeping the iust measure and proportion in distances according to direction . now the words of especiall direction for the particular motions on horsebacke in any battalia , are these or the like following . stand right in your fyles . stand right in your rankes . and this is to stand truly man after man , and horse after horse ; as also , man against man , and horse against horse . — then — silence . open your rankes . open your fyles to the right hand . open your fyles to the left . open your fyles to both hands by devision . and any of these to any order aforesaid . close your fyles to the right hand . close your fyles to the left . close your fyles to both hands by devision . and these also to any order aforesaid ; also in opening the squadron , you must ever first open the rankes , which must be done downeward to the reare , and then the fyles . and in closing ; you must first close the fyles , and then the rankes , which must ever be done vpward towards the front. — then — double your fyles to the right hand . double your fyles to the left . double your fyles to both by devision . and this to any order aforesaid . — double your rankes to the right hand . double your rankes to the left . double your rankes to both by devision . and this to any order aforesaid . — middlemen double the front to the right hand . middlemen double the front to the left . middlemen double the front to both hands by devision . bringers vp double the front to the right hand . bringers vp double the front to the left . bringers vp double the front to both hands by devision . and these to either order aforesaid . — to the right hand turne . to the left hand turne . to both hands turne by conversion . to the right hand about turne . to the left as you were . to the left hand about turne . to the right as you were . now to reduce any motion before shewed , to the same station , in which the horseman stood before the command given , you shall vse this generall word ; — as you were . countermarch to the right hand . countermarch to the left . countermarch to both by conversion . wheele to the right hand . wheele to the left . wheele to both by conversion . and in this motion of countermarching , you must obserue , that the leaders ( if it be in a standing countermarch ) doe advance forward full one horse length before they turne , and then turne to which hand they are commanded , all the rankes successiuely following , to make good the leaders place of turning before they turne , and so to perfect the countermarch . but if it be to be done vpon a greater advancement , then shall either a corporall or other higher officer stand at the place of turning , and the leaders shall advance vp vnto him and there turne to either hand , according to direction , and so successiuely all the rest of the rankes in the troope , till the countermarch be made perfect . so also in the motion of wheeling , you must obserue , if the troope be vnder an hundred , first to double your front to the one or the other hand , either by the bringers vp , or the middlemen , before you wheele , and then standing at their close order , to wheele about , or otherwise at pleasure . againe , obserue when you wheele to the right hand , to double your front to the left hand ; and when you wheele to the left hand , to double your front to the right hand ; for so the leaders of the right and left hand fyles will keepe their places on that corner to which you wheele . lastly , to reduce and bring every man into his first place againe , — you shall say , — fyles to the right ( or left ) hand open to your open order . bringers vp ( or middlemen ) to your first places as you were . and in this motion obserue , that if the bringers vp did double the front , then shall the middlemen being in the reare first fall into their places , then the follower , and lastly , the bringer vp . and so if the middlemen did double the front , then those middlemen being in the front , shall in countermarch fall into their first places , after them their followers , and last of all the bringer vp . the fift and last lesson belonging vnto the horse-troope , is to teach the souldier the sounds and commands of the trumpet , and to make him both vnderstand the notes and language of the trumpet , as also in due time to performe all those duties and commands , which are required by the trumpet . and of these soundings ( which we generally call poynts of warre ) there are sixe , which are most necessary for the souldiers knowledge . — the first is — . butte sella : — or — clap on your saddles . which as soone as the souldier heareth ( in the morning , or at other times ) he shall presently make readie his horse , and his owne person , trusse vp his sacke of necessaries , and make all things fitting for iourney . the second is , — . mounte cavallo — or — mount on horsebacke . at which summons , the souldier shall bridle vp his horse , bring him forth , and mount his backe . the third is — . al'a standardo , — or — goe to your colours . whether it be standard cornet ● or guydon , upon which sound , the souldier with those of his fellowship , shall trot forth to the place where the cornet is lodged , and there attend till it b● di●lodged . also , this sound in the field , and in service , when men are dis-banded , is a retrayt for the horseman , and brings him off being ingaged , for as oft as he heares it , he must retire and goe backe to his colours . the fourth is , — . tucquet , — or — march. — which being heard simplie of it selfe without addition , commands nothing but a marching after the leader . the fift is , — . carga , carga , — or — an alarum , charge , charge . which sounded , every man ( like lightning ) flyes vpon his enemie , and giues proofe of his valour . the sixt and last is , — . auquet , — or — the watch. which sounded at night , commands all that are out of dutie to their rest ; and sounded in the morning , commands those to rest that haue done dutie , and those that haue rested , to awake and doe dutie . and in these sounds , you shall make the souldier so perfect● that as a song he may lanquet or sing them , and know when they are sounded vnto him . other soundings there are ; as , tende hoe , for listning , a call for summons , a senet for state , and the like . but they haue reference to the greater officers , and those haue no neede of my instructions . having thus run through all those parts which make vp a serviceable souldier on horsebacke , i will conclude this discourse , with these few notes following . first , you shall vnderstand , that the cavallerie , or horse-armie , haue for their chiefe officers the generall of the horse ; the lieutenant-generall of the horse ; and the serieant maior of the horse , which in some discipline is called the commissary-generall , or colonell generall of the horse . and betwixt these three , the whole armie of horsemen is devided . they haue also a quarter-master , and a provost-generall . the iustice resteth vnder the councell-generall of warre in the armie . the generalls regiment hath alwayes the vanguard , and the rest alternately by turnes , as he that this day hath the vanguard , the next day hath the reare ; and so of all the rest . the colonells haue their regiments compounded of three or foure troopes , and seldome aboue fiue , or vnder three ; and the colonells troope ever marcheth on the left wing of the regiment . the captaines of horse receiue their directions from the colonells ; the colo●ells from the serieant-maior , and the serieant-maior from the lord marshall . thus much i haue thought fit to impart , as an introduction into these military affayres , leaving to those larger and better enabled spirits , the vnbounded field of discourse , into which when they shall be pleased to enter , no doubt but the studious observer , shall receiue a much more worthie satisfaction . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e vse of the pike . vse of the shot . how to giue volleys . volleys marching . volleys standing . volleys retyring . volleys vpon advancement . volleys vpon a swift retrait . distance of place . the measure of distances . of marches . the severall places of officers . of motion● . of the sounds of the drum. vse of words . the words of proper directions . charging of pikes . giuing of fire by the flanke . constancy in words giuing . what march & motion i● . words of particular motiō . what postures are . the postures of the pike . the postures of the musquet . postures in smirmish . postures in exercising . of the hargobus . repetition by way of advise . the dignitie of places . the vse of the table . leaders of middle fyles . middlemen to the front and reare . subdevisionmen . the first sixe parts in martiall discipline carriage , election , and composition of colours . mixture of colours . colonells colours . superior officers colors . where gentlemen may finde their colours . notes for div a -e difficultie in this art. things considerable in this art. election of men and horses . arming of gentlemen at armes . arming for triumph . arming of launceirs . arming of light-horse . arming of cuirassiers . arming of hargobusseirs arming of dragons . arming of captaines . arming of lieutenants . arming of cornets . arming of the trumpet . arming of corporalls . captaine of hargobusiers and his officers . captaine of dragons or his officers . difference betwixt the cornet and guydon . formes of trayning . the extent of a filo . the extent of a ranke . devision of the troope . fiue things to be taught . manage of the horse . words of command . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . the word . the performance . carriage and vse of armes . posture of the pistoll . postures in skirmish . the best way to teach . distance of place . of motion . of marches . words of especiall direction . observation in countermarching : observation in wheeling . observations of the trumpet . the first poynt of warre . the second . the third . the fourth . the fift . the sixt . speciall notes vvhereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admirality, ... fowke, john, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing l f thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) vvhereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admirality, ... fowke, john, d. . sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] title from opening lines of text. dated and signed at end: dated this of august . john fowke maior. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military supplies -- great britain -- early works to . great britain -- history -- commonwealth and protectorate, - -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no london ss. vvhereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admirality, ... fowke, john a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion london ss. whereas the lord generall hath received a message from the committee for the admiralty , to recommend unto me how some good quantity of old linnen may be gotten and made ready to be speedily sent to the sea-coast , for the dressing of the wounds of the souldiers who were wounded in the late ingagement at sea ; which his excellency by his letter hath done accordingly : these are therefore earnestly to desire you that on the next lords day you do publish and make known , the same in your respective congregations , and that the church-wardens of the severall parishes do take notice thereof , and do forthwith repair to the houses of the severall inhabitants within the same parishes , and receive and take into their custody all such linnen as well disposed people shall give for the purpose aforesaid , and to let them know that some trusty persons will be appointed for the receiving of such linnen from the church-wardens as they shall gather and get ready , and will send and dispose of the same to the use of the wounded souldiers ; and hereof i desire your and their care and furtherance herein , it being a work so pious and charitable , dated this of august . john fowke maior . to the ministers and church-wardens of the severall parishes within the city of london , and liberties thereof . the young soldier's desire answered, or, a piece of military discipline wherein is shewed, distances, facings, doublings, counter-marches, and wheelings : with some firings both offensive and defensive against an enemy / by edward adams. adams, edward. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the young soldier's desire answered, or, a piece of military discipline wherein is shewed, distances, facings, doublings, counter-marches, and wheelings : with some firings both offensive and defensive against an enemy / by edward adams. adams, edward. [ ], p. printed for john evans ... and are to be sold by william jacob ... and the author ..., london : . reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military discipline -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - derek lee sampled and proofread - derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the young souldier's desire answered : or , a piece of military discipline , wherein is shewed , distances , facings , doublings , counter-marches , and wheelings . with some firings both offensive and defensive against an enemy . by edward adams . at his pleasure , any person may practise this art with a set of cotuses privately at home ; which will prepare him for a greater exercise in a field , or other publick place . london : printed for john evans , at the marygold in perpool-lane ; and are to be sold by william jacob , at the black swan in holborn ; and by the author in shore-ditch . . to his very worthy and much respected friend , mr. john evans , captain of a company of train'd-bands , under the right honourable the earl of craven ; edward adams wisheth long health , and everlasting felicity . sir , one of the duties that belongeth unto a christian , is charity , and friendship is very near a kin unto her ; and that proceeds from a good nature . as the free and generous spring , that issueth forth it self for the good and refreshment of all creatures ; so good nature is never wanting for to help and assist , especially where it beareth friendly respects . i being sensible of your good disposition , by reason that i have received from you many favours ; and knowing your inclination unto the art of war , am emboldened to dedicate this small twig or branch of martial discipline unto your favourable and friendly protection , which will be unto it as varnish is unto dull painting , a means to make it beautiful and splendant ; and answer the request and desire of your obliged e. a. to the diligent reader , and industrious practitioner . as it is said of the sea , that though it branch it self into gulphs , creeks , and other smaller partitions ; yet those are not the main ocean , but a part of it : so this small tract is not the body of martial discipline , but a limb or part thereof . and as sea-men cannot comprehend the sea at one or two voyages , neither can young souldiers be masters of the military art by one or two exercises : but both seamen and souldiers must practise with patience and diligence , and in time they may attain much to their satisfaction . that you may thus do , is the hearty desire of him that is willing to serve you to the best of his power . e. a. licensed january . / . roger l'estrange . the young souldier's desire answered . a leading with men , containing eight pikemen and eight musqueteers , as followeth , viz. we will suppose that the men are compleatly armed , and also furnished with officers : that is , a lieutenant , ensigne , and two serjeants , and also with a drum or drums . observing that they make the best men file-leaders ; the second best , bringers up ; the third , half file-leaders ; and the fourth , bringers up of the front half files : and likewise the best file-leaders place on the right , and the second best on the left ; and so the rest , giving unto them dignity according to their worth , as well pikes as musquets . the body being drawn up , it is convenient to have the colours conveyed to the body . first , form the body as followeth . command . bringers up , double the front inwards : and they will be in this form , as followeth . whilst the ensigne is trooping to the body , the serjeant that is with the body he commands them to open from the middle to double distance , to make an interval for the pikes to march into their places . when the ensigne is come up , he commands the pikes to wheel outwards and march into their places . then the company will be compleated both with officers and souldiers , as followeth . next , reduce them as they were at first ; then proceed to exercise . command . every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde . every even file from both flanks , face about . i do use the word stand in the exercise very often ; for it is very convenient : for you are not to stand until you perform the word of command . and when you are commanded to perform any thing , either in distances , or facings , doublings , countermarches , or in wheelings , and have performed that , and are commanded to stand , then you are to stand , and not before . files , open from the right to order . stand. files , open from the right to open order . stand. files , open from the middle to double distance . stand. ranks , open forward to order . stand. ranks , open backwards to open order . stand. ranks , open from the middle to double distance . stand to reduce the body . files , close to the middle to order . stand. ranks , close to the middle to order . stand. both ranks and files , close to the middle to your close order . stand. face all to the right . to your leader all . face all to the left . to your leader all . face all to the right about . to your leader all . face all to the left about . to your leader all . every even file from the right , face to the right about . and as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march and close . stand. to your leader all . every even file from the left , face to the left about . as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . every even rank from the rear , face to the right . and every even rank from the front , face to the left . as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . every even rank from the front , face to the right . and every even rank from the rear , face to the left . as you are now faced , march all while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . face outwards , and march while you are clear of your selves . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , face about ; and as you are now faced , march . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . the 〈◊〉 first ranks , stand . the 〈◊〉 last ranks , face about . the two inmost ranks , face outwards . as you are now faced , march . stand. face all about , march , and close . stand. to your leader all . face to the four angles . as you are now faced , march . stand. to your leader all . the division on the right in the front , face to the left . the division on the left in the front , face about . the division on the left in the rear , face to the right . as you are now faced , march all , and possess each others ground . stand. face all to the left , and march . stand. face all to the left , and march . stand. face all to the left , and march . stand. to your leader all . before you proceed any farther , command both ranks and files in each division to open to open order . the two divisions in the front , face about . the divisions in the front , and the divisions in the rear , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . the two divisions on the right , to the left . the two divisions on the left , face to the right . as you are now faced , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . the two divisions in the front , face about . the divisions in the front , and the divisions in the rear , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . the divisions on the right , face to the left . the divisions on the left , face to the right . as you are now faced , march , and interchange ground . stand. to your leader all . face all to the center , march , and close to order . to your leader all . rear half files of musqueteers , face about : pikes stand . musqueteers , as you are now faced , march while you are clear of the pikes . stand. to your leader all . and this figure following is produced . musqueteers , face inwards . and pikes , face outwards . as you are now faced , march all . stand. to your leader all . and also this figure following is produced . the division of musqueteers in the front , face about . and the rear half files of pikes , face about . as you are now faced , march all . stand. to your leader all . this following figure is produced . musqueteers , face outwards . and pikes , face inwards . as you are now faced , march all . stand. to your leader all . and it makes this figure following . the two inmost ranks of musqueteers , face inwards . the front half files of the front-division of pikes , and the rear half files of the rear-division of pikes , face outwards ; the rest stand . those that are now faced , march . stand. to your leader all . to reduce the body again . the division of musqueteers in the center , face to the four angles . and each division of pikes , face to the center . as you are now faced , march all , and close to order . to your leader all . remember , before you proceed to doubling of ranks or files , that you open them to order or double distances , as you finde occasion . files , to the right double . ranks , to the right double . files , to the left double . ranks , to the left double . files , double outwards . ranks , double outwards . files , double inwards . ranks , double inwards . half files , double your front to the right . every even file from the left , double the depth of the odde . every even file from the left , face about . half files , double your front to the left . every even file from the right , double the depth of the odde . every even file from the right , face about . half files , double your front outward . every even file from the middle , double the depth of the odde . every even file from the middle , face about . half files , double your front inwards . every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde . every even file from both flanks , face about . bringers up , double your front to the right . every even file from the left , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behinde their present leaders . every even file from the left , face about . bringers up , double your front to the left . every even file from the right , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behinde their present leaders . every even file from the right , face about . bringers up , double your front outwards . every even file from the middle , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behind their present leader . every even file from the middle , face about . bringers up , double your front inwards . every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde , placing themselves behind their present leaders . every even file from both flanks , face about . ranks , rank entire into the middle of the front : the first rank , open from the middle . the four inmost files , march and so the rest by fours successively . stand. stand straight after your leader . files , file entire into the midst of the right flank . face all to the right . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost men of this file , march to the right , and so the rest by fours successively . face all to the right . stand. to your leader all . ranks , rank entire in the middle of the rear . face all about . the first rank , open from the midst . to your leader all . the four inmost files , march , and so the rest by fours successively . stand. to your leader all . files , file entire into the midst of the left flank . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost men of this file , march to the left , and so the rest by fours successively . face all to the left . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , double your front half files inwards entire . front half files , face outwards . the four inmost files , double your two outmost files on each flank entire , advancing . front half files , double your rear half files entire on the right . stand. to your leader all . right half ranks , double your left half ranks entire on the left . face all to the left . then left half ranks , face outwards , and march . stand. to your leader all . left half ranks , double the depth of your right half ranks entire , retiring . stand. to your leader all . front half files , double your rear half files inwards entire . face all about . rear half files , face outwards . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank entire , retiring . face all about . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , double your front half files entire on the left . stand. to your leader all . left half ranks , double your right half ranks entire on the right . face all to the right . right half ranks , face outwards , and march . stand. to your leader all . right half ranks , double the depth of your left half ranks entire , advancing . stand. to your leader all . rear half files , double your front half files by division . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank by division , retiring . stand. to your leader all . the front half files , double the rear half files by division . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank by division , advancing . stand. to your leader all . the two inmost ranks , double the first and last ranks by division . stand. to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the two outmost files on each flank inwards by division . stand. to your leader all . the first and last rank , double the two inmost ranks by division . to your leader all . the four inmost files , double the depth of the two outmost files on each flank by division . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the right , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , countermarch to the right , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the left , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , countermarch to the left , maintaining ground . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the left , losing ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , contermarch to the left losing ground . stand. to your leader all . files , countermarch to the right , losing ground . stand. to your leader all . ranks , countermarch to the right , losing ground . stand. to your leader all . countermarch front and rear into the midst . to your leader all . countermarch both flanks into the midst . to your leader all . countermarch from the midst into front and rear . to your leader all . countermarch from the midst into both flanks . to your leader all . countermarch both flanks to the right , and change ground . face outwards . to your leader all . countermarch front and rear to the right , and change ground . rear half files , face about . to your leader all . countermarch both flanks to the left , and change ground . face outwards . to your leader all . countermarch front and rear to the left , and change ground . rear half files , face about . to your leader all . face all to the right . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the right , and place themselves before their present leaders . to your leader all . face all about . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the left , and place themselves before their present leaders . to your leader all . face all to the left . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the right , and place themselves before their present leaders . to your leader all . the first rank stand , the rest pass through on the left , and place themselves before their present leaders . stand. observe , that before you countermarch either ranks or files , that you open them to open order . as thus : files , countermarch to the right . files , open from the midst to open order . and ranks , close forwards to close order . ranks , countermarch to the left . ranks , open from the midst to open order . and files , close to the midst to close order . the last rank , stand . the rest , face about . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place your selves behinde the last rank ; each man place himself behinde his present leader . the outmost file on the right , face to the left . the rest , face to the right . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place yourselves behinde your right-hand men : each man place himself behinde his present leader . to your leader all . the outmost file on the left , face to the right . the rest , face to the left . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place yourselves behinde your left-hand men : each man place himself behinde his present leader . to your leader all . the first rank , face about . and each file pass through on the right , and wheel about to the left , and place your selves behinde the first rank : each man place himself behinde his present leader . to your leader all . wheel the front into the midst . to your leader all . wheel the rear into the midst . to your leader all . wheel into the midst of the right flank . to your leader all . wheel into the midst of the left flank . to your leader all . wheel front and rear into the midst . to your leader all . wheel both flanks into the midst . to your leader all . wheel the front inwards into the rear . to your leader all . wheel the right flank inwards into the left . to your leader all . wheel the rear inwards into the front. to your leader all . wheel the left flank inwards into the right . to your leader all . wheel off the front by division . to your leader all . wheel off the right flank by division . to your leader all . wheel off the rear by division . to your leader all . wheel off the left flank by division . to your leader all . wheel off the rear half files by division , and double your front half files on each flank . front half files , stand . wheel off the four inmost files by division , and double the depth of the outmost files on each flank , advancing . to your leader all . wheel off the front half files by division , and double the rear half files on each flank . to your leader all . wheel off the four inmost files by division , and double the depth of the outmost files on each flank , retiring . wheel off the right half ranks to the right about , and double the depth of the left half ranks , retiring . the left half rank , stand . wheel off the front half files to the right about , and double the rear half files on the right . to your leader all . wheel off the left half ranks to the right about , and double the depth of the right half ranks , advancing . to your leader all . wheel off the rear half files to the right about , and double the front half files on the left . ranks and files , close to the midst to close order . wheel the battle to the right . wheel the battle to the right . wheel the battle to the right about . wheel the battle to the left . wheel the battle to the left . wheel the battle to the left about . stand. files , open from the midst to order . ranks , open from the midst to order . stand. to your leader all . now it is convenient for to march the body in a long march. but before you march , i will shew you the several parts of the body which were commanded before in the exercise , by these figures following . a file is reckoned from the front to the rear , containing , or , or men , as there is occasion ; and that is called depth-ways . a rank is rekoned from the right to the left , containing , , , , or men , or more ; and that is called breadth-ways . the rear half files . the front half files . the right half ranks . the left half ranks . the rear half files of right half ranks . the rear half files of left half ranks . the front half files of right half ranks . the front half files of left half ranks . these are the proper and necessary parts of the body . so now we will proceed to perform the long march , with the places of the officers according to their dignity , and their words of command unto the division that each of them doth lead . also before you march , form the body in this form as followeth . bringers up , double the front inwards . files , open from the midst to order . ranks , open from the midst to open order , stand. to your leader all . the captain . this division of musqueteers on the right , poise your musquets and march ; shoulder as you march . the ensigne . these two files of pikes , or this division of pikes on the right , advance your pikes and march ; shoulder as you march . the eldest serjeant . this division of pikes , advance your pikes and march ; shoulder as you march . the youngest serjeant . this division , poise your musquets and march ; shoulder as you march . the lieutenant standing on the left of the body , and seeing the divisions drawn forth and marching , he places himself in the rear of all . the long march . the captain may , if he pleases , before he marches , command the pikes to advance their pikes , and the musqueteers to poise their musquets , and shoulder all ; and each officer say to his division , this division , march . having marched sufficiently , draw them up into a body again . when the captain findes it convenient to have the company drawn up , he makes a stand , and commands the drummer to beat a troop ; and at the same time the captain advances his leading-staff , or half pike , as a signe to the officers for to draw up their divisions . the successive officer is to draw up his division on the left of the precedent division , either by marching or trooping . the company being drawn up , let us make some firings , and after them lodge the colours , and retire unto our quarters . fire by forlorns , file-ways . the inmost file of musqueteers on each flank , move . to each of these files there is a serjeant to lead them forth , and to fire them . fire by forlorn , rank-ways . musqueteers , make all ready . the inmost file of musqueteers on each flank , move . rank inwards . musqueteers , make all ready . the inmost file of musqueteers on each flank , move clear of the pikes , and stand close inwards . each division of musqueteers , move , , or paces . stand. musqueteers , make all ready . the division in the front , stand ; the rest move forwards , , or paces . stand. musqueteers , make all ready ▪ the divisions in the front , stand . the rest , move forwards , and even the front. stand. every even file from both flanks , double the depth of the odde . the last ranks , face about . the first and last rank , wheel inwards . to your leader all . musqueteers in the front , fire , and wheel off to the left . and each division wheel off to the left at the same time , and possess each others ground . when they have all fired , command : to your leader all musqueteers , make all ready . the division in the front , stand . the division in the rear , face about . the division on the right , face to the right . the division on the left , face to the left , and port your pikes . to your leader all . the division on each flank , face to the center . the musqueteers in front and rear , face outwards . as you are now faced , march , and close . to your leader all . firings against horse . musqueteers , make all ready , port your pikes . the file leaders of musqueteers , move , and place your selves before the pikes : the rest , move up and maintain their ground . musqueteers , make all ready ; port your pikes . file-leaders of musqueteers , move , and place your selves before the pikes : the rest , move up and maintain their ground . musqueteers , make all ready ; port your pikes . front half files of musqueteers , move , and place your selves before the pikes : the rest , move up and maintain their ground . musqueteers in the front , rank inwards . musqueteers , make all ready ; and port your pikes . the first rank of musqueteers face to the right , and wheel off to the left , and place themselves on the front of the pikes . musqueteers , make all ready ; port your pikes . the first rank of musqueteers move , as before , and place themselves in the front of the pikes . fire , and stand . the next first rank move , and place themselves in the front. fire , and fall in the rear of them that fired before ; and so every rank move , and place themselves in the front : fire , and fall in the rear of the musqueteers in the front. musqueteers , make all ready . ranks , double inwards . port your pikes . then the body will be in this form following . to reduce the body . ranks , open forwards to double distance . the musqueteers on the right , face to the left . musqueteers on the left , face to the right . pass through the body , and change ground . the musqueteers on the right , advancing . the musqueteers on the left , retiring . to your leader all . ranks , close forwards to open order . stand. if the captain pleases , he may march them again , as he sees convenient . then draw the company up into a body , and close ranks and files to the midst , to close order . and if he has any thing to communicate unto his souldiers , to do it there at the head of the company . to lodge the colours . advance your pikes , and move . in the mean time , the serjeant forms the musqueteers , either in a body , or in a rank , to make a volley at the lodging of the colours . then all are discharged to retire to their quarters . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the bringers up of the right half of the body incline to the left ; and the bringers up of the left half of the body incline to the right , and pass through the interval up into the front : and the lest of the half files gratually after the other , while they have evened the front and the body . that is , those that are faced , the first man marches into his place , and so the rest successively . that is , to foot distance between file and and file . that is , foot distance from file and file . that is , to foot distance between file and file . so you may command both ranks and files to open to double double distances , the which is foot . that is , a foot and a half between file and file , and rank and rank . note , in all facings eito the right or to the left , to command the pike-men to advance their pikes , and the musqueteers to poise their musquets , and turn their bodies with their arms on their left heel onely . so many paces as you please . so many paces as you please . the angles are the four corners of the body . that is , all the divisions move at once , and leaving their own ground , each division marches into his predecessors ground . as before . as before . as before . that is , each division marches through its opposite division in the interval that is between file and file . as before . as before . as before . that is , to the middle of the body . so many paces as you see convenient . so many paces as you see convenient . so many paces as you see convenient . so many paces as you see convenient . that is , every even file from the right to place it self into the odd to the right . that is , every even rank from the front places it self into the odde to the right . as before the files and ranks placed to the right , these place themselves to the left . and place your selves as before . the rear half files incline to the right and march , in that interval that is on the right of them into the front. every even file from the left faces about ; or the half files that doubled to face about and march into their places . as before you inclined to the right , now you must incline to the left . every even file from the right faces about , and march and place themselves as before . the rear half files of the right half ranks , or of the right of the body , inclines to the right , and marches into the front. and the rear half files of the left half ranks , or of the left of the body , inclines to the left , and marches into the front. every even file from the middle faces about , and march into their places . as before they inclin'd to the right and left outwards , now they must incline to the right and left inwards . every even file from both flanks , face about , and march into your places . the bringers up of every file first incline to the right into the interval on the right of him , and the immediate man after him , and so the rest , and march into the front . that is , the first man in their march places himself into his place , and so the rest after one another . now the bringers up incline to the left , and march into the front , as before . the first man march , and the rest after him , and place themselves as before . bringers up , and the rest , march , and incline as before . march , and place your selves as before . the first rank opens , and makes an interval for the second rank to march in : then the first rank opens again , and leaves an interval for the next rank to march in : and so the rest . these inmost files are but single men ; but they represent files ; therefore they are called files . at their present standing they are proper files ; but when they are faced to the right , then they are ranks accidental . as before in the front. as before you performed it in the front , so now in the same manner perform in the rear . as before in the front , so now in the rear . as before to the right flank . as before you performed it to the right , now in the same manner to the left . when the front half files have faced outwards , and march'd , and left an interval , then the rear half files march into that interval up to the front. the inmost files march forwards while they are clear of the rear half files ; then the rear half files face inwards and close . the front half files face to the right , and march while they are clear of the rear half files ; then face to the right again , and march to the rear . when the left half ranks have faced outwards and march , then the right half ranks march into the interval up to the left through the interval while they are clear of the left half ranks : then the left half ranks face inwards , and close . the left half ranks face about , and march while they are clear of the right half ranks ; then face to the left , and place themselves in the rear of the right half ranks . as before you doubled your front half files with your rear half files , in the same manner double your rear half files with your front half files . before the four inmost files doubl'd the two outmost files on each flank advancing , that is , to the front ; now you double your two outmost files retiring , that is , to the rear . rear half files , face to the left , and march while you are clear of the front half files ; then face them to the right , and march up to the front. perform this in the same manner as you did when right half ranks doubled the left half ranks entire on the left . the right half ranks march forwards while they are clear of the left half ranks ; then face them to the left , and march to the left while they are even with the left flank . the rear half files face outwards , and march while they are clear of the front half files ; then face them to the front and march up to the front. the four inmost files face about , and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them outwards , and march , and even both flanks . the front half files face outwards , and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them to the rear , and march down to the rear . the four inmost files much while they are clear of the red ; then face them outwards , and march , and even both flanks . the two inmost ranks face outwards , and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them outwards again , and march ▪ and even front and rear . the rear half files of the two outmost files face about , and the front half files of the two outmost files , and rear half files of the two outmost files march while they are clear of the rest ; then the fear inmost files face outwards and march , and even both flanks . the first and last ranks face outwards and march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them in , and march , and close . the rear half files of the four inmost files face about . both front half files and rear half files of the four inmost files march while they are clear of the rest ; then face them outwards , and march , and even both flanks . each file-leader turns off to his right hand into the interval on the right of them , and the second rank moves up into the ground of the first and turns off , and so the rest , and keeps moving while the file-leaders are marched down into the rear . face them all to the right , and turn off to the right , and keep moving while the present file-leaders have marched up to the left flank . as before you performed it to the right , so now in the same manner to the left . as before to the right , so now to the left . as before when you did countermarch maintaining ground , the first turn'd ▪ off , and the second rank possess'd the ground of the first , and so the rest ; now the first rank turn and march down , and the rest stand , and do not turn and move while their present leaders are past them . as before . as before to the left , so now to the right . as before . the rear half files face about ; the front half files turn off to the right , and the rear half files turn off to the left ; and both keep marching while the file-leaders and bringers up move in the midst of the body . the body faces outwards ; the right half ranks turn off to the right , and the left half ranks turn off to the left , and keep moving while the right hand men and left hand men meet in the midst of the body . front half files face about ; front half files turn off to the right , and rear half files turn off to the left . the body faces inward ; the right half ranks turn off to the right , and the left half ranks turn off to the left . the body faces outwards , and both flanks turn off to the right , and pass through each other , while the right flank possesses the ground of the left flank and the left flank the ground of the right flank . rear half files face about , and both turn off to the right , and possess each others ground . as before you performed to the right , so now to the left , observing that you face the body outwards . as before to the right , now to the left , observing that you face the rear half files about . that is , the first rank stands , the next rank moves forwards , and place themselves before the first ; and so the rest , while every rank hath performed it . as before to the right , now to the left . as before . as before . that is , wheel the right half ranks to the left , and the left half ranks to the right , while the right and left half ranks face each other . face the body all about , and wheel the right and left half ranks as before . face all to the right , and wheel as before . face all to the left , and wheel as before . rear half files , face about , and wheel front and rear half files as before . face the body outwards , and wheel both flanks as before . that is , wheel the right half ranks to the left , and the left half ranks to the right , while they are even a breast , and march down into the rear . face all to the right , and wheel them as before into the left flank . face all about , and wheel them as before inwards up into the front. face all to the left , and wheel them as before into the right flank . wheel off the right half ranks to the right , and the left half ranks to the left down to the rear . face all to the right , and wheel them to the right and left outwards up to the left flank . face all about , and wheel them off to the right and left outwards up into the front. face all to the left , and wheel them to the right and left outwards up into the right flank . rear half files , face about , wheel off to the right and left outward up to the front on the outside of each flank . the outmost files on each flank , stand ; the inmost move forwards ; the right half wheel to the right , and the left half wheel to the left , while the file-leaders of the inmost files face the outmost files on each flank . rear half files stand , the front half files wheel off outwards down into the roar. the two outmost files on each flank stand : the four inmost files face about , and wheel off to the right and left outwards , and place themselves in the rear of the two outmost files on each flank . that is , to place them in the rear of the left half ranks . that is , to wheel them off to the right down to the rear , on the right of the rear half files . that is , to place them in the front of the right half ranks . rear half files face about , and wheel them off to the right up to the front , on the left of the front half files . that is , wheel them altogether to the right , while the front is where the right flank was . and to wheel the battle to the right again , is to wheel the front where the rear was . wheeling the battle to the right about , is to its proper front as it was at first . and the wheeling the battle to the left , or to the left about , is in the same manner . c for captain . l for lieutenant . e for ensigne . s for serjeant . d for drum. p for pike . m for musquet . first command , musqueteers , make ready all ; that is , prime , charge , cock , and guard . while the serjeants are leading their files to fire them , the captain closes the body . when the first rank has fired , they wheel off to the right and left , and place themselves in the rear of their own files ; and when they are all fired , each serjeant wheel off his file , and place them on the outside of their own flanks ; then draw forth the inmost files again , and fire them , and wheel them , and place them as before ; and so the rest , until all the musqueteers have fired . every even file from both flanks , face about , and place themselves behinde their present leaders . pikes in the front , port . before you fire , command the musqueteers on the left to face about . the musqueteers in the rear , face to the right . reduced . fire the musqueteers in the front ; when they have fired , wheel them off outwards , and fall in the rear of their own files . now fire the musqueteers in the front , and the file-leaders on each flank . when they have fired , wheel them off outwards , and fall in the rear of their own files . reduced . the art of embattailing an army. or, the second part of Ælians tacticks containing the practice of the best generals of all antiquitie, concerning the formes of battailes. ... englished and illustrated with figures and obseruations vpon euery chapter. by captaine iohn bingham. tactica. english. selections aelianus. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the art of embattailing an army. or, the second part of Ælians tacticks containing the practice of the best generals of all antiquitie, concerning the formes of battailes. ... englished and illustrated with figures and obseruations vpon euery chapter. by captaine iohn bingham. tactica. english. selections aelianus. bingham, john, captain. droeshout, martin, b. , engraver. [ ], , [ ] p., plate printed [by john beale and thomas brudenell] for ralph mab, london : . in fact consists of chapters , , and - of the complete "tactica", with notes added. the first leaf is blank. running title reads: the tacticks of Ælian, or the art of embattailing armies. another issue, with cancel title page, of the edition with "printed by iohn beale and thomas brudenell for ralph mab" in the imprint. the plate is signed "mar dr sculpsit", i.e. martin droeshout. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion arma pacis fvlcra the art of embattailing an army . o r , the second part of aelians tacticks . containing the practice of the best generals of all antiquitie , concerning the formes of battailes . wherein all motions requisite to be vsed in a battaile both for offence and defence are fully expressed . necessary and vsefull for all martiall spirits , that desire to haue knowledge in the art military . englished and illustrated with figures and obseruations vpon euery chapter . by captaine iohn bingham . london : printed for ralph mab . . to the right vvorshipfvll sir hvgh hamersly , knight , one of the aldermen and coronels of the honorable city of london , and president of the martiall company , exercising armes in the artillery garden in london . to captaine henry vvaller , now captaine of the said company . and to all the rest of the worthy captaines and gentlemen of the said company . captaine i. b. wisheth such valour and experience , as may make them victorious against all sorts of enemies . worthy gentlemen : these my last endeuours vpon aelian , i purposed to haue kept to mine owne priuate vse , and not to haue presented them to the view of the world . but now being to depart from you , and toiourney into a farre countrey , and finding your kindnesse and loue toward me such , as i was not with any reason to expect , i altered my minde , and hauing nothing else to offer vnto you , i resolued to make this a monument of my thankefulnesse to you , and a testimony of my desire to doe you the best seruice i am able . for my paines herein , i leaue them to the iudgement of any learned reader ; for the profit of the treatise , i say no more but this , it containeth the practise of the best generals of all antiquity concerning the formes of battailes . and whereas many hold opinion , that it sorteth not with the vse of our times , they must giue me leaue to be of another mind : indeed our actions in warre are onely now a dayes and sieges oppugnations of cities ; battailes wee heare not of , saue onely of a few in france , and that of newport in the low-countries . but this manner will not last alwayes , nor is there any conquest to be made without battailes . he that is master of the field , may dispose of his affaires as he listeth ; hee may spoyle the enemies countrey at his pleasure , he may march where he thinketh best , he may lay siege to what towne he is disposed , he may raise any siege that the enemy hath layed against him or his . neither can any man be master of the field without battaile , in ordering whereof , that generall that is most skilfull , seldome misseth of winning the day : experience of former times cleares this . i should exceede the compasse of an epistle if i brought the examples , which serue to this purpose . now for the skill of ordering battailes , it is not to be learned out of the practise of our dayes , wherein when we come into the field , we make shewes , and musters rather , then obserue any formes of battailes for vse : battailes must not be alwayes of one figure . the wise generals of ancienter times , fashioned their battailes according to the range , which they saw the enemy had before taken vp . the place often maketh an alteration in that forme , which otherwise would serue to our purpose . he that is acquainted but with one forme , if he be forced to change that vpon the sudden , disordereth his troopes , and bringeth all into a confusion . the knowledge of the formes of battailes being then so necessary for a generall , this little pamphlet must needs be welcome to them that desire the mannaging of fields , and the command of armies . for here haue you all formes expressed , together with their vse ; so that the generall that is acquainted with the practise of these precepts shall not be to seeke to make transmutation of his battaile , into what forme soeuer necessity shall require , & that vpon the sudden . as for them that hold , that great ordnance will not admit any of these ancient formes in our dayes , i hold that for a dreame , and not worthy the answering ; since the inuention of great ordnance , we neuer read of any forme of battaile disordered thereby ; some slaughter hath beene made by great ordnance , and the army that suffred by great ordnance , hath beene forced the sooner to ioyne with the enemy ; when the armies are ioyned , great ordnance hath and must sit still , and looke about as an idle spectator , seruing for no other vse , then for a pray to him that gameth the field . now for small shot , it succeedeth in the place of the light-armed of antiquity . by them a battaile may be broken , if they be not repressed , and themselues cut off in time . but what is said of them that may not be said of bowes and arrowes ? the greatest fields that we gained against the french , were gained onely by our archery . to say nothing of other nations , that had the skill of shooting : so that no reason can be alleadged why the formes of battailes vsed by antiquity for aduantage , may not be as well vsed in our dayes . howsoeuer the matter standeth , my desire is , that the treatise may with your fauourable acceptance beare your names in the front thereof . not because i thinke it worthy of your patronage , but for that i would haue it appeare to the world , how much i esteeme of your kindnesse ( as i said ) and of your loue , which you expressed toward me in my taking leaue of the city . the lord of hostes haue you in his keeping . your seruant , as heretofore , to doe you seruice . iohn bingham . cap. . plagiophalanx or the brode-fronted phalange orthiophalanx or the herse loxe-phalanx or the vneven fronted phalange the front the tacticks of aelian , or the art of embattailing armies . the broad-fronted phalange , the deepe phalange , or herse , and the vneuen-fronted phalange . chap. xxx . ( ) plagiophalange , or the broad-fronted phalange , is that , which hath the ( ) length manifoldly exceeding the depth . ( ) orthiophalange , or the deepe phalange ( now commonly called the horse ) is that , which proceedeth by a ( ) winge , hauing the depth much exceeding the length . in generall speech euery thing is called ( ) paramekes , which hath the length more then the depth ; and that which hath the depth more then the length ( ) orthion : and so likewise a phalange . the phalange ( ) loxe , or vneuen-fronted , that is , which putteth forth one of the wings ( which is thought fittest ) towards the enemy , and with it begins the fight , holding off the other in a conuenient distance , till opportunity be to aduance . notes . this chapter and the next , seeme not to hold their right place : for being set before the manner how to wheele , and likewise before closings , and inserted betwixt the motions of the a phalange ( to which motions , or to one of them , the manner of wheeling and closings appertaine ) they interrupt the method or orderly handling of the said motions ; which method aelian curiously obserueth through his whole booke . besides , aelian himselfe , after a manner pointeth out the true place of them , in that in the chapter , rehearsing shortly the appellations or words of military discipline ; he placeth these formes after induction and deduction : i take it therefore , that their proper place is after the chapter , the rather , because all the formes of marches from thenceforth handled , are either squares of the one kinde or other , or else spring out of these squares . i b noted before that there are three kinds of squares ; one , that hath a longer front then flanke ; another , that hath a longer flanke , then front ; the third , that hath the front and flanke equall . of the third aelian speaketh in the chapter , of the first and second in this chapter : of these two therefore i will treat in order . and first i will handle the names , then the vse , lastly the manner how to transforme one into another . the first is called . plagiophalanx , or the broad-fronted phalange . ) the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often interpreted for oblique ; which signification it cannot haue heere ; the oblique phalange being in this chapter tearmed by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and yet distingnished from the plagiophalanx . they that translate plagiophalanx , the transuerse or ouer-thwart fronted phalange , agree better with aelians meaning , because it meeteth the enemy with a front trans-uerse , and drawne out in length , and directly opposite against him . i haue rendred it the broad fronted phalange , as more fitting the english tongue : it may also be called the long-fronted phalange . for breadth ( i haue remembred it before ) and length of a phalange are all one : in this sense is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vsed by arrian , being applied to the manner of bearing of a pike . he telleth , that alexander transported his army ouer the riuer ister , to inuade the territory of the getes ; and hath thus , the number of those that passed the riuer with alexander , were about horse , and foot . they passed in the night , and landed where the corne was high , which was the cause that their arriuall was not descried . as soone as the morning appeared , alexander led them through the corne fields ; commanding the foot , that bearing downe the corne with their pikes held a thwart , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they should march into the champeigne . the manner of their bearing of pikes ( as i interpret it ) was this ; they tooke the pikes in the midst with both their hands , and so bore them out , not with the points forward , but crosse and paralell the front of the phalange , that the file leaders with one ioynt force might ledge and beare downe the high-growne corne , and make easier passage for those that followed . if they had carried them out slope , or oblique ( which is the other signification of the word ) it had beene no more , then the particular force of euery man a part , that held his pike sloping ; besides that , they would haue beene intangled in the corne ; whereas the bearing of them crosse parrallell with the front , was the ioynt force of so many file-leaders , as did thrust forward against the corne. therefore as when the pike is borne in full length crosse the front of the battaile , the posture of the pike is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so is a phalange termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that hath a front stretched out in euen length , and opposed against the euen front of the aduerse battaile of the enemy . . the length manifoldly exceeding the depth . ] aelian sets not downe expresly any proportion of the excesse of the length aboue the depth , onely he saith , it must manifoldly exceed the depth : we must take it then , that the excesse of the length must be at the least threefold ; for thrice fals into the appellation of manifold . a macedonian fourefold phalange may iustly challenge this name , being men in length , onely in depth . and likewise a phalangarch led seuerally and by it selfe , as hauing men in length , but in depth . the rest of the bodies of the fourefold phalange , till you come downe to a pentecosiarchy , albeit ranged by themselues , are likewise plagiophalanges , or broad-fronted bastacles . a pentecosiarchy hath onely twice so many in front , as in flanke ( as in front , in flanke ) and therefore commeth not vnder the name of a broad-fronted phalange . so that , let the battaile be as long as you list , hauing but the ordinary depth , it still is accounted a plagiophalange . when it is but twice so long in front as in flanke , it cannot deserue that name , but it is to be termed rather a square of ground , because the flanke in a square of ground taketh vp as much ground as the front . to the battaile-broad-fronted , is next added the phalange , called . orthiophalange , or herse ] which albeit it haue the length and depth vnequall , as hath the plagiophalange , or broad-fronted phalange , yet must the depth manifoldly exceede the length , which is contrary in the plagiophalange . this saith aelian proceedeth in . a wing . ) to proceede in a a wing is to march on with a parcell or one body of the army , namely with a certaine number of files ( as with a a tetrarchy , b taxis , or c syntagna ) and to follow with the rest in like manner , so that the whole army holdeth no proportion of length or breadth to the depth . that which is called by aelian orthiophalanx , is called by b diodorus siculus , and by c arrian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a deepe phalange , because the forme of it ariseth out of the depth of the embattailing , as i haue noted vpon the seuenth chapter . this kinde of march the greeke writers expresse by the words of leading d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in a wing ; whereas the other kinde with a large front ( i meane the broad-fronted phalange ) is said to be led f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and h in a phalange , and i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in front , l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in extention of breadth . the words i recite to helpe them , who although they be skilfull in the greeke tongue , yet are not so well acquainted with the tactickes , and may easily mistake , or not vnderstand the signification , if they be not forewarned . but because i haue before in my notes vpon the seuenth chapter touched this matter , i will here vse an example , or two , onely to explaine , and to giue light to both formes . m arrian reporteth , that when alexander was to passe the riuer granicus , on the further side whereof the persians had embattailed themselues in a n broad-fronted phalange to hinder his passage , parmenio one of his eldest and best commanders came vnto him , and gaue him this counsell ; sir , said hee , consider the persians are ready to encounter you on the other side ; my opinion is , you cannot gaine the passage without exceeding danger : both because your phalange cannot be led o in front ( that is , in a broad front ) by reason of the many and sundry depths that are to be seene in the riuer , and of the height and steepenesse of the banks , as also for that the enemies horse ordered in a p phalange , will be ready to charge vs , whilest we disorderly and q wingwise ( which is the weakest kinde of fight ) endeauour to scamble vp the bankes . thus arrian vsing the words before recited , and noting the difference of both the formes . s leo hath the like passage , instructing his generall how in the night to surprize an enemy in his lodging . his words are these in effect ; when you march , saith he , to the intent that no tumult or confusion of noise be heard , nor the stretching out of your battaile into a great length breede error and inequality in marching ; and hereupon cries and loud commands arise , so that the enemy may easily perceiue the accesse of your armie ; it behoueth you to march not in t front , that is , in a u large extension of breadth , but x wingwise , that is to say , in a y deepe forme of embattailing ; as if one file should follow in the reare of another , obseruing still to maintaine the depth , or thicknesse of the battaile . his meaning is : that in the night an army ought not to be led in a broad-fronted phalange ( because the places are wayes through which you are to march , are sometimes large , sometimes streight , sometimes rough , sometimes plaine , and so you cannot preserue an euen front , but must change the forme and disorder it ) but in a herse or deepe phalange , which will fit all passages , and in the greatest inequality of way maintaine the forme of the battaile entire . and so much of the signification of the words marching in a wing , and marching in a phalange . . euery thing is called paramekes . ] it is to be obserued , that there is a difference betweene paramekes and heteromekes : i thought good to note it , because aelian in diuers places mentioneth both . paramekes is the figure , according to aelian , wherein the length many times exceeds the depth ; it may be heteromekes , albeit it be but twice as long as deepe . i am not ignorant that a euclyde nameth all foure sided figures , that haue right angles , and vnequall sides , heteromekes . but aelian , though hee apply heteromekes sometimes to the b front , sometimes to the flanke , yet he giues no more then a double proportion either of front to flanke , or flanke to front . . orthion . ] albeit the word orthium properly signifie things rising in a height , yet in military discourse it is applied to the dimension of the depth of a battell , and not of the length . here a phalange is termed orthia , and in leo in the place last by me cited , mention is made of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ● deep embattailing : and in xenophon c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a company stretched out in dep●● , 〈…〉 polyen also , and arrian , and appian . d polyen hath besides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for an army , that is cast into a great depth , and into a narrow 〈…〉 therefore , as paramekes signifieth the length of the front ; so orthion signifies the depth of the flanke of any battell ordered , as is aforesaid . thus much of the names of the two battels : it remaines to shew the vse of them , and how one may be transformed into the other . the plagiophalange , or broad-fronted battell bringeth most hands to fight with conueniency , and therefore is accounted the better forme ; and , as neere as opportunity of ground would giue leaue , the ancient generals principally affected , and sought to put this forme in vre : it hath the commodity to ouerfront the aduerse battell , and is safe it selfe from ouerfronting , vnlesse the enemy bring a greater multitude then you haue to ouer-match your army . the macedonian phalange was for the most part of this forme , as all the fields alexander fought euidently declare ; so ordered he his troopes at granicus , so at issos , so at gangamelos , so in other places , if the ground would serue . this caution notwithstanding was obserued , that the depth held proportion with the length ; otherwise the length profiteth not so much , as the thinnesse of the depth hurts , by giuing meanes to the enemy to breake through , and put the aduerse battell in a rout . i haue noted it before out of e leo. the herse , or deepe phalange , was thought the weakest kinde to fight in . f parmenio , one of the chiefest commanders alexander had , distrusted it ( as i haue shewed a little before . ) g cyrus the elder , in the embattailing of the egyptians , derided it ; yet cannot the forme of the broad-fronted phalange be so exactly taken vp , but that necessity will sometime force the other . in straight places it hath beene often vsed : so h darius in the battaile of issos , by reason of the straightnesse of ground , was forced to this forme : so bo●il●ar the carthaginian , was faine in a straight place to make a narrow front of his phalange , and to extend it in depth . and d acilius glabrio the roman consall , in the streights of thermopyle against antiochus : and e p. scipto in spaine against the illergets . therefore in large grounds the first forme is to be chosen , in narrow and rough places the other . the herse is also fit for marches , because in a march you are assured to meet with variety of ground ; sometimes with woods , sometimes with bushes , sometimes with streight wayes , with riuers , with hils , with pits , with bridges , with ditches , and such like impediments , so that the front of your broad-fronted phalange must needs be dissolued ; whereas no difficulty of wayes can hinder the passage of a f herse , the front whereof may be narrowed ( according to the ground you march in ) as you list . g alexander being to lead his army against the thracians , that had planted themselues in the mount aemus , was ●●ine to narrow the front of his phalange , according to the way that led vp to the mount : the same did h agesilaus passing through the streights of mantina ; the history is by me recited before in my notes vpon the chapter i panimenes likewise leading his army through pho●is toward ●hebes , and finding that the enemy had taken and possessed a place called philo●aeoton , that had two streights leading toward it , one of which the enemy held with a gard ; casting is troopes into a herse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making the bulke of his army slender , and ●it to march , shaped himselfe to the right hand , as though he ment to hold on to that passage . the enemy therefore leauing the left hand streight , which they had in gard , ran with all speed to the right hand to stop his passage ; but hee taking the opportunity , speeded hastily to the left , and conueyed his army thorough without danger . many like examples of herses accommodated to streight wayes , where a broad-fronted phalange cannot march , are to be found in histories . the orthiophalange or herse was also much●sed in an ascent against a hill which the enemy possessed : and in this sence are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deepe companies takes in the greeke writers , especially when a whole company is put into a file , and or or more files laid together to make an orthiophalange , in which forme they vsed to mount vp against hils . many examples be in heir histories of beating off enemies from hils in this forme . a cyrus the elder vsed it against the chaldaeans ; b xenophon against the carducans ; c cherisophus in passing the riuer centrites , which riuer diuideth the mountaines of the carducans from armenia : the graecians against the mosynecans , that inhabited certaine mountaines which the graecians were to mount . e ptolomey against the indians , that embattelled themselues vpon a mountaine to resist the inuasion of alexander . and a notable example of an army ascending against a mountaine , is described by f xenophon , in the fourth booke of the ascent of cyrus ; herelateth that the cholcans had taken vp a high mountaine , and there imbattelled their army to the intent to stop the passage of the grecians in their returne out of parsia : the grecians at the first ordered themselues into a phalange , ( a broad fronted battell ) meaning in that forme to make their way . but afterwards the chief-taines calling a court , aduised vpon their best course of fighting : xenophons opinion was , that laying aside the forme of a phalange , it would be best to order themselues in companies g drawne out in file . for a phalange , said he , will soone be broken , by reason of the inequality of the way , which in some parts of the mountaine will be found easie enough , in other hard to ascend . and the sohldiers will quickly be discouraged to see the phalange disordered , in which they march ; besides , marching in a large front , the enemies , that exceede vs in number , will ouer-front vs , and vse their multitude to most aduantage : in a narrow front it will be no maruaile to see our phalange cut asunder with missiue weapons , and with men ordered in battaile to charge vs ; whereby the whole phalange will be distressed . therefore , as i said , i hold it best to put the armie into companies stretched out in depth , giuing to each company such distance one from another , that our wings may ouer ▪ reach the vttermost points of theenemies battaile : and let euery company make choice of their fittest way for ascent : as for the spaces betwixt company and company , it shall not be easie for the enemy to conuey himselfe into them , all the companies on all sides ( in case he enter ) wrapping him in betwixt them : and if it chance that any company be distressed , the next company is to succour and aide it . now say , that one company attaine to the top of the hill , you may be assured , that no enemy will keepe his ground . this counsell was assented to by all ; when therefore euery man had taken his place , and the d companies were laid out in their iust depth , the armed amounted to about companies , in euery of which were reckoned almost men : the targeteers and archers were diuided into three bodies , the first to march without the armed of the left wing , the second without the armed of the right , the third in the midst , euery body consisting of well-nigh men . after prayers made to the gods , the souldiers aduanced , singing the a paean ; then cherisophus and xenophon ( leading the point of the graecian battaile ) and the targatiers with them , who ouer reached the enemies wings , hasted on a pace , and the enemy perceiuing it , extended their wings to meet them , and by that meanes were distracted some to the right , some to the left hand , leauing an empty space in the middest of their phalange ▪ the targatiers armed after the arcadian manner , led by aeschines the acharnan , seeing the enemies battaile disseuered , and imagining them to flye , ranne forth with all speede , and were the first that gained the hill : they were seconded by the armed arcadians , commanded by cleanor the orchomenian . when the enemy saw them come running on , they forsooke their ground , and began to shift for them . selues , one one way , another another : the grecians hauing gained the hill , encamped there . hitherto xenophon , out of whose practice the best addresse against an enemy , that possesseth a hill , ouer which our army is to march , may be learned ▪ in a broad-fronted phalange it is hard to proceede , both because of the inequality of the ground , which will easily breake the phalange , and disioynt all the parts thereof , and also for that the enemies weapons throwne from the higher ground will not lightly misse so great a body , and great stones , and other masse , tumbled downe , will beare downe and make ruine of whatsoeuer commeth in the way , impossible to misse in such an extension of length , and thronging of the army : to lead in one and a continued herse is no lesse dangerous . a few men , and those onely in front , shall come to fight against a multitude of enemies , who will ouer-front , and charge them on all sides . xenophons counsell then is to make diuers bodies , and to order them so seuered in front and flanke , that they may ouer-front the enemy , and not be parted asunder with the vneuennesse of the ascent , nor yet proue too faire a marke for the enemies weapons . the bodies are declared to be companies each of men ; these so diuided one from another in distance filewise , that the vttermost bodies on both sides might be able to ouer-reach the points of the enemies wings , and to make choice of the best ascent toward the height of the hill . further , the forme of ordering the bodies is set downe , they were stretched out in depth ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ) orthios lochos is here taken for a company ordered in one file ; and it fignifies as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a company ordered one man singly after another : which phrase is vsed by b xenophon elsewhere : and in the same sence c thucydides vseth the phrase of placing ships one in a direct line after another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which his scoliastes interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hauing one after another . and d polybius likewise of ships hath the same phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be placed one after another ; and in the same place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet this passage out of xenophon , where he mencioneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath a diuers signification from the common vsage of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst other grecians . it agreeth , in that , they led their companies stretched out in file ; it differeth , in that zenophons files were placed in distance one from another , and had all an equall front in the manner of a e plagio-phalange , where in the other examples they were ioyned ; to the end to make an orthiophalange , and in seuerall bodies to follow one another . i deny not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are otherwise taken in the wars of the romans described by the greciatis . so f scipio ordering his battell against hanniball in the fight of africa , is reported by appian to haue disposed his army into maniples , distributed into three kinde of bodies , the maniples to stand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one directly after another . how they stood g polybius shewes , describing the same battaile ; he saith , that scipio ordered the hastati and their ensignes first of all the rest , and in front , and gaue interuals to their maniples ; behinde them the principes , not against the interuals of the hastati , as the roman manner was , but behinde them in a right line ( because of the multitude of the enemies elephants : ) and lastly , the triarij . on the wing of the left flanke he ranged c. lelius with the italian horse vnder him : on the right massanissa , and all the numidian horse , which he commanded . the interuals of the first ensignes ( that is , of the hastati ) he filled with the bodies of light armed , commanding them first to vndertake the fight ; and in case they were not able to withstand the affront of the the enemy , or of the elephants , he willed them to retire ; some , that could preuent the rest with speed , through the direct interuals of the maniples to thereare of the army ; other , that were in a manner surprised , to the flankes , neere the ensignes . this ordering of maniples one directly after another , so termed and described by polybius , appian calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which notwithstanding , if truly examined , cannot according to the grecian practise come within the compasse of that name . for the grecians , as i said , drew their companies seuerally each into a file ; and laying foure , or fiue , or six , or more of them together , made a body , the depth whereof much exceeded the length , or breadth , the front being of . . or . men in ranke , the depth of , whereas the romans , as appeareth by polybius , kept their ordinary manner of embattelling , sauing that they placed their principes not against the interuals of the hastati , as their custome was , but directly behinde the maniples of the hastati , to the end the elephants of the carthaginians might haue an empty and void lane , as it were , to passe through their whole army : as for the roman maniples they consisted of two parts ioyned together , which they called h ordines , and euery ordo contained men , commanded by a captaine ; so that the maniple had in it men , and two captaines or centurions . these men being digested into files , containing men a peece ( for that was the length of file , and the depth of the maniple ) make files , which stood one by another ranged in front , not stretched one after another in depth . but because the maniples of the hastati principes , and the triarij , stood directly one after another , therefore appian called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either out of the ignorance of the manner of embattelling amongst the romans , or else because the grecians in their writings reduced the order of the roman embattelling vnto their owne vsage . so they called a tribune of the roman army a chiliarch , albeit a chiliarch amongst the grecians and a tribune amongst the romans differ very much , as i haue noted vpon the ninth chapter of aelian : the manner of embattailing of the army of acilius glabrio a roman consull in the streights of thermopyle , commeth neerer vnto the greekish forme : g appian describeth it thus ; antiochus hauing fortified the streights of thermopyle with a double wall , and drawne forth his army ord●●ly for fight , to make good the place against acilius ; acilius diuided his troopes into three parts , and giuing one part to cato , to●laccus ●laccus , the one to make his passage on the one side of the hils , the other on the other , himselfe led the ordinary way against antiochus ; and framing of his owne● part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which manner of embattelling alone , saith appian , seruet● for streight wayes ) ●e pushed on and forced his enemy to retire , gained his campe. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mentioned , are no other then the h orthie-phalange , which aelian hath set downe in this chapter , namely , hauing one maniple ( or if the streight permitted not a maniple of files to march entirely in front ) one ordo consisting of six files to aduance , the rest following in the same ●inde , as the fashion is of the right induction , remembred by aelian hereafter in his chapter . now albeit that forme come neerer to the graecian forme , yet it is not the same , the one filling the way with the maniple or ordo , as it fell our , in the same figure , that it stands in the field , the other changing the order of the field , drawing the company out into one file , and ioyning other companies with it in front , as many as the way would receiue : so that the grecian had too in depth of the body , the roman but . we are not to pretermit , that albeit acilius vsed this forme to dislodge 〈…〉 from the h●ll , yet he trusted not to it alone , but diuiding his 〈…〉 into three parts , he caused two of them to march vp the hils on both sides , himselfe on the midst , to the end that one part might ●aine the height ouer 〈…〉 head , and so make him forsake his ground . thus farre of the vse of these two 〈…〉 of phalanges or battailes : it remaineth to shew , how one of them may be transsormed into another . the next proceeding chapter teacheth , that out of doublings of rankes , the length of the battell ariseth , as the depth out of doubling of files . i haue shewed the manner of both in my notes vpon the and chapter . and this manner is easie in a single company , or in a small army : in great bodies it hath no great vse , let the example be of a phalangarchy , which is the fourth part of a fourefold phalange , and containeth files . double the files once you shall files , and men in depth , and but foot distance in ranke . the second doubling bringeth forth files , and as many men in depth , but the distance betwixt ranke and ranke is but a foot and a halfe . beyond this doubling you cannot proceede ; for beside the confusion of places of officers , which are in number aboue i in a phalangarchy , the interuals betwixt man and man , will not conueniently allow aboue two doublings : your open order betwixt man and man , wherein they stand at first , giueth but six foot : the first doubling takes away three foot from euery internall , the second leaueth but a soot and halfe . and considering that when the battell is closed for fight , the neerest distance betwixt ranke and ranke ought to be no lesse then three foot , in regard of handling of weapons ( as i haue shewed before out of polybius . ) the second doubling , albeit it yeeldeth roome from the bodies of souldiers to stand in , yet it takes away the halfe of this distance , but the third doubling allowing but quarters of a foot for each man to stand in , giueth not so much ground as his body will possesse . so is it likewise of ranks , which will not suffer aboue two doublings fit for vse . aelians file is of ● men , double your rankes once , your file will containe no more then eight men , and euery man shall haue three foot distance from other in ranke , double them twice , the file hath but foure men , and euery mans distance in ranke is no more then a foot and halfe , which as it is allowable in close order , so admitteth it no third dou 〈…〉 , wherein the space betwixt man and man cannot exceed three quarters of a foot . as therefore the second doubling of ranks in a phalangarchy , albeit it extend the front of the battell , leaueth yet too small a depth to the plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile , it containing no more then foure men in depth : so the doubling of files twice fitteth not the orthiophalange or herse , as hauing in depth , and as many in length , which number neither holdeth proportion of the depth manifold to the length of the orthiophalange or herse , nor yet by reason of the length hath conueniency to apply it selfe to streight waies ; a thing that containeth the principall vse of that manner of battaile ; which was the cause that antiquity vsed another course . if the march were to be made out of a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile , they framed a herse , by putting forth out of the right or left wing , first one a tetratchy , or other body , which might march whole according to the largenesse of the ways and after it followed from the same wing , the rest of the army in the same kinde . if contrariwise a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile were to be framed out of an orthiophalange or a herse , they caused the body which had the vaunt , to stand firme , and the rest following to sleeue vp by it on the right or left hand , till they all came to an euen front : b xenophon sheweth the manner in a company , whose words are these in english ; then he ( cyrus the elder ) beheld another b captaine leading his company from the river side to dinner , one souldier following another in a c single file , who when hee thought ●it commanded the second , and third , and fourth file to sleeue vp , and make an euen front with the first ; the file-leaders being new in front , hee commanded the d halfe files to double the front , so that new the decadarches or leaders of halfe files stood in front . againe , when it seemed good he commanded the e quarter files to double the front : so the pempedarches or leaders of the quarter of files led vp , and the files marched on , being diuided into foure parts . when they were come vnto the tent doore , hee commanded the first file to single out againe , and to enter in , and the second to follow it single in the reare , and so the third and fourth , till all were within the tent. to cleare these words of xenophon , it is to be vnderstood , that the company or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mentioned , consisted of men , and was diuided into foure files or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , each file containing twenty foure men . the file had fiue officers , the file leader , the decadarch , two pempedarchs , and the bringer vp . at the head of the file stood the file-leader , and behinde him directly fiue men ; next after them stood the first pempedarch and fiue men that followed him ▪ in the middest of the file ( that is , after the pempedarch and his fiue ) was placed the decadarch ( who ●ed the hinder most halfe file , and after him fiue men more ? lastly , the second pempedarch and fiue more after him , the last of which was the bringer vp . now when xenophon saith , that the whole company followed by one or file wise , he meaneth that the foure files were cast into one file , and followed one another in a right line , and by that meanes had in depth , and but one in front . to bring it therefore to conuenient length from this depth , the captaine commanded the first file leader to make alte , or to stand , and the second file leader with his file to aduance , and to sleeue vp on the left hand and to front with the first file leader , and so both files to stand euen fronted in open order . the like he commanded the third and fourth file to doe ; so that the foure files being laid one to another , and fronting equally , the front or length of the body had foure men , the depth . then , because he held this depth disproporcionable to the length , in so small a body ; he againe enlarged the front by doubling , commanding the halfe files to double their front . the decadarchs hereupon marched vp to the front , and ranked with the file leaders , and the halfe files following them , ranked with the front-halfe files man to man. now was the front eight in length , the flanke or depth twelue . to enlarge againe the front , and to make the length exceede the depth , he commanded the quarter-files to double the front : hereupon the pempedarchs aduanced marching vp with their quarter files after them , till they fronted with the file leaders and decadarchs , and each man of the quarter files ranked with the rest , so that the front came to be of men in length , the flanke six men in depth , and each man in ranke had a foot and halfe distance , in file six foot . and thus the company from one file , as it were from an orthiophalange or herse , was formed into a long body somewhat resembling a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile . to reduce it againe to an orthiophalange or herse , the captaine at the entry into the tent ( where the whole company was lodged together ) first directed the first file to march out , namely by the file leader with his fiue , then the first pempedarch with his fiue , after him the decadarch with his fiue , lastly , the second pempedarch with his fiue ; which drawing out of the officers one after another in depth , with the parts of the file commanded by them , immediately brought the file to the iust ▪ depth of . this being done , the second file followed the first in like order , and the third the second , & last of al came the fourth : and this was the manner of changing one forme into another : and albeit the example be but of a company , yet is the reason all one in a phalange or battaile ; for as a company is compacted of many files , so is a phalange of diuers companies ; and as one file , in the example before , was led after another filewise , so is , or may , one company or other body be led after another , making thereby an orthiophalange or herse : and as one file aduanced to front with another , to the intent to alter the forme of the orthiophalange , so must the bodies or companies sleeue vp one by another to make a plagiophalange or broad-fronted battaile , yet want there not examples in the greeke history of turning the orthiophalange or herse into a plagiophalange or broad fronted battaile , and by consequence the plagiophalange into an orthiophalange . cherisophus in the returne of the grecians , that followed cyrus the yonger into persia , had the leading of the vant-gard all the way . a he in his march in armenia perceiuing the chalybes , taochians and phasians had taken certaine mountaines , ouer which the grecians were to passe , made alte some furlongs before hee came to the enemy , lest encountring with the enemy , hee should fight with his army being led in a wing or orthiophalange : he commanded therefore the captaines that followed him with their companies , euery one after another to b sleeue vp their companies by his , to the intent to cast the army into a plagiophalange or broad fronted battaile . when thereare commanders were come vp , hee called a counsell to aduise of the best course in proceeding . here is the order of the grecians march expressed to be in a herse or orthiophalange , which consisted of many companies one following another ; and likewise the manner of transfiguring the herse into a broad fronted phalange , viz. the captaines one after another sleeuing vp their companies by cherisophus his company on the left hand , and making an equall front with him . and yet this example containeth no more , then the sleeuing vp of the companies vpon one flanke . cherisophus first made a stand with his companie , hauing the vant ; the following captaines sleeued vp their companies on his left hand , as the files did one after another in the other example . c alexander vsed another kinde of sleeuing a little before he fought the battell of issos ; for , caufing the vant-gard first to stand , he commanded the rest of the foot to march vp to the front of the vant-gard on either flanke . the words lye thus in arrian . alexander hauing by midnight gained the streights of cilicia , setting out a streight watch vpon the rockes , rested , and refreshed his army till morning : b● day-breake he descended from the streights in the ordinary way , and as long as the passage was narrow , he led in a d wing ; afterwards the mountaines opening a greater distance , he enlarged his wing into a phalange by little and little still sleeuing vp the armed , one body after another to the front ; on the right hand toward the mountaines , on the left hand toward the sea. the horse all this while marched after the foot ▪ but comming to ground of larger capacity , they were ordered on the wings . this manner of working to make a phalange out of herse , was by drawing the following companies vp on both flanks , on the right toward the mountaines , on the left toward the sea ; so that it differeth from the other forme wherein the companies were sleeued but vpon one hand . a third way of making a plagiophalange of a herse , i finde in e polybius , machanidas the lacedemonian tyrant ( saith he ) being to fight with philopaemea the achaean generall , who had fashioned his army into a broad fronted phalange , made semblance at first , as though he meant in a f herse to charge the right wing of the enemies battaile ; but approaching neerer at a conuenient distance , he brake off the hinder part of the herse , and facing it to the right hand marched out , and led it out in length , and ioyned it in equall front with his right wing , thereby equalling the left wing of the achaeans . in this manner of transforming the herse into broad fronted phalange , the companies or bodies follow not one another , to sleeue vp to the front , but halfe the plagiophalange is broken off at once ( the reare halfe ) and facing to the right or left hand , is led vp and ioyned in an euen front with the other halfe , not vnlike to our vsagein exercise , when we command our middle men with their halfe files to face to the right or left hand , and marching out to double the front of our battaile . thus much may suffice for the names , vse and reduction of one of these two phalanges to another : the third phalange mentioned in this chapter followeth . the phalange loxe . ] there are two kindes of loxes , or vneuen fronted phalanges : the front of the one is figured in a continued right line stretched out bias-wise thus : the other hath as it were two fronts , formed out of two seuerall parts of the phalange ; the one aduancing against the enemy to begin the fight , the other staying behinde , and keeping the first ground , being ordered without the flanke of the first , that vpon occasion it may likewise aduance , and ioyne , or else retire from the enemy , and giue backe ; the figure shewes the shape of it : the last hath bin vsed by great generals as a forme of aduantage in fight . the first onely to win a passage , as i take it , ouer a riuer , or such like ( where the broad-fronted phalange could not passe ) and to bring the armie to a ground , where it might be ordered in better forme for fight . i will giue one example ( for i read not many ) of the first ; g alexander hauing conueied his armie ouer hellespont , and entred into phrygia , came as farre as the riuer granicus . three lieutenants of darius with . horse , and well nigh as many foot , had embattelled themselues on the other side of the riuer to hinder his passage : the riuer was full of depths and slallowes somewhat dangerous to enter , and the bankes on the further side high , rough , and steepie ; besides , the enemy was ready with horse cast into a long or broad-fronted phalange , and with seconds of foot to beat him backe , that should offer to clymbe the bankes . alexander being resolued to passe ouer , first ordered his troopes in a broad-fronted phalange ▪ the right wing he commanded himselfe , and gaue the command of the left to parmenio ; then putting the scout-horse with the paeonians into the riuer , and after them a phalangarchy of foot led by amyntas the sonne of arrabius , and then ptolomy the sonne of phillip , who commanded the troope of socrates , which troop had the vaunt of all the horse that day , himselfe with the right wing entred the riuer ( the trumpets sounding , and the army giuing a shout ) extending still his battell bias-wise against the streame ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to the end the persians might not fall vpon him , as he led in a wing , but himselfe , as much as was possible , might come to ioyne with them , hauing the front of his phalange extended in length . the persians cast h darts from the high ground against the troopes of amyntas and of socrates , as they approached to the further banke , and some of them , where the ground was more euen , descended to the brinke of the riuer ; so there was thrusting and sholdering of horsemen , some to ascend out of the riuer , some to hinder the ascent . the persians let flye many a dart , the macedonians fought with speares : the first macedonians that came to hands with the persians , were cut a peeces fighting valiantly , saue only those that retired vnto alexander , who was now neere aduanced with the right wing : he himself first of all charged the persians , where the principal strength of the whole body of their horse and the generals of the field stood ; about him was a strong fight , and in the meane time one troope after another passed easily ouer the riuer . this passage of the history is long , and therefore i forbeare to recite the rest , onely i adde , that after a long fight the persians were forced to flye , and the victory remained with alexander . and this , that i haue recited , may serue to shew the vse of this kinde of loxe-phalange , which was practised by alexander to no other end , then to gaine the passage of the riuer ; for in this forme hee would neuer haue fought , nor is there any president for it out of his battels ranged vpon euen ground , where he might haue chosen the forme he liked best ; but here he was to get ouer a riuer , the enemy held the bankes on the other side with . horse ordered in a broad phalange ; the riuer was full of shallowes and depths , and thereby hardly passable ; the bankes on the other side steepe and broken , and hard to ascend : parmenio disswaded him to lead in a wing or herse , and himselfe had no great fancie to aduenture in that forme . in a broad-fronted phalange he could not , which must needs haue beene broken by the vnequall footing in the bottome of the riuer ? what did hee then ? hee thought best to choose a passable foord , and through it to put ouer the right wing of his army slope-wise toward the further banke , whither when they came , they should proceed against the streame ; that the front being still extended , and the rest comming vp and ioyning , he might front toward and charge the enemy phalange-wise . and that this was his meaning is plaine by a polyen , who rehearsing the same stratagem , saith , that alexander led his army in that forme along the further banke to the end to ouer-front the enemies horse-battaile : so that this kinde of loxe or vneuen-fronted phalange is no forme to fight in , as i conceiue , but hath beene sometimes taken vp , as a meanes to attaine to a ground fit for a better forme ; as alexander changed it as soone as he came to the banks of the riuer on the other side . the other ( as i said ) great generals haue vsed , and by it haue gained great victories . i will adde an example or two , whereby the vse of it may more clearely appeare : epaminondas the theban in a field against the lacedemonians , gained a famous victory by this forme : b diadorus siculus writeth thus , the baeotians also being ready to fight , the battailes on both sides were fashioned in this order : amongst the lacedemonians the chiefetaines of the race of hercules had the wings ( viz. cleombrotus the king , and archidamus who was the sonne of agesilaus , the other king : ) on the baeotian side epaminondas vsing a peculiar and choice kinde of embattailing , obtained a renowned victory by his martiall skill : for , selecting the best men out of all his troopes , he opposed them against one of the enemies wings , himselfe resoluing in his owne person to try the fortune of the day with them . against the other wing he set the weakest , commanding them c to fight retyring , and to giue ground by little and little , when the enemy came on to charge ; framing therefore an vneuen fronted phalange , he determined to hazard the fight d with that wing , which consisted of his chosen soldiers : the trumpets sounded , and the armies gaue a shout , and the lacedemonians figuring a halfe moone thrust out both their wings of purpose to enuiron the baeotians , who with one of their wings retired , with the other ran forth to ioyne with the enemy : after ioyning , the victorie hung a good while doubtfull thorough the valour of both parties , notwithstanding epaminondas by the manhood of his people , and the e thicknesse of his battaile hauing the better , many of the lacedemonians fell ; for they were not able to endure the weight of the resolution of those chosen men , yet so long as cleombrotus liued , and had many to f ioyne targets for his defence , and ready to dye before him , the sway of victory was vncertaine : but after he had cast himselfe into all kinde of dangers , and yet could not force the enemy to retire , fighting heroically he was borne to ground with many wounds , and so ended his daies : there arose a flocking and concourse about his body , and multitudes of dead men were heaped one vpon another . that wing , being now without a commander , was hardly laid to by epaminondas and first with plaine force somewhat disordered . the lacedemonians on the other side , brauely hazarding for their king ; recouered his dead body , but could not attaine to the victory : as also the selected band , albeit prouoked by the vertue and exhortation of epaminondas , it vsed extraordinary valour , yet with much adoe did it force the battaile of the lacedemonians , who first giuing backe , somewhat disordered themselues ; at last many falling , and no man being to command them , the whole armie tooke it selfe to flight . epaminondas his soldiers followed the chace , slew many , made themselues masters of the field , and carried away a notable and famous victory . their honour was the more , because they fought with the most valiant men of all the grecians , and ouercame them being many more in number then themselues , contrary to all mens expectation ; but of all other epaminondas was the man that merited most praise , who by his owne valour and martiall skill , won a battaile against those generals of greece , which to that day were held inuincible . this testimony of the loxephalange is somewhat long , but the worthinesse of the circumstances will , i hope , beare me out to recite it , wherein the forme agreeable to aelian is first to be noted , as aduancing one wing against the enemy , and holding off the other ; albeit it goe a little further then aelian prescribeth , in that the wing kept off , stood not still , waiting time to come forward , but when the enemy came vp , ioyned with him , giuing ground , of purpose to distract his phalange , and on that side to busie him with a slow fight , lest happily he might giue vpon the aduerse flanke of epaminondas and succour his owne partie that already was in fight . it sheweth besides , the aduantage of military skill ; for the lacedemonians , masters of armes at that day in greece , hauing fashioned a halfe moone , and imagining in that forme to inclose the small number of the baeotians , and to charge them on euery side , epaminondas with his loxe phalange so plyed the front of their wings , that the rest of the halfe moone , being neuer able to strike stroake , became vnprofitable : it shewes further what kinde of battaile is fittest to encounter the halfe moone : lastly , it hath the reason and vse of the loxe phalange ; that is , to charge one of the enemies wings with the best and strongest part of our forces , and at the same instant to annoy him with the other wing , thereby to embarre him from giuing aide to his people that were in fight . g alexander vsed this forme at gangamela , beginning the fight and victory with his right wing , and after with his victorious troopes succouring his left wing , that was in danger to be routed by the persians . the like forme with the like successe was vsed by h antigonus against eumenes ; it is a battaile worth the rehearsing , but i haue beene long in the example of epaminondas , and therefore referre the reader to the quotation . i demetrius framed the like battaile against ptolomy and seleucus , albeit he were frustrated of his hopes in the euent by the foresight of ptolomy , who opposed his choisest troopes against that wing of demetrius , which was first to vndertake the charge . hitherto of these three formes of phalanges , see the figures , in which albeit the two first be portraited without interuals , yet you must in the broad-fronted phalange vnderstand the three interuals vsuall in the macedonian fourefold phalange : and in the herse the spaces betwixt the reare of the bodies that lead , and of the front of those that follow . parembole , protaxis , epitaxis , prostaxis , entaxis , and hypotaxis . chap. xxxi . ( ) parembole , or insertion , is , when souldiers being placed in a body , we take some of the hindmost , and order them within the distances of the first , drawing them vp in an equall front . ( ) protaxis , or forefronting , is , when we place the light-armed before the front of the armed , and make them forestanders , as the file-leaders are : ( ) when we order the light armed behind , it is called epitaxis , as it were an after-placing . ( ) prostaxis , or adioyning , is , when to both flankes of the battell , or to one flanke , some of the hindmost are added , the front of them which are added lying euen with the front of the battell . this addition is called prostaxis . ( ) entaxis or insition , is , when it seemeth good to set the light armed within the spaces of the phalange , man to man. ( ) hypotaxis or double-winging , is , when a man bestoweth the light armed on the wings of the phalange , so that the whole figure resembleth a threefold gate or doore . cap. . hypotaxis , or double-winging entaxis , or insertion protaxis , or forefronting notes . this chapter sheweth the inlarging of a phalange or battell , by diuers placings partly of the armed , partly of the light-armed . it is not hard to be vnderstood ; the rather because most of the alterations here mentioned are spoken of heretofore either in aelian , or in my notes : sixe formes are here set downe , two by changing the place of some of the armed , the other foure by changing the place of the light-armed , the armed are altered by b parembole or c prostaxis , the light armed by d protaxis , e epitaxis , f entaxis , and g hypotaxis ; what the signification of each is shall be shewed in the notes following . . parembole . ] this must alwayes be of armed , which are taken from the reare of the armed , and inserted betwixt the files of the front : of this kinde is the doubling of the front by middle men with their halfe files , whereof aelian hath spoken in the chapter , see the figure there . . protaxis or fore-fronting . ] i haue shewed before in the notes vpon the seuenth chapter , that the light-armed were diuersly placed in the front , in the reare , on the wings , within the battell ; when they are placed before , it is called protaxis , see the figure here : h ptolomie and seleucus being to fight against demetrius , who had many elephants , placed the light armed before , to the intent to wound the elephants and turne them away from their phalange : so alexander , so darius , at the battaile of issos , placed darters and slingers before the fronts of their phalange : they serue greatly to annoy the enemy being so placed , especially being not charged with horse or pikes ; if they be charged with either , they are to retire into the interuals of their owne battaile of pikes : see onosander cited by me in my notes vpon the chapter of this booke . . epitaxis . ] ordering of the light-armed behinde was the vsuall manner of the macedonian embattelling , from whence they drew them at pleasure to any place of seruice : see the chapter . . prostaxis ] it is , when armed are taken from behinde and laid to one or both flankes of the battell fronting euen with the front thereof , which is a doubling of rankes , as is before shewed , done when the hinder halfe files diuide themselues , march out and front with the fileleaders , or else march out entirely without diuision . entaxis ] incision is alwayes of the light armed into the spaces of the armed . it is all one with pareutaxis , another greeke word vsed in the same sence . . hypotaxis . ] placing of the light armed on the wings was much vsed in ancient time , as the manner is also at this day : but aelian would haue them so placed , that the eminency of them should make a hollow front in the battaile : patritius taketh hypotaxis to be the placing of the light armed in the reare , which seemeth to be a mistaking , both because the placing of them in the reare is in this chapter called epitaxis , and also because there being foure manners of ordering the light-armed , one in the front , another in the reare , the third within the body of the phalange man to man , the fourth in the wings : if this ordering should be vnderstood to be behinde the phalange , there would be two kinds of placing of the light armed in the reare , and none of ordering them in the flankes : besides , when aelian saith , they are placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnder the wings of the battell , he sufficiently expresseth himselfe , the flankes of the battaile on both sides being the vttermost parts of the wings . the vse , and aduantage of these exercises of armes . chap. xxxiv . these precepts of turning about of faces , of wheeling , and double wheeling of the battaile , and of reducing it to the first posture , are of great vse in ( ) sodaine approaches of the enemy , whether he shew himselfe on the right or left hand , or in the reare of our march . the like may be said of countermarches , of which the macedonians are held to be the inuenters of the macedonian , the lacedemonians of the lacedemonian , from whom the appellations are accordingly drawne . the histories witnesse , that phillip ( who much enlarged the macedonian kingdome , and ouer-came the grecians in a battaile at cheronea , and made himselfe generall of grecia ) and likewise his sonne alexander , who in short time conquered all asia , made small account of the macedonian countermarch , vnlesse necessity forced it ; and that by vse of the lacedemonian , they both became victorious ouer their enemies . for the macedonian countermarch , the enemy falling vpon the reare , is cause of great disorder , in asmuch as the hindermost marching vp to the front , and making shew of running away , it more incourageth and emboldeneth the enemy to fall on , for feare and pursuit of the enemy is ordinarily incident to this countermarch : but the lacedemo●ian countermarch is of contrary effect ; for when the enemy shewes himselfe in the reare , the file-leaders with their followers brauely aduancing , and opposing themselues , it striketh no small feare and terror into their mindes . notes . all the foure motions of a battaile ; facing , countermarching , doubling , and wheeling , are before handled : in this chapter aelian briefly rehearseth the vse of them , especially in . sodaine approaches of the enemy . ] if the enemy come sodainely vpon vs , he must direct himselfe either against our front , or our reare , or our flankes . if a against our front , we neede no other motion then that whereby we may strengthen our front , which is vsually done by doubling of rankes ; we march for the most part in a herse , in which forme there cannot come many hands to fight : and that is the reason why it is accounted the weakest forme to ioyne with the enemy . b doubling of rankes helpeth that defect , and bringeth as many hands to fight , as the proportion of forces will allow : if against the c reare , and time streight you not , and your battell be in open order , you haue the vse of d countermarch , which bringeth the best hands to fight ; for the file-leaders are esteemed the flower of the army : your battaile being in order or close order , you are to e wheele it about to your right or left cap. . the action of wheeling cap. . the manner of wheeling the first posture closing of files closing of rankes forward the front cap os cloinges closing to the middes● the front after closing y● right action closing to y● left ●and closing to y● right ●and the front before closing the front of y● battaile before closing hand , and so to oppose the front against the enemy . but in both these motions the caution of aelian is , that the enemy surprize you not whilest you are in the a 〈…〉 ion of countermarch or wheeling , lest taking his aduantage , hee charge you being in disorder . therefore if he come so neere , that you haue no liberty to countermarch or wheele , your onely refuge is to a face about to the right or left hand , for so he shall not be able to giue vpon your backe : if the enemy appeare vpon any flanke , countermarch of the front will not auaile , much lesse doubling against the flanke of ranks , or files , but you must either wheele your front to the flanke , or if you haue not time enough so to doe , you are to face your battell to that hand : the vse of these motions hath been handled in their seuerall chapters more at large . of the signes of direction which are to be giuin to the army , and of their seuerall kindes . chap. xxxv . ( ) we are to acquaint our forces both foot and horse , perfectly with the ( ) voice , and perfectly with ( ) visible signes , that whatsoeuer is fitting , may be executed and done , as occasion shall require . ( ) some things also are to be denounced by the trumpet : for so all directions will be fully accomplished , and sort to a desired effect . ( ) the signes therefore which are deliuered by voice , are most euident and cleere , if they haue no impediment . ( ) but the most certaine and least tumultuous signes are such as are presented to the eye ▪ if they be not obscured . the voice sometime cannot bee heard by reason of the clashing of ●rmour , or trampling or neying of horses , or tumult of carriage , or noise and confused sound of the multitude . the visible signes also become many waies vncertaine , by thicknesse of ayre , by dust , by raine , or snow , or sun-shine , or else through ground that is vneuen or ful of trees , or of turnings . and sometimes it will not be easie to find out signes for all vses , occasions eftsoones presenting new matter , to which a man is not accustomed : yet can it not so fall out , that either by voice , or by signall , we should not giue sure and certaine direction . notes . the ordinary motions in a phalange are all represented by aelian . now commeth hee to speake of signes , which direct , and are meanes of effecting all these motions , and without which the army is no army , but remains a body vngouernable , and may aptly be resembled to a shippe that hath no rudder : for as a ship in a tempest is driuen by all windes , tossed by waues , throwne euery way vpon rockes , vpon sands , vpon dangerous shoares , that is not guided by the master , who standeth and moueth at the helme ; so an army not directed by signes , and forecast of the general , is carried away through ignorance and violence of affection , sometimes of anger , sometimes offeare , sometimes of reuenge , and other vnbridled desires , and breaketh or else falleth into confusion through disorder , working little against the enemy , may rather giuing him meanes of a certaine victory . the shippe is like the army ▪ the generall like the master , the words of direction like the rudder , guiding all and euery motion of the army : for the army being a body of many heads ▪ whereof euery one hath a seuerall sense , hangeth together not by the naturall coherence and knitting of one member to another , but by artificiall ioyning of man to man , file to file , body to body , whereby it is gathered together into one masse , and figured into many members and ioynts , and ruled not by the reason and iudgement of it selfe , but by the reason and vnderstanding of the generall . so that no man is to demand why this or that is commanded , but is to execute it alone for this cause , because it is commanded : the generall then being to command , and direct the actions of the whole army , ought to finde out meanes to speake and discourse with them all at once , in such a language , as it were , that all may vnderstand at once . for the occurrence of warre being oftentimes sudden , and once slipt by , irrecouerable , require sudden meanes of speedy direction , that nothing fall out so vnlooked for , but the army may haue notice how to preuent and auoid , or else to turne it to their most aduantage ; the rather because in warre , safety and life come in question , in losse of which , no pardon of negligence can be admitted . and seeing there are two principall sences of aduertisement , the eare the one , the other the eye ; the eare to heare all manner of sounds , the eye to discerne all manner of colours and shapes , it hath been the witty inuentions so antient generals , to informe their armies by the one , and by the other ; by the eye when there was no vse of the eare ; by the eare when the eye could not be informed : the true obseruation and vse of these signes auaile much in warre . a vegetius saith , that nothing profiteth more to victory , then to obey the admonition of signes . former experience hath taught , that the neglect or error of signes , hath brought in great inconueniences , and quite ouerthrowne the enterprises in hand . b polybius remembreth it in aratus the elder , a generall of the achaeans , cratus , saith hee , the generall of the achaeans , seeking to get the cy●ethian city by a plot , agreed with those of his party within the citie , vpon a certain time to come by night to the riuer that runneth by cynethe , there refreshing and staying his army a while , and that those within taking their time , should send about mid-day out of the gate secretly one of their companions , to stand in a cloake by a hill appointed , which was not farre from the citie , to giue aduertisement to aratus to march on ▪ and that the rest about that time should lay hands vpon the polemarches , ( that vsed to guard the gates ) while they reposed themselues and slept : and that this done , the acheans should with all speed hasten to the gates , out of their ambush . these things concluded , and the time approaching , aratus came accordingly , and hiding himselfe by the riuer , awaited the signall : about the fifth houre , one of the citie an owner of sheepe , that bore extraordinary fine wooll , & were vsually feeding about the citie , came out of the city gate in a cloake , desirous to speake with the shepheard about some priuate businesse of his owne , and standing vpon the same hill , looked round about for the sheepheard . aratus and his folke imagining this to be the expected signall , ran in all hast toward the citie ; but because nothing was ready within , the gates were quickly shut , and not onely aratus missed of his purpose , but the citizens also that conspired with him ▪ fell into great misfortunes , being taken with the manner , and presently brought forth and put to death . this may be an example of error and misprision of the signe ▪ of the neglect , and likewise of the like error and misprision , there is a notable example in a caesars comentaries in the siege of alexia , where caesar hauing won the enemies campe , lying vpon a hill neere the towne , sounded a retreat to his army that was in fight : the ensignes of the tenth legion made a stand , but the souldiers of the other legions not hearing the sound of the trumpet , by reason of a valley , beyond which they were ; were yet held backe by the tribunes and legats , as caesar had giuen direction . notwithstanding , being puffed vp with the hope of a speedy victory , and with the fight of the enemy , and their happy battailes of former times , thinking nothing so hard that it might not be atchieued by their valour , they made no end of their chace , till they came neere to the wall , and gates of the towne ; and some of them entring at a gate , othersome clymbing vp the wall , imagined they had gotten possession of the towne . in the meane time the enemies forces , who were busie in fortifying without on the other side of the towne , being acquainted herewith by message , sent their horse before , and followed after themselues , and in great numbers charged the romans : the fight was hard , the enemy trusting to the aduantage of the place and to their number , the romans to their valour , when on the sudden were seene on the open side of the romans the heduan horse who serued in caesars armie , and were by him sent on the right hand to get vp the hill another way : they by likenesse of their armour put caesars souldiers in a great feare . and although it might easily ●e discerned , that their left shoulder was vnarmed , which was the signe of such as were friends , yet the romans conceiued them to be enemies , and to vse that deuice onely to ouer-reach and entrap them . being oppressed on all hands , and b centurions slaine , they were beaten from their ground with the losse of few lesse then men . caesars souldiers here offended in both kindes in the neglect of their generals command , which he gaue by signe , and in mistaking the signe , which was vsuall for the heduans to be knowne by . caesars iudgement of these two faults appeareth in his speech , which he made to his army presently vpon the losse ; in which he reprehended their rashnesse , in that they would needs take vpon them to iudge how farre they were to proceede , and neither be held in with the signe of retreat that was giuen , ●or yet be commanded by the tribunes and legates . he shewed of what force the disaduantage of ground was , and what his opinion was before this time at auaricum , where surprising the enemy without a generall and horse , he let an assured victory slip out of his hand , because he would not hazard , no not a small losse in fight vpon inequality of ground . as much as he admired their braue mindes and resolution , whom neither the fortifications of the enemies campe , nor the height of the mountaine , nor the wall of the towne could hold backe ; so much hee reprehended their presumption and arrogancy , in that about the victory and issue of things , they preferred their owne conceits before the opinion of their generall : for his part he required aswell modesty and continencie in a souldier , as valour and magnanimity . so caesar insinuating that obedience and heedfulnesse were two principall vertues in a souldier ; by the one to be ready at all commands , by the other to execute with discretion what was commanded : by want of heedfulnesse they perceiued not the signe of retreat which was proposed vnto them , and mistooke the marke of the heduans , whom they esteemed for their foes ; by want of obedience to their officers , they incurred the danger and losse which they sustained : diligent care therefore is to be had of signes , by which the minde of the generall in all directions is declared , and as it were set before the eyes of the whole army . the inuentors of the signes of warre were many . the ensigne was inuented by the egyptians , as i haue shewed in my notes vpon the chap. of this booke , where also the reason of the inuention is giuen . a the order of an army , the giuing of the signe , the watch , the watchword was inuented by palamedes , the trumpet by tirrhenus the sonne of hercules . to giue signes to an armie pertaineth , as i haue shewed , to him that is the gouernour thereof , that is , to the generall . the manner how signes were by him giuen , appeareth in b onosander , i will recite his words : let all signes , quoth he , ( he meaning by voyce ) and c by-signes be deliuered to the officers of the armie ; in asmuch as for a generall to goe vp and downe and proclaime the signe to all , is the part of an vnwise and vnexperienced man , and both time is lost in denoun●ing it , and it is often a cause of tumult , whilest euery man asketh what the signe is . besides , one addeth something to the generals words , another diminish●th them through ignorance . d leo hath almost the same wordes , at least the same sence , and as i take it , hee borroweth them from onosander . e onosander addeth , it behoueth him to giue the word to his highest commanders , who are to deliuer it ouer to the next to themselues , and they to their next inferiour officers , till it come to the last ; for so shall euery one speedily , decently , and quietly know what is commanded . and this was the manner of the grecians , as may appeare by thucydides , who describing the vsage of the lacedemonians in giuing the word and signes , of direction , hath thus , and presently the lacedemonians ordered themselues in battaile , agis the king commanding , as their law is ; for when the king leadeth , all things are vnder his command , and hee giueth direction to the polemarches , they to the lochagij , who deliuer it to the pentecosters , and they to the enomotarches , from whom the souldiers of the enomoties haue it . this was then the manner of the grecians . how the romans did deliuer ou● their word you may finde in the sixt booke of f polybius . but because it pertaineth not to aelian , who intreateth of the graecian discipline alone , i remit the reader to my marginall quotation . the signe was then deliuered from the superior officers to the inferior , and from them to the souldier ▪ the kindes of signes that were deliuered are reckoned vp in this chapter , being in number two ; for they were presented either to the eare or to the eye ▪ to the eare , as all sounds , whether mans voice or trumpets , or other instruments of warre , which were presented for direction or motion of the army . to the eye , as all mute signes ( so they are called which haue no sound ) which were set vp to the view of the souldier for direction likewise : both of these kinds were either ordinary or extraordinary ; ordinary , which had daily vse in the army , as the trumpet , ensignes , and such like , as serued for ordinary direction . extraordinary , which were brought in as occasion was offered of new command : besides , some were deliuered openly , as the vocall , semiuocall and mute signes , which by proclamation , sound of instruments , or representation were set forth to the whole army at once ; some priuily , as the word , and such like , which passed secretly from one to another , and were receiued priuately in the eare . this variety was inuented , that in case one kinde failed , or would not serue , another might , as i haue noted before out of suidas vpon the ninth chapter , and as aelian teacheth in this chapter . the ends of signes are two , one to order and direct our owne forces , the other to distinguish them from the enemy . because i haue before spoken of the diuersity of vocall and mute signes , it shall not be amisse here to shew the vse of them both by examples . and this is first to be noted , that the graecians in gouerning their troopes , as much as they could , retained the vse of the voice . in publike directions they vsed the voice of the cryer ; i haue before noted it vpon the chapt. if the command required secrecy , the generall gaue it to his chiefe commanders secretly by word : of this kinde was the signe deliuered to discerne enemy from his owne souldiers in a battaile to be fought . a xenophon writeth , that at such time as cyrus the yonger and artaxerxes were to ioyne battaile , cyrus sitting on horse-backe a prettie distance from the grecian troopes , heard a murmuring noise running along through their whole battaile , and asking xenophon ( who was then present with him ) what noise it might be , and what it meant , xenophon told him , that the word was now giuen the second time : hee wondering who had reuealed the word to the enemy , desired to know what the new word was ; xenophon answered , it was iupiter the sauiour and victory ; which cyrus hearing , i accept it , saith he , and let it be so . the murmure here mentioned arose out of the deliuering of the signe of the battaile , which being deliuered to the inferiour officers by clearchus , the chiefe commander of the grecians , and the officers communicating it to the souldiers , and the souldiers one to another , went thorough the whole body of the phalange with a soft and stil noyse of them , that whispered it in the eares of their companions . xenophon hath here set downe , that the word was iupiter the sauiour and victory ; in d another place he hath , iupiter the sauiour and hercules the guide , for the signe . to know who was an enemy who a friend , the souldiers meeting one another demanded the signe ; if they deliuered the word giuen by the generall , they held them for friends , if otherwise , for enemies : e polyen telleth of one acues an arcadian generall , who commanded his souldiers to kill him , whosoeuer he were that should aske the word : so that he made the voice of the enemy serue for the word to his owne souldiers . this signe was changed in euery battaile , lest , if still the same signes were vsed , the enemy might happily come to the knowledge of them , and so be taken for friend , vnder colour whereof much treason might be wrought : not much vnlike the signe giuen in a battell to be fought , is the watch-word by night , which was vsually deliuered to the first officers of the army , and by them deriued to the rest , and so brought downe to the souldiers , and was no lesse obserued in a citie , then in the campe ; in both which the same forme of watching was held , saue that in a campe there were sentinels per due , as we terme them at this day ( the grecians called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) who stood and watched without the trench of the campe ; whereas the cities for the most part had sentinels watching onely vpon the wals or market-place , or other pieces of strength giuing to , and receiuing the word from the rounders . and as the signes of battaile varied vpon occasion , as the last example spesified , so the watch-words were often changed , for feare they might come to the notice of the enemy ; for the enemy hauing the watch-word , might nourish spies in our campe or citie , and haue certaine intelligence of all , that passeth there , as being taken for friends , because they carried the marke and tokens of friends ; and they were changed not onely at the reliefe of the watch , which time is the vsuall moment of varying the word , but oftentimes after the same night , for feare that a sentinell might be snatched vp without the campe by an enemy , or else because of treason within , in reuealing the word to the enemy ; oftentimes also they gaue a d double word , one to the sentinell , another to the round ; and sometimes added a d mute signe , to the word , which kind they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were a by-signe , : and these are all the secret signes by word , which i finde in the grecian practise . for the other words , as the exhortation of the generall to the army , and the words of training deliuered by the cryer to the souldiers , ( for euery company had a cryer , because his voice was stronger and lowder then the captaines , ) they neither are secret , and seeme rather to be in the nature of commands , then signes . the single word of battell and watch , i find to bee called by no other name then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if it were a double word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if a mute signe were ioyned to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the voice then of a man was vsed for a signe either when secrecie was required , or else where the crier might bee heard in discharging his duty by proclamation , because it was weake and could not extend to the hearing of ths whole army , and many things required for publike and quicke direction , instruments of sound were brought in . vegetius saith very well , because a multitude cannot be gouerned by voice alone in the tumults of fight , and because many things are to bee commanded and done , according to necessity , the ancient vse of all nations found out , how the whole army by signes might with speed haue notice of and follow that , which the generall iudged profitable for it . to helpe therefore the weakenesse of the voice , instruments of sound were brought in , which were of three sorts amongst the grecians , the trumpet , the flute , and the harpe . the a flute was vsed by the lacedemonians the harpe by the cretans . ( euen to the ioyning of battaile ) all other grecians vsed the trumpet . b and yet in the battaile during the time of fight , and in retreats , the lacedemonians also vsed the trumpet . i haue noted it before vpon the chapter , where i haue also touched in what occasions and actions the trumpet was the signe . now will i giue some presidents of the particulars thece remembred . and first the trumpet gaue the signe of remouing the campe : which appeareth by this precpt of c leo ; when you will remoue your campe without tumult , you are to giuen commandement ouer night . and againe , the same day in which you remoue , you are in the morning by day light to signifie the remoue by sound of the trumpet three times , and then remoue , and the leaders and the armed are to goe out first , then the wagons , if any bee , and then other things which are carried for the vse of the army . thus leo , for the remoue by day . by night , the army of the grecians that fought with artaxerxes ( as d xenophon reporteth ) remoued after this sort . after the death of cyrus , the grecians that followed cyrus , being in distresse , and pinched with want of al things , not knowing what course to take , and hauing a message from arieus ( a chiefe persian commander vnder cyrus while he liued ) to come and ioyne with him , that they might returne together to ionia , from whence they first began to march , clearchus the principall commander of grecians being determined to doe as arieus counselled , and yet loth the enemy should know of his departure , gaue these directions to the army , this must de your course , saith hee , wee must goe euery man to his lodging , and sup with such prouision as he hath , and when the horne giueth the signe to rest , trusse vp your baggage , at the second signe lay it vpon the carriage beasts , at the third euery man follow his leader . the captaines and coronels hearing this , did as they were commanded . this practise of clearchus differeth not much from leos precept ; for hee vsed three sounds of the trumpet , and so leo doth command : clearchus yet further sheweth what was bee done at euery signe , which leo pretermitteth , perhaps as a thing commonly knowne : besides , clearchus vsed all these signes for another end , then for which they were first instituted . the grecians at euening discharged their workemen from their worke by sound of trumpet , and that was called the signe of rest : then they diuided the night into foure parts , which were called foure watches , because rheir sentinels were foure times releeued in a night , and at euery reliefe the trumpet sounded . now the sounds of the trumpet by night , clearchus conuerted into signes for marching according to leoes prescription , and remoued his campe , the enemy not perceiuing it . hence it appeareth then that the campe was remoued by the sound of the trumpet : and yet i finde that alexander brought in an alteration about this signe of remoouing : for a curtius remembreth that alexander at the first vsed it , but perceiuing afterwards , that this signe could hardly be discerned by the whole army , by reason of the noise and stirring of the multitude , thought it better to sticke downe a pole , and vpon the top of it to hang a coloured cloth , to giue his army notice , that hee meant to remoue , and euer after held himselfe to that signe . the trumpet likewise was the b signe of fight : and when all the trumpets of the army sounded , it was called c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in latine classium ; ) and the whole army hearing this signe , began to aduance , and sung the d paean , and gaue a shout , and presently ioyned with the enemy . the greeke histories euery where giue testimony hereof . but wee are to note that this sounding of trumpets all together , was before the army came to ioyne with the enemy , and that the end of it was to strike a terror into the enemy , and to encourage and stirre vp the mindes of their owne people to fight ; for in the time of fight , they vsed another manner according to this precept of e leo , i would not aduise you to sound with many trumpets , during the time of conflict , it being a thing both hurtfull , and bringing with it tumult and confusion : for thereby no commander can bee heard . but if the place bee found plaine and euen , the trumpet of the middle battell will bee sufficient for all the other battels : if it be vneuen , or the winde , as it often happeneth , boisterous , or the noise of waters hinder the cleernesse of the sound , it will not bee inconuenient for a trumpet to speake in euery battell so that three may be sounded in the whole army . for the more that stilnesse is obserued , the lesse shall the youger sort of souldiers be disturbed , or the beasts affrighted , and more terrible shall the battell seeme to the enemy , and directions be better heard and put in execution . the trumpes were therefore the signes of fight , first all sounding together when the army went to charge , and afterward one or three at the most during the time of fight . and as the signe of fight was giuen by the trumpet , so was the signe of retreat . this also is manifest by the stratagem of pammenes . polyen relateth that hee c deceiued his enemies by vsing a contrary course in sounding the trumpet , then the common manner was , commanding his souldiers when hee sounded the retreat , they should goe to charge ; when he sounded a charge , they should retreat : in doing whereof , he greatly annoyed his enemies . the example of g agesilaus cited by mee in my notes vpon the chapter sheweth , that the trumpet was vsed for retreats : and the history of callicratidas reported by diodor. scic . in his booke ; suidas nameth this kinde of sound giuen by the trumpet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it were a calling backe , or a command to retire . the trumpet finally was vsed as a signe for the army to stand , or to goe forward as the businesse required . albeit i must confesse , there were other vsuall signes besides the trumpet in this case : a leo saith , in exercise of horse , when you are to mooue the body , you are to giue signe either with the voice alone , or with the trumpet , or else with the bowing downe of a baneroll , and so to moue them . and if you would haue them to make alte , you are to doe it either with he voice , saying stand , or with the trumpet or with the noise of a targetbeaten vpon with a sword . the like he speaketh of the exercise of foot in the same chap and after in the ch. he saith , you shall command the souldiers to stand , by knowing exactly the soūd of the trumpet , & again to moue by the sound of the trumpet . so that although other signes were giuen for marching & retreat , yet the most cōmon signe was by the trumpet . b now we are to vnderstand , that all signes giuen by sound to the eare ( except by the voyce ) are called signa semiuocalia , because albeit their sound be lowder and stronger for the most part then the voyce is , yet they are not articulated , as is the sound of the voice . hitherto of signes that were giuen to the eare by the sound . now are we to speake briefly of mute signes , or those that were set vp , as it were , a marke for the eye . mute sign swere of two kindes : for either they were simple , and vsed by themselues , as an obiect of the eye alone , or else they were mixed , and ioyned to signes of sound , and so communicated both to the eye and to the eare . of the second for were those whereof i haue spoken a little before , and they were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , namely when a mute si ne is added to a vocall : as when to the word in the night is ioyned some speciall gesture of the body , as holding downe or nodding of the head , lifting vp the hand , putting off the hat , heauing vp the skirt of the garment , &c. concerning which see c onosander and d of the first kinde were signes presented to the eye alone , which extended very largely , and serued where neither voyce not trumpet could be heard by reason of the remorenesse of the place ; these were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signes properly , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 likewise , because it was agreed by the parties , who gaue and tooke them , that they should haue such and such signification . the words be different , but the meaning and effect is all one ; for as no signe can be , but there must be a giuer and a taker of the signe , so ●● that respect the signes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reason of the communication betwixt the giuer and taker of the signe , may aptly also be tearmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and albeit i noted before that the signe of the battaile and the watchword was called by no other name but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken often for a mute signe also : many occasions were of giuing these signes , and they were sometimes shewen by day sometimes by night , and in the day time they were sometime proposed in the battaile , sometime in other places , where they might be perceiued . e arrian historieth of alexander the great , that at his being in the country of the taulantians , his enemies clytus and glaucias , had with man● horse , darters , and slingers , and not a few armed men , taken the mountaines and high places , by which he was to passe in returning . the place was streight and wooddy , shut vp on the one side with a riuer , on the other side with an exceeding high mountaine , the sides whereof were very steepe , so that the armie could not march with more then foure armed in front . alexander marshalled his troopes to in depth , and ordering horse on each wing , he commanded silence , and heede to be taken to his directions : and first he willed the armed to aduance their pikes , then vpon a e signe giuen to let them fall , and charge , then to turne them close knit to the right hand , then to the left , and sometime he moued the battell quickly forward , and sometime he moued it to the one wing , sometime to the other . and so fashioning it into diuers shapes in short time , and at last casting it into a wedge , as it were , he led it against the enemy ; who stood wondering at the speedinesse and good order of the diuers motions ; and now perceiuing the armie to be led against them , abode not the charge , but left the hill , which he held , and fled . here are mentioned seuen seuerall motions of the phalange , which wee haue in practice at this day : aduancing of pikes , charging of them , first to the right hand , then to the left hand , mouing of the battell forward , mouing it to the right wing , and then to the left . and all these motions were directed by a signe ; what this signe was , may be doubted , because it is not expressed whether it was by voice , trumpet , or a mute signe . for my part i would not take it to haue beene by voyce ; for how could the voice be heard in so great an army as alexander had ( which according to f diodorus siculus consisted of foot and horse ) and was stretched out in depth , and had but foure armed in front : nor yet would i imagine it to haue beene giuen by trumpet ; because , though perhaps the trumpet might be heard of all the army , by reason of the eccho rebounding from the mountaine and riuer , yet could it not fitly and cleerely distinguish the sound that should direct these seuen seuerall motions : i haue before declared in what case the trumpet was employed . let me with leaue therefore thinke , that it was a mute signe presented to the eye ; as for the purpose a coate , or other garment fastned to the end of a long staffe , the colour whereof being eminent , and the staffe being lifted aloft might be perceiued by the whole army . the signe then aduanced to the full height , might signifie aduancing of pikes , which was the first motion . being abased and held leuell before the front , charging to the front , which was the second motion ; held out leuell to the right flanke charging to the right hand , to the left flanke , charging to the left hand ; which were the third and fourth motions of alexander : mouing forward in front , it might be a signe for the battell to follow , which was the fift . mouing to the right hand , for the battell to march to the right , which was the sixt : to the left , for the battell to moue to the left , which was the seuenth ; which motion might more easily be performed , in case the ensignes of the particular companies tooke their direction from the maine signe , and so framed themselues to the same motions , and the souldiers to the motions of their ensignes : this i say is my coniecture , wherein notwithstanding i preiudice no mans opinion , but leaue euery man to his owne conceit and sence . g xenophon relateth a notable example of iphicrates the athenian , who being chosen admirall by the citie , as soone as he began to take the sea with his nauie , both at once sailed , and also prepared all things necessary for sea-fight : for he left at home the greater sailes , as one that sailed forth to fight , and seldome vsed the greater masts , were the winde neuer so faire , but hasting forward with the oare , he both made the bodies of his men strong and healthy , and the nauie gained a speedier way : and oftentimes where he meant to dine , there would he draw his whole nauie from the shoare in h a wing ? and turning them about , and addressing their prowes to the land , giue a signe for the ships to hasten with all celerity to the land , euery one as it could . it was a great reward and victory for those that came first to land , to water , and take all thing they needed , as also to dine , and a great punishment to the sluggards to want those commodities , and besides to put to sea again , when the signe was giuen : for the first did all things at ease , and as they list , the last were streightn●d with haste , and must doe as they could . when , by chance he dined in the enemies countrie , he set out sentinels some vpon land as behooued , other vpon ships rearing vp the masts , that from them they might take a view of all things : for these being placed in a higher station , might easily discerne and see further , then the other standing vpon euen ground : wheresoeuer he supped and slept , he suffered no fires to be made in the campe by night , but held light before the campe , that no man might haue accesse to it without discouery . oftentimes in faire weather , he no sooner supped , but put to sea againe , and in case there were a fresh gale , sailed forward ▪ and the sailers in the meane time gaue themselues to rest : when hast was needfull he releeued the saylers by turnes , and in the day time vpon a signes led sometimes in a wing , some times in a phalange . that these were mute signes from the admirall ship ( besides that , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth so much for the most part ) no man i thinke acquainted with sea-seruice will make question , considering that both voice and b trumpet easily giue place to the whistling of windes and roaring of tempests , and raging of waues of the sea. to say nothing of the distance of one ship from another , nor of the tumult and cry of mariners , or sound of oares ( for in those times sea-fights were altogether in gallies driuen with oares ) which make them vncapable of direction by any other kinde of signe . and for these mute signes to be giuen by sea , i meane , of what kinde they should be , and to what end , and in what manner deliuered , i thinke good to cite the words of the emperour leo , which sound thus : c let there be , saith he , in your galley d a signe standing in some eminent place , either an ensigne , or some banerall , or some such like , wherewith after you haue signified what is to be done , your direction may straight be vnderstood and executed , whether you would haue your nauie to goe to charge , or retire from the enemy , or to countermarch to encompasse the enemy , or to hasten to relieue some of your owne party distressed , or slacke or quicken their aduancing , or lay or auoid an ambush , or such like : that they seeing the signes ●rom your ship , may receiue direction what is to be done . and a little after he declareth the manner and vsage of these signes , saying ; let the signe e be showne either standing vpright , or enclining to the right or left hand , or lifted aloft , or let fall low , or be taken cleane away , or transported to another place , or changing by making the head of it appeare in diuers formes by adding other shapes of colours vnto it , as was vsed by the ancients . for their manner was in the day of battaile to reare vp a red coloured signe , which they called f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it was nothing else but a peece of red cloath exalted vpon a long staffe , and such like ; but it may be more safely deliuered by your owne hand . i thought good to cite these passages of leo , the rather to giue light to the place last before recited out of zenophon . for out of this precept of leo the practise of iphicrates his motions may more perspicuously appeare . now that these red coloured signes , and signes of other colours also were vsed in fights on land , g polybius sheweth in the battell betweene antigonus the macedonian king , and cleomenes the king of sparta . antigonus army consisted of diuers nations , macedonians , agrians , galatians , achaeans , baeotians , epirotes , acarnans , illyrians . cleomenes his enemy had taken and fortified all the streight passages which led into the territory of the lacedemonians ( for thither did antigonus bend his inuasion ) and so disposed his forces that antigonus could not passe without fight : hereupon antigonus resolued to fight ; and because his fight was to be ordered in and against diuers places , and at diuers times , as his aduantage fell out , he gaue diuers signes to his different people , when to giue on : h the signe to the illyrians was , then to charge vp cap. . the coelembolos , or hollow-fronted wedge the right induction the front cap. . the coelembolos the left wing the phalange set against the left wing of the coelembolos the front the forbearing phglange the right wing the phalange set against the right wing of the coelembolos cap ▪ . the file-leaders a deduction to the left hand a right induction the front a deduction to the right hand the file leaders the hill , when they saw a white linnen cloath held vp from the place about olympas , to the megalopolitans and horse , when they saw the king lift vp a purple garment . a caesar commanded his souldiers not to ●ight without his direction , saying . he would giue a signe with an ensigne , when he would haue them begin . and albeit the colour of red was vsed for the most part in signals , yet was not the party that gaue the signe precisely tyed to any colour : it was enough if the signe might giue notice of the generals intent to them , whom it concerned : the first b ptolowie gaue a signe to his nauie to begin the fight by hoisting vp a gui●● target in his admirall galley , c other with holding vp or shaking their garment , or their hand , or with wearing some vnusuall marke vpon a horse , vpon armes , vpon vestures , or such like . this is to be noted for a generall rule , that when you finde in history a signe was giuen at a great distance , and it is not expressed what signe it was , you must vnderstand that it was a mute signe presented to the eye , because the sence of hearing is feeble , and not able to discerne farre off . hitherto of mute signes giuen by day . in the night , when all was couered with darknesse , and the vse of sight taken away , the vsuall manner was to giue a signe by flame of fire , which manner of signall might be descried in the night , being the darknesse neuer so great : d scipio africanus the younger , hauing enclosed numintia round about with a trench and rampier , commanded that if the enemy fell out vpon any part of his fortification , a red peece of cloath should be held out by day vpon a long staffe , a flaming fire by night , that himselfe or his chiefe officers might come to succour . the like shall you finde in casars commentaries and q. curtius and in other historiographers both greeke and latine . these were the signes vsed in the battell , and in the campe : without the campe were set sentinels both horse and foot to fore-warne and giue aduerrisement to the generall of the enemies approach . to f these oftentimes the generall gaue a signe amongst themselues , and they by signes signified what was done abroad ▪ for the manner of placing these sentinels , see aeneas . the signes themselues were such as might be discerned by the eye , and of that kinde and forme whereof i haue made mention already . of marching , and of the diuers kind of battels fit for a march . and first of the right induction , of the caelembolos , and of the triphalange to be opposed against it . chap. xxxvi . ( ) being now to speake of marching , i will first giue to vnderstand that some kinde of march is a ( ) right-induction , othersome a ( ) deduction on the right or left hand , and that in a single , or double , or treble , or quadruplesided battell : in a single , when one enemy is feared , in a double , when two in a treble , when three in a quadruple , when the enemy purposeth to giue on all sides . therefore the march is vndertaken sometimes in a single , sometimes in a double , or in a threefold , or in a fourefold phalange . ( ) a right induction is , when one body of the same kinde followeth another ; as if a xenagy lead , the rest follow xenage-wise ; or if a tetrarchy lead , the rest follow according to that forme . it is so called when the march stretcheth it selfe forth into a wing , hauing the depth many times exceeding the length . against it is opposed the caelembolos or hollow-wedge , which is framed when the antistomus diphalange disioyneth the leading wings , closing the reare in forme of the letter v , as the figure after doth teach , in which the front is disseuered , and the reare ioyned and knit together : for the right induction pointing at the midst of the enemies battell , the caelembolos quickly opening before , serueth both to frustrate the charge of the front of the induction , and to claspe in and circumuent the flanks thereof . furthermore a triphalange is to be set against the caelembolos , one phalange fighting against one wing of the caelembolos , the second against the other , and the middle or third phalange forbearing , and expecting a time fit to charge . notes . the marching of an army is a principall head of warre . aelian toucheth it no further , then to shew the order and shapes of battels fit for a march : and were it possible , that all grounds were alike open , and without impediments , as namely without trees , ditches , hedge-rowes ragged waies , valleys , hils , brooks , and such like , the best forme of your marching should be to proceede with your whole phalange in a square battell , which forme is teady for all attempts of the enemy , and is the beginning and sourse of other formes , and with no great difficulty wil take & be changed into any shape you desire . a leo sheweth the inconueniency of the herse or induction in marching thorow champaine and large plaines , first in that the enemy with a broad-fronted battaile may enfold and encompasse the front , and so easily rout it then , because if the enemy charge the flanke it will quickly be broken , as being without depth : further , if he fall vpon the reare , it is in the like danger of encompassing , as was the front : lastly neither can the front giue succour and assistance to the reare , in case it be ouerpressed by the enemy , nor yet the reare to the front , they being so farre distance one from another . and he concludeth that the forme of a square or broad-fronted battaile , is fit for a march in all occasions , being easily to be ordered , and without danger . but seeing it is not possible , as b polibius saith , or else very hard to finde out places of furlong , or more , where in none of the impediments aboue recited shall be , the formes of marching must necessarily be accommodated to the ground and wayes through which your forces are to passe : what formes they be , the following chapters will shew . . some kinde of march is a right induction . ) the expectation of the enemies approach is oftentimes a cause of varying th● kindes of march : if he alwayes appeared in front , there should need no other proceeding then with the file-leaders in front : because he seekes his aduantage , and in the march sometimes attacheth the reare , sometimes one flanke , sometimes another , the grecians to prouide for all attempts , so ordered their march , that wheresoeuer they feared the enemies giuing on , there they opposed the file-leaders , as the best men of the armie , and most able to receiue the affront : yet for the most part the march was vndertaken in a right induction , that is ; without inuerting the ordinary kind of file-leading in front , which also is our manner of marching at this day . but yet sometimes in a . deduction on the right or left hand . ] there is but one kind of right induction , viz. a march , that hath the file-leaders in the front . of deductions there are kinds : one to the right , the other to the left hand . and because the file-leaders march on the right or left hand flanke , not in front ; therefore the one is called a right hand deduction ; the other a left hand deduction . so that not the body which continueth or beginneth the march , but the place of the file-leaders in the march , makes the difference betwixt induction and deduction . what the vse of deduction is , we shall see in the next chapter . . a right induction is . ] aelian describeth the right induction by the marching of seuerall bodies of one kind one after another : as if a a xenagy lead , all the rest of the forces are to bee separated into xenagies , and singly one after another to follow the first leading xenagy : so of other bodies lesser or greater . notwithstanding in a right induction , wee must take this caution withall , that the file-leaders proceed in the front ; for otherwise if they bee placed in the flanke , it is now no induction , but a deduction , howsoeuer the seuerall bodies of a kind follow one another . this is that manner of marching which is called , marching in a wing , of which i haue spoken sufficiently in my notes vpon the chapter . there are other kind of inductiue marches set forth in the greeke history , which are not altogether of the forme which aelian describeth : for where aelian would haue xenagies to follow one another with the file-leaders in front , his meaning is , that the whole files of the xenagie should bee laid together all the file-leaders being layed in an euen front . now you haue examples where whole companies march in one file ; so that all the file-leaders haue not the front , but rest included in the inward parts of the file , and yet many of these files ioyned together make an induction . a xenophon reporteth , that when cyrus the elder was mustering and exercising his army in the field , there came vnto him a messenger from cyaxares the king of the : medes , being cyrus his vnkle , signifying , that an ambassador was arriued from the indies , in which regard , said hee , the king would haue you to come to him with all speed , and i bring you from cyaxares one of his richest garments : for he desireth in regard the indians are to see you , that your presence may bee adorned with as faire and sumptuous apparell as may bee . cyrus receiuing this message , commanded the first b taxiarchi to stand in front , hauing his company ordered behind him in c one file , and himselfe holding the right corner file of the battell , and willed him to deliuer that command to the second taxiarch , and so the word to passe to the rest : they quickly obeyed , and put the command in execution ; and so it came to passe in short space , that the front had in it , ( for so many the taxiarches were ) the depth of the battell . after they stood in this order , hee commanded them to follow , as he led , and straightway he led them running : but because hee perceiued that the way was too streight to march with so many in front , hee willed the first d chiliarchy to follow in the same order in which it then was , and the second in the reare thereof , and so the rest : and he sent two sergeants to the turnings of the way , to giue direction to such as were not fully instructed in the businesse . when they were come to cyaxares gate , hee willed the first taxiarch to order his company deepe , and the e dodecadarches to stand in front all along the pallace ; and hee willed to signifie so much to the next taxiarch ; and so the rest one to another through the whole army . they did as they were commanded : and he went in to cyaxares . here haue you first a company drawne into file , and so standing ; then companies fashioned into files , and laid flanke-wise to the first , and so marching as long as the ground would permit : the ground afterward being capable of no more then in front , the chiliarchy of the right hand was drawne forth to leade the march , which consisted of companies , the body being in front , and in depth : the rest of all the chiliarchies followed the reare one of another in the same order : comming to a place where alte was to be made , the first taxiarch drew out his company by , placing the first file leader in front with the first of the file , and sleeuing vp the dodecadarch of the same file to front with the file leader , and the hindermost of them that followed him to ranke with the former halfe file ; the like was done by the other files , so that each taxis had in front , and in depth , and there being men in that army , the whole army comprehended taxis , the halfe files of a peece , amount to the number of : so many men in number also making the front of the army . and for the leading of the first chiliarchy in the straight way , and the rest following in the like forme , it was an induction , which notwithstanding differeth from aelians induction . aelians chiliarchy in the induction requireth the file leaders in front , this dispersed them in the whole body , aelians chiliarchy would haue had but in depth , this had . for marching in like manner with the captains before , and the single files of a company cast into one file after them , i finde another example in a xenophon . the elder cyrus being to inuade assyria by night , directeth his army thus ; let vs leaue with the carriage beasts and waggons , such as are fittest for that seruice , and let cobrias be their leader , because hee is both skilfull in the waies , and otherwise sufficient for any affaire of command : and let vs set forward with the best and most able horse and foot , carrying with vs victuall for three daies : for the lighter , and with the lesse cumber wee shall appoint out selues , with so much the more pleasure the after passing daies shall we dine , suppe , and sleepe . now let the march bee ordered in this manner : first , you chrysanthas , lead the b armed foote with all their captaines in front , as long as the way is euen and broad ; and let euery company bee ordered in c depth souldier after souldier file-wise ; for the closser wee put our selues together , the sooner and safer shall wee end our march . the cause why i would haue the armed goe before , is in regard they are the heauiest of the army ; and when the heauiest goe before , the light must ●●eds follow a● ease . but when the lightest leade , especially in the night , it is no maruaile if the army bee seuered and distracted , the light easily slipping away , and hastening in the vaunt . next vnto these , let artabazus lead the targetiers and archers of the persians , and andramias the median , the median footemen next , then let embas follow with the armenian foot , and artuchas after him with the hircanians , and next thambradas with the sacan foote , then damatas with the cadusian● , and let all these march with the captains in front , and on the right flanke of their d plesium the targetiers ( or peltasts ) the archers on their left ; for so shall they better second one another . after these let the whole baggage march , the commanders whereof must bee carefull to haue all things ready before they sleepe , and early in the morning to bee at the appointed place with their furniture , and decently to march forward . after the baggage let madatas the persian lead the persian horse with their captaines in front , and let the captaines order their companies in a file , as the foot captaines did : next after these rambaces the median , in the same sort the horse which hee commandeth : then you tygraues your horse : then the other horse captaines euery one the horse with which they serue mee . and as the cadusians came last to my seruice , let them close vp the reare of the army : thus xenophon . the passage is somewhat long , but i thought good to recite it , because it containeth the order of night marches vsuall of old time . first , the armed foote march euery nation after other , as long as the ground would giue leaue , in a square battell framed of company laid to company , euery company drawne out into a file , the targetiers on the one flanke , the archers on the other : then the carriage : last of all the horse . the reason is added why the slowest haue the vaunt , namely , lest in the night , when all things ( saith the same xenophon ) are to bee vnderstood and done by direction to the eare , and not to the eye , the horsemen or light armed ( who are nimble & quick , the horsemen by reason of the horse that carry them ; the light armed , because they are troubled with no weight of armes ) leading , they might happily with their speede out-goe , and leaue the heauy armed beehinde , who beeing burdened with the heauinesse of their armes , can march but slowly . but my principall end was to shew , that the file-leaders in an induction● , are not alwaies placed in front ; i will adde one example out of a xenophon more to the same purpose ; when the grecians that followed cyrus the yonger into persia , returned toward their country , they came as far●e as the riuer phiscus ; they found there a bridge , and not farre off a great city called opis , at which the base brother of cyrus and artaxerxes , leading from susa and ecbatana a mighty army with him , to giue aid to the king , met the grecians ; and causing his owne army to make alte , hee tooke vnto of the grecians as they passed by . clearchus led his army b in front , and in his march oftentimes made alte . as long as the vaunt of the army staied , so long the reare must likewise stay . so that the grecians were of opinion they had a great army ; and the persian was abashed at the sight of such a multitude . whether this march were aelia●s right induction , a man would doubt , because it is not expressed by xenophon particularly how the bodies of the phalange did march : onely hee saith , that clearchus led 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in binos saith the latine translation : i interpret it in front. for two in depth it could not be , because xenophon speaketh of a stand made oftentimes by the vaunt which caused the reare to stay . and had the army beene but in depth , it had bean all vaunt , the grecians beeing ordered into two ranks and no more , each of them being men : besides that , the persian wondered at the multitude which passed by him in flanke ; which flank , if it had consisted of no more then two , his wonder would soon haue ended . but clearchus vsed art to make his number seeme greater , and being but in front , they must needs be in file ; to which giuing foot a peece for their open order , the ground wil contain foot in depth , which amoūt to six miles of ours . the vsage of the lacedemonians was to march sometimes with in front , if the way were straight . so did dercyllidas in asia the lesse , when entring into a city , his whole army followed him peaceably 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two in front. so b archidamus the sonne of agesilaus , aduancing against the arcadians by a cart way that led to cromnum , ordered his army in front , as then his march fell out . when they approached one to another , archidamus his army being in a wing by reason of the streightnesse of the way , the archadians in a broad-fronted phalange , with targets close faced together , the lacedemonians could not endure the charge of the arcadians , and forthwith both archidamus was wounded through the thigh , and they slaine that fought before him . hee saith that archidamus marched two in front wing-wise by reason of the streightnesse of the way . in that he saith wing-wise , he sheweth the army was drawne out in depth , which is proper to an induction ; and when he maketh the way the cause , he giueth a reason , why it so marched . but to returne to that i first propounded , the inductions hitherto specified in the former examples seeme to differ from aelians right-induction , as neither hauing all the file-leaders in front , nor yet single bodies of the same kinde one to follow another , the companies being each drawne into one file , and then two , or three , or foure , or more of these files laid together , according to the largenesse of the way , and the rest of the army following in the manner afore expressed . . against it is opposed the caelembolos . ] the caelembolos is a wedge hollow in front , and to be opposed against the right induction , saith aelian . i haue noted before that it hath beene the manner of all famous generals to fit the embattailing of their armies to the forme which the enemy vseth at the time of ioyning : and therefore it much concerneth the a commander of an army to be skilfull in all formes , which are of true vse , and to know the aduantage that one carrieth against another . the right induction is , and alwayes hath beene the ordinary forme to march in . to order your troopes in an aduantagious forme against it , the caelembolos was inuented : it is called by the greekes a hollow wedge , because it is not filled vp in the middest , but includeth a void space bias-wise in front betwixt the points of both wings , and ioyneth it selfe together in the reare . so that to one that shall view it behinde it seemes a plaine wedge , and yet in propriety of speech it cannot be called a wedge ; for a wedge hath three sides and three points , and beareth the true forme of a triangle ; and with the former point it chargeth the enemy , as hath beene showne in the horse-mans wedge . this hath but one point and two sides , neither doth it charge the enemy with the point , but receiuing the front of his battaile into the empty space , striketh vpon both the flankes thereof with the wings , it hath opened , and so seeketh to distresse it ; the caelembolos hauing this aduantage , that it fighteth with the best men , viz. the file-leaders ordered in the inside of the wings thereof , not against the file-leader of the right induction , but against the weaker sort , who are ordinarily placed in the flankes thereof . the latine names are more fit and significant to expresse the forme . by some it is called a b paire of tongues , by othersome a c paire of sheeres , both appellations seruing to set forth the right forme of the caelembolos : for the one and the other open their foremost parts to a pretty distance , and the hinder parts , which are pinned and fastened together , end in a narrow point , as doth the caelembolos . and they were so farre from tearming it a wedge , that they held it the best forme to receiue and frustrate the charge of the true wedge , as may be seene in d vegetius . . which is framed when . ] the fashioning of the caelembolos springeth out the diphalange antistomus . what that diphalange is , we shall see in the chapter of this booke . thus much i may before-hand signifie , that the file-leaders ought to be placed within the hollow flanks of the caelembolos , as it were a lyning to the insides ; and the di-phalange antistomus being once framed ( which is to haue the file-leaders in the middest from the one end of the battaile to the other ) there needeth no further labour , then to dispatch the front in the middest ( leauing the file-leaders on both sides ) and to fasten and ioyne together the reare , to the end that the front of the right induction may enter into the hollownesse , but yet be mashed , as it were in a net , and neither able to passe through the reare of the caelembolos , being close shut , nor yet to giue offence to those that fight in the front of the caelembolos , hauing no man whom they may charge in the void space ; nor yet daring to breake the forme of their battaile after ioyning . for it is a good obseruation of e vegetius , that in fight the manner of your embattailing is not to be changed , nor any number of souldiers to be transported to other places then they haue : for hereof tumult and confusion will streight arise , and the enemy will easily take aduantage of such as are not ready or fallout to be disordered . i haue said that the latines and grecians differ in the name of this battaile , howbeit they agree both about the forme , which may here appeare by aelian , who resembleth it to the letter v , neither can there a better resemblance be made ; for as the letter v consisteth of two lines which are open in the top , close in the bottome , so doth this forme of battaile of two sides , which in front are void , open , and disseuered , in the reare ioyned and closed fast together . if you will therefore frame this battaile , you must first make a square , the file-leaders being all in front ; then must you wheele the wings of your battaile into the middest , and so your file-leaders shall be in the middest ; lastly , you are to open the front of your battaile , leauing halfe the file-leaders in the inside of one flanke , and halfe in the inside of the other , keeping the reare close knit together : and for the opening , it ought to be somewhat more then will receiue into the void space the front of the right induction , which being once let in , the inward two flanks of the wedge where the file-leaders are , ought to face to both hands , and to charge the outward flanks of the right induction , and so circumuent them . . furthermore , a triphalange . ] a triphalange in this place of aelian is , when a square body or phalange is from front to reare diuided into three parts . the figure shewes the manner . the triphalange hath as much aduantage against the caelembolos , as the caelembolos had against the right induction . the caelembolos compelled the right induction to fight with the worst men , and auoided the affront of the file-leaders , which were the best . the triphalange hauing the file-leaders in front , opposeth two seuerall fronts : against the two wings of the caelembolos , where there are no file-leaders ( for they are alwayes disposed for the inside ) and both auoideth the aduantage the caelembolos sought , and maketh the caelembolos fight with the worst men , in as much as one of the phalanges chargeth the front of one wing of the caelembolos , the file-leaders whereof are in flanke within the hollownesse , the other chargeth the other . now it hath this aduantage besides , that it spareth reserues for all occasions , by off-holding the third phalange . if the caelembolos be beaten by the two opposing phalanges , all is lost , and no hope left of winning the field , no other forces being to second it , where notwithstanding the caelembolos hauing gotten the better , may be curbed , and the victory arrested by this reserue , and by the remnant of the other two phalanges broken . words of direction in the right induction . the right-corner xenagy march out so is it of all other bodies , if they begin the march . the rest follow in xenagies direction for the caelembolos . . wheele the wings of your battaile into the middest of your body — so shall the file-leader be in the middest ; but we must note that the two midlemost leaders must be centors for the other to wheele about . . open your front to the right and left hand , keeping your reare close . for the triphalange . the two wings face to the right and left hand , the middle remaining as it was . match out to the distance required : that is , to be able to meet in a right line the two fronts of the wings of the caelembolos . stand , when they come to the place required . face as you were aduance and charge . of paragoge or deduction . chap. xxxvii . ( ) parogoge or deduction is when the phalange proceedeth in ( ) a wing , not by ( ) file , but by ranke , hauing the commanders or file-leaders either on the right-hand , which is called a right hand deduction , or on the left hand , which is a left-hand deduction . for the phalange marcheth in a ( ) double , treble , or quadruple front , according to the place or part it is suspected the enemy will giue on . and both the paragogies beginning the fight in flanke , doe ( ) make the length doubte to the depth . this forme of fight was deuised to teach a souldier to receiue heedfully the charge of the enemy , not onely in front but also in flanke . notes . ( ) deduction is when the phalange . ] induction is spoken of , deduction followeth , which is the second kinde of march . for these are no cap. . a foure fronted phalange against all allemptes of the enemy the front of the reare the front of the right flank the front of the left flank the front of the narch other kinds then induction and deduction : the one with the file-leaders in front , the other with the file-leaders in flanke . neither doth the greatnesse or smalnesse of the body make any difference herein ; be the body neuer so great ( as is the phalange ) or so small ( as one company ) yet must the file-leaders either lead , or else be in flanke of the march . the reare in necessity may well be made good by the bringers vp . deduction is the mother of many formes of battailes vsuall in marches : from it come the caelembolos , whereof we spake before ; from it are the antistomus , the peristomus , the homoiostomus , the heterostomus , of which hereafter . when the phalange proceedeth in a wing . ] suidas hath , that paragoge or deduction is said to be when the phalange marcheth with the file-leaders on the right or left hand ; if on the left , it is said to be a left-hand deduction ; if on the right , a right-hand deduction . he maketh no mention of a wing as aelian doth ; for it may so fall out , that the body may be such as hath the depth and breadth all one , as a xenagy which hath sixteene in breadth , and sixteene in depth : some bodies also , as the taxies and tetrarchies haue the depth lesse then the breadth , the first holding sixteen in depth & no more then eight in breadth , the last foure in breadth and sixteene in depth , so that they march not in a wing . but because marches for the most part are vndertaken in a wing , it is the cause why aelian saith that deductions proceed in a wing , the depth whereof manifoldly exceedeth the length , and they proceed . . not by file but by ranke . ] that is , the file-leaders being wheeled to the flanke , after they haue setled themselues to march , proceed on their iourney as they stand in the flanke , onely facing that way the march is intended , and returne not to lead in the front of the battaile , as they did at first . to lead by file is , when the file-leaders proceede , and haue their files following at their backe . to lead by ranke is , when that which was the flanke at first , becommeth the front , and beginneth the march , and the rest follow accordingly flanke-wise : yet this is to be noted , that albeit the front of the battaile be changed in the deduction , yet remaine the files , files as they were before , and are not altered into rankes . aelian himselfe giueth testimony hereto , affirming that the phalange proceedeth not by file , but by ranke , whereas if the files held not their first name after wheeling to the right or left flank , the march forward ( the file-leaders being in the flanke ) should be by file and not by ranke . . for the phalange marcheth in a double , treble , or quadruple side . ] a doublesided 〈…〉 is that , which hath the file-leaders on both the flankes , the rest backe to backe within , when the enemy giueth on . for otherwise , when they march forward , all their faces are set one way , that is toward the place whether the march is intended . a treble-sided battaile is , when three sides of the battaile are to be charged , whether the front and both the flankes , or both the flanks and the reare , or the reare , one of the flanks , and the front , and the file-leaders are ordered on all the three sides . a quadruple battaile is , when the file-leaders are placed in front in the reare and in both the flankes . an example of the quadruple battaile will shew the vse and framing of the rest : for as the rest oppose one , two , or three sides against the enemy , so the quadruple fortifieth and strengthneth all the foure sides , by placing the file-leaders in them . of ordering the file-leaders vpon one flanke , deduction may be be an example ; vpon both flanks , the antistomus phalange vpon front and reare , the amphistomus , on all foure sides , the plesium , of all which occasion will be giuen to speake hereafter . now i may signifie that the plesium is a square hollow battaile , the length whereof much exceedeth the depth , hauing the armed foot placed on all the foure sides , the light-armed throwne into the middest . the graecians that followed cyrus the yonger into persia against king artaxerxes , after their coronels were taken prisoners and put to death by the subtilty and periury of tissaphernes , being but . and to retreat thorow open and plaine grounds , in which they were like to be charged by an infinite number of horse and foot , by the aduice of xenophon , cast themselues into this forme ; his words are in effect these , wee shall , it may be march in more safety , if we order our selues into a plesium of armed foot , and giue the carriage and disarmed multitude a place of security within the hollownesse of the battaile . if therefore it be now resolued afore-hand , who shall command in the front of the plesium , and take charge of vaunt , who on the flanks , and who in the reare , we shall not neede to take aduise at the approach of the enemy , but put in execution that which is resolued before . and a little after : and mine opinion is , that cherisophus is the fittest commander for the vaunt , because he is a lacedemonian ; and let two of the ●ldest coronels take care of the flankes ; the yongest , namely my selfe and timasion , will looke to the reare . this was xenophons counsell , and in this forme they marched , and being charged afterward with both persian horse and foot , they defended themselues against all efforts of the enemy . the quadruple battaile therefore was vsed , when the enemy was expected to giue on all sides ; and he that can frame it , can easily cast his troopes into the other two formes ; yet will not euery receiuing the enemy in flanke proue a deduction ; for in case of necessity and sudden approaches of the enemy , you shall be driuen to facing , wherein you onely turne the faces of souldiers to the flanke without any deduction . see the figure of this battaile expressed in the picture . . doe make the length double to the depth . ] i suspect this place to be corrupted in the text of aelian , the rather because before in the description of a deduction , he saith that deductions proceed in a wing , wherein the depth a manifoldly exceedeth the length of the battaile , as the last fore-going chapter doth shew . besides the example , which is giuen in the text is not of double proportion , but of treble and more , ten comprehending three , three times and more . of the phalange antistomus . chap. xxxviii . ( ) the phalange amphistomus ( for it is so called , because it hath two fronts , and that part of the battaile that is set and aduanced against the enemy , is called a front : ) seeing then in this forme the middle-most are ordered backe to backe , and those in the front and reare make head against the enemy , the one being commanders in front , the other in reare , therefore it is called amphistomus . it is of great vse against an enemy strong in horse and able to giue a hot and dangerous charge , and principally practised against cap. the phalange amphistomus those barbarians that inhabit about the riuer ister , whom they also call amphippi , because they change their horse in fight . the horse battaile to encounter this forme hath a tetragonall shape , being for the purpose diuided into two broad squares ( they are called broad squares , that haue the front twice as much as the depth ) and those squares are opposed seuerally against the flanks of the foot-battaile . notes . ( ) there are many kinds of battailes , which being vsefull for a march , are described partly in the former two chapters , partly in this and in the chapters following , whereof some are for ease of the march ( as the induction ) some for fight . those which are for fight , are either offensiue , or else defensiue . of the offensiue kinde is the caelembolos before mentioned , of the defensiue the triphalange to be opposed against the caelembolos , and both the deductions , which are represented in the two last chapters : and in this chapter is described another of the defensiue formes , that is to say the phalange autistomus ; in which although the march be not continued ( for it is alwayes taken vp in a stand , to resist a charge of the enemy ) yet it is a remedy defensiue against the sudden attempts of the enemy which is about to charge your reare . . the phalange amphistomus . ] the title of this chapter is litigious , and there is a controuersie amongst the learned , which of two names the chapter should beare . gaza , gesner , and arcierus , would haue it inscribed antitistomus ; robortellus , amphistomus : i haue in the translation followed the opinion of robortellus ; my reason was , because of these words in aelian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they in the beginnings ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) charge the enemy : which word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i haue not read applied to the flankes , and therefore tooke it for front and reare , because the one , namely the front is as it were the beginning of the battaile , the other , viz. the reare , is the end . in which sence if you take the word , the description must needs agree with the amphistomus , which ( the enemy charging both front and reare ) with the file-leaders and their halfe files as they stand , receiue those that charge the front , with the brnigers-vp , and the other halfe files facing about to the right or left hand , those which charge the reare . but since , vpon better consideration , i thinke there is a fault in the text ; and where it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it should be corrected and written ( as i take it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie the flankes of the battaile . a iulius pollux testifieth in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the forepart of those that fight , is called the front , the rankes , and the face ; the outward parts on each side ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the flanks , the wings , the right and the left ; the middest the nauell ; the depth , the parget , or wall . the like doth b leo in many places : and as farre as i can read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plurall number is generally taken for the flankes ; albeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number i deny not to be vsed for the reare sometimes : as in c xenophon , who describing a fight betwixt the corcyreians and lacedemonians , hath thus ; mnasippus ( the lacedemonian generall ) embattailing his army put the enemy , that was neere the gates to flight , and followed the cha●● . they being come neere the wals , turned againe , and threw and cast darts from the mountaines : other running out of the other gates in good numbers fell vpon the b reare of the lacedemonians , who being ordered but c deep , and thinking the d reare of the phalange to be but weake , endeauoured to retire and fall off . the enemy no sooner saw them giue ground , but presently fel on more eagerly , imagining they fled : neither did they turne their faces any more , and they who stood next vnto them soughe with all speed to saue themselues by flight . mnasippus could giue no aid to his destressed souldiers by reason hee was hardly laid to by the corcireans , that came to hands with him ; and his number by little and litle decreased : at last the enemy in great numbers pressed them sore that stood about mnasippus , who were now reduced to a very few . and the armed foot of the citty seeing what was done abroad , issued out , and after they had slaine mnasippus , they followed the chace all of them together . thus xenophon . and thus you may see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular number taken for the reare of the phalange , howsouer ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plurall , signifieth the flanks . the antistomus phalange therefore differing from the amphistomus in this only , because the last maintaines fight in front and reare , the first in both flanks , and aelian in this chapter describing the battel which maintaines the fight in the flanks , it seemeth that the inscription ought to be of the phalange antistomus , and that the text ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it may after a sort appear by aelian himselfe in the next chapter , where making a difference betwixt these two battailes , he saith plainly , that the antistomus fighteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . read then in the text , those in the flanks make head against the enemy , in stead of these words : those in front and reare , and all the rest will agree to the phalange antistomus . . it is of great vse ] the vse of this battaile is principally against horse , as aelian giueth to vnderstand ; because they are quicke and speedy , and can suddenly turne , diuide themselues , and charge where they list . and the flanks of the battell being the weakest part ( for your best men are placed in the front and reare ) it is needfull to finde out some meanes to defend them , which is to instruct your souldiers how to receiue the charge by turning their faces to the flankes . in front you are alwaies ready ; because faces and weapons are bent that way . effect the like in the flankes , and you shall be able to resist any charge of the enemy . for foot , the danger is not so great , because your men shall be able to face euery way , as readily as the enemy ; giue them only exercise , and acqaint them with that manner of fight . . and principally practised against the barbarians . ] that it was much vsed amongst the grecians i find not in there history : yet is there no doubt , but the vse may be great in it as well as in the amphistomus . but i take the reason , why it was seldome put in practice , to be , because the flankes of pikes in the grecian battell were for the most part , garded with horse and light-armed . the front and reare hauing no such defence , were commonly attached by the enemy , seeking all aduantage to distresse them ; and in case the horse and light-armed bee absent , the flankes are the fairest marke of the enemy ; which can by no other meanes be secured , but by facing that way where he giueth on ; which may be euidently seene by the fight cyrus the elder had against craesus , which example you shall see set out in my notes vpon the . chap. page . . those are broad squares ] that which i heere translate a broad square , is in the greeke heteromekes ; of which forme i haue spoken in notes vpon the . chapter . cap. the phalange antistomus front wordes of direction for the phalange antistomus ( for that forme is described in this chapter . ) . halfe rankes , face to the right and left hands . . charge your pikes . to restore to the first posture . . aduance your pikes . . face as you were . ( ) of the phalange antistomus . chap. xxxix . ( ) the phalange antistomus is like to the amphistomus , the forme being a little altered ; so that it accustometh the soldier to resist the seuerall kindes of incursions of horse . all that hath beene spoken of the former phalange both for foot and horse , agreeth with this figure also . heerein they differ , that the ( ) amphistomus receiueth the charge in front and reare , the antistomus in flanke : but as well in the one as the other , they fight with long pikes , as doe the alans , and sauromatans : and the one halfe of the souldiers in the files haue their faces bent forward , the other halfe backward , so that they stand backe to back . this forme hath two fronts , the one before where the-file leaders , the other behinde , where the bringers vp stand ; and being also diuided into a ( ) diphalange , it maketh the forefront with one , the after-front with the other phalange . notes . ( ) as the title of the former chapter was mistaken , so is the title of this chapter . the other should haue beene of the antistomus ( as i haue before shewed ) this of the amphistomus . that it should be of the amphistomus , the very wordes following in this chapter will proue , which are these : the one halfe , saith he , of the armed souldiers in the files haue their faces bent forward , the other halfe backward ; so that they stand back to backe : and the battell hath two frontes , one before , where the file-leaders , the other behind , where the bringers vp stand . he describeth the two fronts by the file-leaders and bringers vp , whose proper places are the front and reare , & not the flanks ; and further addeth , that halfe the armed soldiers haue their faces bent forward , ( and change not ) the other halfe turned about backward ; whereas in the antistomus all the souldiers moue , and halfe face to one flanke , halfe to the other , and none to the front or reare : besides he saith , that halfe the armed in the files stand backe to backe , whereas in the antistomus halfe the armed in the ranks stand backe to backe , not those of the files . ( ) now that the amphistomus receiueth the charge of the enemy in the front and reare a leo also declareth . the manner whereof appeareth in b appian ; who recounteth that asdruball the carthaginian sought to entrap scipio , giuing mago his generall of the horse commandement to charge . scipio his army in front , whiles himselfe charged it in the reare . but scipio turning the reare of his battell against asdruball , and opposing the front of it against mago ; ouerthrew them both , and slew carthaginians , and tooke prisoners . to make the manner of fight in this forme more plaine , i thought fit to insert an hystory or two out of polybius and arrian , as examples to illustrate that meaning of aelian . in polybius this is the history . the gaules in great multitudes vnder the conduct of concolitanus and aneroestus their kings , transcending the alpes , and passing thorough lombardy , and falling vpon a part of hetrucia , had gathered rich spoiles out of that terretory , and being now vpon returne to their countrey , they were pursued by one of the roman consuls l. aemelius and his army , not with intent to fight with them ( for hee held it not safe ) but to obserue fit times and places to distresse them , or else to keepe them from further spoile . at the same time c. attilius the other consull hauing imbarked his legions in sardinia , and setting saile for italy arriued at pisa , and holding his way toward rome marched directly in the way in which the enemy was comming . the celts being now about telamon , a promontory of hetrucia , their foragers fell into the hands of the vantcurrers of attilius , and were taken prisoners ; they informed the consul of all that hapned , and signified the presence of both armies ; telling that the gaules were at hand , and that l. aemilius followed them close in their reare . attilius partly maruailing at the strangenesse of the newes , and parly being full of good hope , because the gaules seemed to be surprised and hemmed in betwixt two armies , commanded the tribunes to order his legions in a broad-front , and so to lead on leasurely , as long as the ground would giue leaue : himselfe in good time discouering a hill which hung ouer the way , in which the gaules were to passe , tooke with him the horse , and sought with all speed to seise vpon the top of it , and to begin the medly ; conceiting thereby to haue the honour and title of the whole seruice ascribed to him : the gaules were at first ignorant of attilius approaching , but coniectured onely that it might be aemylius had led his horse about in the night to seise vponvseful places : they sent therefore their horse and light-armed to beat the romans from the hill : but soone vnderstanding by some captiues that attilius was there , they presently embattailed , ordering thir army b into two fronts , the one before , the other behinde ; for they knew that one army was following , and they expected as well by the newes they heard , as by that which they saw fall out at that time , that the other would meet them vpon their march : aemylius heard that the legions of attilius were arriued at pisa , but could not imagine they were come so neere ; but after that by the fight about the hill , he perceiued certainly they were at hand , he sent out his horse to second those that fought for the hill , himselfe ordering his battels after the roman wonted fashion , led on against the eenmy . the celts embattailed those that are called gesates , and dwelt in the alpes , against aemylius , who they imagined would charge the reare , and next to them the insubrians . in the front they set the taurtscans and bo●ans ( inhabiting beyond the riuer po ) turning their faces a contary way to the former , and opposed to the accesse of caius attilius , the waines and waggons they placed without both wings , and sent their pray gained to a hill thereby , appointing a sufficient gard to keepe it . so the amphistomus phalange , which the celtes cast themselues into , was not onely fearefull to the eye , but also fitly ordered for fight . the insubrians and boyans came forth to fight wearing bretches & a kind of loose and light coats ; but the gesates out of a vaine glory and rashnesse cast them away , and stood naked , sauing that they had their armes alone , in the front of the batell , imagining they were by that meanes fitter for action , by reason of the bushes of the place , which would catch hold of any garment , and be a hinderance to the vse of armes . the first fight was about the hill in the sight of all , by reason that the multitude of so many horse-menout of both armies were mingled together in fight ; wherein it happened attilius to be slaine ( while too venturously he offered himselfe to danger ) and his head to be presented to the kings of the celts , but yet the roman horse-men brauely fighting , became masters of the place , and of the enemy : after this the foot ioining , the accident was rare and maruailous not onely to them which were present , but also to all those , who can by reading represent before their eyes the truth of that which was done . for first the fight being attached by armies , it must needs be that the very sight and manner of the conflict appeared strange and wihout example ; secondly , who would not doubt either now or then , whether the celts manner of embattailing were more dangerous , the enemy charging them in two places at once ; or the best and aptest for victory , as opposing against both the enemies at once , and withall securing themselues from encompassing and inuasion of the reare : and which is of most importance , no hope being left of safety , if they should chance to be foyled . for that is the property and profit of the amphistomus battaile ; it made the romans more confident , to haue the enemy enclosed on all sides ; and yet the brauery and noyse and tumult of the celts gaue them cause of astonishment ; for there was an innumerable multitude of trumpets and shalmes , to which the whole army together adding the paean , the cry was so great , that not onely the trumpets and army , but the places round about with their rebounding ecchoes seemed of themselues to speake . furthermore , the sight and motion of the naked men that stood in the front , being in flower of their age , and excelling in talnesse of stature , was fearefull . now all the gaules that had the front were adorned with bracelets and chaines of gold ; which the romans eyeing , were partly astonied , partly being filled with rich hopes , were incited much the rather to ioyne battell ; but when the darters running out of the roman army according to their custome , threw many and forcible darts at the celtes , the celtes of the reare found good vse of their coates and breeches ; but those that fought naked in the front , this accident happening contrary to their expectation , were troubled out of measure and wonderfully perplexed : for the gaulish target being not of sufficiency to couer a mans body , the greater and nakeder their bodies were , the more were they subiect to wounds , and the lesse the weapons missed the marke . at the last , being not able to saue themselues from the light-armed , who plied them a farre off , nor from the multitude of dartes that fell amongst them , and being troubled and confused with their present state , some of them out of a rage and brutishnesse ranne vainly vpon the enemy , and willingly offered themselues to slaughter , other retiring leasurely to their friendes , and shewing manifest tokens of feare , disordered them behinde . thus the roman light-armed allaid the pride of the gesates . but the multitude of the insubrians , boyans , and tauriscans , after the romans had receiued their light-armed into their battell , and aduanced the cohorts , ( of armed ) to ioyne hand to hand , maintained a stout fight , and albeit they receiued many woundes , yet fainted they not in minds , being onely inferior both generally and particularly in the kinde of armes they bore . for both their targets in defence , and their swords in offence , had a great difference ; by reason the gaulois sword is onely fit to strike withall . but when the roman horse from the hill hasted downe in wing , and stoutly came to handy stroakes with them , the foot-men of the celtes were cut in pieces in the places where they fought , and the horse tooke themselues to flight : there dyed therefore of the celtes , and were take prisoners , amongst whom was concolitan one of the kings , the other k. aneroestus , flying to a certaine place with a few , killed himselfe and his friends that were about him . this example hath polibyus of the amphistomus phalange ; wherein he both sheweth the form , and the vse of it , namely , that it hath a front both waies to receiue the enemies charge before and in the reare . a arrian hath another example in the battaile between alexander the great and porus a king of india ; his words are to this effect ; alexander was now come within the reach of missiue weapons , when he sent his archers on horsebacke against the left wing of the indians , to molest the enemy on that side , both with multitude of arrows , and with incursion of the horse : and himselfe also hauing with him the troupes of companies , spurring on against the same wing , vsing all celerity to fall vpon them ( who were yet out of order and in a wing ) before they could reduce themselues into a phalange . in the meane time the indians knitting together their whole power of horse , made head against alexander with all speed , giuing their horse a full carriere . then caenus , as was commanded , shewed himselfe at their backes . the indians seeing this , were forced to order their horse in an amphistomus , opposing one part ( the most and strongest ) to alexander , the other to caenus and his troopes ; which thing troubled the array and mindes of the indians . and alexander , taking hold of the opportunity , charged those which were opposed to him in the instant , while the other were facing about to caenus . the indians endured not the charge , but fled to the elephants , as to a castle that was friend . hitherto arrian . in these two examples is liuely set forth the nature and fashion of the amphstomus phalange . and albeit both the parties that vsed it were beaten , yet the cause rested not in the forme , but in the valour of them that fought against it , if the romans in one example , of alexander in the other ; alexander himselfe vsing this very forme in the battel of a gaugamela , obtained the famous victory against darius , which is described by arrian in his third book , as did b also scipio against asdrubal in spaine : so then by that which hath beene said , the difference betweene the antistomus and amphistomus phalange may easily appeare ; which albeit they either of them fight against the enemy in two places of the phalange at once , and are like ore to another in that respect , yet they differ in the places of the fight , the one receiuing the charge in both the flanks , other in front and reare . they are both defensiue & statary , and if moue with you either of them during the charge of the enemy , you presently break the form , and lay the backe of the soldiers open to be annoied , especially if the enemy ouertop you in number : otherwise it will be no inconuenienceto diuide the battell , and to fight apart with both ; for that the antistomus may be diuided , aelian teacheth in the next chapter : for the amphistomus , hee saith the like in this chapter in these words . and also being diuided into a diphalange . ] a diphilange is when a phalange is diuided into two ; and being in one body , it is called a phalange , in two bodies a diphilange . about the diphilange amphistomus there is variance amongst the writers of this art. aelian would haue it to bee framed of a phalange amphistomus disioyned , and in the middest diuided into two parts : so that the fore-front is made with one of the hinder front with the other phalange . the treatise of military appellations , annexed to the end of suidas saith , that that is a diphilange amphistomus , which hath the file-leaders on the outsides of both the flanks in a deduction , and the bringers vp within . i take aelian to be in the right ; for if the amphistomus phalange must haue the front and reare opposed to the enemy , what reason is there why the amphistomus diphalangy should not be of the same nature , considring cap. . a diphalange antistomus the horsmans wedge front that the diphalangy antistomus hath the leaders , in the flankes , as the phalange antistomus hath : which appeareth not only in the next chapter , but also in diuers other places of this booke : neither doe i reade any where , that the antistomus hath to do with the front and reare , nor the amphistomus with the flanks . the words of direction in the amphistomus . the hinder halfe files , face about to the right or left hand . charge the pikes both waies in front and reare . to restore to the first posture . the hindermost aduance your pikes . halfe files , face as you were . of the diphalange antistomus . chap. xxxx . a diphalange antistomus , is that which hath the file-leaders placed not in a deduction outwardly , but inwardly face to face one against another , and the reare-commanders without , one halfe in right , the other halfe in a left deduction . this forme is vsed against horse , which giue on and charge wedge-wise : for the wedge shooting forth in a point , and hauing the commanders following in the flanks , and indeauouring to disseuer and breake the front of the foot , the leaders of the foot fore-seeing their purpose , place themselues in the middest , with intent either to repulse them , or else to giue them a thorow passage without losse . for the wedge flieth vpon the foote in hope to charge the multitude in the middest ; and the foote commanders conceiuing well the fury of that forme , leaue a little space betwixt the fronts , and stand like walles on both sides , and ioyntly facing toward the middest , giue them a fruitlesse and empty passage . this forme of horse battaile is called by the tactiks a wedge , which was inuented by philip king of macedony , who placed his best men before , that by them the weaker sort might be held in & enabled to the charge . as we see in a speare or sword , the point whereof quickly piercing , makes way for , and letteth in the middle blunt yron . notes . a diphalange antistomus . ] this diphalange is thus defined by suidas ; a diphalange antistomus is that , which hath the file-leaders placed in the middest , and the bringers vp ordered without on both flanks in deductions : which words differ a little in speech , in sence are all one with aelians . they both agree that the file-leaders should be placed within the middest of the battaile face to face in deductions , the bringers vp on the flanks without . in the text , and in fashioning of the battaile , there is no difficulty . the file-leaders must be placed in the middest within , the bringers vp on the flanks without ; and the battaile being first closed , must be suddenly opened vpon the charge of the horse in the middest , and the file-leaders diuiding themselues halfe on one side , halfe on the other , and facing to the middle space with their whole files push at the horse with their pikes , as they passe thorow . it is called a diphalange , because the phalange is parted in two ; as the battaile opposed against the caelembolos is named a triphalange , because it consisteth of three parts seuerall , and in the ninth chapter the whole macedonian phalange is named a tetraphalangarchy , because the body is diuided into foure seuerall parts : and it is named a diphalange antistomus , because as the phalange antistomus receiueth the horse without in the flanks , and so repulseth them so this altering that forme , onely by placing the file-leaders in depth within , and opening vpon the sudden receiue the horse in the opened voide space , either to be ouerthrowne by their pikes , or else to giue them a passage without danger to themselues . this is one of the defensiue battailes whereof i spake before . it is put in practice saith aelian when the horse charge wedge-wise . ] what a wedge is , and of what force amongst the horse-battailes , i haue noted vpon the chapter . against it aelian opposeth this forme of foot . but is there no other vse of it ? yes . for both the caelembolos and peristomus are as it were daughters , and proceed out of the loynes of this forme , both hauing their file-leaders in deductions within the body , and both opening , the first the front , the other the whole body , when they goe to charge ; and yet the diphalange antistomus is defensiue , the other two offensiue formes . i will accordingly as i haue begun , illustrate the manner of the dephalange antistomus with an example or two . a xenophon describing the fight that was betweene artaxerxes the king of persia and cyrus the younger , telleth of tissaphernes ( one of the foure generals of artaxerxes his army , that he fled not in the first ioyning of the armies , but brake thorow the grecian peltasts ( targetires ) that stood embattailed by the riuer . breaking thorough , he slew no man : for the grecians opening their battell , strooke and threw darts at his horsemen , as they passed thorough . episthenes the amphipolita , nwho held the estimation of an vnderstanding souldier , was then commander of the peltasts . tissaphernes therfore withdrawing himselfe as one that had the worst , returned no more to fight , but going to the grecian campe , met the king there . so xenophon . out of which passage wee may perceiue the vse of this manner of embattailing . tissaphernes chose of out the grecians to charge the peltasts the weakest kind of souldiers to make resistance against the horse , by reason they were furnished with small targets onely and darts . then hee chargeth with his horse in a full carrere : to auoide the fury of the horse , they opened and gaue him a free passage , but not without stroakes , and darts sent at his horse ; and so made his charge more hurtfull to himselfe then vnto them : i cannot say the file-leaders were here in the middest , as aelian requireth , because the charge was sudden and vnexpected . in premeditated defences , there is no doubt , but it is the better way to place the file-leaders in the middest , considering they are accounted the strength of the battell , and in all conueniences are first brought to fight , especially being armed men , and able to offend the horse with their pikes ; this opening then auailed against the giuing on of horse ordered in a narrow front : for that was the manner of ordering the persian horse ; and it may serue for any horse-battaile if it bee wide enongh to receiue the horse within the front . of ancient time sythed chariots were in request , to which the foot whether light or armed could make small resistance ; they had two long staues appointed with sharpe iron fastened to the beame of the chariot bearing out before , and sythes standing out on all sides to cut asunder whatsoeuer came in the way : the horse were armed and hardly to be wounded , as you may see in the figure of the chapter . the reamedy then against them was to open the bataile in front and reare , to the end to let them passe thorough , which opening was after the manner set downe in this chapter . a alexander at gaugamela being to fight with darius , who had many of this kinde of chariots , and fearing the danger they might bring to his army , commanded his phalange of foot , that when the chariots approached they should knit themselues shoulder to shoulder , and beat their pikes vpon their targets , that the horse being affrighted with the noise , might turne , and run the contrary way . but if by such meanes they would not be repressed , then he willed them to open and make wide distances , thorow which they might hold on their course without danger to his people . this was the prouision of alexander against the chariots : the euent followes . after the trumpets had giuen the signe of bataile , the armies charged one another casting forth great cries : and first the sythed chariots flying out amaine , gaue much amazement and terrour to the macedonians . for mazaeus one of the generals of darius his horse , to the end to make the falling on of the horse more terrible , came thundering with his troupes of horse in the reare of the chariots : but when the phalange ioyned target to target , and euery man beat his target according to the kings direction , there arose a great noise ; by reason whereof many of the chariots , the horses being affrighted , turned backe , and with vnresistable violence rushed vpon their owne people : other falling vpon the macedonians , who made large distances , those which entered were partly ouerwhelmed with darts , partly passed queit thorough ; some being carried with the violence of their course , and working mightily with their sharpe sythes , brought with them many and sundry kinds of death : for the force of their sythes had such power to destroy , taht from many it cut off the armes , and targets and all , the necks of not a few were carued , heads falling to the ground the eyes yet seeing , the countenance not altered ; of some the it tore out the sides , and put them to a speedy death . hitherto of the history of diodorus . but where he noteththe harms , that came from the sythed chariots , i take it they might haue beene auoided , if the distances had beene wide enough , because i finde in xenophon in the battaile betwixt artaxerxes and cyrus mentioned by me before , that many of the chariots of the persians ranne thorough the phalange of the grecians without hurt to any man. to returne then to the vse of this forme , it hath heeretofore , and may at this day bee put in practice against horse ; and not onely against horse ordered in a wedge , but also giuing on in a square , if it be so they charge by troopes , and the opening be wide enough , and sudden to receiue the front of the horse , for against a grosse of horse , they cannot haue time to open wide enough ; and if they open too timely , they leaue liberty to the horse to charge either of the parts opened , as themselues shall please ; and by diuiding themselues , they diminish their owne strength . words of direction for the diphalange antistomus . wheele the wings into the middest of the battaile this is done if the middlemost file-leaders stand firme , & the rest with their files wheele till they meet , and then stand : thē face to the front ; and when the horse charge , open the middest suddenly , and facing one against another , charge your pikes against the horse . face to the front. open your battaile . face to the middest . charge your pikes . restoring to the first posture . aduance your pikes . close your battaile . face to the right and left hand . wheele the middest of the battaile to the wings . face as you were at first and stand . of the peristomus diphalange . chap. xxxxi . the phalange of the diphalange peristomus proceede by deduction in a wing , the oblique deduction on the right hand , hauing the file-leaders without : the left hand oblique deduction , hauing the reare-comānders within . the figure sheweth the intent of them that fight so ordered : for the battaile going to charge , hauing beene at first tetragonall , diuideth it selfe into two oblique wings , the right and the left , of purpose to enclose the aduerse square battaile ; and they fearing to be enclosed , transforme themselues into two marching phalanges , directing one against the right , the other against the left wing : therefore is it called peristomus , as hauing the front bent against the enemy both wayes . notes . ( ) about the inscription of this chapter also there is a controuersie amongst the interpreters ; some would haue it of the peristomus diphalange , some of the amphistomus diphalange , and of the peristomus . why any man should imagine that the amphistomus diphalange is here described , i cap. the square deured in two and sett against y● peristomus two winges the diphalange peristomus the vneuen front of the peristomus the right wing of the peristomus the left wing of the peristomus conceiue not , vnlesse he should seeme to make aelian contrary to himselfe . for the amphistomus diphalange hath nothing to doe with the flanks , as appeareth by aelian in the chapter . this diphalange fighteth altogether in flanke , as the description declareth . the phalanges of the diphalange peristomus . ] what a wing is , and what deduction i haue shewed before . the meaning is , that the phalanges peristomus are both of them led obliquely ( with the file-leaders in flanke ) and in two deepe bodies ; whereof the one hath in purpose to charge the right flanke , the other the left flanke of the aduerse square battaile . the oblique deduction on the right hand . ] albeit both these phalanges are called oblique , yet we may not imagine , that these loxe-phalanges are the same that is described in the chapter . for in that one of the phalange forbeare the fight , the other aduanceth to ioyne with the enemy ; in this both fight at once , and haue their aduantage by charging the flanks of the enemy . that began the fight in front & had there the file-leaders , this in both flanks ; this seeks to encompasse , that to auoid encompassing it selfe , as i haue shewed in my notes vpon the same chapter . the oblique deduction on the right-hand , hauing the file-leaders without . ] i must imagine , till further information , that here is a fault in the text : my reason is this ; all deductions are made to oppose the file-leaders against the enemy in fight . so is the right-hand deduction vsed , when it is suspected the enemy will charge the right-hand flanke : the left-hand deduction , when it is suspected he will charge the left ; so in wheelings we turne the front against the enemy , so in countermarches . now this forme being inuented to encompasse the enemy , and to fight vpon his flankes , i would thinke the file-leaders ought to be placed on the inward flanks of the diphalange ; as it is in the caelembolos ; for were the bringers vp to be within , they should sustaine all the weight of the fight , the battaile being once diuided , and the file-leaders standing without should idlely looke on , which is contrary to the military discipline of the grecians , whose care was to vse the file-leaders in fight as much as was possible . neither is it thereupon to be concluded , that this diphalange and the diphalange antistomus are all one . for although both haue their file-leaders within , yet doe they differ both in forme and end . in forme , because this moueth forward with both phalanges , the other standeth still : this is oblique , the other in a streight line ; that hath the front of the two phalanges euen , this ( as it falleth out in the motion ) sometimes the one more forword , sometimes the other . in their ends , because this goeth to assault and to breake the enemies battaile , the other standeth fast and seekes onely to saue it selfe ; the one being offensiue , the other defensiue . so that , as i said before , the caelembolos and this are both framed out of the diphalange antistomus , both hauing their file-leaders within the middest of the battaile ; and yet differ in that the caelembolos is but one body hollowed within ; this diuided into two bodies . and they fearing to be enclosed . ] the case of this square is almost all one with the square against which the caelembolos is opposed : for both are in danger to be enclosed . now as the other square was faine to cast it selfe into a triphalange , and to oppose two of the phalanges against the two wings of the caelembolos , reseruing the third for all accidents ; so this square diuideth it selfe into two phalanges ( but hath no third ) setting the one against the right-hand battaile of the peristomus , the other against the left ; for by this opposition they inhibit the enemy from attaching their flanks . of this forme i finde not many presidents in the greeke history ; i will receite onely one out of arrian concerning alexander , which if it hit not this forme in euery point , yet it hath fully the effect of that which is intended by aelian : alexander being to deliuer battaile to porus a king of part of india , lying on the other side of the riuer hydaspes , found his enemies army to be thus embattailed ; he had placed his elephants in the front foot distant one from another ; and he placed them there to giue terror to alexanders horse , for hee imagined that no enemy durst approach the spaces betwixt the elephants , neither with horse for feare of the elephants , and much lesse with foot , because the armed on his side were there to receiue them , and the elephants would tread and trample them vnder their feet . next he ordered the foot , not in an equall front with the beasts , but in a second front after them , so that the files came vp almost to the spaces betwixt the elephants ; besides , he added foot vpon the wings aboue the elephans . on both the wings of the foot he ordered his horse , and before them his chariots . this was the embattailing of porus. alexander as soone as he saw the indians stand in battaile array , caused his horse to make alte , that he might haue his foot come vp , who aduanced still forward . and when the phalange was come vnto him running , he embattailed it not presently , nor forthwith led it against the enemy , l●st he should deliuer it weary and out of breath into the hands of the barbarians , that were fresh ; but circling and riding here and there in rounds with his horse , he rested his foot , and gaue them time to refresh themselues . and after he beheld the indian manner of embattailing , hee thought it not good to giue vpon the middest ( of the front ) where the elephants stood , and the phalange was close ordered against the spaces of the elephants , fearing the reasons that led porus to embattaile in that forme . but , as he was stronger in horse , taking to him the most of his horse , he speeded to the left wing of the enemy , in purpose to giue on there , and sent coenus with demetrius his troope and his owne troope against the right wing ; commanding him , that when the barbarians seeing his troopes , should turue their strength of horse against him , coenus should inuade their backs . he gaue the phalange to seleucus , antigones and tauron to lead ; commanding them not to fall on , before they saw the enemies foot and horse put into a bransle by his horse . what the euent of the fight was , i haue before shewed in my notes vpon the phalange amphistomus , where i haue cited the latter end of this history . now may be seene by this example , that alexander began the fight not in the front , but in the flankes ; and the cause why he did it , was , because the front was exceeding strong by reason of the elephants . and by this meanes defeating first the enemies horse , then his foot , he left the elephants naked , and without defence against the darts and other missiue weapons of the macedonians , and gained a worthy victory against a strong enemy . now albeit this example come not home in all points to the peristomus ( for aelian limiteth it to foot against foot , this fight was betwixt horse and horse ) yet is the reason of warre alike in both . for as the file-leaders of the peristomus giue on vpon the flanke of the aduerse square , which is the weakest part of it ; so did the horse of alexander surmounting the indians both in number and valor , giue on vpon the flanks of porus his army which was weakest , and so began and ended the victory . it is called peristomus , as hauing the front bent . ] that is , being diuided into halfe , the one phalange marching obliquely , commeth vp and chargeth one cap. . the battaile called plinthium the front the diphalange homoiostomus flanke of the aduerse battaile , the other chargeth the other , and so hath the fronts against the enemies both waies . words of direction in the peristomus . wheele your front into the middest of the battaile . face to the front . one wing march out obliquely , and charge the right flanke of the enemy , the other the left flanke . of the diphalange homoiostomus , and of the plinthium . chap. xlii . a diphalange ( ) homoiostomus is so named , because a ( ) whole file ( that is men ) mouing by it selfe ; another file followeth it ! and it is therefore called homoiostomus , because they that follow , follow in a like figure . this kind is opposed against the plinthium ; ( ) plinthium is a forme of battaile , that hath the sides equall both in figure and number . in figure , because the distances are euery where equall . in number , because there are as many men in length as in depth . ( ) in this foure-sided battaile are none in the foure sides but armed , without archer or slinger to helpe : when therefore two phalanges march together , and both haue their leaders in a right-hand or left-handed deduction ▪ it is called a diphalange homoiostomus . notes . homoiostomus is a diphalange , the battailes whereof haue like fronts . to this forme is incident , first that it be marching , then that it march in deductions ; lastly , that the deductions be vpon one and the selfe , and not vpon contrary sides , viz. that the file-leaders of the phalanges , be all of them either vpon the right hand , or vpon the left hand of their phalanges . and therefore suidas defineth it to be a diphalange , which hath the leaders of either phalange ordered in the same side of the march . where he saith that the leaders are ordered on the same side in both phalanges ( which words are likewise in aelian in the end of the chapter ) wee must vnderstand no● the leaders of the march , but the file-leaders , who are also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or leaders : for as aelian saith elsewhere , the march in a deduction proceedeth in wing not by file but by ranke , so that the file-leaders are in the flankes not in the front of the march ; and yet a man may truely tearme it the front of the battaile , as long as it standeth and faceth against the enemy . because a whole file . ] i am out of doubt that this place is corrupted : any man that marketh the coherence will easily be of mine opinion . the inscription is of a diphalange , which consisteth of two phalanges . the cause why this forme is called a diphalange , homoiostomus , is in these words assigned to be , because a whole file , that is , men mouing , another file followeth it : let one file follow another , what is that to two phalanges ? euery phalange hath many files in it , as the a seuenth chapter will teach vs ; nor will any man say that a file is a phalange , nor that the following of one file singly after the other will make a diphalange : the truer cause is alleadged in the words following : it is therefore called homoiostomus , because they that follow , follow in the like figure : which words albeit they be generall , yet being explained and particularised in the end of the chapter , they shew , that it is called a diphalange homoiostomus when two phalanges follow one another , either in a right , or a left hand deduction . and by that part of the text the nature of the homoiostomus is sufficiently expressed . this is opposed against the b plinthium . ] how this forme should be opposed against the plinthium , i must confesse i yet vnderstand not , vnlesse it be that being in a march , the plinthium charge one of them on that side where the deduction , ( that is in the front , for the flanke is now become the front ) ( the file-leader facing to the enemy way ) and that the other if it be the leading phalange retiring & whealing , the following file aduancing and whealing ) giue vpon the flank of the plinthium , so that the plinthium be charged both in front and in flanke , which is no small aduantage in fight ; for otherwise if the plinthium meet the phalanges so following one another , and charge the front which leadeth ( which indeed is not the front but the leading flanke , in asmuch as the march proceedeth not by file but by ranke , as aelian hath ) the deducton not onely loseth the benefit of bringing the file leaders to fight , but is also subiect to ouerwinging , and by that meanes in worse case then is the induction which hath the file-leaders in front . there are other vses of the homoistomus , they are here specified by aelian . for the the deduction directing the front against the enemy that appeareth , or is like to appeare on the flank of the deduction , the phalanges may fitly second one another , when either of them is charged ; not vnlike the two btatailons of foot , which la noüe holdeth sufficient to repulse the charge of horse in open field or champeign . and if both the deductions be charged at once , they are at no greater inconuenience , then if they stood ranged in ordinary manner , being either of them deepe , and the fronts which are in the deduction ready to receiue the affort of the enemy , and the rest of the ●immes disposed , as in the ordinary phalange . plinthium is a form of battaile . ] this definition cōprehendeth not all plinthiums , for there is a kind of euen-sided plinthium ( it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which hath the front & flanks of one length : and it is it which aelian here defineth . there is also a kind of i linthiū that is deeper in flank then the front is long , which of ancient time was called a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greeke , in enlishg a tower , the name of plinthium is deriued from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a brick , because as the brick is square , so is this battaile , which is the reason i thinke , that it is often confounded plesium , this being also a square battaile , and the name deduced from the mould wherein brickes are fashioned , which mould is called in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to forme . the difference betwixt them according to aelian is , that the pliniheum is a perfect square equall both in length and depth , the plesium a square longer in front then flanke . in this figure are none but armed in the foreside . ] what then becomes of the light-armed ? they must be conuaied into the middest ; and the plinthium ought to be hollow within as well to receiue them , as those of the army that are vnfit for fight . leo hath this precept : if the enemy be horse , you are to order the army into the square figure of a plinthium , and cast into the ( hollow ) middest the cariage , beasts and cariage , and without them the armed , and furthest without the archers , that so you may dismarch in safety ; yet this placing the archers without is contrary to aelian , & to many experiences mentioned in the greeke history . a timotheus the athenian purposing to passe by the city olynthus ; and fearing the olinthian horse-men , ordered his army into a broad-fronted plinthium , casting the baggage and horse into the middest , and causing the waggons to be driuen thronging and fastned together , the armed foot being without on all sides ; so that the olynthian horse could not come to distresse them . brsidas the lacedemonian being in illyrium forsaken of the macedonians his allies , expecting to be set vpon by arrhybeus and the illyrians , reduced his armed into a square , and taking the light-armed into the middest , resolued to retire : the youngest hee appointed to fall out if the enemy charged on any side ; himselfe with chosen men took vpon him to secure the reare , and to resist the enemy that should first come to charge . the barbarians seeing him dismarch , followed with great shouts and cries , imagining hee fled , and hoping to take him and cut his throat : but when the light-armed fell out and met them , wheresoeuer they gaue on and himselfe with his selected band receiued them , and contrary to their opinion stood firme , and repulsed the first charge , and euer as they forbore to charge held on his way : the most part of the barbarians left the grecians , and appointing a party to follow their reare , the rest pursued the macedonians that fled , an killed as many as they lighted vpon . the like forme was vsed in elephants by the captaines of eumenes and peucestes against a surprise of antigonus . diodorus siculus reporteth the history thus . b antigonus being aduertised , that all eumenes his forces were come vnto him but onely his elephants , and that the elephants were expected out of their garrisons and were farre off alone , and without ayde of horse and foot , sent against them sp●are-men , being medes , tarentines , and all his light-armed foot ; for hee hoped that falling vpon the elephants alone , hee might easily become master of them , and depriue his enemy of his greatest strenght . eumenes casting in his minde what might happen , dispatched away of his best horse , and light armed foot . antigonus people appearing first ; the commanders of the elephants ordering the beasts into a plinthium , marched forward , throwing the carriage into the middest , hauing horse and no more to make head in the reare ; the enemy falling on with all their might , and hotly charging , the horse being ouerlaide with number , were put to flight . the riders of elephants at first made good resistance and stood to it , albeit they were wounded on all sides , and not able to hurt the enemy ; and being now at the last cast , the forces of eumenes vnexpectedly shewing themselues , snatched them out of all danger and distresse ▪ b agesilius vsed this forme against the thebans ; the c argiraspides against antigonus : the history is this ; antigonus hauing the better against the horse of eumenes , diuided his horse into two parts , the one he tooke to himselfe and obserued eumenes , the other hee gaue to python willing him to charge the the argiraspides and siluer targateers old soldiers of alexanders depriued of the aide of the horse , but they casting themselues into a plinthium retired safely to the riuer . aelian remembreth nothing concerning the vse of the plinthium : but wee may learne by the examples rehearsed ▪ that it was then practised when the enemy was too strong and able to charge euery way ; and it is one of the foresided battailes that is mentioned in the & chap. and vsed principally against horse , but sometimes against horse and foot . philip the father of alexander the great , being to take armes against the illyrians who vsurped many cities of his kingdom , leuied foot , & horse , and with them entred the enemies countrey . bardilis the illirian king met him with as many foot , and horse : when the armies came together , and with shouts ioyned battaile , philip hearing the right wing , and the best macedonian souldiers , commanded the horse to fall on and charge the enemy in flanke : himselfe giuing vpon the front , began a strong fight . the illyrians ordering themselues into a plinthium , valiantly abode the onset ; and at the first the fight was equall , and so continued a good while by reason of the valour shewen on both sides ; afterward the horse plying hard the reare and flanke , and philip with his choice valiantly laying at the front , the multitude of the illyrians were forced to fly . heere the plinthium resisted both horse and foot ; i will ad one example more of repulsing horse , the army being cast into a plinthium . marcus antonius seeking to subdue persia , and to reuenge the losse which craesus receiued by the parthians , ( for in that warre craesus himselfe was slaine , and his army defeated ) and hauing laid siege to a great city called phreata , and finding not the successe he looked for , determined to dis-march and lead his arm , out of the countrey ; hauing first ●ad●truce with the king of persia , proceeding on his iourney , he was set vpon by the parthians , but being repulsed , they retired that day . antonius hereby resolued what to doe : and strenthening his reare and flanks with many darters & slingers , he formed h●s army into a plinthium , and willed his horse ●o fall out and repulse the e●nmy , but not to follow the chase too farre . the parthians the next foure daies began to be more coole , and neither charged nor were charged , and making winter their pretence , were glad to retire ●o their houses . by this president , wee may see , that the parthians ( who were mighty in horse ) were fierce vpon the romans as long a they held their ordinary kinde of march , but after they had ordered themselues into a plinthium , so that the parthians could not come vp to them without much indangering themselues , they thought it best to let them quietly passe and goe whither they would . and thus much of the diphalange homoiostomus and of the plinthium . words of direction in the homoiostomus . wheele your battailes ( if they stand in euen front ) to the right or left hand . march one battaile after the other . to restore to the first posture . f●●e about to the right or left hand . wheele the battailes to the right or left hand , according as the case requireth . face as you were at first . cap. . the diphalange heterostomus the file-leaders the bringers-vp for the plinthium . if there be battailes standing togethler in an euen front , this i would hold the fittest way to make a plinthium . let the first battaile stand firme , or march on ; in going forward wheele to the right hand ; in falling backe vse the lacedemonian countermarch . the countermarch the front with a countermarch , then wheel to the left hand , then march forward , and place it selfe behind the right hand flanke of the first , that the front of it may be in a right line with the said flanke . the in going forward , countermarch the reare with a macedon countermarch , then wheele your battaile to the right hand , face abount ; then wheele to the left hand ; then march and apply it selfe to the point of the strst battaile , as the third did to the right : then face about , and stand thus : the countermarch to the right or left hand : then march on til it be beyond the left point of the battaile : then face to the left hand ; and march vp to lay the right-hand-point euē with the right point of the battaile , and face to the right hand , to make the reare of the plinthium thus : the seuerall bodies being brought into a plinthium , must front euery way as long as they make alte. when they march in a plinthium , they are all to face toward the head of their march : that is , the right and left flanke battailes are to face the one to the left , the other to the right hand : the reare battaile is to face about to which hand it list , and so march on . the battailes beside haue euery one their place of dignity : the first battaile hauing the front , the battaile the reare , the battaile the right flanke , the the left flanke . of the diphalange heterostomus . chap. xliii . ( ) a diphalange heterostomus is that which proceedeth by deduction , hauing the leaders of the former phalange in a right-handdeduction , and of the following phalange in a left-hand deduction , so that the battailes march counterchangeably , one hauing the leaders in one flanke , the other in the other . notes . a diphalange heterostomus . ] as the homoiostomus consisted of two phalanges , & both proceeded by deduction , so must this forme . they differ in this onely , that the first had all the file-leaders on one side , either on the right or left ; this the file-leaders of one battaile on the right , of the other on the left hand . for if the leading phalange haue the file-leaders on the right-hand , the following phalange shall haue them on the left : if the first haue them on the left , the other shall haue them on the right . see the figure . the vse of this form is , when the enemy sheweth himselfe on both flanks of our march , and of it the double sided battaile , whereof aelian spake in the and chapters , may be made by the sleeuing vp the latter to the former and ioyning reare to reare : and if the leading battaile haue the file-leaders in the right-flank , it is to make alte when the enemy commeth neer , and the following battaile to sleeue vp by the reare of it , to make an euen front with the leaders of the first . contrariwise , if it haue the file-leaders on the left hand ▪ besides , this orme hath further vse , and you may frame of it a diphalange antistomus , by sleeuing vp the following battaile on that side where the file-leaders of the leading battaile march : for by such sleeuing , the file-leaders of both i halanges shall be in the middest . words of direction in the heterostomus . there need few words of direction in this , onely if the two ordinary battailes stand in equall front , let the one wheele to the right , the other to the left hand , and so march the one before , the other after . of the horse rombe , and of the foot-halfe-moone to encounter it . chap. xliiii . ( ) the battaile framed in a forme of a rombe , was first inuented by ileon the thessalian , and was called i le after his name ; and to this forme he exercised and accustomed his thessalians . it is of good vse , because it hath a leader on euery corner : in the front the captaine , in the reare the liuetennant , and on either side the flank-commanders . ( ) the foot battaile fittest to encounter this , is the ( ) menoides or cressent ; hauing both the wings stretched out , and within them the leaders , and being embowed in the middest to enuiron and wrap in the horse-men in their giuing on : where upon the horse-men ply the foot a farre off with flying weapons , after the manner of the tarantines , seeking thereby to dissolue and disorder their circled frame of march . tarentum is a city in italy , the hosemen wherof are called acrobolists , because in charging they first cast little darts , and after come to hands with the enemy . notes . the battaile in forme of a rhombe . ] of the rhombe is sufficiently spoken in chap. . before ; and in the notes vpon the same chapter : the manner of framing of it , and the diuers kinds therof are there set down . the thessalians cap ▪ the half moone or menoides of foote the rhombe of horse the front vsed not all those kinds but onely that which fileth , but rankes not , as aelian testifieth in the chapter , which kinde is there also described . it was accounted a forme of great violence , & in that forme the thessalians got all there reputation , being esteemed the the best horse-men of greece . the foot battaile fittest to encounter this ] the aduantage that horse-men haue against foot is great , which is the cause that foot-men haue sought to helpe themselues by diuers kind of embattailing to the end to supply by art , that which they want by force and strength . of which manner of embattailings , many are set down in aelian . if more then one troope charge at once , you haue the phalange amphistomus , antistomus , and the plinthium to resist : if but one troope , the diphalange antistomus ; all which kinds are before described by aelian . in this chapter is another kind described namely , the halfe moone . and there follow in other chapters the plagiophalange , the epicampios emprosthia , and the wedge : of all which we are to discourse in order as they are remembred by our authours . is the menoeids or cressant . ] against the rhombe of horse aelian opposeth the menoeides of foot , a name of battaile borrowed from the shape of the moone . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the moone , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is ioyned to make vp the composition ) signifieth a full shape or forme . so the word importeth a shape or forme of the moon : and yet this battaile is not like all shapes of the moone , but like to the new moone when she hath two hornes , and hath the shape of halfe a circle as it were : in which sence isis the aegyptian goddesse ( which indeed was the moone , saith a diodorus siculus ) was pictured with two hornes from the shew which shee maketh being menoeides , that is , the new moone , so is a wall sometime called , because of the hollow forme . as when the rhodians hauing their wall shrewdly shaken by the engines of battery of demetrius , reared an inward wall in shape of a cressant , which with the compasse , comprehended all the parts of the outward wal which were battered . the same b diodorus calleth it menoeides : the like was don by the halicarnasseans against alexander the great , and arrian giueth it the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; a brick halfe moon ; the cause of the inuention of this forme , is laide out by c onosander & d leo. oftentimes saith onosader , those that haue great numbers of men in the field , are wont to figure them into a cressāt , supposing that in charging the enemy wil be ready to ioyne man to man , that is , to enter into the semi-circle and fight with them that stand embowed ; in doeing whereof , they will be hemmed and wraped in , in the halfe circle ▪ the wings of the halfe circle being to bee drawne together round about them , and the whole brought into the forme of a circle . and leo likewise : the figure bearing there semblance of halfe a circle , seemeth to be safe & firme ; for it incloseth the enemy that cōmeth against it in the hollownesse of the circle , by drawing out the wings into a circle on both sides , and giueth more courage to fight against them . the causes then to take vp this figure in fight are three ; one the aduantage of multitude of forces in the field , whereby the generall is enabled to encompasse ; another , the ignorance of the enemy , that ventureth within the compasse of the halfe moone ; the third , the efficasie of the figure which serueth to entrap the enemy that is not heedfull and wary in ioyning battaile . it hath beene vsed both against horse and foot , and sometimes in sea by one nauy against another , aelian esteemeth it good against horse ; no doubt when horse charge ; and are resisted both in front , and plyed also with flying weapons in flanke , they finde a greater ●n opposition and disaduantage , then when they are receiued in front alone . in square battailes of foot the front lying euen , the horse in charging abide only the danger before , whereas in the hollow fronted battailes of foot , such as are this form , and the epicampios emprosthia , they are endangered also in flanke , yea in both flanks , & cannot enter the hollownesse of the front without losse of many of their horse , the depth of the hollownes being as strong ( in hauing the file-leaders in front , and the depth of the file the same ) as a square battaile to resist , and the wings plying and infesting them with all sorts of flying weapons : against foot it hath beene vsed oftentimes , and it is the only forme that the turks by reason of his multitudes , vseth both with horse and foot against christians at this day . the cressant may be framed not onely before fight is begun , but also in the heat of fight : before the fight , you haue an example of the lacedemonians against epaminondas , which i haue cited at large in my notes vpon the chap. c leo also setteh downe the manner of casting a nauy into a cressant before fight . during the fight , aratus the elder framed a cressant against the lacedemonians : pausanias reciteth it in this manner ; in the battaile of the lacedemonians against the mantineans , the mantineans , saith he , had the right wing , all the rest of the arcadians the left . the middest was vssigned to aratus , and to the sicyonians , and achaeans . agis king of lacedemon , and the lacedemonians strethed out their battaile to inuade the front of the enemy . agis and his troopes stood in the middest . aratus after he had imparted his purpose to the arcadians : fled himselfe , and with him that part of the army which he commanded , as if he feared the impression of the lacedemonians ; in giuing backe hee brought the army into the forme of an halfe moone . the lacedemonians and agis thinking they had the victory in their hands , pursued aratus and his troopes more egerly . the wing followed the king , esteeming it no small conquest to haue soyled aratus . in the meane time they perceiued not the arcadians that were at their backe : and the lacedemonians being encompassed round about , lost both many other of their army , and agis also their king , the sonne of endamidas was flaine . leo also in sea fight giueth his generall counsell how to entrap his enemy with a shew of flight ; in giuing backe with fashioning an halfe moone : these be his words in effect ; e if a generall be to retire before the enemies nauy , let him retire , fashioning his nauy into a battaile menoeides , anasailyng with his poupes forward , and so seeme to shunne the enemy : for if he flye not , but retire fighting , hee shall haue his ships ready to turne vpon the enemy with their prowes bent against him . and if need require , he may retire with his poupes toward the enemy : for the enemy shall not dare to enter into the hollownesse for feare of being encompassed . so leo. the menoeides therefore may be framed during fight ; but this caution is to be remembred , that in sudden transmutations of battailes , you vse not the seruice of raw souldiers , but of such as haue experience , lest all be brought into confusion ; and the enemy charge you while you are changing your forme . now as formes of aduantage are to be sought against the enemy ; so is it needfull to aduise what best opposition is to be made against such battailes : in case the enemy vse them . the rombe of horse was of old time accounted a forcible figure against foot ; the horse therein had the better . the menoeides was inuented to resist and ouerthrow the horse : the foot had beene the better ; what was then best for the horse ? to abstaine from charging ( saith aelian ) and to ply the foot with missiue weapons , to the end to force them to break their strong forme of embattailing . so now they stand vpon equall tearmes and the foot can with their shot annoy the horse , as well as the horse can annoy the foot . aelian then sheweth a meanes for the horse to auoide the danger of this manner of embattailing : for foot vsing this forme against foot , hee sheweth no remedy . i will set downe what i finde : and here i neede not to repeat the remedy , that b epaminondas vsed against the lacedemonian halfe-moone : it is related at large in my notes vpon the chap. c onosander giueth this aduise : diuide your battaile , saith hee , into parts : with the two outwardest charge the enemies winges : the third , that is ordered against the middle , and as it were , the bosome of the cressant , aduance it not , but let it stand firme ; for either they that are placed in the middest of the cressant , shall standidle ; or else aduancing in an euen front , will throng one another and breake their battaile . for the two fronts fighting in the winges and keeping their place , it is not possible for the halfe circle to come forward with an euen front : when they are therefore confused and haue broken their array , let the third battaile that remained in the middest for seconds , charge them , as they disorderl , aduance . if they still keepe their place in the bottome of the hollownesse , oppose the light-armed and darters against them , who will exceedingly distresse them with their missiue weapons : likewise you may doe well to frame a loxe-phalange of your whole army , and with your two loxes , charge the winges , preuenting so the circling and encompasing of the menoeides . for the enemy , being a long while hindered from comming to blowes with his whole army , shall bee kept in play with a few , none fighting but those onely that are in the winges , which first of necessitie must ioyne , because of the oblique onset . it will not bee a misse also , leisurely to retire with the army sometimes , as though you were in feare ; or else facing about to make your retreat orderly , as if you fled ; and afterward turning sudd onely to meete the enemie that presseth vpon you . for sometimes the enemie being ouer-ioyed in the imagination of a true flight , doth follow vnaduisedly , and make a disorderly pursuit ; euery man pressing to be formost , vpon whom you may returne without danger , and againe , chase them that follow you ; who will be struckes with a fear in that you dare , contrary to their expectation , turne again & make head against them . onosander giueth here three wayes to resist the menoeides : one by diuiding your battaile into a triphalange , & opposing two phalanges against the two wings of the cressant , forbearing and standing firme with the third till opportunity be to moue ( which is the battaile that aelian opposeth against the caelembolos . ) the second by vsing the loxe-phalange against it , as did epaminondas at the battaile of leustra against the lacedemonian halfe moone , as i haue shewed elsewhere , namely chap. . § . . the third in making semblance of flying ; for the halfe moone is a forme , which in standing may well be kept whole , in mouing will soone be broken and fall into disorder , as a cicuta an italian writer noteth very well . if then you faine to flye , keeping your men in order , the menoeides following you will breake of it selfe , and so you haue good opportunity to returne , and in all likelihood to win the day against it , especially being in disorder . leo giueth the same aduise to his generall , onely he speaketh of sea matters , onosander of land seruice . words of direction for the rhombe . for the forming of the rhombes , see the chapter , and my notes vpon that chapter , § . . for the cressnnt . first order your body into a long square , plagiophalanx . the file-leaders in the middest of the square , stand . the next on either hand , mooue forward one foot before the other two , their files mouing withall , and holding their distance . so the next file-leaders each before other , on either side a foot . then two more on either side , aduance before the rest that mooued two foot a peece . then the next on either side , foot apeece . to restore to the first posture : face about . moue all at once ( excepting the middle files ) and take your first ground . of the horse-battaile heteromekes , and the plagiophalange to bee opposed against it . chap. xlv . the horse-battaile heteromekes is that , which hath the depth double to the length . it is profitable in many respects . ( ) for seeming to bee but a few in so small a breadth , it deceiueth the enemie , and easily breaketh his forces with the thicknesse & strength of the embattailing , and may without perceiuing be led through streight and narrow passages . the ( ) foot battaile to encounter is called the plagiophalange , or broad fronted battaile . for being but slender in depth , it beareth foorth and extendeth it selfe in length , so that albeit it be broken in the middest with the charge of horse , yet is nothing broken but a little of the depth , and the fury of the horse is carried not vpon the multitude of foot , but streight and immediatly into the open aire and field . and for that cause is the length thereof much exceeding the depth . notes . of the . battailes heteromekes and plagiophalanx i haue spoken before in my notes vpon the thirtieth chapter . the heteromekes is a kinde of herse , the plagiophalange the broad fronted battaile therein mentioned . for seeming to be but a few . ] amongst all the stratagems vsed in warre , it hath beene accounted alwayes a master piece of skill to deceiue the enemie with shew of forces , that are in any army : sometime with semblance of more men , then wee haue , to feare him , sometime with concealing our number , to prouoke him rashly to fight , and aduenture himselfe in battaile . of these two kindes we haue an example in caesar at the siege of cap. . plagiophalanx , or the broad fronted battaile of foote heteromekes or the herse of horse the front gergouia . caesar himselfe writeth thus : when caesar came into his lesser campe ( hee had two camp●● at that siege ) to take view of his workes , he perceiued that the hill , which was holden by the enemie , was become emptie of men , which hill a few dayes past , could hardly ●● seene for the multitude , that couered it . maruelling thereat , he asked of the run aw●●yes the cause ( of whom great numbers came flocking to him euery day : ) it appeared by ●ll their reports , which caesar also vnderstood by his owne scoutes , that the ridge of the hill was almost euen , but yet wooddy and narrow , by which there was accesse to ●he other part of the towne . that the enemie mightily feared that place ; and were now of opinion , that seeing the romans had gained one hill , if they should lose the other , they should seeme well nigh enclosed round about with a trench , and shut up from issuing out , and from forrage ; that all were called out of the citie by a vercin●etorix to fortifie the place . caesar hauing gotten this intelligence , sent at midnight d●●ers troopes of horse thither , and commanded them to rid vp and downe in all places with greater tumult , then their manner was . assoone as it was day , hee willed a great number of carriage-horse and mules to be brought out of the campe , and their pads ●o be taken off from them , and that the muleters putting on head-pieces , should ride a●out the hils in shew , as if they were horse-men . to these he added a few horse , who were to spred themselues abroad hereand there , to amase the gaules the more . hee willed them to addresse themselue , and to draw to one and the same place , fetching a large compasse about . these things were seene a farre of out of gergouia ( for from thence the campe might well be discerned ) and yet in such distance ●t could not bee certainely perceiued , what the matter was . he sent a legion along the ridge of the same hill , and placed it ( drawing it a little further forward ) in the nether grounds below , and hid it in the woods . the gaules here at increase● their suspition , and all the forces appointed for the fortifications of their campe were led thither . caesar espying the campe of the enemie to be voide of men , conue ed souldiours stragling , as it were , and not in troopes , from the greater campe vnto the lesser , hiding those things by which they might be knowne , and couering their ensignes of warre , lest happily they might bee discried out of the towne ; and gaue instructions to the legats , whom he had set ouer euery legion , what he would haue done . after thes● directions hee gaue the signall : the souldiers after the signall giuen , with all speed fell vp to the munition , and entring , made themselues masters of three camps of the enemie . and the speed of their surprise was such , that theutomatus king of the nitiobrigians , being suddenly surprised in his tent , as he rested about noone , the vpper part of his body being naked , had much adoe to saue himselfe vpon his horse ( which was also wounded in escaping ) from the hands of the rif●●●g souldiers . this example of caesar containeth the two kinds before remembered of deceiuing the enemie . for hee both made a greater shew of horse men then hee had , by setting muleters on horse-backe , and giuing the 〈…〉 ●ieces , and also dissembled the number of them , who were in the lesser 〈…〉 which ga●e vpon the enemies workes , by conueying souldiers 〈…〉 of the 〈…〉 campe piece meale , as it were , and one after anothe● 〈…〉 icy yeelded victory to caesar against the gaules before : as you 〈…〉 in the fift booke of his commentaries . and in this very kinde , that aelian speaketh of , that is , in making his front narrow and his battaile deepe , and so dissembling his forces , cleandridas the lacedemonian wonne a noble battaile against the thurians , as i haue noted in the nine and twentieth chapter of this booke . examples of the manner of these flights are euery where to be found in histories . the foot battaile to encounter it . ] diuers kindes of battailes are fitter ( as i conceiue ) to bee opposed against this horse-battaile , then the plagiophalange . and , i take it , it is not therefore here set dow●e as the best forme to encounter , and repulse the horse , but rather to shew , that , if you bee not otherwise able to auoide them , you may in this ●orme sustaine the lesser losse . for so much importes the reason of aelian viz. that , if you be broken in the middest by the horse , yet is nothing bro●en , but a little of the depth , and the fury of the horse is carried into the open field , & not vpon the rest of the foot . if your foot battaile were flanked with a riuer , wood , trench , wall , or some such other strength , i would the● well hold with this reason . for then might the foot open ( as in the di●alange antistomus ) and suffer the horse to passe through , and to fall i●●o the riuer , or vpon that strength , which you were flanked with all . b●t when the horse breake through your foot , and passe into the open field , they haue aduantage to turne againe vpon your backe , and freedome of a many charges , as they list to giue vpon you . the plinthium , the halfe moone , the epicampios , or hollow-fronted battaile described in the next fo●lowing chapter , and the wedge of foot , are to be preferred before the plagiophalange . for all these kindes are inuented to repulse horse , in what forme soeuer they giue on , and some of them , in case the horse be forward ●● charging , to ouerthrow and discomfit them . of some of these we haue spoken before , other some follow to be treated of . the heteromekes horse battaile , is not in our dayes much vsed , except it be in marching . the great commanders of our time , rather in fight , order their horse into a plagiophalange ; which forme they hold more fit for thevse of the weapons of our age . but the plagiophalange of foot remēbred by aelian to encounter horse , ought to be very shallow in depth . for if it should be according to the old fashion , . in depth ( which number the file of the macedonians held ) or according to our custome ●● . i see not how it is possible for a troope of horse to breake it , or to passe through it into the open field , the depth of the battaile being sufficient to sustaine the ch 〈…〉 ge of any horse . how the heteromekes , and how the plagiophalange are framed , i haue taught before in the thirtieth chapter . of another kinde of rhombe for horse-men , and of the foot-battaile called epicampios emprosthia to encounter it . chap. xlvi . ( ) another sort of rhomboeides there is , whereof i neede say no more , but that it fileth , and ranketh not . i haue before shewed the vse thereof ; and that ileon the thessalian was the inuenter , and that ●asan medeas husband put it in practise : the vse thereof is great , it being directed and led in the foure sides by the captaine , the lieutenant , and the two flanke-commanders . it is commonly fashioned of archers on horse-backe , as the armenian , and persian manner is . against it is opposed the foot-battaile , called ( ) epicampios emprosthia , cap. . epicampios emprosthia the rhombe the front the hollow fronted battaile because the circumduction of the front is like an embowing . the end of this forme is to deceiue and ouer-reach the archers on horse-backe , e●ther by wrapping them in the void space of the front , as they charge , and giue on vpon the spune , or else disordering them first with the winges , and breaking their fury , by ouerthrowing them finally with their rankes about the middle ensignes . this kinde of battaile was deuised to entrappe and beguile . for opening the middle hollownesse , it maketh shew but of a few , that march in the winges , hauing notwithstanding thrice as many following and seconding in the reare . so that , if the wings bee of power sufficient for the incounter , there needeth no more : if not , retiring easily on either side , they are to ioyne themselues to the bulke of the battaile . notes . ( ) another sort of rhomboeides there is . ] the inscription of this chapter seemeth not to bee right ; because the forme of the rhomboeides here mentioned , differeth not , but is the same , that was last spoken of . in the a former hee said it was inuented by ileon the thessalian , and in vse amongst the thessalians , and called i le of his name . in this he saith as much , adding onely that iason , medeas husband , who was also a thessalian , put it most in practise . so that the rhombes seeme to be all one , and the inscription of the chapter either corrupted or mistaken ; and that it ought to bee of the rhombe and the hollow-fronted battaile to encounter it . i need say no more of this rhombe , the forme of it , the manner of framing , and the difference of it from other rhombes are sufficiently declared in other places before . aduance your right and left wings , and let the middest of the battaile stand firme . vnder the name of the wings , i vnderstand so many files as shall be thought enough to march out to make the hollow front : the bringers vp of wings must ranke with the file-leaders of the middest . face and charge into the hollownesse of the front . to restore to the first posture . wings , face about to the right or left hand . march and ioyne with the body in an euen front . face as you were first . there is added by some translators of aelian an epicampios opisthia to the epicampios emprosthia . this battaile they would haue to be signified in their words . this kind of battaile was deuised to entrap and beguile . but hee that shal weigh the words following , shal see that aelians meaning is to describe the emprosthia more fully , euen in the selfe same place . for he speaketh of the few that march in the wings , and of thrice as many that follow in the reare . besides , he saith , that if the wings be not sufficient to repulse the enemy , they may retire and ioyne to the bulke of the body . the wings are therefore led on first , and the ma●se of the body followeth , whereas in the epicampios opisthia the wings are stretched out behinde , and follow the body . and albeit there be in aelian no words of the opisthia , yet i may not deny that there is an epicampio● opisthia : a suidas proueth it plainely ; he defineth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus : it is called epicampios when the battaile aduanceth against the enemy ▪ and hath the wings drawne out in length on both sides behind . the vse of the opisthia is as it seemeth , to auoid the encircling or encompassing of an enemy , that hath a greater quantity of souldiers then we , and meanes to charge our reare . alexander the great , being farre inferior to darius in multitude of men , vsed this forme at arbela . b diodorus siculus saith , that after he had ordered his battaile against darius in a right front , hee framed an epicampios behind each wing , to the end that the enemy with his multitude might not encompasse the small number of the macedonians . and this may suffice for both the formes of the epicampios . words of direction for the epicampios opisthia . aduance your body , and let the wings stand firme . the wings of one flanke face outward to the right , the other to the left hand . torustore , &c. wings face as you were . march vp , and front with the middest of the body . of the foot-battaile called cyrte , which is to be set against the epicampios . chap. xlvii . ( ) the battaile to be opposed against the epicampios is called cyrte of the circumferent forme . this also maketh semblance of small forces , by reason of the conuexity of the figure . for all round things seeme little in compasse , and yet stretched out in length , and singled , they proue twice as much as they appeared to be . as is euident in pillars which are round , and therefore in sight shew the one halfe , and conceale the other . the greatest piece of skill in embattailing , is to make shew of few men to the enemy , and in deed to bring twice as many to fight . cap. . the cyrte or conuex halss moone the epicampios the front notes . the forme of this battaile , albelt it be a halfe moone , and is called by polybius menoeides , yet is it in a manner contrary to the menoeides described in the chapter of this booke . that turned the concauity or hallownesse backward toward the reare , and the two hornes against the enemy , and sought to encompasse , this turneth the conuexe or outward part foremost , not the hornes , and endeauoureth to auoid encompassing : for the epicampios , if a man should enter into the hollownesse thereof , claspeth him in , and is able to charge him in front , and on both flanks at one time . but the conuexe halfe moone auoiding that danger , meeteth the enemy with the bearing out of the halfe circle , and giueth the two wings of the epicampios enough to doe , being not to be annoyed with the depth of the hollownesse , which remaineth a pretty distance more backward then the points of the wings . so that this forme is fit to be opposed against the epicampios , and looseth no aduantage of embattailing : and it auoideth the perill of the hollow front by not entring , and yet maintaineth the fight against the two wings that are thru● out to encompasse ; being of sufficient strength to encounter the epicampios , either of them not dissoluing their forme , or notwithstanding that the wings of the epicampios retire , as aelian prescribeth , when they are ouerpressed , or else the body of the hollownesse aduance to make an equall front with the wings , and so vnite their force . howbeit i haue not read in the greeke hi●tory examples of this forme set against the epicampios , or vsed otherwise in fight ; onely i finde in polybius at the battaile of canne that hannibal practised it against the romans , not trusting to the strength of the forme , but rather with the shew thereof , couering a further drift , to beguile and bring them into his snare . his words are in effect these : hanniball , saith he , embattailed his army thus ; he placed on the left hand the spanish and celtish horse right ouer against the roman horse : next to them of foot halfe the lybian heauy armed ; then the spaniards and celts , next them the other halfe of the lybians . on the right wing he ordered the numidian horse : after he had framed an euen front of the whole army , he aduanced the middle spaniards and gauls , and cast them into a conuexe halfe moone , gathering vp the depth therewith and making it thin , meaning to hide the lybians with it , and disposing the lybians behinde them as seconds . and a little after he declareth the manner of fight . then the heauy-armed foot succeeding the light armed , encountred together . the spaniards therefore and gauls a while brauely maintained their order and fight against the romans ; but being ouer-pressed , they turned their backs , and retired , dissoluing the forme of their halfe moone . the roman cohorts couragiously following easily broke asunder the battaile of the celts , which at first was ordered in a small depth ; themselues transferring the thicknesse of their battaile from the wings of the middest , where the fight was ; for the middest and the wings fought not at the same time . the middest began the fight first , because the celts ranged in a halfe moone , bore much more forward the the wings , hauing not the hollownes but the prominent swelling of the half-moone lying out toward the enemy . so the romans following & running together to the middest , where the enemy gaue groūd , entered so far into the enemies battaile , that they had the heauy-armed lybians on either of their flanks ; of whom those of the right wing facing to the target , charged them on the right ; those of the left wing , facing to the pike , gaue vpon their left side , occasiō it selfe shewing what was fit to be done : so that it chāced as anniball had foreseene , that after the defeat of the celts , the romans pursuing the victory , should fall out to be enclosed in the middest of the lybians . so polibius of the prominent halfe moon or cyrte , which annibal vsed ; to which of purpose he gaue to make thinnesse , because it should be broken & beaten , and the enemy drawn into the snares as it were , and ambush of the seconds , that is , of the lybian heauy armed . if it had had the due proportion of depth , it might haue stood a longer time against the efforts of the enemy , and disputed the victory against the broad-fronted phalange ; against which if it may be opposed , there is no question but it may be set against the epicampios , because the broad-fronted phalange hath all her forces vnited together , the epicampios fighteth onely with her two wings , the middest of the battaile being farre from ioyning ; vnlesse a man be compelled to enter into the hollownesse of the front , in which case both the front and the wings may annoy him . words of direction for the cyrte or conuexe halfe moone . first , order the body into a long square or plagiophalange . then let the two file-leaders in the middest of the square march out with their files . the next two on either hand moueright forward one foot short of the first , keeping distance in flanke , as before . so the next foure , two o● each side : the two next one foot short of the last , the other two one foot short of them . then the next foure , two on each side , each two foot short of other . then the foure last , two on each side , each three foot short of the other . of the tetragonall horse-battaile , and of the wedge of foot to be opposed against it . chap. xlviii . ( ) the tetragonall horse-battaile is square in figure , but not in number of men . for in squares the number is not alwaies the same : and the generall for his aduantage may double the length to the depth . the persians , sicilians , and most of the 〈…〉 s doe affect this forme , and take it to be easie in framing , and better in vse . ( ) against it is opposed the phalange called embolos , or wedge of foot , all the side consisting of armed men . this kind is borrowed of the horse-mans wedge . and yet in the wedge of horse one sufficeth to lead in front , where the foot-wedge must haue three , one being vnable to beare the sway of the encounter . ( ) so epaminondas the theban fighting with the lacedemonians at mantinaea ouerthrew a mighty power of theirs by casting his army into a wedge . ( ) it is fashioned when the antistomus diphalangy cap. . the horsbattaile square in figure , not in horse the foote wedge the front in marching ioyneth the front of the wings together , holding them behinde like vnto the letter a. notes . ( ) this chapter containeth the description of two battails , one of horse , the other of foot to be opposed in fight one against another ; namely the square of horse , and the wedge of foot . of which the tetragonall horse-battaile , square in figure , or ground ( for all is one ) is described in my notes vpon the . chapter of aelian , as also the wedge of horse , from which this wedge of foot ( as aelian saith ) is deriued . it will be therefore needlesse to repeat , what is there written about the formes and diuersity of them ; or to make comparison of their vse and aduantage . against the rhombe of horse , if they come to charge foot , he hath set downe two formes of foot to receiue them ; the cressant and the hollow-fronted battaile called epicampios emprosthia : which vpon this ●eason , because they are hollow in front both , and the rhombe shooteth forth and chargeth in a point , must of necessity by receiuing that point into their hollownesse , and plying it with their weapons on all sides , distresse the rhombe both in front and flanke , which is a dangerous kinde of fight , and such a one as seldome may be tolerated or endured . ( ) against the square horse battaile in figure or ground , he opposeth in this chapter , the wedge of foot , which albeit it cannot with the like art wrappe in and encompasse the square , yet is it of force sufficient to breake and disseuer it , and so to disorder and deface it . for the square of horse hauing a large front and going with full speed to charge , falleth vpon the narrow front of the wedge , which according to aelian ought to containe no more then three men , and they knitting themselues close , their pikes pretended and being seconded with the rest of their companions behinde pretending their pikes likewise , receiue the charge with a firme stand , so that onely the middest of the horse falling vpon the point of their front ; cannot reach to the flanks of the wings thereof ( because the wedge from the first narrowing groweth backward into an increasing breadth ) without breaking of their forme , and altering of the front of their square , wherein they were ordered : which if they doe , their repulse cannot but follow , because they fight out of order . now that the forme of the wedge in horse is able to endure the shot of the horse , that came against them in a square , appeareth by the . chapter of this booke , where it is said that philip king of macedon alexanders father vsed this forme alone , and that alexander himselfe ordered his horse in the same manner , who were both victorious in all their fields . that it is as good for foot against horse besides the reasons before rehearsed may be euident by this , that the horse are in motion in the charge , and by that meanes are soone disordered , whereas the foot stand fast , and keepe themselues secure to repulse the violence of the horse . . so epaminondas the theban ] this battaile is excellently described by a xenophon in his seuenth booke of his history of the grecians . his words sound thus : after epaminondas had embattailed his army , as he thought fit , he led not streight way against the enemy directly , but declined westward toward the tegaean mountaines lying right ouer against the enemy , which bred an opinion , that he had no will to fight that day . for after he came vp to the mountaine and had taken a view of his army , he cansed them to b lay downe their armes in the vppermost part of all , as if he meant to incampe ; and by this meanes allayed the preparation of fight , which most of the enemies had conceiued in minde , and likewise their care in maintaining their place and order in battaile . after sleeuing vp to the front , his companies that marched in a wing , hee fashioned his whole army into a strong wedge . then commanding them to c take vp their armies , he led on , and they followed . the enemy seeing him aduance contrary to their expectation , had no leisure to be still , but some ranne to their place in battaile , some embattailed themselues , some bridled their horse , some put on their curaces , all were like to men , that were like rather receiue , then giue a foyle to the enemy . epaminondas led on his army like a gallie with the d prowe against the enemy , imagining that wheresoeuer he should breake their array , he should thereby ouerthrow their whole army . for he resolued to bring the best and strongest part of his army to fight , casting the weakest behinde in the reare , knowing that being defeated they would discourage their owne side , and breed new courage in the enemy . the enemy ranged his horse like a phalange of armed foot in a great depth without ioyning foot with them . but epaminondas made a strong wedge of his horse also allotting them e foot which had no herses , conceiuing that cutting asunder the enemies horse , he should easily ouerthrow their whole army . for you shall hardly find any , that will make good their ground , after they see them of their owne side take themselues to their feet . and to the end , to with hold the athenians from succouring those of the left wing next vnto them , he placed both horse and foot right ouer against them vpon the hils , to put them in feare of charging their reare , if they gaue ayd vnto the enemy , so led he on to the charge , and was not deceiued of his hopes . for hauing the better wheresoeuer he gaue on , he put the whole army of his aduersaries to flight . so xenophon . where you may note not onely a square of horse defeated by a wedge of horse , but also a square battaile of foot defeated by a wedge of foot . and to shew more plainely , that the forme of the wedge is forcible against abroad fronted phalange , i will recite two examples more . the first is out of t. liutus , who writeth of a battaile fought betwixt the romans and celtiberians thus . the celtiberians knowing that the roman army hauing spoyled their countrey , would retire through a forrest called manlius his forrest , ●id themselues in it of purpose , to the end to fall vpon the romans vpon aduantage and vnlooked for . when the roman army had entred the forrest by day-light , the enemy rising out his ambush vpon the sudden inuaded them on both flanks . which flaccus ( hee was the roman generall ) seeing , stilled the tumult by the captaines commanding euery man to his place , and armies , and bringing the baggage and carriage beasts together , he constantly and without feare embattailed his army partly by himselfe , partly by his legates and by the tribunes of the souldiers , as the time and place required . the enemy came on , and the skirmish was attached in the vttermost parts of the roman phalange , and at last the battailes ioyned . the fight was hot in all parts , but fortune diuers : for the legeons behaued themselues brauely , and the auxiliarie ; in both wings as well . the mercinaries were hardly laid vnto by the enemy ( who bore the like armes ; and was a better kind of souldier ) & had much ado to make good their ground . the celtiberians , when they saw they could not match the legions in the ordinary manner of fight , and ensigne against ensigne , cast themselues into a wedge , and so assayled the romans : in which kind of fight they are so powerfull , that they are scarcely to be resisted . then the legions also branced , and the battell was almost broken . which danger when flaccus perceiued , he rode to the legionary horsemen and is there no helpe in you said he ? this army will immediately be lost . when they cryed out at all hands , they would gladly doe whatsoeuer he commanded . double the troopes , said he , of both legions , and with all your might force your horse against this wedge of the enemy , wherewith they presse vs : you shall doe it more violently , if you giue on , drawing off the horses bridles , which the roman horsemen haue of ten done heretofore to their great cōmendation . they obeyed , and pulling off their horses bridles they passed & repassed through the enemies wedge twice with great slaughter , eueryone breaking his staffe . the celtiberians after the breaking and dispersing of their wedge , in which all their hope remained , began to be afraid , and almost quitting the sight , sought where they might best to saue themselues . hitherto liuy . in which passage a man may obserue the violence of the wedge , which if it be rightly managed , is of wonderfull power to breake and dispart any square it shall fall vpon . the other example or precedent , is out of a agathias , where he describeth the battaile betwixt narses ( the emperour iustinians lieutenant , and bucelinus generall of the french-men . he hath thus . narses when he came to the place where the fight should be , ordered presently his army into a phalange . the horse were ranged in the wings ; himselfe stood in the right wing , and next him zandalas captaine of his followers , and with him all his mercinary and houshold seruants , that were not vnfit for the warre , vpon either side of him was valerian and artabanus , who were commanded to hide themselues a while in the thicke of the wood , that was thereby : and when the enemy ioyned , to fall out suddenly and vnlooked for vpon them , and to put them into an amazement . the foot had all the space in the middest , and the file-leaders ioyned shoulder to shoulder being armed with curaces and other pieces of armour reaching downe to the foot , and with caskes : behind them were other souldiers ordered euen as farre as to the open fields . the light armed and such as vsed flying weapons were cast in the reare , expecting a signall of employment . the middest was reserued for the heruly , and remained empty , because they were not yet come vp : bucelinus aduanced his battell , and all ran cheerefully against the romans , not leisurely , and in good order , but rashly and tumultuously , as if with the very cry they would haue rent asunder all that stood against them . the forme of their battaile was like a wedge ; for it resembleth the letter delta . and the front which shot out in a point , was couered and close , by reason it was hemmed in with targets ( you would haue said they counterfeited a a swines head ) but both the flanks on each side lying out by files in depth , and stretching backward byaswise , by little and little were parted and seuered one from another , and bearing out still toward the reare ende : at last in a great distance , so that the ground in the middest betwixt them was empty , and the backes of the souldiers that were in the wedge , appeared cleane through the files vncouered . for their faces were turned contrariwise one from another , to the end , they might beare them toward the enemy , and saue themselues from blowes , by casting their targets before them , and secure their backe by placing them opposite to the backes of their fellowes . all things fellout according to narses his wish , to whom both a faire opportunity was presented , and who had wisely before contriued what was to be done . for when the barbarians running on furiously fell vpon the romans with a shout and outery giuing vpon the milder ; they presently broake the front of those that stood in the void space , ( for the heruli were not yet come vp ) and the leaders of the point of the wedge cutting asunder all that stood in their way , euen to the vttermost depth of the file , and yet making no great slaughter , were carried beyond the bringers vp of narses battaile , and some of them continued their course further , thinking to take in the roman campe , then narses presently turning about and extending out his wings , and making ( as the tacticks name is ) an epicampios emprosthia , commanded the archers on horsebacke to send their arrowes by turnes , vpon the backes of the enemy , which they easily performed . for being on horsebacke higher then the barbarian foot , they might at their pleasure strike them , as they aduanced forward , being in a great bredth , and nothing to shadow them . hitherto agathias . it would be long to rehearse the rest of the battaile which he exaggerateth rhetorically . i haue recited so much , as both sheweth the strength of the wedge , and withall the manner which was vsed by narses , to ouerthrow it . for i find three kinde of wayes which haue beene practised to resist and defeat it . one by charging it with horse , before it enter the aduerse battaile , as flaccus did against the celtiberians . the second to frame the aduerse battaile empty in the middest ( filling it with some souldiers notwithstanding for shew ) and when hee entreth the space , to plye his reare with shot , and charge it throughly as narses did . the third to oppose against it a hollow wedge ( which vegetius calleth forfex ) and receiuing and letting in the point of this wedge into the hollownesse of the other to claspe it in , and charge it on all sides . against the wedge saith vegetius , is opposed the battaile called forfex , a paire of sheeres : for it is framed of the best and valiantest souldiers to the similitude of the letter v. and it receiueth in , and embraceth the wedge , so that it cannot breake through it . it is fashioned when the diphalange antistomus . ] this manner of framing a wedge is described by aelian in the chapter : and yet that wedge set downe there openeth in front , keepi 〈…〉 the reare shut , and is opposed against the right induction , and called caelembolos ; here the wedge is described that openeth the reare , keeping the front close , and is opposed against the square . but the manner of framing both standeth vpon one reason : for the file-leaders being placed within the caelembolos , the front of the battaile is opened and the reare kept close : in the other , the file-leaders being without , the reare is opened , the front still maintained shut . now the file leaders place is varied in either of them , because of the seuerall effects which they worke . the hollow fronted wedge caelembolos seeketh to hold the enemy together , & so defeat him . the other to dispart and rout him , and so to gaine the victory . and because the stresse of the caelembolos is within ( for the flankes of the hollownesse claspe in the enemy , and fight against his flanks ) therefore are the file leaders the formost that fight within ; as likewise because the outsides of the wedge of this chapter beare all the weight of the fight , therefore in it are the file-leaders without . for as in all other battailes the file-leaders ought first to attach the enemy , so is it likewise in these two formes . but where aelian saith , that this battell is made out of the diphalange antistomus , by ioyning the wings in front , and opening them behinde , i take the text to be corrupted . for the diphalange antistomus hath the file-leaders within , to resist the horse that charge them , as the chapter teacheth : this hath the file-leaders without to breake the enemies battaile and disseuer it . the caelembolos indeed is framed out of the diphalange antistomus : but the wedge of this chapter springeth out of the phalange antistomus , which hath the file-leaders without . and so i am of opinion , it ought to be read in the text. and yet there is no question but another way of figuring the wedge may be practised , then to leaue it hollow behind . in this chapter it is called embolos , and aelian faith it is borrowed of the horse-wedge : now that the horse-wedge is solid cap. . the peplegmene the plesium the front 〈…〉 not hollow within , is plaine by the and chapters of this 〈…〉 will conclude this chapter with the caution of vegetius , which is this , that if you shill make a paire of tongs or a hallow wedge , you ought to haue reserues in readinesse behinde the battaile , wherewith you may frame your tongs or wedge . and yet this caution holdeth not alwayes ; for as a horse-wedge , so a foot-wedge may be framed without supernumeraries : as the and chapters shew . of the foot-battaile called plesium , and of the winding or sawefronted battaile to encounter it . chap. xlix . ( ) the battaile plesium hath the ( ) length much exceeding the depth . and it is called plesium when armed foot are placed on all sides , the archers and slingers being thrown into the middest . against this kinde of battaile is set the winding-fronted battaile , to the end that with the vnequall figure it may traine out those of the plesium to cope with them ; and by that meanes dissolue and disorder the thicknesse of the same . and the file-leaders of the winding-fronted battaile obserue the file-leaders of the plesium , that if they still maintaine their closenesse and fight secret , they also encounter them in the like forme . if the plesium file-leaders seuer themselues and spring out from their maine force , then they likewise be ready to meet them man to man. notes . this chapter containeth two foot-battailes , one to be opposed against the other ; the first called the plesium , or hollow-square ; the second the winding-fronted-battaile or peplegmene . of which the first hath beene vsed by all antiquity , especially by the grecians , whensoeuer the enemies ouertopped in number , and they feared to be charged on all sides . it is called plesium of the figure which is square ; but originally and more particularly of the mould wherein bricks are cast . a because the battaile hath the likenesse of the mould ; as being both square , and also hollow within , as i haue noted before . neither is this name giuen to a battaile alone ; b plutarch saith , that the chariot wherein alexander rode , when he returned from the indies quaffing and rioting , was framed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , in a square hollow forme , and the helepolis ( an engin which c demetrius inuented to batter the rhodian city ) was tetragonall , and had cubits in euery side of the plesium . but in a battaile , that is plesium , saith aelian , which hath the length manifoldly exceeding the depth . ] the length of a battaile , as i haue shewed heretofore , is that which runneth from the point of one wing to the other in front ; the depth , that is measured from the front to the reare . in the plesium then , according to aelian , the length or breadth ought to be manifold to the depth . but it is not generally so ; for oftentimes you shall read of plesiums with d equall sides ; and likewise that the plesium is sometimes hollow within , sometimes solid and filled vp within with men : of which last kinde e xenophon saith , many of the barbarians framed their troopes in the battaile betwixt artaxerxes and cyrus . of the first aelian speaketh in this chapter : for he would haue the foure sides to consist of armed , and the archers and slingers to be throwne into the hollownesse within . he hath before in the chapter described the plinthium to be a square battaile in figure and number ; this he would haue to be a square with the front manifoldly longer then the flanke . so that both battailes agree in that they are square both in that they haue armed on all sides , both in that they are hollow within ; they differ onely in the forme of the square , which is longer in the plesium , deeper in the plinthium . their affinity also appeareth in this also , that the plinthium hath the name from a bricke , the plesium from the mould of a bricke ; yet are their names oftentimes confounded : for that which is called in one author plesium , is in another called plinthium : as namely the battaile of antony in persia , is by f plutarch named plesium , by g appian plinthium . to shew now the vse of this battatle , it is of the kinde of defensiues ; and the grecians , whensoeuer they feared to be charged in flanke , front , and reare at once , or to be ouer-laid with number of enemies , had recourse vnto this forme . there is a notable example of it in h thucydides . the athenians hauing besieged syracuse in cicill both by sea and land , and being ouer-come in two battailes by sea , thought to march by land to someone of their considerate cities in the island ; and fearing to be round beset by the syracusians in their way ; nicias one of the athenian generals put his part of the army in a plesium , and so marched before : demosthenes the other athenian generall , followed with the other part of the army in the same forme . the armed tooke into the hollownesse of their battailes the cariage and vnusefull multitude . when they came to the foord of theriuer anapis , they found the syracusians and their allies embattailed there , whom hauing beaten from the place , they passed o●er and continued heir march . the syracusian horse still charged , and the light-armed ceased not to ply them with mis●iue weapons ; but yet they came not to hand-blowes , fearing to hazard against men desperately bent to sell their liues deerely . at last wearying them with many dayes skirmish , and disordering their army , they forced them to yeeld . this history is at large set downe by thucydides . i haue abridged it , lest it should take vp too much roome ; and yet haue expressed both the forme in his words , and further the meanes , that the enemy vsed to breake it , and to get the victory . this forme was vsed by the i grecians at their returne out of persia , after that clearchus and the other coronels were ensnared by tissaphernes , and put to death : and againe by xenophon , when he retreated , after he had failed of the taking of asidates prisoner , not farre from pergamus a city of lydia . for the meanes to dissolue this battaile , the principall is , not to charge at hand those that stand so embattailed , but to ply them farre off with missiue weapons ; which is manifest by the fight of the syracusians against nicias and the athenians ; and by that of the persians , who so assayled xenophon in his retreat last mentioned . aelian setteth against it another forme of battaile which he tearmeth peplegmene , the winding fronted battaile , which is by some called the sawe : what kinde of battaile the sawe is , i see controuerted . some would haue it consist of a constant front indented , and not changeable or alterable in any part , during the charge . if that be the saw , it cannot agree cap. . the aduerse battail the overwinging battail cap. . the aduerse battaile the ouerfronting battaile with aelians description , who would haue the file-leaders of the peplegmene to aduance before their battaile , and be still in motion , of purpose to traine out the file-leaders of the plesium to meet them , thereby to dissolue the forme of their battaile . and this is but a stratagem to pr●uaile against the enemy . for , as a leo saith , a good generallought , as a good wrestler , to make shew of one thing , and to put another in practice , to the end to deceiue the enemy , and gaine the victory ; as is done in this manner of embattailing ; but that the sawe is no constant or setled forme of fight , as the rest are , which are described by aelian in the chapters going before , appeareth by fiestus , whose words are these : serra praeliari dicitur , cum assidue acciditur , recediturque , neque vllo consistitur tempore . the skirmish is said to be made in the forme of a sawe , when they that vse this for me continually giue on and retire , and at no time stand still . but we must vnderstand that the mouing is not by mamples or by light-armed , as b lipsius interpreteth it , but by file-leaders of the armed , as aelian teacheth , ( with intent to traine out the file-leaders of the plesium , and so to disorder their battaile : ) the rest of the peplegmene standing still in their forme . now then to make a peplegmene or sawe-battaile , direction is to be giuen to the file-leaders alone to fall out confusedly against the aduerse plesium of the enemy , and to the rest in the files to stand still . otherwise being not forewarned , the whole files will moue and follow their leaders ; which if they doe , this forme cannot be made , but the battaile remaineth as a square as it did before the going to charge . the forme of framing the battail called the plesium , and the words of command are described in my notes vpon the chapter . of hyperphalangesis , and hyperkerasis , and of attenuation . chap. l. ( ) hyperphalangesis , or ouerfronting is , when both wings of the phalange ouer-reach the enemies front . hyperkerasis , or ouerwinging , is when with one of our wings we ouer-reach the front of the enemy . so that he that ouerfronteth , ouerwingth ; but he that ouerwingeth , ouerfrōteth not . for they that match not the enemy in multitude , may yet ouerwing him . attenuation is when the depth of the battaile is gathered vp , and in stead of , a smaller number is set . notes . in this chapter , being the last , that describeth formes of battailes , are two kindes of battailes set forth , which are ( if i mistake not ) of more efficacy , i am sure , such as haue beene more practised , then any of the other , that goe before in this booke ; and they specially giue aduantage to them , that haue aduantage in numbers of men , and can frame a larger fronted phalange then the enemy is able . and either of them opposeth a large front against the enemy , the one stretching it beyōd the points of both their wings the other beyond the point one of their wings . the first kind is called hyperphalangesis , ouer-fronting , the other hyperkerasis , ouer-winging . hyperphalangesis or ouer-fronting is , faith aelian ; when both wings of the phalange ouer-reach the enemies front . ] to make it then hyperphalangesis , the front must be much broader then the enemies , & extended beyond both their wings , of purpose to ouer reach & wrap them in , charging not onely the front , but also the flankes on both sides at once ; which is so dangerous a kinde of fight , that he that is so assayled , can haue no great hope of making resistance against his enemy ; because the front being the place which is ordained for fight , and the pikes being bent and lying out from thence , if at the same time the flankes be also charged , the sides of the souldiers must needs lye open to wounds , no man being able to defend himselfe , and turne his weapons two wayes at once . the ouer-fronting of a croesus vsed against cyrus , rehearsed by me in my notes vpon the chapter , is an eminent example of hyperphalangesis , whereby croesus at one instant inuaded the front and both flanks of the enemies battaile . the like maybe said of the battaile of b darius at issos & gaugamela , against alexander ; and of c scipio against asdruball gisgoes sonne in spaine ; and of lau●enus against caesar in africa . the manner of framing this forme is diuers : ●or either you shew all your forces at first , or else conceale some part ; and shewing all , you march in an euen and whole front , and bowing afterward your wings , enclose the flankes of the enemy , or else in on embowed forme at first ( such as are the hollow ▪ fronted battailes ) and so encompasse your enemy , taking him into the hollownesse , as you march forward . of the first kind was the battaile of labienus against caesar which i mentioned last , and those of darius against alexander . of marching in an embowed forme , that of croesus against cyrus : of concealing your number , that of cleandridas against the thurian cited by 〈…〉 y notes vpon the chapter of this booke ; and of scipio against asdruball which is set downe at large in the notes vpon the chapter . hyperkerosis is when we ouer-reach the enemies front with one of our winges . ] ouerfronting is of both wings , ouerwinging but of one . so that albeit your number be smaller then the enemies , yet it you wrap in a part of his front , and one of his wings , you so ouerwing him . to shew an example of ouerwinging you may finde in thucidides , that the argiues with their allies , being in the field against the ● acedemonians and their allies , the battailes were ordered thus : the a lacedemonians gaue the point of the left wing to the scirites , who only of the lacedemonians haue alwayes that place . next to them they ordered the souldiers that came with brasidas out of th●ace : next them the new ma●e citizens by companies by their si●es , first the heroeans , then the menalians , arcadians both . in the right wing were the tegaeans , and a few of the lacedemo i●●s in the point of that wing . the ●orse were ranged on both wings . thus were the lacedemonians embattailed : their enemies thus ; the mantinaeans had the right wing , because the warre was made in their territory : by them stood the arcadians their confederates . then selected argiues , whom the city had long time trained vp in military exercise ; to whom ioyned the other argiues ; and after them were ordered the cleoneans , and the orneatians their allies . the last were the athenians , that had the left wing , and their owne horse b● them . this was the preparation and embattailing of both parties . when they went to charge , the argiues and their allies marched forward with speed and great fury , the lacedemonians leysurely according to the sound of the fifes , placed within their battaile , not for any religion sake , but to the end , that framing their motion to the sound of the instrument , they might not in the march breake their order of embattailing , which great armies often doe in aduancing ; to ioyne with the enemy . when they were ready to ioyne , king agis bethought himselfe of this strata gem : it is the manner of all armies in the onset to stretch out their right wings , and with them to circumuent and encompasse the left wings of their aduersaries ; because euery souldier carefull of his owne sefety seekes to couer his vnarmed side with the target of him that standeth next to his right hand , and imagineth that the setting of targets close ▪ serues for the best defence against the enemy . the cause is this ; the corner file-leader of the right wing desiring to withdraw as much as hee can his naked side from the weapons of the enemy proceedeth to the right hand , and the rest follow him . and at that time the mantineans a great deale ouer-reached the scirites with their wing . the lacedemonians and tegeats much more the athenians , by reason they o●ermatched the● in number . agis therefore fearing the encompassing of his left wing , seeing that the front of the mantineans was very broad , and farre extended , gaue a signe to the scirites and brasideans to stretch out their wing , and to equall the front of the mantineans . and for the void space that should remaine vpon their aduancing ; he commanded two polemarchs or coronels , hipponoidas and aristocles to lead therin two cohorts from the right wing , and fill vp the void space , conceiuing that he should , this notwithstanding , leaue himselfe strength enough in the right wing , and that the wing opposed against the mantineans should hereby be better enabled to the encounter . but it happened that hipponoidas & aristocles followed not these directions , whether the reason were in the sudden●esse of the command , or in the preuention of the enemies giuing on : for which fault they were afterward banished sparta , as men effeminate & cowards . when they came to hands , the right wing of the mantineans put the scirites and brasideans to flight . and they and their allies , and the selected argiues falling into the empty space , that was not filled vp , made a great slaughter of the lacedemonians ; and encompassing them forced them to turne their backes in hast , and flye to their waggons , and slue also some of the elder sort of souldiers , that were left for guard there . hitherto thucydides . i prosecute not the remanen● of the battaile , because it is somewhat long . that which i haue recited is enough for my purpose , namely to shew the manner of ouerwinging . thus then apply it . the mantineans had their right wing farre extended beyond the point of the left wing of the scirites and brasidaeans ; who by marching out to the left hand sought to equall the front of their aduersaries , but left the ground voyd , wherein they were first placed . this ground by agis his commandement should haue been filled by the cohorts of hipponoidas and aristocles . it was not filled , so that in the charge the enemy had the aduantage to enter it , and to circumuent on that side the scirites and brasideans , and put them to flight : which danger will be common to all that shall be so ouerwinged by their enemie . the danger then of ouer-fronting and ouer-winging being so great , let vs see what remedies and preuentions against either of them haue beene deuised by antiquity . against ●ner-fronting , they sought to secure the flanks of their battailes , sometimes by ordering their army in such a figure , as should be sufficient to sustaine the charge of the enemy , wheresoeuer he gaue on . of which kinde is the plesium or hollow-square spoken of in the last chapter . this was practised by the grecians at their returne out of persia ; and oftentimes by other grecians , as is euery where to be found in their histories . and alexander when he was to fight with darius at gaugamela ( the countrey being champaigne , and darius abounding in multitudes ) defended himselfe with an epicampios opisthia , or a reare hollow battaile . i haue shewed the manner of it before in my notes vpon the chapter . and sometimes againe by foreseeing the danger and placing reserues in the reare , or some other secret place to charge the enemy in their flanke , while they busie themselues against your flankes . this b was practised by cyrus the elder against croesns , as i haue shewed in my notes vpon the chapter . of c this kinde also it is , when you lay an ambush to charge their reare , while they charge your flankes . the place will likewise helpe much to auoid encompassing . for if the battaile be fought in a streight place by nature , where the enemy cannot draw out his phalange in length , there is no danger of encompassing . so alexander at issos in cilic 〈…〉 was freed from encompassing , the place being too narrow for darius to bring all his forces into an equall front . the place may also be helped by art in case it be otherwise to open , and fit for the enemy , that aboundeth in number to encompasle vs on euery side . so d caesar being to fight against multitudes of gaules , drew a deepe trench on both the flanks of his army to assure it from the charge of the enemy . the like did e sylla against archelau● the ●enerall of mithridats in the battaile cheronea , and both o● them so securing their armies from circumuention , became by that meanes masters of the field and conquerours of their enemies . of later time f . huniades the hungarian king , being to fight against a huge army of the turkes , gained a noble victory against them by placing his army on the one side against a fenne , and enclosing it on the other side with his waggons . and these preuentio 〈…〉 haue beene deuised against hyperphalangesis , or ouer-fronting . against ouer-winning , they thought it sufficient to strenthen and make safe the wing , that was like to be endangered by the enemy ; so that all remedies against ouerfronting are good also against ouerwinging : but the remedies against ouerwinging are not sufficient to frustrat ouerfronting . ouerwinging therefore hath beene auoided sometimes by drawing out the endangered wing in length to equall the enemies wing , that opposeth against it . this is done by doubling of rankes as g aelian teacheth in the chapter and as it was practised by h cleandridas the lacedemonian against t●e thurians . wherein netwithstanding this caution is to be held , that you doub●e not your rankes so , that you make the depth of your body to thin ; for i in so doing your body will be as subiect to breaking for want of depth as for want or length to ouerwing . beside , it is done by facing to the hand , where the enemies battaile ouerwingeth , and marching out against it paralelly , till your wing equall the wing of the enemy : but so notwithstanding that the void space , from whence you drew your wing , be filled vp , for feare the enemy giue in to it , and distresse you there , as may be seene by the president which in this chapter i gaue out of thucidides of ouerwinging , and the example of the colchans , who fearing to be ouerfronted by the grecians vpon a hill , vpon which they stood embattailed , led their wings to the right and left hand to match the front of the grecians , leauing the middest of their battaile empty , into which the grecians conueying themselues easily put the colchans to flight , as k xenophon recordeth . l ouerwinging is also preuented , if you hold reserues secretly in the reare of your battaile to flye out vpon the sudden against those forces of the enemy , that seeke to ouerwing you . this remedy was vsed by a caesar in the battaile of pharsaly , when pompey hauing abundance of horsemen , sought to circumuent that wing of caesars battaile , which lay to the open field , and was not guarded with a fence , as the other wing was . for to preuent the charge of these horse , caesar bestowed certain cohorts , who were to hold themselues close in the reare of his legions ; not facing as his legions did against the legions of pompey , but facing into the field , from whence he suspected the enemies horse would charge ; so that when the horse charged , these cohorts suddenly falling out vpon them , and putting them to flight , were the beginning of caesars victory . the place also often giueth assurance against ouerwinging , whether it be a riuer or the sea , or a mountaine , or such like , to which you may apply the flanke of your wing . for a riuer , you haue the example of clearchus in the baitaile betwixt artaxerxes and cyrus the yonger , in which b clearchus ordered his troupes of grecians on the right wing close to the riuer euphrates . and when cyrus would haue had him charge the middest of the persian phalange , because the king had placed himselfe there : ( yet saith xenophon ) clearchus seeing the king was farre without the left wing of the grecians ( for the king so much exceeded in multitude , that the middest of his battaile was a great way without the left wing of cyrus ) would not withdraw his right wing from the riuer , fearing to be encompassed on both sides . the like was done by alexander the great in the countrey of the getes : this is the effect of the words of arrian ; c when they ( the getes ) san alexander industriously aduance his phalarge by the riuers side , lest the foot might happily be circumuented and encompassedly some ambus● of the getes , and his horse in the front , the getes for sooke also their city , which was not very well walled , setting many of their children and wiues vpon their horses backes , as the horses could carry , and retired into the wildernesse a great way from the riuer . by the sea you may auoide likewise ouer-winging , if you order one of the flanks of your army close to the sea side . this was put in vre by alexander when he sought the battaile against darius at issos in cilicia . thus ha●● 〈…〉 the foot of the left wing were commanded by craterus , but the whole left wing by 〈…〉 o , who was enioyned not to forsake the sea , for feare of encompassing by the barbarians : for by reason of their number they might easily encircle the macedonians on all parts . a mountaine also that is sleepe , will giue good security to the 〈…〉 auke of a battaile , that may otherwise be encompassed . at the battaile of platea which was fought betwixt the grecians and mardonius , xerxes his generall ; the grecian army consisting of . the persian of thousand , the grecians at the first encamped at the foot of the mountaine cytheron ; but finding the place fitter for the multitude of the persians , then for themselues , they remoued their campe , and chose a more commodious piece of ground to pursue the totall victory . for there was on the right hand a high hill , on the l●●t , ran the riuer asopus . the campe was pitched in the middle space , which was fortisied by the nature and safenesse of the plot of ground . therefore the streightnesse of the place much fauoured the wise counsell of the grecians , toward the obtaining of victory . for there was no roome for the persi●●s to extend their phalange in any great proportion of length ; so that many myriades of the barbarians came to be of no vse . the grecians therefore in confidence of the place , aduanced their forces to fight , and ordering themselues according to the present occasion , led against the enemy . mardonius being compelled to make a deepe phalange , ordered his battaile in such sort , as he thought most conuenient , and with cries set forward against the grecians . this example albeit it be a remedy against hyperphalangesis , or ouer-fronting , yet because it giueth a safegard by a mountaine to one of the wings , i take it to be proper enough to hyperkerasis or ouer-winging . besides that , as i before noted , all meanes that are vsed to auoid ouer-fronting , are good likewise for the auoiding of ouer-winging . attenuation is . ] this is nothing else but doubling of ranks : whereof see the chapter . of conueighing the carriage of the army . chap. xlv . the leading of the carriage , if any thing else , is of great ( ) importance , and ( ) requireth a speciall commander . it may be conueighed in manners , ( ) either before the army , or ( ) behinde , or on the ( ) one flanke , or the other , or in the ( ) middest . before , when you feare to be charged behinde : behinde , when you lead toward your enemy : when you feare to be charged in flanke , on the contrary side . in the middest when a hollow battaile is needfull . notes . is of great importance . ] the importange of disposing the carriage in a march is well set downe by a leo : you ( saith hee to his generall ) ought to haue a speciall care of your baggage , and not to leaue it at randon , but to secure it in the place where it shall be ; nor to lead it vnaduisedly into the battaile : for it oftentimes falleth out , that seruants fit for the souldiers vse , and the souldiers children and kinsmen are amongst it : and if it remaine not in safety , the mindes of the souldiers are distracted with doubtfulnesse and care and feare of the spoyle thereof : for euery man of vnderstanding endeuoureth to possesse that which is the enemies , without losse of his owne . this is the aduice of leo. a pregnant example hereof may be read in diodorus siculus his description of the last battaile betwixt antigonus and eumenes ; in which antigonus hauing foyled eumenes horse , sent his median horse-men , and a sufficient number of tarentines to inuade the enemies baggage ; for he hoped ( which was true ) not to be descried by reason of the dust , and by possessing the baggage to become vanquisher of the enemy without trauaile . they that were sent riding about the wing of their aduersaries vnperceiued , fell vpon the baggage , which was distant from the battaile about fiue furlongs . and finding by it a rabble of folke vnfit for fight , and but a few left for gard thereof , putting them to flight quickly ( that withstood ) they made themselues masters of all the rest . eumenes hearing that his baggage was lost , endeuoured notwithstanding to renew the fight , in hope by gaining the victory , not onely to preserue his owne baggage , but also to possesse that of the enemy . but the macedonians refused to strike stroake , alleadging that their carriage was lost , and their children and wiues , and many other bodies necessary were in the hands of the enemy . and sending priuily embassadours to antigonus they seised vpon eumenes , and deliuered him vp into antigonus possession . thus much for the importance of assuring the carriage . requireth a speciall commander . ] that the baggage ought to haue a speciall commander b leo also affirmeth : c vigetius addeth a gard to the baggage , and d leo a proper ensigne , saying ; to euery regiment there ought to be allotted a waggon master , and a proper ensigne as well to the horse as oxen , that they may be discerned to their owners by the colours of the ensigne . either before the army . ] the first of the fiue wayes , by which the baggage is conueighed in a march , is to lead it before the army ; which manner is to be put in practise , when the enemy pursueth in the reare : for if when the enemy followeth , the baggage should be behinde , he would soone haue meanes to selfe vpon and rifle it , then you could haue to wheele about your army to succour it . for these fiue manners of conueighing the carriage , leo agreeth with aelian in these words : your carriage , saith he , ought e to haue a speciall commander to order and gouerne it : and he is to lead it either before the army , if you disonarch out of the enemies countrey ; after the army , if you inuade the enemies territory ; on the one side or other , when you feare to be charged on the one or either of your flanks ; within the phalange , when you haue suspition to be charged on all parts . so leo agreeing with aelian . orbehinde . ] the baggage is to be alwayes disposed of so , that the army may be betwixt it and the enemy . it ought to be before when the enemy is like to giue on behinde ; behinde , when he seeketh to affront you from before . and yet it sometimes falleth out , that all the baggage is not to be led behinde the whole army , according to this precept of f leo. cause euery drung or regiment ( saith he to his generall ) to accustome their owne baggage to follow after their regiment with their owne ensignes , and not to mingle with other . for it is necessary , when the enemy is neither present nor expected in our owne countrey , to ma●ch either by regiments or else by formes ; and not to gather your whole army into one place , lest thet be easily starned with hunger , or the number be quickly ●●scoue ●● by the enemies espicials , or be seuered in forrage . in another place speaking of marching thorow woddy and rough wayes , he g hath th● : in case you haue horse or baggage , lead your baggage behinde your army , and after it the horse , and after them a few light armed targatiers , to be as it were bringers vp of the march , for feare of vnexpected incursions which oftentimes chance to be made by the enemy . h in another thus : when you enter your enemies countrey , you shall cause your carriage to march in the reare ; but when the enemy draweth neere , you shall bestow it in the middest of the army . i and in any case you must haue your carriage , and the captiues ( if you haue any ) seperated from the souldiers that are to fight , lest if the enemy fall on roundly , they be hindered that are to fight . for the distance that the carriage ought to hold behinde the army , the same leo hath thus ; if you thinke it conuenient for the carriage to follow the army , you are to order it a full bowe-shot from the army , and let euery part follow their owne bodies in good array : giuing it such breadth in the march , is the army possesseth ; lest that lying out beyond the breadth of the army , they become vnsuccourable . these are the precepts of leo concerning the conueighance of the carriage in the reare . for the practise of it you haue a precedent of h cyrus the elder , which is at large rehearsed by me in my notes vpon the chapter of this booke : and another of l alexander the great , when hee led against the persians at the riuer granicus , and an infinite number of other examples are to be found in history euery where . or on the one flanke , or the other . ] aelians precept for disposing of the baggage on the flanks , is very good : for it ought as much as is possible , to be preserued from the touch of the enemy ; neither can there be any better way to secure it , then your opposition , the army betwixt it and the enemy ; but so , notwithstanding that it haue a gard about it at all times , to saue it from the sudden inuasion of your enemies horse . if therefore the enemy appeare on your left flank , your baggage is to be conueied on the right flank ; if contrariwise the enemy come on to charge your right flanke , the baggage is to be remoued to the left . and this holdeth , onely when the enemy appeareth vpon one flanke , and not on both . but in case the enemy appeare on both flanks at once , then is the safest place for it , ( ) in the middest . ] there are two manners of leading of the baggage in the middest , and that according to the nature and condition of the ground , where our army marcheth . if therefore the way be straight , leo giueth this precept ; those that leads their army through streights , hauing with it either baggage or prey , ought to diuide it into a diphalange , and to march wing-wise in a right induction . a right induction , that is , which is narrow in front , and hath the depth stretched out in length : and this is to be done especially when there is a prey in the hands of the army . and if they consist of foot , the passage will be the easier through rough and cumber some places . if horse , the are to alight and take the baggage and carriage into the middest . but in such times and places , you are to appoint some chosen men onely for the defence of the prey , and to order them vpon the foure sides of the diphalange , is the place will giue leaue , to the end to follow ●● and repulse those of the enemy that offer to charge or distract it . and the battaile ( or diphalange ) so ordered for the preseruation of the carriage or prey , be maintained wh●le and entire . for it is not possible for those of the diphalangy , both to defend the prey 〈…〉 order , and to ioyne with the enemy that chargeth , which is the cause thee there ●●ght to be extraordinary men to march without the foure sides of the army ; but especially you are to appoint the best of them to wait vpon the reare ▪ for so may at all times , tough and troublesome places be passed through with safety . this is leo●s precept for streight & narrow passages : because in such you cannot forme your army into a hollow square , wherein the baggage is to be couched , and to be desended on all sides . for if the ground be open enough to cast your selfe into a square , hee holdeth the forme the safest to giue security to your baggage . these be his words : place all four carriage , seruants , and baggage , and prouision , in the middest of your army . and in another place , speaking of a retreat to be made after an ouerthrow receiued , he writeth thus : you shall order your whole power into two phalanges or battailes , or into one square plinthium ; in the middest whereof you shall put the carriage , beasts , and baggage , and without them the souldiers in order , and without them the archers , and so retire and depart in safety . againe he saith , in marches , the enemy approaching , it is necessary to haue your carriage in the middest , lest being vnguarded , it be spoyled and rifled . with leo doth xenophon agree . his words haue this shew ▪ i will not wonder , if as fearfull dogges are wont to follow and bite such as passe by , if they can , and to flye from such as follow them , so the enemy hang vpon our reare . therefore we shall perhaps march the safer , if making a plesium of the armed , the carriage and vnprofitable multitude be throwne into the middest for more security . and if it be now determined who shall command the front of the plesium , and who the two wings , and who the reare , wee shall not need to consult when the enemy approacheth , but execute that which is resolued vpon . this is xenophons counsell for the march in open ground , when the enemy aboundeth in number of souldiers : which counsell was often put in practice , and the grecians being but secured themselues against infinite multitudes of persian horse that charged them on all sides , and also preserued , and led their carriage sate in dispite of the enemy . the like was practised by xenophon afterward in the last warlike action of the grecians in their returne out of persia . he setteth downe the history after this manner ; now was it time , viz. after they had assaulted a fort in vaine , the enemy of the country gathering head ) to thinke vpon a faire retreat , and conue●ing the oxen and sheep they had taken , and likew●se the slaues into a plesium , they quickly dismarched , not so much esteeming their prey , as fearing in case they left it behind , their departure might seeme a plaine running away , and the enemy gath●r heart , the grecian souldiers be discouraged . so now they departed fighting as it were about the prey . the souldiers with xenophon being shrewdl annoyed wi●h bowes & slings , cast themselues into a ring to the end to oppose their targets against the shot of the enemy , and with much adoe passed the riuer caicus , the one halfe of them being wounded . agasias also the stymphalian captaine was hurt whilest hee maintained fight with the enemy , during the whole retreat . yet they all returned safe to the campe bringing with them about slaues , and sheepe enough for sacrifice . here xenophons souldiers figured themselues first into a plesium couching their prey in the middest ; afterward being ouerlayed with the enemies shot , they conuerted their plesium into a ring , in which forme they tecouered their came , notwithstanding the molestation and often charging of a great multitude of horse and foot , that were enemy and followed them . of the forme of rings i finde not many examples amongst the grecians ; the romans vsed them often , when they found themselues encompassed by the enemy , as a vegetius hath ; and may bee seene in cae●ars commentaries . and let thus be said of the foure manners of placing the carriage in a march . of the words of command , and certaine obseruations about them . chap. lii . last of all , we will briefly repeate the words of direction ; if we admonish first that they ought to be short , then that they ought to be without double signification . for the souldiers , that in haste receiue direction , had neede to take heede of doubtfull words , lest one doe one thing , and another the contrary . as for the purpose ; if i say turne your face , some , it may be , that heare me , will turne to the right , some to the left hand , and so no small confusion follow . seeing therefore these words turne your face import a generall signification , and comprehend turning to the right or left hand ; we ought in stead of saying turne your face to the pike , to pronounce it thus , to your pike turne your face ; that is , we ought to set the particular before , and then inferre the generall ; for so will all doe alike together . like reason is , if you say turne about your face , or countermarch : for these are also generall words , and therefore wee should doe well to set the particular before . as to the pike , turne your face about , or to the target , turne your face about . likewise the lacedemonian countermarch , not the countermarch lacedemonian : for if you place the word countermarch first , some of the souldiers will happily fall to one kinde , other to another kinde of countermarch . for which cause words of double sence are to be auoided , and the speciall to be set before the generall . notes . if we admonish first that they ought to be short . ] the ordering and motions of an army ought to be quickly performed , the rather because the transmutations of the body and the occasions of them are sudden for the most part . and therefore the meanes to worke the transmutations commanded ( these meanes are the words of direction ) ought to suite to the nature of the motions themselues , and to be applyed to celerity by shortnesse of speach . short speach is better carried away , and sooner put in execution , then speech that is longer . yet is not such a shortnesse to bee affected , as will bring with it obscurity , according to the saying of the poet ; breuis esse laboro — obscurus fio . i labour to be short , and so become obscure . and therefore i take the practice of french commanders , when they command facing in these words ; a droie , a gauche , to the right , to the left , without adding face , and likewise of the netherlanders in imitation of the french reehes om , slinks om , and of some english in these words ; to the right , to the left , not pronouncing the motion which is to be made to the hand appointed . these i say , i take to be without the warrant of reason , and of all antiquity , from which aelian draweth this rule . for the command of right and left alone sheweth that the commander would haue a motion performed to the named hand , but leaueth vncertaine what the motion should be , so that albeit some souldiers fall to a countermarch , some other to wheeling , or to doubling , or to facing , they are to be reputed blamelesse , and to haue performed that which their direction willed them to doe , because the command was of mouing to the right or left hand onely , not shewing what motion should be made to either hand . shortnesse therefore is required by aelian , but such a shortnesse as is not wrapped vp in obscurity , and which may fully deliuer the minde of the commander to the souldiers , which hee hath in exercise . and as the words ought to bee short , so ought they to be , without double signification . ] where they haue a double signification , that is , may be diuersly vnderstood by them , who are vnder direction ; some of the souldiers ( as aelian saith ) will doe one thing , some another , which must needs breed a confusion in the body exercised . for as vniformity of motion in euery particular souldier preserueth the whole body , and euery ioynt , or part , thereof entire , so the dissimilitude of motion in the particulars induceth a disioynting , as it were , & a disorder of the multitude of the whole battaile in generall . to auoid then the inconuenience of double vnderstanding in words : aelian thinketh fit , that the speciall word should be placed before the generall , and in stead of face to the pike , he would haue the commander to pronounce thus : to the pike face ( that is to the right hand : ) holding the word right hand to be more speciall or streighter in signification , then the word face . let me haue pardon if i differ from aelian herein . for logicians hold those words more generall , that stretch vnto , and comprehend vnder them most particulars . now considering there are foure motions of the battaile , which cannot be put in vse but by words of direction , and in the direction the word right or left hand is of necessity to be applyed to euery of them ( as for example countermarch to the right or left hand . face to the right or left hand , and so of the rest : ) it is euident , that the word right hand , or left hand is more generall then any one of the motions , because it stretcheth to them all . so that albeit we retaine the rule of aelian , namely , to set the speciall before the generall , yet may we very safely from his example , and not onely in facing , but also in the three other motions pronounce the direction thus : face to the right or left hand , double to the right or left hand , countermarch to the right or left hand , wheele to the right or left hand : because the word right or left hand is more generall , then any one of the motions . but admit it were more particular , yet the necessity of our language would force vs to forsake this rule of aelian . for in euery language there is an idiome or propriety of speech , and that not onely in the phrase it self , but also in the very ioyning & tying together of the words of the sentence . so that that which sorteth well with one language , will not be receiued in another . in greeke , in which tongue aelian wrote , it soundeth well to place the nowne gouerned by a verbe , before the verbe it selfe . so in latine , dutch , french , and other tongues . in english if a man should doe the like ( vnlesse it were in verse , wherein the number of the feet is more respected then the ordering of the words ) he should be accounted ridiculous or vaine . for take the example here set downe , to the right han● face , to the right hand double , or countermach , or wheele , and let vs vse the same order of words in common speech , and a man say to his seruant : to the church goe , to the mill corne carry , bootes cleane make . to the cutler my rapier carry : who would not laugh at his speech , or thinke him idle in so pronouncing . wherefore albeit aelian hold that forme agreeable to the greeke tongue , yet i cannot see how it will be fit that our english , according to which i hold it better to pronounce after this manner : face to right hand , countermarch to the right hand , and so in the rest , then after this , to the right hand face , to the right hand countermarch ; the rather because the property of speech auaileth much to the capacity of souldiers , who for the most part are vndearned , and will hardly vnderstand , in case the wonted custome , and ordinary vse of ioyning words be inuerted . chap. liii . bvt aboue all things silence is to be commanded , and heed giuen to directions , as homer especially signifieth in his description of the craecian and troian fights , saying ▪ the skilfull captaines pressed on , guiding with carefull eye their armed troopes , who followed their leaders silently ; you surely would haue deem'd each one of all that mighty throng had beene bereft of speech , so bridled he his heedfull tongue , fearing the dread commanders checke and dreadfull hests among : thus march'd the greeks in silence , breathing flames of high desire and feruent zeale to backe their friends , on foes to wreake their ire . as for the disorder of the barbarians he resembleth it to birds , saying : as sholes of fowle , geese , cranes , and swans with necks far stretched out , which in the slimy fens caisters winding streames about . sheere here and there the liquid skie , sporting on wanton wing , then fall to ground with clanging noyse , the fens all ouer ring . none otherwise the troians fill the field with heaped sounds of broken and confused cries , each where tumult abounds . and againe : the captaines marshall out their troopes ranged in goodly guise , and forth the troians pace like birds , that lade the ayre with cryes , not so the greekes , whose silence breathed flames of high desire , feruent in zeale to backe their friends , on foes to wreake their ire . notes . silence when a battaile is put in order either for fight , or exercise , is one of the principall points of obedience , which belongeth to a souldier ; the breach whereof more endangereth the proceeding of warre , then a rawe souldier would thinke , who onely is wont to offend in that kind . i haue before entreated of signes , and shewed , that in the obseruing of directions consisteth the greatest helpe of victory ; in neglecting them , the chiefest meanes to take an ouerthrow , and be defeated . for as directions being executed giue life vnto warlike actions to effect that which the commander desireth , so whatsoeuer hindereth the receiuing of directions , must needs crosse the designes of the commander , and by consequence frustrate and disanull that which was thought by him most fit to be put in practice either for the good order , or for the preseruation of the army , or else for the gayning of victory : a man that is not attentiue cannot marke the command deliuered : nor can he be attentiue , that whilest it is deliuered busieth his head with other thoughts , or else entertaineth his next standers by with talke , a meanes to diuert aswell the speaker as the hearer from that heed which ought to be giuen to direction ; in asmuch as no man hath the ability to heare another mans speech , and himselfe take at the same instant , or at the same time to discerne two mens seuerall speeches , which are deliuered together . all generals haue held silence a principall point of warlike discipline . and therefore in commands they make it the first . leos precept is this : when the troopes are drawne together , and ordered for exercise , let the cryer ( for euery company had then a cryer ) giue these directions : doe what you are commanded with silence ; keepe your places euery man , follow your colours . and in another place he writeth thus : when your army goeth out to ioyne with the enemy , there ought to be a deepe silence ; for that both preserueth the army from disorder , and also maketh the directions of the commanders to be heard with more attention . and againe thus : there ought to be as much silence as may be in the army , and if the bringers vp of any file , heare but a whispering of their fellowes in the file , they are to pricke the parties with the points of their pikes , and so to redresse the fault . alexander when he was returning from the countrey of the taulantians , into which he had made an inrode , found his way beset with enemies , and being to cast his army into a forme of battaile to fight , he first commanded an absolute silence , and then proceeded to other directions . and for the effect of silence , our owne story hath a memorable example of the army of edward the fourth in barnet field . as for the silence here prescribed by aelian , it extendeth not onely to exercise and fight , but oftentimes to the marching of an army , and to the campe , as appeareth by the last example , and by leos precept in his eleuenth chapter . and yet this precept of silence is not inuiolably to be kept in an army at all times : for there is a time , when the souldiers ought to giue a generall shout , and cry thorow the whole army , to the end to terrifie the aduerse battaile of the enemy ; and that time hath alwayes beene chosen , and by all nations obserued , when the fight is presently to be vndergone . i neede not bring instances thereof , euery man knoweth it , that is although but meanely acquainted with history . it is termed in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in latine clamor . in english a shout of the whole army ; the which being performed , silence is to be restored in as strict manner a before . and thus much of silence . now followeth the words of direction in aelians last chapter . of the words of direction . chap. liiii . thus then are we to command . to your armes . carriage away from the battaile . be silent and marke your directions . take vp your armes . seperate your selues . aduance your pikes . file your selues . ranke your selues . looke to your leaders . reare-commander strengthen your file . keepe your first distances . face to the pike . moue a little further . stand so . as you were . face to the target . moue a little further . stand so . as you were . face about to the pike . as you were . double your depth . to your first posture . the lacedemonian countermarch . to your first posture . the macedonian countermarch . to your first posture . the choraean countermarch . to your first posture . the precepts of the art tacticks haue i deliuered vnto you ( most inuincible caesar ) which i make no doubt , will bring to the practice safety , and victory ouer his enemies . notes . these words of direction here set downe , are rather to shew the manner of command , then to expresse the iust number of directions vsed in exercise : yet doth leo the emperour transcribe some of them , albeit not all , out of aelian ; and the last in leo hath a mixture of two motions in one direction , being deliuered in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; which is in latine translated by sir iohn check laconicum ad hasta 〈…〉 triuolue ; and may be thus englished , wheele thrice the lacedemonian countermarch to the right hand ; wherein there is both wheeling and the lace emonian countermarch commanded at once , a thing impossible to be performed . for as in wheeling , the whole battaile remaineth entire , and moueth circlewise about the right ot left corner fileleader , as about a center ; so in a countermarch lacedemonian it is broken , and beginneth to moue by seuerall ranks , and continueth the motion in a direct line from the front to the reare , and not in a circle . but for the precepts of aelian i purpose to explaine onely such as are vsed by the souldiers and commanders of our time : and after taking of armes i hold this to be the first , at lest when we begin to moue . aduance your pikes . pikes in ordering of a battaile must be first aduanced before any motion can be performed , in as much as all other postures of the pike doe hinder , or else are vnfit for transmutations and variety of changes , and from aduaneing the rest of pike-postures doe spring . ordering of the pike was deuised to ease the souldier standing still ; shouldering , to ease him in matching ; aduancing , to giue facility to the other postures , and to finish them , because they both begin and end in it . & . file and ranke your selues . it is needlesse to note , that no battaile can be without filing and ranking . this we must vnderstand , that the captaine is to see whether the souldiers be filed and ranked ; but the action it selfe pertaineth to the souldiers , who knowing their files and rankes , are euery man to take their place accordingly : for so ought it to be in true discipline of warre . looke to your leader . the file-leader is the life , and giuer of forme vnto the file . he is the life in that he moueth first , and draweth the rest vnto the same motion ; he giueth the forme vnto it , because it being nothing else but a right line , his standing , being the first point , directeth the rest to follow lineally one after another . in this precept therefore looke to your leader two things are commanded , one that the rest of the file should obserue to moue and stand still , as he doth ; the other , that they should maintaine a straightnesse and rightnesse in length , which is the forme of the file . reare-commander order your file . in the greeke edition of aelian is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , file-leader . but in a manuscript , which i haue seene , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bringer vp or reare-commander , and so is it read in leos tacticks ; and i take it to be the true reading , this command rather appertaining to the reare-commander , then to the file-leader : for the file-leader being the foremost of the file , and bearing his face out of the front , how can he see whether the file that is behinde him , be in right order or not . the bringer-vp hath his face toward the whole file , as it standeth out before him : and therefore may easily discerne if any man be in disorder , and reforme them that are the cause of the disorder . in which respect it is euident , that he is fitter for the command , then the file-leader ; which is the cause , that i haue translated the word of direction , as before , reare-commander order your file . keepe your first distances . that is , stand in your open order . for in that distance is the exercise first legunne . it is a seemely thing to see an euen proportion obserued in the motion of a battaile , and to behold a direct space betwixt files and rankes . for that is the grace and beauty ( as i may terme it ) of a phalange ordered for fight . this proportion cannot be maintayned without obseruing distance curiously . open order is sixe foot both in ranke and file betwixt man and man euery way . if then any souldier in file gather vp to his leader , and stand at distance of three foot , it is manifest , that his ranke is thereby disturbed and made vneuen , although the file continue streight . contrariwise , if he beare himselfe out of his place , three foot toward either of his side-men , by this meanes he disordereth his file and maketh it crooked . this fault if it were committed by many , a generall disorder would follow in the body ; and therefore aelian well aduiseth to keepe the first distances especially till you be commanded to the second or third distance , which will often fall out in the foure motions . of which facing is the first ; and the words of direction in it are these as before in aelian . face to the pike . that is , face to the tight hand ; for the pike was alwayes borne in the right hand . face to the target . the pike-men in the macedonian army bore targets on their left armes , or on the left side , so that facing to the target is all one with the word of command ; face to the left hand . face about to the pike or target . that is , face about to the right or left hand . but where hee addeth [ moue a little further , ] he signifieth that the direction is not fully accomplished , and he would haue the souldiers continue their motion till their faces were fully come about to the reare ; and then hee willeth them to stand so , because they haue gayned their place . these facings here expressed by aelian , are of the whole body . other facings of the parts he hath not set downe , which notwithstanding are oftentimes of great vse . for say the enemy charge in front and reare ; your front must continue as it did , but the word for the reare is : a halfe files face about to the right or left hand . if the enemy charge you on both flankes , then is the word of command . b halfe rankes face to the right , halft to the left hand . if in front and one flanke , the front standeth firme , and the word for the flanke that is charged , is : halfe rankes of the right ( or left ) flanke , face to the hand named . if in front and both flankes , the front is to stand firme , and both the flanks to face to the enemy . and this is done in a hollow square or plesium , and the word is : flankes face one to the right the other to the left hand . if on all sides or round about , it is as before for the flankes : but for the reare , the reare face about to the right or left hand . now in countermarch of the reare , the ranke of file-leaders is oftentimes commanded to face about to the right or left hand ; in countermarch of the front , the ranke of bringers vp must doe the like , as wee shall see in countermarch . doubling is the second motion vsed in battaile , the precept of it in this in aelian . double your depth . the word in our exercise for this motion is , double your files ; because files measure the depth of the battaile , or rankes measure the length . this doubling is made many wayes . the first is , when the euen files ( that is , the . . . . . file ) fall into the odde ; as if the doubling be to the right hand , the right hand corner-file standeth firme , and is the first after doubling ; the third is the second file , the fifth the third , and so the rest of the odde files in order . but the manner is , that the leaders of the second file fall directly behind the leader of the first file , and the second man of the second file behind the second man of the first , and so the rest of those two files . the same order is for the rest of the euen files , when they double the odde files . and the word is : double your files to the right or left hand . another manner is , when halfe the body of files conueyes it selfe into the spaces o● the other halfe of the body ; be it to the right or left hand according to direction giuen ; so that the first ranke of the halfe body , which is to moue , fals into the space next after the first ranke of the halfe body that standeth , and so the rest of the rankes of the halfe body that moueth , and the word is : halfe the body double your files to the right or left hand . another is , when files are doubled by a countermarch : as if the second file of the right or left hand ( as it is appointed ) countermarch , and the leader of that file place himselfe behind the bringer vp of the corner file to that hand , to which the doubling is to be made ; and so the rest of the files of euen number , behinde those of odde number ; as the second behind the first , the fourth behind the third , the sixt behind the fifth , and so the rest . the word is : double your files by countermarch to the right or left hand . the next word in aelian is double your length . that is , double your rankes , or front : ( for as i before noted , the rankes make the length of the battaile ) which likewise is many wayes done . the first is , when the rankes of euen appellation , as the . . . . &c. fall out into the spaces of the odde , namely , into the spaces of the . . . . &c. which stand before them and place themselues euen with them in ranke . the word is : double your rankes to the right or left hand . another way is , when the bringers-vp ( their halfe files following them by countermarch ) aduance vp to the front , and place themselues in the spaces betwixt the file-leaders to the hand appointed , and the rest of the ranks accordingly , namely , the ninth ranke in the spaces of the second , the eight in the spaces of the third , the seuenth in the fourth , the sixth in the spaces of the fifth . and the word is : bringers vp , double your front by countermarch to the right or left hand . another is , when the reare-halfe-files , one halfe face to the right , the other to the left hand , and diuiding themselues , march out till they bee past the flankes of the standing halfe-files : then facing to the front , sleeue vp and front with the standing halfe-files . then the word is : reare halfe-files , double your front by diuision to the right and left hand . another way is , when the reare-halfe-files vndiuided , face to the hand appointed , and being beyond the flanke of the rest of the body , face to the front and sleeue vp , and ioyne in front with the standing halfe-files . the word is : reare-halfe-files , enter double your front to the right or left hand . it is to be obserued , that in all these motions of doubling rankes or front , the souldiers are to returne after their motion to their first posture ; which is done by facing about to the right or left hand , and then by mouing , and by recouering their first place . the word is : as you were . countermarch is the third motion vsed in the change of a battaile . the vse and necessity thereof appeareth in aelian before , and that there are two kindes , one by file , the other by ranke . the words of command that hee here setteth downe , are onely of countermarch by file , which may be reduced to two kindes , viz. the countermarch of the front and the countermarch of the reare . that of the front hath likewise two kindes , the lacedemonian and the chorean : that of the reare onely one , and it is called the macedonian countermarch . now aelians direction followeth . the lacedemonian countermarch . this is one of the countermarches by file , and of the front . the manner is , that the file-leaders beginne the countermarch and pa●●e beyond the reare , their files following them . in our exercise the word is : countermarch the front to the right , or to the left hand . it is done after another sort also , as when the bringers-vp face about to the right or left hand , and then the whole body facing about to the same hand , passe thorow the spaces of the bringers vp to the same hand and the ninth ranke , beginning the rest of the ranks after one anothers , place themselues euery paticular man before his follower in the same file , till the file-leaders are first . the word is : bringers vp face to the right , or to the left hand . the rest beginning at the ninth ranke , passe thorow to the same hand , and place euery man himselfe before his follower . as you were . in aelian followeth : the macedonian countermarch . we in our exercise tearme this countermarch of the reare , and it is done in two manners : first , when the bringers vp begin the countermarch , and their files following , passe thorow the spaces of the file-leaders , till the file-leaders become the last of the file , and then the whole body face about , and stand . the word is : countermarch the reare to the right or left hand . face about to the contrary hand , and stand . the other when the file-leaders face about to either hand , and the rest of the ranks beginning at the second ranke , successiuely passe thorow the spaces of the file leaders to the hand appointed , placing themselues euery man behind his next leader , and facing about as they did . the word is : file-leaders , face about , the rest of the rankes passe thorow , and place your selues behinde your next leaders . the next in aelian is : the chorean countermarch . this countermarch is of the front , as i said , but it keepeth the ground , that the body had before the file-leaders ( their files following them ) remoued to the places of the bringers vp , and the bringers vp to the places that the file-leaders had . the word is : file-leaders , countermarch to the right or left hand , and stand , viz. when they come to the bringers vp . other countermarches thereare , which are not here set downeby aelian , but are remembred in his chapter of countermarches ; of which the countermarch by ranks of the whole battaile is one , the other is the countermarch by ranks in the parts . and as in the countermarch of the front or reare , the rankes first began to moue , so in countermarch of the flanke , the files entire beginne to moue ; and as in the countermarch of the front or reare , the ranks followed one another by file , so in countermarch of the flankes , the files follow one another by ranke : that is , the souldiers of euery ranke follow one another . if you would countermarch the right flanke , so to change one side of the battaile for the other , the word is : countermarch the right flanke to the left hand . in countermarching the left flanke , the word is ; countermarch the left flanke to the right hand . to countermarch the wings into the middest , both the vttermost corner-files are to moue toward the middest , their halfe rankes following them , and meeting in the middest to stand there , and face to the front ; and the word is ; countermarch your wings into the middest of the battaile . obserue , that in countermarch by ranke , the three countermarches macedonian , lacedaemonian , and choraean may be practised , as well as in countermarch by file . if the flanke neerest to the enemy begin the countermarch , this the macedonian countermarch , because it maketh a shew of shifting away . if the flanke furthest from the enemy begin , it is the lacedemonian , in that it carrieth a semblance of falling on . but when one flanke countermarcheth , till it come iust vp to the other , and no further ; it is the choraean , because it keepeth the same ground . wheeling is the fourth and last motion ; and it is vsed in the whole entire battaile , or in the parts thereof . aelian giueth words of direction for the whole battaile onely , and they are these ; wheele the body to the pike , or to the target . when the battaile is to wheele to the pike or right hand , the right hand corner file-leader is onely to turne his body by little and little to the right hand , facing euen with the ranke of file-leaders , till such time as hee haue gained the right hand aspect ; and the rest are to moue about him , making him the centor , as it were of their circled motion . if to the left hand , the left hand corner file leader is to doe the like . the same order is of wheelin the battaile about to the right or left hand . aelian ( as i ●ai● ) giueth here no other words of command , then for the wheeling of the whole body , yet are the wheelings of the parts of great vse ; for either the flankes are wheeled into the front , or the front into the flankes . the front is wheeled into the flankes , when we desire to forme the antistomus phalange to resist the enemy , giuing on both flankes . and then the two middlemost bringers vp are to stand , and the middle file-leaders to diuinde themselues , and to moue halfe the battaile to the right , halfe to the left hand , making those two bringers vp the center of the motion . in this the word is : wheele the front into flanks by diuision . if the flanks be to be wheeled into the front , the two middle file-leaders are to stand still , and the two halfe bodies to moue about them , one to the right hand , the other to the left , till the two flanks be in the front , and the front in the middest . this kind is practised when we would frame the diphalange antistomus . the word is : wheele the flanks into the front . it is to be remembred , that after euery motion a restitution to the first posture is to be commanded in these words ; as you were . in facing you are to returne to the contrary hand ; as if the command were to face to the right , in returning you come to the left . in doubling you must doe the like . in countermarch likewise , whether you countermarch the whole body , or the parcels thereof , you are to returne by the contrary hand . after wheeling , there ought to be a facing to the same hand first before you returne , and then a returning the contrary way about the same corner file-leader , about whom the motion was first made . this is to be vnderstood of wheeling the whole body . in wheeling the front into the flanks , after wheeling performed , the body before returning is to face to the commander , then to returne about the same bringers vp , till all come to be as they were . in wheeling the flanks into the front , after the wheeling is made , the body is to face likewise to the commander , then facing about to the right or left hand to return to the first posture about the two middle file-leaders , as about their center . hic caestus artemque repone . finis . the contents of the chapters of this booke . the broad-fronted phalange , the deepe phalange , or herse , and the vn-euen fronted-phalange . chapter parembole , protaxis , epitaxis , prostaxis , entaxis , and hypotaxis . chap. the vse and aduantage of these exercise of armes . chap. of the signes of direction which are to be giuen to the army , and of their seuerall kinds . chap. of marching , and of the diuers kinds of battailes fit for a march . and first of the right induction , of the caelembolos , and of the triphalange , to be opposed against it . chap. of the paragoge or deduction . chap. of the phalange amphistomus . chap. of the phalange antistomus . chap. of the diphalange antistomus . chap. of the peristomus diphalange . chap. of the diphalange homoiostomus , and of the plinthium . chap. of the diphalange heterostomus . chap. of the horse rhombe , and of the foot-halfe-moone to encounter it : chap. of the horse-battaile heteromekes , and the plagiophalange to be opposed against it . chap. of another kinde of rhombe for horse-men , and of the foot-battaile called epicampios emprosthia to encounter it . chap. of the foot-battaile called cyrte , which is to be set against the epicampios . chap. of the tetragonall horse-battaile , and of the wedge of foot to be opposed against it . chap. of the foot-battaile called plesium , and of the winding or saw-fronted battaile to encounter it . chap. of the hyperphalangesis , and hyperkerasis , and of attenuation . chap. of conueighing the carriage of the army . chap. of the words of command , and certaine obseruations about them . chap. of the words of direction . chap. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a battaile . b cap. ● . arr. l. ● . . c. ● . . § 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & § . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . phalange macedonian consisting of . pike●en phalangarch is the fourth part of a phalange . . pentecosiarchy hath in it men . the ordinary depth is . a aelian c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leo c. . § . aelian c. . a a body of foure files . b a body of ● files . c a body of files . b diodor. sic. l. . c arr. l. . . c. d xenoph. hist . grac. l. . . a. e arr. l. . . c. f xenoph. hist . grac. l. . . a. g arr. l. . . f. h arr. l. . . c. i arr. l. . . b. k leo c . §. . l leo ibid. m arr. l. . . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s leo c. . §. . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x ●n a horse . a euclyd . l. . definit . . b aelia . c. . . . aelian hath afterward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈…〉 . l. a. . d. ●●● . ● . d polyen . l. ● . . ● . ● . t●● vse of the broad-fronted phalange , and of the herse . e leo c. . §. ● . f arr l. . . g xenoph cyrop . l. . . b. h arr. l. . . c. d liu. l. . . a. e liu. l. . . c. f ael . c. . g arr. l. . . b. h xenoph hist . 〈…〉 ●o● . d. i polyen . l. . ●● . §. . a xenoph. cyrop . l. ● . d b xenoph. d'exp . l. ● . ● d. c xenoph. d'exp . l. ● . e. e arr. l. . . ● . d xenoph. d'exp . l . ● . a. f xenoph. d'exp●d . l. . . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 armed . light-armed . a a song or hymne to apollo vsed by the grecians when they ioyned with the enemy . iul pol. l. ● . c. . §. . but the scholiastes of thucydides saith , there were two paeans , one to mars before victory , the other to apollo after victory . ● . . b xenoph. cyrop . l. ● . . a. & l. . . d. c thucyd. l. . . ● . d polyb. l. . . ● . c. d. e a broad-fronted battaile . f appian . in ly●●cis . g poly. l. . ●●● . ● . h or●● . g appianin syracis . c. h herse . transformation of one into another . doubling of files . i see aelian c . in my notes vpon the chapt . a a body of foure files . b xenoph. cyrep . l. . . a. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here signifieth a file : in the ascent of cyrus , and in the greeke history it signifieth a company of men . the file-leader commanded the whole file of . the decadarch the halfe rearefile . the two pempedarchs men a peece ; one the that followed after the first in front ; the other the that were next the rea●e . the bringer vp was the last of all . a xenoph. de exp . l. . . a. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c arr. l. . ● . c. d. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e polyb l. ● . . b. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g arr. ● . . . ● . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a polyen l. § . b diod. sic. l. ● . . c. the lacedemonians had by lycurgus law two kings at once . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e the baeotian● were deepe , the lacedemonians ● . xenoph. bist . gr●● . l. . ● f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g diod. l. e h diod. l. . . i diod sic. l. . . b doubling the front by middle men . c adioyning . d forefronting . e placing after . f placing betweene . g placing on the wings . h diod. sic. l. . . ● . a against the front . b doubling of rankes . c against the reare . d countermarch . e wheeling . a facing . a veget. l. . c. . b polyb. l. . . ● . a caesar de bell . gall. l. . . b three were centurions in a roman legion . a ●lin natural . ●ist . l. . c. ● . b onosander ● . ▪ c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d leo ● . . §. ●● . e onosand . c. . polemarches . lochagi . penteco●●ers . enomotarchs . xenoph. cyrop . l. . . ● . f polyb. l. . ▪ & lipsius ad ●olyb . ● . . dial ▪ . veget. l. . ● . . sig 〈…〉 vocalia . semiv●calia muta . sig●● vocalia . a xenoph. d'exp . l. . . ● . d xenoph. d● exp●● ▪ l. ● . . ● . e polyen ▪ l. ● ▪ d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ● polyb. l . ● . d 〈…〉 ● . . for the double signe and by-signe , ● aen● . ● . , . & casaub . in notis ad aene ● . . &c. , . semiuocalia . a see my notes vpon the . chapter . b diod. sic. l. . ● . c leo. § . d xenophon de exp . l. a. . a q. curtius l. . . b xenop . l. . . c diod sic. . . . d xenoph l. . d'exp . diod. sic. l. . . e leo● . . §. ● . . c f polyen . in ●●●● m●ne l. . §. . g diod. ●ic . . . h suidas i● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a leo ● . . §. . b semiuocalia . mute signes . c onosand . c. . d aeneas c. . e arr. ● . . d. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f diodor. sec. l. . . g xenoph. hist . great . l. . . c. h a single file . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . xenoph. hist grec . l. . . c. b leo c. . §. . c leo c. . §. . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e le● c. §. . f diod. sic. l. . . g toly● . l. . d h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a caesar ● . ● . de be● . ciuil . b diod. sic. ● . . . c vegec . l. . ● . ● . d appian in hispanicis . ● . see vegec . ● . . ● . ●● f ae●●●●● . ●● a leo● . ● . , , , , , . b polib . ● . ● . . b a a xenagy and a syntagma , are all one : it consisteth of files , men to the file . a xenoph. cyr●p , l. . . b a taxiarch was a captaine of men . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d this was a body of men , and they were now ordered to in front , the depth . e the file was , and the dodecadarchs commanded the hinder halfe files . a xenoph cyrop . ● . . b. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d plesium is a hollow square battaile . a xen. de exp . l. ● . ● . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fiue foot make a pace , foot are miles , paces making a mile . a onosand ● . . b forceps veges . l. . c. . . c a. gellius l. . ● . . ●orfex . d vege● . l. . c. e vege● l . . xenoph. cyrop . xenoph. de exp . . . e. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a iul. pellux . l. ● . c. . arr. l. . ● . f. b leo c. . §. . . &c. . §. . ● . . . . . c xenoph. cyrop . . e. agathias pa. . l. . who also calleth the front-point of a wedge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . diodor. sic . li. . . . c. suidas vseth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the right wing , now the wing stretcheth in front , from the middle section to the point of the battaile aelian . c. . a leo cap. . § . & cap. . §. . b appian puni●●● pag. polyb. lib. . . a b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a arian lib. . . a a arian lib. . c b app. in punicis pag. . suidus , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a xenophon de expied . lib. . . d a died sic . lib. . . arrian . lib. . ● . d curt. l . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arr. l. . . c. diod. sic. l. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a aelian c. . b a square battaile of men and ground both . la. noües second paradox . a evstathius in ho●●ri versu●… : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a polyen . . § ● polyen . . § . in brasid● . b diod. sic. 〈◊〉 . b polyen . . § ● . c dioa. sic. . lib. . died. sy●ll . lib. . pag. ● . appian parthicis . plat. in antonie . darters . aelian ● . a diod. sie . l. g. p. ● b diod. sic. l. p. . ar● . . . c. c onosand . c. . p. . d ● coc . . . ● &c. . . c leo c. . §. . d pausanias in arcadiais . e leo c. . §. . b diod. syc. ● . . . c onosand . cap. . leo. cap. . §. . a cicuta de l. c disciplimilitar . l. . . leo. cap. . §. . cesarde ●ell . gall . ● . ● . a. ●● . . a the french genorall . a peaple in narbon . cesar de ●el . gal l. . prg. . b a cap ● . cap. . a suidas in epicampes . b diod. sic. l. . . arr. c. . . c. . a xenoph. hellen. ● . . p. . d. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is , with the point of the wedge against the enemy . e light-armed . ● huius . a agathias l. . caput percium . a veget. l. . c. ● . front. v calembolos front. Λ embolos . a etymologie . magnum in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b plut in vita alexandri . c plut. in vita demetrij . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de exp . l. . . a. ●rr . ● . . ● . e xenoph. d'exp . l. . a. f plut. in antonio . g app. in path. . h thucyd. l. . . c. these two generals had each of them half the army vnder their command . i xenoph. de exp . l. . . e. a leo ● . ● §. ●●●● b lipsius de mil. rom. ● . ● . di●●● . p , . a xenoph. cyrop . l. . . b arr. l. . . e. & l. . . c. c poly● . l. . ●● . b. liu. l. ●● . . b. hirt●us de bell . afr. . see diod. sic of philip against the illyrians l. pag. . a thucyd. l. . . d. see the like example in xenoph. hist ●rek . l. ● . . e. . a. b. remedies against ouer-fronting . the plesiu 〈…〉 . epicampios opisthia . ●sod . sic. l. . ar● . l. . . c. e. b xenoph. cyrop . . ● . leo. . §. . c poly●● l. ● . § arr. l. . , . d caesar de bello gall l. . . & l. . . e plut in sylla & appian in bell . inithrida●ico . f turkish history . §. . remedies against ouer-winging . g aelian c. . fig. h poly ● . l. ● . in clea●●rida . ● . . leo ● . ● . ● . i leo ● . ● . § . k xenoph. ● exp . l. . f. l leo ● . . §. . a caesar de bell 〈…〉 . b xenoph. de exped . . . . c. c arr. l. . . ● . 〈…〉 . l. . ● myrias is 〈…〉 . a leo. c. . § , , , . b leo. c. . § ● . c vegetius . d leo c. . § , & c. . § . e leo. c. . § . f leo. c. . § . & . c. . §. . when the enemy is not feared . g leo. c. . §. ● . h leo. . § . i leo. c. . § . h ●eno●h . cyrop . ● . . a. b. l arr●●● . ● . ●●●● leon● . ● . . § ● . leo c. . §. , . leo c. . §. . leo. c . §. . xenophed ●●p . ●● . ●●● . ● . xenoph ▪ d'exp . l. . . . a ●e et l. ● . . . t. lia. cesar . ● . ● . ●●●eil . gal● . hirtuis de bed . alexand . . ●eo cap. . ●●● . leo c. . § . leo cap. . § . arrian li. . p. . d. holi●shead . col. §. ● . leo cap. . §. ● . le● cap. . ● . . see aelian ca. ● . leo cap. . § . see aelian cap. . facing . motion . see aelian before cap. . a the amphostomus phalange . b the artistomus phalange . the plesium . deubling ▪ a motion . see aelian cap. motion . aelian cap. . the fourth motion . the souldiers grammar containing, the high, necessarie, and most curious rules of the art militarie : as first, whether it be in great motions in generall? or foote motions especially?, or motions of horse, generall, or speciall?, the ranges of foote, or horse?, the ranges of officers, the seuerall imbattailings of foote, and horse, the imbattailing of a regiment, the ioyning of many regiments, or the forming of maine battailes, of any extent, or number, with their formes, and figures, in liuely demonstration, &c. / by g.m. ... ; vnto which, is added the booke of postures, according to that which is ordered by the lords of his maiesties most honorable priuie counsell. markham, gervase, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc . estc s ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the souldiers grammar containing, the high, necessarie, and most curious rules of the art militarie : as first, whether it be in great motions in generall? or foote motions especially?, or motions of horse, generall, or speciall?, the ranges of foote, or horse?, the ranges of officers, the seuerall imbattailings of foote, and horse, the imbattailing of a regiment, the ioyning of many regiments, or the forming of maine battailes, of any extent, or number, with their formes, and figures, in liuely demonstration, &c. / by g.m. ... ; vnto which, is added the booke of postures, according to that which is ordered by the lords of his maiesties most honorable priuie counsell. markham, gervase, ?- . [ ], p. : plans. for william shefford, and are to be solde at his shop in popes-head alley, going into lumbard street, printed at london : . signatures: a-i⁴. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . military maneuvers -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the sovldiers grammar : containing , the high , necessarie , and most curious rules of the art militarie : as first , whether it be in great motions in generall ? or foote motions especially ? or motions of horse , generall , or speciall ? the ranges of foote , or horse ? the ranges of officers . the seuerall imbattailings of foote , and horse . the imbattailing of a regiment . the ioyning of many regiments . or the forming of maine battailes , of any extent , or number ; with their formes , and figures , in liuely demonstration . &c. by g. m. gent. vnto which , is added the booke of postures , according to that which is ordered by the lords of his maiesties most honorable priuie counsell . printed at london , for william shefford , and are to be solde at his shop in popes head alley , going into lumbard street . . a table of the speciall thinges contayned in this booke . chap. . of great motions in generall . pag. the contents . motiues vnto the worke. the . motions vsed in the olde warres , and their interpretations . of clisis , and the signification . of melabole , and the signification . of perispasmos , &c. of epistrophe , &c. of anastrophe &c. of ecperispasmos &c. of plagiophalanx &c. of orthiophalanx &c. of phalange loxe &c. of parembole , &c. of protaxis , &c. of epitaxis , &c. of prostaxis &c. of entaxis . &c. of hypotaxis , &c. of induction , &c. of paragoge , or deduction , &c. of amphiltomus , &c. of antistomus , &c. of diuers other motions . the intent of the authors plainenesse . chah. . of the particular motions belonging to the foote armie . pag. the contents . in what all motions consist . of distance in files and rankes . a reconcilement between the antients and the moderne customes . a reconcilement of differences in our moderne exercises . the ground of military motions . the drawing of rude grosses , into an orderlie bodie . of single files . of files in a bodie . of closing and opening files and rankes . of files vndoubled . of files doubled . the manner of performing the motion . the aduancing of files . files vnaduanced . files aduanced . the reducing them to their first forme . the battalia of odde number vndoubled . the battalia of odde number doubled . of countermarching files of the persian , choraean or cretan countermarch . the battalia in countermarch . the battalia after countermarch . the lacedemonian countermarch . the battalia before countermarch . the countermarch performed . the macedonian countermarch . the doubling of rankes . rankes vndoubled . rankes doubled . halfe files vndoubled . halfe files doubled . halfe files reduced to their first forme . bringers vp , doubling the front. bringers vp , as they were . of wheeling . the seuerall kinds of wheeling . the battalia vnwheeled . the battalia wheeling . the battalia halfe wheeled . the battalia wheeled round about . of casting off files . files cast off in flanke . files cast off in winges . files cast off before the front. of opening and closing of rankes and files . of opening and closing , according to the word giuen . files opened or closed from the middle men . files opened or closed , to the one or the other hand . of diuers other motions . chap. of the seuerall motions which belong vnto horse , or horse troopes . the contents . the vse of horse motions . the composition and extent of a horse file . the drawing vp of an horse troope . a troope of an . horse , trooping into the field with all their officers . a troope of horse , drawne vp into a firme bodie , for seruice , or exercise . the benefite of the square bodie of horse . the horse-mans wedge . the benefite of the wedge , and the foote battle to encounter it . the horse-mans rhombe , and the foure commanders . the foote battaile , to oppose the rhombe ; and the halfe moone or cressant . another rhombe of fiue square . of the foote battaile epicampios emprosthia , to oppose the rhombe of fiue . of the tetragonall horse battaile . of the foote battaile embolas , to oppose the tetragonall horse battaile . the forming of the foote wedge . chap. . of the seuerall ranges of the foote , and how they are ordered , and compounded . the contents . the ground of ranging of battailes . our moderne obseruation in ranging . how the auntients did range battailes . of the number dilochie , and the leader . of the number tetrarchy , and the leader . of taxis , and the leader . of syntagma , and the leader . of pentecosyarchy , and the leader . of chiliarchy , and the leader . of merarchy , and the leader . of phalangarchy , and the leader . of diphalangarchy , and the leader . of the foure fould battaile . the moderne range of battailes . of the halfe file , and the leader . of the whole file , and the leader . of a squadron , and the leader . of a sergeancre , and the leader . of a centurie , and the leader . of the fourth part of a regiment , and the leader . of halfe a colonie , and the leader . of a colonie , and the leader . of a full battalia , and the leader . of a double battalia , and the leader . of the vantguard , and the leader . of the reare , and the leader . of the maine battaile , and the leader . the range of weapons . the range of the light armed . the range of the armed . the moderne range of weapons . how regiments are imbattailed . how the horse doe troope . the place of the great ordnance . the guard belonging to the great ordnance . chap. . of the seuerall ranges of the horse , and how they are ordered , and compounded . the contents . the ranges vsed in old times . the ranges of horse vsed at this day . the range of curasheires . the range of curasheires in trooping . the generalls range . the lord marshalls range . the range of the colonells , and captaines . the range of the curasheires in battaile . distances obserued in battaile . the forme of horse battailes . the generalls range . the lord marshalls range : the colonells , and captaines range . the quarter masters range . the dignity of place , betweene the horse man , and the foote man. the range of harquebusheirs , or dragoones . the range of harquebusheirs in trooping . their range in battaile . their range in campe. their range in garrison . of their scouting and watching . where they take directions . the sovldiers grammar . chap. . of great motions in generall . hauing in a former short discourse , or small booke , intituled , the soldiers accidence , ( being an introduction or first guide into the art mylitary ) shewed all those first precepts and rules which necessarily belong to the knowledge of euery young soldier , so farre forth as concernes the manage and gouernement of his owne particular person ; as also those foure principall grounds , from whence all the rest of this famous art taketh its deriuation and perfection , that is to say . first , the carriage and vse of armes , conteyned in diuers postures or stations , expressing the forme , comlinesse and readinesse of men in armes . secondly , distance or seperation of place , whereby battayles are formed , changed , and proportioned , according to the will and pleasure of the principall commanders . thirdly , march and motion , which proceeding from certaine peculiar words of command , and generall direction , the soldier applieth himselfe to performe euery command in the fullnesse of perfection . and fourthly and lastly , the knowledge of the beatings of the drumbe , by which the soldier taketh notice of euery command , when the sound of mans voice is drowned or obscured . it now seemeth good vnto me ( and i hope it will yeeld a generall profite to the whole kingdome ) to fixe vnto the aforesayd accidence a grammar or introductiō into more higher , necessary and more subtile and curious rules of the art mylitary , whereby the younger schollers may be enabled to proceed and goe forward in the greater and more hidden secrets of the arte , and the elder or better experienced men of warre , may eyther finde solutions for such doubtes as shall incumber them ; or else matter whereon to worke , and make their owne more singular inuentions and applications more wholesome for the common vse , and more pleasing to their owne studies and labours . the first thing therefore which i hold most necessary to intreate of in this grammar , is of great motions in generall ; because according to the opinion of the auncients , these military motions are the life of an armie , and only giue meanes of victorie ; and without which , all preparation of forces are vaine , and auaileth nothing in the field , nor to the end for which they were leuied . since then , motion is of this inestimable reputation , the labor cannot be misimployed , which bringeth any luster or explanation vnto the same . of the smaller motions , i haue spoken somewhat already in the accidence ; as of fileing , rancking , returning to the first posture , countermarching , doubling , and such like , so far foorth as they appertayne to euery single person , or to the parts and members of a priuate companie , which we call squadrons or camerados . but now i am to intreat of the greater motions , which belong to regiments , battalias , and the whole bodie of an armie : neyther in the discourse of these things , are you to expect much alteration of wordes , or sence , but only the application of them vnto the greater and more infinite bodies , from whence they take the denomination of the greater motions . the gretians ( as aelian and his schollars ) doe reckon vp nineteene seuerall great motions , to which they giue especiall names and titles . the first , they call clisis , which is a turning to eyther hand . the second , metabole , which we call turning about . the third , perispasmos , which we call wheeling about . the fourth , epistrophe , which we call a wheeling , eyther to the one , or the other hand , but not entire , or about . the fifth , anastrophe , which we call a returning of the wheele vnto the first posture or station where it stood before it was mooued , or wheeled to eyther hand . the sixth , ecperispasmos , which we call a treble , or threefold wheeling , carrying the battalia three parts about , but not wholy and entire . the seuenth , plagiophalanx , or the broade fronted phalange , which we call the broad fronted battalia , which hath the length much exceeding the depth . the eight , orthiophalanx , which we call the deepe battalia , or herse battayle , which is a battayle drawne out in wing , and hauing the depth much exceeding the length . the ninth , phalange loxe , which we call an vneuen fronted battalia , because one of the winges ( which is thought fittest ) is euer drawne forth before the other , and as a forlorne beginneth the fight against the enemy , till opportunity serue that the whole battayle may ioyne with greater aduantage and assurance . the tenth , parembole , which we call insertion , being a drawing vp of the souldiers before , then taking off the hindermost , we ranke them within the distances of the first . the eleuenth , protaxis , which we call fore-fronting , as when we place eyther the light-armed or other loosse shotte before the front of the battayle , and make them fore-standers or beginners of the skyrmish . the twelfth , epitaxis , which we call an after placing or attending on the reare , so that if the enemie shall charge behind , yet are the light-armed in readinesse , and prepared to giue their volleys , being placed so behind the reare ( as the other before the front ) for a singular helpe and anoyance . the thirteenth , prostaxis , which we call a ioyning of bodies together , by adding to eyther of the flankes , or to both entirely , any new supply of men , eyther from the reare of the same battalia , or otherwise , from any other remooued bodie or regiment , whereby the front of the battayle is increased . the fourteenth , entaxis , which we call insition , or inserting , as when we draw the light-armed , or loose vnguarded shotte , within the spaces of the fyles and rankes of the armed battalia , so as they may be free from danger , and yet notwithstanding , euer readie to deliuer their vollies in the face of the enemies , be they foote or horse , as they shall giue their aproaches . the fifteenth , hypotaxis , which we call double winging , as when we draw the light-armed or loose shott , only within the armed winges of the battalia , and not into the entire bodie , and placing them in such an embowed forme , that the whole forme or figure thereof may resemble a threefold gate or doore . the sixteenth , we call an induction , or a right induction , as when one bodie or battalia of one and the same kinde , in forme and proportion , followeth one another , and so the march of motion stretcheth out it selfe into the manner or forme of a wing , hauing the depth much exceeding the length ; and this kind of battayle or right induction , may consist eyther of a single bodie , as when but one enemie is feared , or of a double bodie , as when two are expected , or of a treble , when three are on foote , or of a quadruple , when the enemie purposeth to giue on all sides . the seauenteenth , paragoge , which we call deduction , is when a battalia mooueth in a wing , not by file , but by ranke , hauing the file-leaders on the right-hand , which is called a right deduction , or on the left hand , which is called a left hand deduction ; and this bodie or battalia also marcheth ( as the former ) eyther in a single , double , treble , or quadruple deuision , according to the feare they apprehend of the enemie , and the aduantage of the place & ground , vpon which they march and mooue . the eighteenth , amphistomus , which we call the two fronted battayle , and looketh vpon the enemy two seuerall wayes , that is to say , by an euen and lust deuision , in the midst of an equall conuersion of the two parts ; the middle-men or halfe-fyle men are turned back to back , and those in the front and reare make two equall fronts , and brauely aduance against the enemie , and this kinde of motion is excellent against horse . the nineteenth , antistomus , which wee also call a two fronted battayle , and differeth only from the former but in this , that as the two fronted battayle amphistomus is fronted by the front and the reare , so this two fronted battayle antistomus , is fronted by the two flanks , the right flanke , and the left , and the motion hath the like vse and perfection which the former hath , being generally applyed for the encounter of horse . diuers other particular motions they haue , both for armies and battalias , as that which they call diphalange peristomus , diphalange homoiostoneus , diphalange heterostomus , the rhombe , the heteromekes , the epicampios emprosthia , the cyrte , the tetragonall , ploesium , and diuers others , of which i shall haue occasion to write hereafter : for this present , and for the generallity of motion , these already shewed and expounded are sufficient ; of all which , you shall in the ensuing chapters ( as particulars shall arise ) receiue both full demonstrations and examples , whereby the dullest vnderstanding shall be enabled to conceiue , and carry away those mysteries of art and science , which hetherto haue layne hidden and obscured ; nor haue i any intention in this worke , so to tye and conforme my selfe to the auncients , eyther gretians , or romans , that thereby ( knitting my selfe to their words and phrases ) i might bring a cloude of darkenesse ouer my labours , which i haue only dedicated to trueth and plainenesse : but i doe freely intend to set downe euery thing , in those plaine , moderne , and vsuall formes of direction , as may be auaileable for the simplest capacity , and profitable for all those that haue bound themselues prentises to this noble art , and glorious aduancement . chap. . of the particular motions belonging to the foote onely . all manner of marches and motions whatsoeuer , belonging to a foote company ( as i haue touched before in my accidence ) must of necessity , be eyther in distance , or forme ; & eyther of these must be , eyther in fyles or rankes , seuerally , and of themselues , or else ioyntly , both together . of fyles and rankes , what they are , what their extents ought to be , what effects , vertues , and vses are wrought by them , i haue sufficiently shewed in my accidence : only , because there is a little difference betwixt vs and the auncients , and betwixt the schollers of these moderne times , and the schollers of the elder world , i will as neere as i can , reconcile them , or at least , bring them to shake hands , and agree together . the first receiuers of millitarie discipline ( and those which are at this day their schollers , and profest imitators ) would haue a file to consist of sixeteene men in depth , successiuely one after an other : others would haue it consist of eight ; and others ( which are our latest and best approued ) would haue them consist of ten. the reason why the first would haue it consist of sixteene , is because it is an euen and proportionable number , which may bee doubled to the last man ; as from sixteene to eight , from eight to foure , from foure to two , from two to one ; and so backe againe reduced to the first forme or station . this i confesse beares a faire shew of much probability , and was doubtlesse in the first age , of singular vse and benefit , both for the forming and proportioning of battailes ; as also for the readinesse of marching , and the mixing or ioyning of many grosses , or great bodies , in one square , round or triangular fashion . but it is to be vnderstood , that in these former dayes , there was no vse or knowledge of shot , because the inuention of fire lay then vnknowne ; their darts , slings , crosse-bowes , long-bowes , and the like , which passed vnder the light-armed , held then no method or prescript forme in giuing their volleis , but deliuered them one ouer anothers head , without danger : so that the deeper the file was , the greater the volley was , and the enemy the more indangered ; besides the drawing and nocking of the arrow , the lading of the sling , the bending of the crosse-bow , and the charging of the dart , are motions so soddaine , so quicke , and so secure , that there is no necessity of alteration of place ; for in as much as not any of these volleis are deliuered vpon the leuell , but vpon necessity on the mounture ; therefore the forestanders , or leaders of files , and their followers are not indangered by the reare : so that in this case , the deeper the file is , the more hands are brought to fight , and the victory the sooner obtained . but with vs now in these moderne and latter times , wherein the inuention of shott and powder is founde out ; and the danger , sodainnesse and violence of the fire is knowne : in so much that it is euer deliuered in leuell , seldome or neuer at random ( for that is vselesse and to no constant purpose ) . in this case there is great respect to be had to the alteration and change of place , for ( as i haue sayd before ) to deliuer short one behinde another ( and that also in leuell ) is for the hindmost to kill the formost , if they shoot in leuell ( as they ought ) or otherwise shooting at randome , to spende their bulletts to no purpose and leaue the enemie vnauoided ; therefore in this true and certayne discipline , fier is onlye to be giuen in the front , and so by succession of ranks , one volley after another , euery hand is in his due time and place brought to fight , and the volley hath no intermission or respeit . now it is to bee considered in what space of time a man may charge and discharge his peece mouing from the front to the reare , and so assending vp to the front againe ; and it is found by the experience of all well iudging souldiers , that the depth of tenn men is the absolute best number , for the first man discharging in the front , in the space that nine more shall come and doe the like : the first shall make his place good againe , & so continnue the volley ad infinitum . now there are some which strongly hold opinion , that eight in depth of file shall doe as much as ten , and with as litle difficultie make readie and present ; which no question , may be possible , in expert , old , and readie soldiers and so a competent and sufficient file ; but in raw , ignorant , and half exercised men it cannot be so , neither can it be hoped that dutie shall so sudainly be performed , and if there be losse of dutie in one man , there will be losse of duty in more , and so the volley will be weakned & the battalia put in danger ; to add a man and make the file nine , is no good extent , because that odd number comming to be doubled , there will be a weaknesse either in the front , or in the reare ; and that wekenesse may ouerthrow the whole battalia ; so that for a conclusion of this point , i cannot but disallowe sixteene in file as being to great a number , in which no lesse then six men are lost in euery file so oft as they shall sallie vp or make their aproaches , eight i feare is two men to litle , the skill and dexteritie of the souldiers being doubtfull ; and nine , for the odds may not be admitted , so that it resteth that tenn men in file is the olde cettaine , and alowable number . i doe not denie but that in exercising of the souldiers , the number eight is very alowable and will bring them to a great quicknesse and readinesse , but when they shall be brought to to fight , and mixe with other regiments ; then you are to obserue the generall forme of the armie , and what extent of file the whole armie marcheth in , the same number and proportion you shall keepe in your priuat companie , which questionlesse at this day is the number tenn , and no other : both for the fittnesse of the number in discharging dutie , as also in that by the number tenn , euery hundred men make a perfect square , and so are the soonest and with the least trouble drawne into any forme of battaile that the prncipall commander can desire . thus i haue shewed you the trne extent of a file , and the impediments which hang vpon the alteration of opinions ; wherein you are to vnderstand that in all millitarie motions there must be euer a certaine and infallible grounde whereon to builde the greater workes ; for where euerie thing is vncertaine there all things must needes be confused , now in the artt of warr , rankes are vncertaine , and doe consiste of numbers accordinge to pleasure ? companies are imperfect , occationed by imployment , sicknesse , death , or other dissasters : regiments are more or lesse according to the goodnesse , or badnesse of the officers , only the file is certaine and without alteration , so that from that ground , euerie good and great commander ( vpon the first view ) can tell howe to shape and proportion any battaile whatsoeuer . this being then the concluding maxime touching the true extent , and quantitie of a file , which is the grounde or foundation where vpon all great battailes are built . we will now proceede to the seuerall motions belonging to the foote companies , of which the first and principall , is the drauing of rude , and indigested grosses , into a faire , orderlie , and well proportioned bodie ; and this must not in anie wise be done by rankinge , and drawinge forthe of rankes , for that is rude , and vn-souldier like , because ranks haue no certainty , nor hold any constant number : so that no man taking a rude heape of confused men ( which number he knoweth not ) can tell how many rankes they will containe , and keepe the files certaine : therefore to put these men in order , it must be done by filing , and not ranking ; euery file of one and the same weapon , being drawne out file after file , and then ioyned and formed into one grosse body , according to the pleasure of the commander . and in this drawing vp of bodies , is to bee considered the composition , or parts , whereof euery file must consist ; that is to say , the principall and first man of euery file , is called the leader , or captaine of the file , hee leadeth ; then followeth him three of inferiour degree ; the first man is called the middle man to the reare , or a leader of halfe files to the reare ; the sixth man is called the middle-man to the front , or leader of the halfe file to the front ; then after them , three other inferiour followers ; and lastly , the reare , or bringer vp : so that euery file consisteth of foure men of eminence and desert , as the leader , the bringer vp , the middle-man to the front , and the middle-man to the reare , and sixe inferiour followers or attendants , as by this example you shall see more plainely . single files . files in a body . the next motion after the drawing vp of confused numbers into an vniforme , is the closing and opening of fyles or rankes , or both fyles and rankes at one instant ; and in this motion , is to be obserued , true distance , or seperation of place , according to the will of the commander , because it is a motion that only consisteth in distance . the next , is a motion in forme , and that also consisteth of fyles or rankes seuerally , or of both fyles and rankes ioyntly , in one instant ; and this is doubling of fyles , or rankes : if doubling of fyles ? it is according to this example . fyles vndoubled . fyles dubled to the right hand . these fyles being eight in number , are doubled to the right hand , the outermost or corner man of the rght hand standing still , and making good both his owne place , and all the rest of his fyle , and the next man on his left hand passing behind him , and so successiuely the whole second fyle passing ( as the first ) behind the first fyle , the fourth fyle behind the third fyle , the sixth behind the fifth , & the eight behind the seuenth ; and so they stand doubled , as in the example before shewed ; where eight fyles are brought into foure , and the depth of ten brought into the depth of twentie : and in this doubling , is to be obserued , by those which remooue and passe behind the other , that if it be to the right hand , then he is first to come about round with his left foote , then step forward with his right foote behind his leader that must be , and then bring on his left foote , and place his body euen ; so that by these three motions , the action shall be performed in perfection : and thus as you double fyles to the right hand , so you may also double them to the left hand , vsing euerie motion in a contrary manner ; that is to say , where the right hand man did before stand firme , and the left hand man did moue ; now the left hand man must stand firme , and the right hand man must remoue ; and as before , the left foote did first come about , so now the right foote must , and when they shall be reduced back againe to their first place or station , then it is to be obserued , that they must in three stepps or motions , recouer their former places , remouing first the left foote , if the double were to the right hand , and the right foote , if the double were made to the left hand . the next motion , being also a motion in forme , is the aduancing of fyles , which is also a doubling , though after another manner : for in this aduancing of fyles ( if it be to the right hand ) then the right hand file standeth still , and the leader of the next file vnto it , doth advance before the right hand file , and his whole file following him in true order and distance , they all aduance , till the bringer vp , or reare man , stand iust before the leader of the right hand file , which standeth still , and moueth not ; then the fourth file aduanceth before the third , the sixth before the fifth , and the eight before the seauenth , and so forth , till euery other file haue aduanced in the whole battalia : and in like manner , if the aduancement be made to the left hand , then those which stood still , when the aduancement was to the right hand shall moue , and they which did moue shall now stand still , as by these examples doth more plainely apeare . fyles vnaduanced . fyles aduanced . thus you see how fyles are to be aduanced , eyther to the right hand , or to the left , wherein is to be obserued ; that howsoeuer i speake of files to be aduanced distinctly , one after another ; yet the motion is to be don entirely , of one mouing file at one instant : and thus , if you please , you may aduance so oft , that you may bring a whole battalia into one single file . now for reducing them into their first forme or body againe , the word ( as you were ) being giuen , euery mouing file that did aduance , shall turne faces about , and so march back to their first places ; and as thus , you aduance eyther to the right or left hand at one instant ; so you may also at one instant aduance both to the right and left hand by deuision , making the second file aduance before the first , the fourth before the third , the seuenth before the eight , the fyfth before the sixth : and as thus in aduancing , so also in doubling of files , as you double to the right or left hand ; so you may double to both the right and left hand at one instant by deuision , the second file passing behind the first , the fourth behind the third , then the seuenth behind the eight , and the fifth behind the sixth . now here by the way there may a scruple arise , that for as much as numbers may vary , and that all bodies hold not one euen or iust content or number ; that then in case there be an odd file , how then shall the bodie be doubled ? to this i answere , that if you happen to haue an odde file , then looke to what hand you double vnto , then the outmost file to the contrary hand shall stand and keepe his place firme , without doubling at all ; as if you double to the right hand , then the left hand file stands fast and vndoubled ; or if you double to the left hand , then the right hand file stands fast and vndoubled , as by these examples plainely apeareth . the odde battalia vudoubled . the odde battalia doubled . thus you see how the odde fyle standeth , and is still preserued in euery motion , being still kept in its order , both by the leader and the side-man ; and when so euer the bodie is reduced into its first forme or station , then is it full and perfit , as any other file what so euer . the next necessary motiō vnto the doublings , and aduancing of files , is the countermarching of files , which is also another motion in forme ; and of countermarching , there are diuers kindes ; as first , the ordinary countermarch , which is daily vsed amongst vs , when so euer we march or turne the bodie of the battalta too or fro ; and this countermarch , is called of some , the persian countermarch , because it was first in vse amongst them ; others call it the cretan , as taken from the immitation of those souldiers ; & others call it the choraean , from chorus , which signifieth a companie , of which companie , there were certaine dancers , who in a warlike dance were the first beginners of this motion ; this motion is performed of the whole battalia all at one instant ; the leaders of the fyles ( vpon the word giuen , to which hand they shall countermarch ) beginning the motion , as thus , if the word be giuen to countermarch to the right hand , then shall the leaders of the fyles , at one instant steppe one steppe forward with the right foote , then bringing the left foote and the bodie round about to the right hand , and so march downe through the distance betweene the fyles , till they come to the reare , where the bringer-vp stood , and there they shall make a stand ; and in this motion , euery leader shall obserue his right hand man , that they may keepe their front whole and vndismembred , because the least disorder in this motion , is the ouerthrow & disgrace of the whole bodie ; and as these leaders begin and conduct in this orderly manner ; so shall all the rest of euery file , obseruing true place and distance , follow with as great care and seuerity , euery man obseruing his leader and his right hand man , and that by no meanes they offer to turne , till they haue made good the first place , where the fyle leaders did turne , and so keeping their rankes euen and iust , the motion will be exceeding comely , as by this example apeareth . a battaila in countermarch to the right hand . the battalia after the counter march . now as they doe thus countermarch to the reare , so they may if the commander please , countermarch backe to the front againe without intermission , and so as oft and as farre as the commander pleaseth . now in this countermarch , it would bee obserued , that the files should euer be well opened ; as at the open order of sixe foote at the least ; as for the ranks they may be either at order , or close order , vnlesse they consist of shot , and then they may not march straighter then the order of three foot ; because otherwise it will incumber them , and take from them the vse of their weapons : and as thus the countermarch is made to the right or left hand entirely ; so it may bee made both to the right and left hand by diuision , as hath beene shewed before in other motions . and this countermarch is of singular vse , for it chargeth the enemy standing , it chargeth him marching , and it chargeth him retyring ; besides it bringeth euery hand to fight and suffereth none to loose duty . the next countermarch is that which is called the lacedemonians countermarch , as being first receiued from their example , and it is of singular vse in charging of the enemie , in making of approaches , and in gaining of ground of aduantage ; and though at first the ancients found it out for their light armed , which were their slings , darts , crosse-bowes , and long-bowes . yet now with vs it is found of most excellent vse for our shot , and not vnnecessary for the pikes , and other short weapons for execution , because it bringeth forward euery hand in the charge , and suffereth none to loose duty , neither doe they at any time stand or slacke in their charge , but still aduance and goe forward , till they haue attained the ende of their purpose . the manner of this nation is thus , the first ranke or leaders of the files of shot , doe present and giue fire , then stand ; and the second ranke passing either to the right or left hand ( according to commandement ) aduance before the first ranke , couering them both in order and distance ; then the third ranke aduanceth and couereth the second ; the fourth , the third ; and so foorth in an orderly charge , till the bringer vp or reare be brought and made the front ; and so as occasion shall serue to continue still , till the ende of commandment . now for the pikes or short weapons , they shall not need to aduance one ranke before another , but shall keepe their constant march ( with their pykes aduanced , ported , or shouldered ) euen still with the first ranke of shot , till they come to encounter and charge the enemy , and then at pleasure , and as occasion shall serue , they may couer one another , and bring euery seuerall hand to the pushe , till the last be first , and the first last , as by this example doth plainely appeare . the battalia before the countermarch . the countermarch performed . there be others which would haue this lacedemonian countermarch in an other maner , which is for the first ranke to face to the reare , then the second ranke , and so all the rest of the body , to march vp and turne behinde their leaders ; but they are mistaken , and conceiue not rightly of the author from whence they take their instruction : for this motion rather looseth then gayneth ground , and seemeth rather to retyre , then charge ; but i leaue the reconcilement of the doubt to those of better iudgement . the next motion is called the macedonian countermarch , but from what ground , it is not yet discussed . as for the manner of the motion , it is in this wise ; the file leaders all turne about their faces , and all the rest with the bringers vp , goe against them on the right or left hand , and passing on to the ground before the front of the battalia , place themselues in order one after another , according as the file-leaders haue turned their faces , making a shew vnto the enemy as if they were retyring , or running away ; which inticing the enemy to pursue , is of most singular vse to make him leaue and forsake any place or ground of aduantage . others take this motion to bee the macedonian countermarch , when the file-leader turneth about his face , and the rest passing by him on the right or left hand , place themselues orderly , one behinde another . and here is to be noted , that all these countermarches already spoken of , may as well be done by ranks , as by fyles , and both to the right or left hand entirely , or to both by deuision , or both by conuersion ; as in the former examples . the next motion , is the doubling of rankes either to the right or left hand intirely , as when the second ranke marcheth into the first , the fourth into the third , the sixt into the fift , and the eight into the seuenth ; and this motion must be done very orderly , beginning with the left foote , and at three steps making perfect the doubling ; then when they are to be reduced to their first forme againe , to obserue that if they doubled to the right hand , then they must turne on the left hand , to come to their first places againe , and so contrary to the other , as occasion shall serue ; or this motion may be done to both hands by deuision , or to both hands by conversion , and to either open order , order , or close order : according to these examples . rankes vndoubled . rankes doubled . thus you see rankes doubled and vndoubled , now there is another manner of doubling of rankes , and that is by the middlemen , or halfe files , when they aduancing and leading vp their halfe files brings the fift ranke on which hand they are commanded ( being middlemen to the front ) into the first ranke , the sixt into the second , the seuenth into the third , and the eight in-into the fourth , which are middlemen vnto the reare : as you may see in this example . halfe files vndoubled . halfe files doubled . now to reduce , or bring these into their first place or forme , the halfe fyles which did ascend , shall turne their faces about , and following the reare , or bringer vp , euery man shall descend , and come into his first place , as he was before . and when this bodie shall againe be reduced into his first place , then shall the bringers vp , or reare , with their halfe files , turne their faces about , and the ranke shall fall behinde the ranke the ranke behind the ranke behind and the ranke ( being the reare , or bringrs vp ) behind the ranke and so euery man is in his first place againe . the next motion vnto these , is wheeling , or turning the whole bodie of the battalia , to one , or the other hand , or entirely round about , or otherwise by deuision , to wheele it to both hands at once , eyther in part , or else round about ; the generall manner of the motion is thus ; first close your files to the right hand , and your rankes to the swords poynt ; then make the corner file leader to the right hand stand fast , and then all the whole bodie of the battalia to mooue or wheele about him , as about a center , eyther halfe about , or three parts about , or else wholy and fully round about : now to reduce it to the first posture or station , you shall command euery man to turne his face to the left hand , then wheele the bodie back againe , till it come to its first place , and then open the rankes downeward , and the fyles eyther to one , or the other hand , at pleasure : as thus you wheele the whole body to the one , or the other hand , or entirely round about , so you may wheele it to both handes at once , by deuision , eyther in part , or round about , according to pleasure ; and this is of singular vse , when the horse shall come to charge the foote ; for by this wheele , you shall couer your shotte safe , and leaue your pikes outmost , to receyue the charge : now this wheele is to be made after an other manner ; for where before , eyther the corner man of the right hand file , or the corner man of the left hand file , was to stand fast and firme , now all shall moue , and onely the middle man in the reare , to the right flanke , and the middle man in the reare , to the left flanke , shall stand fast , and vnmoued , and all the rest of the two deuided bodies shall moue about them , according to these examples following . the battalia vnwheeled . the battalia wheeling . the battalia halfe wheeled . the battalia wheeled round about . thus you haue seene the manner of wheeling , with the seuerall motions , and vses thereof . the next motion , whereto foote companies ought to be applyed , is the casting off of files , or , as some call it , the giuing of fire , by flanke , or in the flanke ; and this motion of casting of files , is done diuers waies ; as first , in flanke , then in wing , and lastly , before the front : if you cast off files in flanke to the right hand , then the right hand file ( being readie to giue fire ) standeth still , till the bodie of the battalia be marcht so far forward , that the reare , or bringers vp , become euen with the leader of the right hand file ; then that file so standing , and prepared , giueth fire altogether ; then presently march vp betwene the outmost file of pikes , on the right hand , and the inmost file of shotte ; then the second file of shotte , as the first , doth stand still , till the bodie be marched by , and then giue their volley , and then march vp as they first did , betweene the outmost file of pikes , and the inmost file of shotte , as aforesaide ; and thus successiuely , euery file of shotte giueth their volley , that are conteyned in that right wing , which done , wheele the whole bodie about , and bring the left wing , to doe as much as the right wing , and so wing after wing , according to pleasure ; and this manner of casting of files in flanke , is of excellent vse for the beating of paces in woods , or bogges ; also , for the mayntaining of straight and narrow waies , for defence of bridges , and the like ; and that you may haue a better vnderstanding therein , behold the figures following . files cast off in flanke to the right hand . here you see the file . standeth still , and hauing giuen their volley , are to retreat betweene the file . and the file . then the file . standeth still and hauing giuen their volley , retreat betweene the file . and the file . then the file . standeth still , and hauing giuen their volley , retreate betweene the file . and the file . and then the whole wing is as it was at the first , . . now as thus you may cast off the files to both hands , making the file . to stand , and the volley giuen to retreate betweene the file . and the file . then the file . to stand , and the volley giuen to retreate betweene the file . and the file . then the file . to stand , and the volley giuen , to retreat betweene the file . and the file . so then the body is brought againe to his first forme , . . . now for the casting of files in wing , you must draw foorth the file . on the right hand , and the file . on the left hand in the manner of wings , and hauing giuen their volley , shall stand still till the reare bee aduanced , and then the file . shall retreat betweene the file . and the file . and the file . shall retreat between the file . and the file . as in the former example , and so the rest of the files one after another , this example appeareth . files cast off in wings . lastly , there are files cast off before the front of the battalia , after this manner . files cast off before the front. here as you see the file . to the right hand is drawne before the front , who as soone as they haue giuen fire , shall turne their faces to the right hand , and following the bringer vp , shall make retreate betweene the files and . and there couer themselues till they haue made ready againe . then shal be drawn forth before the front , the file to the left hand , who after they haue giuen fire , shall turne faces to the left hand , and retreat betweene the files . and . then shall bee drawne out the file . to the right hand , which hauing giuen fire , turne faces as before to the right hand , and then retreate betweene the files and . likewise in the same manner the file is drawne out to the left hand , and hauing giuen fire , turne their faces , and retreate between the files and . and thus successiuely one after another you shall drawe foorth euery file of shot , first on the right hand , then on the left , till the seruice be accomplished , and thus much of the casting off the files . there is yet an other motion of the foote , which is worthy obseruation , and that is opening and closing of rankes and files : wherein is to be noted , as i haue shewed in the accidence , that rankes when they open to any order whatsoeuer , ought , for the most part , to open downeward , by turning face about , and descending till they come to the distance commanded , and then to turne faces as they were , but when they close to any order , it must euer be done vpward , towards the front. 〈◊〉 files when they open or close must euermore doe it to the right or left hand , or to both , in this manner . if you giue the word of command plainely , and barely , without any implication , or addition thus , open your file to open order , &c. or to any other order ; then shall the two middle men to the two flankes standing in the middest of the front , open the one from the other according to the distance appointed , and their whole files shall follow them in an euen line ; then the rest of the file-leader shall open from these middle men , one halfe to the right hand , the other to the left , till the whole battalia bee opened , according to commandment , as you may see by this example . files opened from the middle-men . and as thus you open , ( if the word be giuen in one and the selfe same manner : ) so likewise you must close your files , the middleman first ioyning with their files ; then after all the rest of the file-leaders , with their files to both hands , till the commandment be fulfilled . but if the word of command bee giuen , files to the right hand open to open order , &c. or to any order else , then shall the right hand file-leader with his file , and so successiuely euery other file-leader ( with their files ) shall open after the right hand man , till the command be perfited ; and as thus you open , so you must also close ; and as you open or close to the right hand , so you must open or close to the left hand , when the word of command is giuen to that purpose . diuerse other motions there be belonging to the foote companies , as the turning of faces to either hand or about ; the forme whereof is express almost in euery figure before shewed : also the charging to any hand , to the front , to the reare , or to all at an instant ; of which i shall haue cause to speake more amply in anoother place : therefore at this time , these already expressed , shall serue for the motions of the foote company . chap. . of the seuerall motions which belong vnto horse , or , horse troopes . the motions of horse are diuers , according to the opinion of the auntients , and to these moderne times also , as you may perceiue by my accidence , wherein i haue set you downe the seuerall words of command , belonging to euery motion of horse now in vse ; all which , are so neere a kinne to the foote motions , that i hold it needelesse to repeate them ouer heere againe , but referre those which desire to learne those generall motions , to the accidence , and to those motions of foote which are already specified and set downe in this grammer : i will now proceed to those other motions and imbattaylings of horse , which being more difficult and strange , doth more amase the minde of the industrious learner , and are harder attayned vnto by discourse , without some playner demonstration . first therefore , the generall motions of horse at this day ( wherein the launce the light staffe , and the snort pistoll are taken away , and onely the long pistoll and dragoone in vse ) are conteyned in trooping , discouering , charging , wheeling , and retyring ; and all these are done , eyther by whole bodies , by parts , or deuisions , by many files , few files , or single files : and herein you are to call to minde ( as i haue shewed in the accidence ) that as the rankes of horse are compounded of vncertaine numbers ; so the file must euer be constantly sixe deepe , being compounded of a leader , a follower , two middlemen , a follower , and a bringer vp or , the reare man , according to this demonstration . leader . follower . middle man. middle man. follower . bringer vp . thus you see the contents and forme of a horse file , from which certainty , and true knowne ground , euery skilfull commander may builde vp any bodie that he pleaseth ; whereas , if both ranke and fyle should be incertaine , and at pleasure , there would then be no ground for any thing , but euerything would be confused , according to the phantast quenesse of opinion . when you haue therefore drawne your horse troop into rankes and files , which you must doe file after file , till euerie man be placed according to the order , & not according to the fashiō of our ignorant commanders , whom i haue heard ( at the first gathering of a bodie together ) to command the men to ranke three , fiue , seuen , or as fancie leades them , for this is most absurde , and vnproper , because rankes are , and may be of vncertaine number ; so that ranking at hap hazard , it is almost impossible that the files should fall out euen , whose number must not be changed ; and so a new worke to begin , which at the first might better haue bene finished . but to my purpose againe ; when you haue drawne vp the bodie of the horse in true files and rankes , and hauing euerie officers readie for his due place , as captaine , liuetenant , cornet , trumpets and corporalls : you shall then ( according to the figure or example following in the next page ) troope into the field , eyther for seruice , or other exercise . a troupe of an hundred horse , trouping into the field , with their officers the former troope drawne vp into a firme body either for seruice or exercise with all the officers . thus you haue seen the maner of trooping into the field , with al the officers of a priuat troop , and how they are deuided into foure deuisions . the first , or head , being lead by the captaine ; the second diuision by the cornet ; the third , by the eldest corporall ; the fourth , by the second corporall ; the reare or hindmost being brought vp by the lieutenant , the two yongest corporalls are extrauagant , and ride vp and downe on both sides , to see the whole body keepe their true order . the trumpets ( if their bee more then one ) the edest troopes vpon the head next after the captaine , and the second troopeth in the reare , two rankes before the lieutenant ; if there bee three , the third soundeth before the cornet . now for the drawing of this troope into a firme body , for seruice , or exercise , the captaine hauing found conuenient ground , maketh a stand with his deuision ; and the cornet bringeth vp his deuision , on the left hand the captaines , placing himselfe vpon the left file of his owne deuision ; then the eldest corporall bringeth vp his deuision on the left hand the cornet , and as soone as they are ioyned , hee departeth himselfe to the outside of the right wing , to see that true order and distance bee kept ; then the second corporall bringeth vp his deuision on the left hand the eldest corporalls , and himselfe departeth to the outside of the left wing , to see that true order and distance be kept ; for now all corporalls are extrauagant ; and all the trumpets ascend to the head and troope next behinde the captaine , and before the cornet ; the eldest trumpet taking the right hand , and so the rest according to antiquitie . this body , or square battalia is of all other the best , and most sure for all manner of seruice , and may the easiliest be reduced , and brought to any other forme , that inuention can finde out ; and with this body , you may eyther charge entirely and wholy at once , or you may deuide it , and charge sundrie waies , or else by drawing out two , or three , or more fyles , skirmish on euery side the foote battaile , and put them to much anoyance . there is another forme of imbattailing the horse , which is called the horsemans-wedge , and it is drawne vp into the forme of this figure , or example following . the horsemans wedge . this wedge , charging poynt-wise vpon the foote , seeketh to disfeue : and breake the front , whereby , getting an entrance , they put all into route and confusion , which the footemen perceiuing , they haue no meanes of safety , but eyther by maine strength to repulse them , or else to deuide their body in the midst into two parts , and to giue the horse a free and thorow passage ; which foote battaile so deuided , is called the battalia antistomus . there is an other battalia of horse , which is called the rhombe of horse , and it is proportioned according to this figure , and is of great vse , hauing in euery corner a leader . the rhombe . this horsmans rhombe was first found out in thessalia , and thence brought in great practise , through the benefite thereof , being able to passe through , and to peirce any foote battaile whatsoeuer ; and is only to be opposed , by that foote battalia which is called menoides or cressent , and in forme of an halfe moone , whose winges being stretched out by the leaders , the middle part is imbowed , and bent to inuyron and wrappe in the horse men as they charge , and so put them to route and disorder , and therefore in this case are to keepe aloofe off , and not to come in , but to plye their pistolls , till they see the foote battaile stagger , and fall into disorder : another rhombe of fiue square . this rhombe of fiue in square , doth not ranke , but onely fileth , and is of equall vse with the former rhombe , and is as necessarie for our pistolers in these daies , as it was in times past for the crossebow men , and other archers , and dart casters on horse backe . there is no foote battaile more excellent to oppose , then as that which is called of the auntient epicampios , emprosthia , which as the halfe moone carrieth a circular hollownesse , so this carrieth a square hollownesse , as you may see in this figure . the foote battaile , epicampios . the end or purpose , to which this foote battaile is framed , is to beguile and ouerreach the pistoleirs , eyther by inticing them into the voyd or emptic place of the battalia , as they charge in furie , and vpon the spurre , or else , by disordering their horses with their winges , and so driue them into an vtter confusion . this battalia makes shew but of a small number , because the deuisions lie hid and couered , and so much apter to be mistaken ; for , the winges which are the least number , are only apparent to the eye , the bodie ( which is three times more ) is hardly discerned ; so that if the winges preuaile , the conquest is sure ; if they faile , they may easily retire into the maine bodie , and make a powerfull resistance . there is another horse battaile , which is square in figure , but not in horse , being eleuen in ranke , and but sixe in file , which is called of the auntients a tetragonall horse battaile ; this is a very strong battaile , as all square battailes are , and our fore fathers did affect it much , and we at this day finde it of great vse for our pistoleirs , both for the strength , and the ready framing thereof , there is no battaile on foote to oppose it , but that which is called embolos , or the wedge of foore , which is framed of foote men , as the former wedge was made of horse men , all the outsides consisting of armed pikes , and the lynings within of shotte : also the front of this foote wedge , consisteth of three armed pikes , as the horse wedge did consist of one single armed pistolier . many other motions and imbattaylings of horse there be , but none more vsefull then these already expressed ; and he that is able to draw horse and man , into these formes and figures all readie expressed , may without any difficultie or amazement , draw vp any other battaile at the first sight , be the inuention neuer so deepe , obscure , and curious . chap. . of the seuerall ranges of the foote , and how they are ordered , and compounded . generally , all foote battailes , or battailes of the infantrie , are ranged into rankes & files ; now the rankes are vncertaine , therefore from them no true ground can be taken ; but the files are certaine , therefore from them must arise the ground of well ranging of battailes , for these files are ordered into bodies , and those bodies haue euery one a seuerall name , or denomination , by which the auntients did distinguish them ; but we lesse curious , and finding that playner demonstrations , and names of lesse difficultie , were sooner apprehended , and conceiued of the ignorant souldiers , haue neglected those hard and vnacquainted names , and haue reduced them to termes of greater familiarity , and much lesse trouble and vexation to the memory : yet because i know that noueltie is pleasing vnto many ; some , desirous to know what they neuer intend to practise ; others , willing to satisfie their mindes , least questions of this nature might be vnseasonably brought vpon them ; and others , for argument sake , to fill vp discourse , with those knowledges which they imagine are obscured to others : for these reasons , i thinke it not amisse , to shew how the auntients did range their battailes , and what names they gaue to their seuerall numbers ; and then , to shew our owne manner of range , and the easy apprehension thereof , that being compared together , iudgement may soone finde out , which is most auaileable . and heerein , you must first vnderstand , that the auntients did range their battailes into files , euery single file contayning in depth or number , full sixteene men , and so called a file ; a bodie compounded of two files , they termed a dilochie , of two and thirty men , and the leader , or captaine of those two and thirty men , was called dilochita ; foure files , contayning threescore and foure men , they called a tetrarchy , and the captaine or leader thereof tetrarcha ; eight files , a taxis , and the captaine taxiarcha ; then is sixteene files , a syntagma , and the captaine thereof syntagmatarcha , which indeed , is that man which we call a captaine in chiefe , for euery syntagmatarcha had vnder him , fiue inferior commanders , that is to say , a reare commander , which we call a liuetenant , an ensigne , a trumpeter , which in our foote companies is the drumbe , a sergeant , and a cryer , which we call a corporall : now two and thirty files ( which is two syntagmas ) they call a pentecosiarchy , and contayneth fiue hundred and twelue men , which with vs is called a colonie or regiment , and the captaine thereof is called pentecosiarcha , which we call a colonell , now two of these pentecosiarchies being a thousand and twenty foure men ; and three score and foure files , they call a chiliarchy , and the captaine thereof chiliarcha , which indeed we call a colonell generall ; two chiliarchies amounting to two thousand and forty eight men , they call a merarchy , being a hundred and twenty eight files , and the captaine merarcha , which is with vs the sergeant maior generall ; two merarchies they call a phalangarchy , and the captaine phalangarcha , which is as much as the master of our ordnance ; two phalangarchyes they call a diphalangarchy , and the captaine diphalangarcha , which is with vs as liuetenant generall ; and two diphalangarchies make a foure fold battaile of phalange , consisting of a thousand and twenty foure files , and sixteene thousand three hundred and eighty foure men , whose captaine is the king , or his generall . thus you haue the range of a foote battaile , according to the custome of the auncients , from the first file ( which is the lowest ) to the full extent of a maine battaile . it now resteth that i shew you our moderne or late manner of range , by which all our battailes are compounded , gouerned , and conducted ; and in this discription , i must varry much from the auntients , and begin a steppe lower in degree ; but two stepps ( at least ) lower in number . and here i must haue you first remember , that as the auntients began with whole files of . in number , so i must now begin with halfe files , being but fiue in number ; for in this range ( of which now i write ) no file must exceede the number of . fiue then , which is the roote or beginning of this range , is called halfe a file , or halfe a decurio , and the leader or captaine thereof is called lanspesado , or middle man ; two halfe files make a whole file of ten , and the leader or captaine thereof is called decurio , or the file leader . two whole files and a halfe , which is . men , we call a squadron or square of men , being fiue euery way , and the leader or captaine thereof is called the corporall : two squadrons , being . men , and fiue files , is called a sergeancie , and the chiefe or leader thereof is called a sergeant . two sergeancies being . men , and ten files , is called a centurie , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the captaine , which captaine hath vnder him . superordinary men , that is to say , a liuetenant , an ensigne , a drumbe , two sergeants , foure corporalls , a surgion , and a clarke . two centuries and a halfe , being . men , and . files , is called the fourth part of a regiment , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the sergeant maior of a regiment . two fourth parts of a regiment being . men , and . files , is called halfe a colonie or regiment , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the liuetenant colonell . two halfe colonies , being . men , is called a colonie or regiment , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called a colonell , which colonell hath also vnder him in his regiment ( besides the captaines and officers before named ) one that is called the quarter maister , whose range is inferior to euery captaine , but before euerie liuetenant , and the officers that are vnder them ; as for the range of the captaines which are vnder these three greater officers , they shall take precedencie of place , according to their antiquitie in cōmand , and the eldest captaines collours shall flie first , the second next , and so of the rest ; and the colonells liuetenant shall take his place as the youngest captaine of that regiment . two colonies or regiments , is called a bodie , or full battalia , consisting of . men , and the chiefetaine or leader thereof , is called colonell generall . two battalias consisting of . men , is called a double battalia , and the chiefe or leader thereof is called the sergeant maior generall . two double battalias , containing . men , is called a vantguard , and the chiefe or leader thereof , is called the lord marshall , commanding the first third of the battaile or army . two vantguards being . men , is called the reare , and the chiefe or leader thereof is called the liuetenant generall . two reares being . men , is called the maine battaile , and the cheife or leader thereof is called the king , or generall , who hath also supreame authoritie ouer all the whole armie , how great or puissant soeuer . thus you haue seene the true range of footemen , and their leaders , according to their numbers : it now resteth , that i shew you the true range of their weapons . in the auntient times the light armed ( which were bowmen , darters , and slingers ) had the vantguard , and were the first beginners of fight and skyrmish , for by their darts and arrowes , they prouoked the enemie to breake their rankes , and ouerthrew and killed many in their approaches , they galled and repulsed the horse much , and indeede , were euer the first authors of victorie ; and as thus they sometimes placed them in the front , so at other times , they had their places in the flankes , and sometimes in the reare ; but the generall and most certaine range which they held , was euer betwene the armed pikes : the first file of the light armed , behinde the first file of the armed ; the second file of the light armed , behind the second file of the armed ; and so consequently , to leuie all the armed menne through the whole batttalia ; yet the file of the light armed , shall be but halfe the number of the armed ; and these battailes shall be drawne into diuers deuisions . but this range of weapons agreeth not without discipline at this day , for our battailes consisting only of armed pikes , muskatiers , and a fewe short weapons , they are raunged in this manner , when they march into the field , they march company after company single of themselues without any mixture : and in this march of single companies , the muskatiers are deuided into two parts ; the one part hath the vanguard , the other hath the reare , and the pikes march in the midst ; vpon the head whereof is the ensigne , and about it the short weapons , as halberd , partizans , or the like , ( if the company haue any ) when they are come into the field , then is euery regiment drawn vp into a body by it selfe , whereof all the pikes are drawne into an entire body by themselues , and the shott deuided into two bodies , whereof one halfe wingeth vp the right hand of the pikes , and the other halfe wingeth vp the left hand of the pikes . the ensignes stand still on the head , or within a ranke , and the short weapons of execution about them for guard . these regiments are drawne into the battaile , according to the pleasure of the lord marshall , or serieant maior generall . the horsemen are the wings which troope on each side of the battaile , keeping the distance of halfe a furlong at least from either side of the shot . the great ordance , or artilery are drawne from the two outmost poynts of the battaile , a pretty distance from the vantguard , and extend themselues wider and and wider frō the battaile , being drawe at length in a single file , their carriage , prouision , and munision being drawn neere vnto them , and the regiment belonging to the master of the ordnance , following closse about them as a sure defence , wall , or guard . and thus you haue the full range of the foote battaile , and how it is disposed . chap. . of the seuerall ranges of the horse , and how they are ordered and compounded . the horse-troopes in the ancient and first times had no one certaine range , or place in the battaile , but according to the humors and opinions of their generals , so they were altered and carried vp and downe to seueral places of commandment . aelian saith , that in some battailes within his own memorie and knowledge , the horse troopes were ranged after the light armed , yet doth not constantly stand vpon the allowance of that range ; but saith , that although they were ranged after the light-armed , yet other places might be more conuenient , and this range might be altered at the pleasure of the general , or vpon any necessary occasion , where victories stood doubtfull : others of the ancients , as at sometimes the macedonians , now and then the romans , but many times the thebans & thessalians haue ranged their troops of horse in the reare of the armed battailes , and good successe hath many times issued thereof , & the rangers of such battailes haue returned victors : others of the auntients , and especially alexander himselfe , craterus , and most of the worthiest macedonians , haue ranged their horse battailes vpon the right and left winges of the maine armie ; and indeed , these places are most probable and best agreeing with our present discipline . to come then to the range of the horse battaile , as it is vsed at this day , you must vnderstand , that it varyeth foure seuerall waies ; two in the range of the curaseires , two in the range of the harquebuseires or dragoones . the curaseires haue two seuerall ranges , the one in ordinary trooping , the other in a formed battaile . in an ordinary troope where the whole battaile mooueth , the first day , the troope and regiment belonging to the generall , troopeth formost , and hath the leading of the poynt ; after him , troopeth the troope and regiment of the lord marshall ; and after him , euery colonell , and his regiment , according to his antiquitie : the next day , the lord marshall , and his regiment , hath the leading of the poynt or vauntguard , and the generall hath the reare ; the eldest colonell succeedeth the lord marshall , and so the rest of the colonells , and their regiments after him , according to antiquitie : the third day , the eldest colonell hath the poynt or vantguard , and the lord marshall hath the reare after the generall ; and thus alternately euery colonell shall change his place , & haue the leading of the poynt or vauntguard , according to the seuerall daies of trooping ( there being no intermission or stay of many daies betweene the seuerall remooues : and as thus the chiefe and superior cōmanders doe remooue and alter their places , so shall the inferior commanders of euerie regiment doe the like ; the colonell hauing the principall place the first day , the liuetenant colonell the second day , the sergeant maior the third day ; and so euery captaine after , according to his antiquitie ; in which order , no commander looseth dignitie , but hath his seuerall day of glory , and as much preheminence as the generall , or any other commander , whatsoeuer . now if it come to a formed battaile , then the ranges change , and the regiments are drawne vp into one whole and entire bodie , in which drawing vp of regiments , this order is to be obserued , that euery perticular troope shall duely keepe their two distances , that is to say , open order in their rankes , and close order in their files , then betwixt company and company , in euery regiment , shall be the space of . foote , that thereby they may be the better distinguished , and the sooner drawne foorth , and imployed in any needefull place , as the superior commanders shall thinke good . this order and distance being obserued , regiments are to be brought into maine bodies , eyther square , long , tryangular , or dyamond , according to the nature of the ground , and the fashion of the enemies battaile , for therein is the aduantage . now for the true range , the generall hath euer the vauntguard , which is the right wing of the battaile , and the lord marshall hath the second vauntguard , which is the poynt of the left wing of the battaile ; for here is to be vnderstood , that when battailes of foote are drawne vp and formed , then the battaile of horse is deuided , and extended forth in length , acording to the number of the regiments , which as wings stretching themselues foorth from the two points of the right and left hand battaile of foot ; are as a wall or defense betwixt the enemy & the foot army , being to charge vpon all aduantages , to defend the ordnance & great artillerie when it shal be assaulted or ingaged ; or otherwise to keep the carriage , munition and baggage , from the pillage of the enemy , or other defeiture . for the range of the colonels they take their places according to antiquity ; the eldest colonell secondeth the generall the third , the lord martiall , and so according to antiquitie their regiments doe troope , either on the one or the other hand , all things being ordered according to dignitiy and antiquity . now whereas a question may be demanded touching the place of the quartermaster , were he shall range himselfe ; i thus resolue it . that if the quarter-master , who is a necessary dependant vpon euery horse regiment , haue no troope of horse , as seldome or neuer they haue , then his range or place is euer to troope with the collonels lieutenant , and the commissary or prouost of euery regiment with the liuetenant collonels liueteuant , or otherwise ( at his pleasure ) extrauagantly in any other inferior place of the regiment . againe , here is to be noted in the generallitie of the army where horse and foote are mixed together , or whensoeuer they shall meet either in publicke court or priuate counsell , that the commander of horse hath priority of place before the commander of foot. and howsoeuer some opinions would sway to the contrary , preferring number before vertue ; yet it is most certaine , that in all courts of warre , the horseman hath the first place , a collonell of . horse preceeding a collonell of . foot. a captaine of . horse takes place before a captaine of . foot , &c. antiquity in this place being no let , but the dignity carried according to the honor of the command , & the nobility of the number . now next vnto these curasheirs are the harquebusheirs , who at this day , and in this present discipline , stand for the light horse ; these likewise haue two seuerall ranges , the one in their ordinary trooping ; and the other , when they come to be drawne vp into ordinary or extraordinary bodies : for the ordinarie trooping , it is eyther when they troope into the fielde to receiue directions , or else troope forth as vantcurreers and dicouerers of all impediments that may happen to the army , for these are they which scower the coast , and preuent ambuscadoes , they make good ryuers , bridges , and all straight passages , and albe their trooping is loose and disbanded , holding no strickt or curious forme , eyther in ranke or file , nor any certainety in pace or motion , but sometimes galloping , sometimes trotting , & sometimes standing still , ( as danger or discouerie shall giue way to their proceedings ) yet doe they troope most commonly in regiments , the vauntguard being led eyther by the colonell himselfe , or some other officer in chiefe , who being better acquainted with the places they goe to discouer , hath this authority cast vpon him , and rangeth himselfe in the front , which is the greatest place of eminence : as the colonell or chiefe officer thus taketh the first place , so the liuetenant colonell taketh the second , and so the rest of the captaines successiuely , according to their antiquity : these are the ordinary scoutes , watchmen , and sentinells , and if it be in campe , their guard is euer without the verge of the campe , and if it be in a walled towne , citty , or garrison , their guard is without the walles of the citty , and their quarter in the suburbes ; there are dependants on the lord marshall , and take directions from his commands ; and thus much for the range of horsemen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e motiues to the worke. motions vsed in the olde warres . diuers other motions . the authors plainenesse in what , motions consist . of distances . the ancient and the moderne author reconcil'd . the ground of all motions . the drawing of grosses into order . of single files . of closing and opening . the manner of performing the motion . aduancing of files . reducing thē to their first forme . of countermarching . the lacedemonian countermarch . the macedonian countermarch . doubling of rankes . halfe files as they were . bringers vp , as they were . of wheeling . casting files . of opening and cloasing . files opened or closed by the middle-men . files opened , or closed to any hand . other motions the vse of horse motions . an horse file . drawing vp of a horse - troope . the benefite of the square bodie . the tactiks of Ælian or art of embattailing an army after ye grecian manner englished & illustrated wth figures throughout: & notes vpon ye chapters of ye ordinary motions of ye phalange by i.b. the exercise military of ye english by ye order of that great generall maurice of nassau prince of orange &c gouernor & generall of ye vnited prouinces is added tactica. english aelianus. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the tactiks of Ælian or art of embattailing an army after ye grecian manner englished & illustrated wth figures throughout: & notes vpon ye chapters of ye ordinary motions of ye phalange by i.b. the exercise military of ye english by ye order of that great generall maurice of nassau prince of orange &c gouernor & generall of ye vnited prouinces is added tactica. english aelianus. gelius, aegidius, engraver. bingham, john, captain. [ ], , [ ] p., [ ] plates, some folded [printed at eliot's court press] for laurence lisle & are to be sold at his shoppe at ye signe of the tigers head in paules churche yard, at london : [ ] a translation of: tactica. translator's dedication signed: io: bingham. the title page is engraved and signed: egidius gelius sculpsit a woudrichemij in hollandia. identification of printer and publication date from stc. with three final contents leaves; the last leaf is blank. running title reads: the tacticks of Ælian. in this state the contents begin on p. . reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- greece -- early works to . military art and science -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the tactiks of aelian or art of embattailing an army after the grecian manner englished & illustrated with figures throughout ; & notes vpon the chapters of the ordinary motions of the phalange by i. b. the exercise military of the english by the order of that great generall maurice of nassau prince of orange & ▪ gouernor & generall of the vnited prouinces is added at london for laurence lisle & are to be sold at his shoppe at the signe of the tigers head in paules churche yarde the peerlesse macedon , chvlde of triūphāt vict●… presents his armes , his arte of warr , g'fortūe vnto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 warre is a necessary schoole of necessary knowledge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gelius sculpvt woudrichemÿ in hollandia my●ificentia regia georgivs d.g. mag . br vr . et ●●● rex fd. to the high and mighty charles , only sonne of his maiesty , prince of wales , dvke of cornewall , yorke , and albany , marqvise of ormont , earle of chester , and ross , lord of admanoch , and knight of the most noble order of the garter . how much the graecians excelled all other nations in the sciences called liberall , is better knowne in generall , then needfull at this time particularly to be rehearsed to your highnesse . the romans themselues albeit otherwise ambitious , and out of measure thirsty of honour , and challenging to themselues the highest degree of grauity , constancie , greatnesse of minde , wisedome , faith , and skill of war , contended not herein , but freely left them the possession of that praise vnquestioned . for warre it is not my purpose at this time to make comparison , or commit the two nations together . the controuersie is already moued by other , and hangeth vndecided in the court of learning . thus much , me thinks , i may truly affirme , that the graecians were the first , that out of variety of actions , and long experience reduced the knowledge of armes into an arte , and gaue precepts for the orderly mouing a battaile , and taught , that the moments of victory rested not in the hands of multitudes , but in a few men rightly instructed to manage armes , and trained vp in the obseruation of the discipline of the field . in which regard they had almost in all cities amongst them masters of armes , whom they called tacticks , which deliuered the arte military to such , as were desirous to learne . out of whose schooles issued those chiefs of warre in number so many , in skill so exquisite , in valor so peerelesse , in all vertues beseeming great generals so admirable , that no nation of europe euen to this day hath been able to match , much lesse to ouer-match their fame , and glory . and the time was when the lacedemonians exceeded the rest in martiall skill , and were thought to be the best souldiers of greece ; by meanes whereof they aduanced themselues to the principality of greece , which they held with such reputation , that an enemie by the space of yeares was not seene within their territory . till at last growing insolent , and surfeiting of , and being not able to brooke their owne fortune , they sought to oppresse , and with wrong and force to possesse the city of thebes , and stirred vp epaminond as a the ban by birth , and from his tender yeares nourished by his fathers care in the study of philosophy , and the science of armes , to oppose against them , who in two battailes , the one at leuctra , the other at mantinea so broke their forces , that from that day forth they were neuer able to recouer their wonted authority , and power in the field . philip the sonne of amyntas king of macedonia , being but a priuate man , was deliuered as a hostage to the thebans , & brought vp in the same house and learning with epaminond as . he afterward became king of macedonia ; which being of it selfe but a poore kingdome , and before his time sometimes kept vnder by the athenians , sometimes by the lacedemonians , sometimes by the the bans , & finding it at his entrance to the crowne harried , and spoiled by the paeonians , and forced to pay tribute by the illyrians , by erecting a new arte , and discipline of warre , to which he exercised , and enured his macedonians , he not only freed his countrey from the barbarous nations , but also ouercame the graecians , accounted the only masters of armes till that day , and caused himselfe to be declared generall of greece against the persians : against whom after he had made his full preparation , he resolued to go in person . but being preuented by death , he left the succession of his kingdom , and execution of his designes to alexander his sonne , whom he had before curiously instructed in the discipline of armes inuented by himselfe . the same alexander ( being about yeares of age ) after he had vanqu●shed darius in great battailes in yeeres ran through , and subiected the spacious , rich , and flourishing kingdomes of asia , euen as far , as the east indies , and with terror of armes made the whole world to tremble at his name . his kingdomes were after his death diuided amongst many successors , who by the same arte military easily maintained the possession of their conquests . this arte is it , that i at this time present vnto your highnesse . it was comprised in writing by many , and yet none of their works attained our age , but only that of aelian ; who hath in a small volume so expressed the arte , that nothing is more short , nothing more linked together in coherence of precepts , and yet distinguished with such variety , that all motions requisite , or to be vsed in a battaile are fully expressed therin . aelian liued in the time of adrian the emperor . how much the booke was of ancient time esteemed may appeare by this alone , that leo a succeeding emperor setting downe martiall instructions for the gouernment of his empire , transcribeth whole passages out of aelian , & whensoeuer he citeth , or nameth the tacticks , he giueth still the first place vnto aelian . how be it the practise of aelians precepts hath long lien wrapped vp in darknes , & buried ( as it were ) in the ruines of time , vntill it was reuiued , & restored to light not long since in the vnited prouinces of the low - countries , which countries at this day are the schoole of war , whither the most martiall spirits of europe resort to lay downe the apprentiship of their seruice in armes , and it was reuiued by the direction of that heroicall prince maurice of nassau , prince of orange , gouernour , and generall of the ●aid countries , a prince borne and bred vp in armes , and ( beside the completenes of his other eminent vertues ) for skill , experience , iudgement , and military literature comparable to the greatest generals , that euer were . i haue of late aduentured to take from aelian his greekish cloake , and to put him in english apparell , that in that habit he might attend your highnesse , and be ready with his seruice , in case he were thought worthy of employment . he had before for his patron adrian , an emperor , and ruler of the roman world . now he humbly craueth your highnesse fauour for his protection , who as in princely descent , and succession of royall blood you are farre superior , so in vertues worthy of your birth , and yeares , and in all hopefull expectations are you nothing inferior to adrian . it may please your highnesse to regard him with a gratious eye , and to esteeme the presentor of him your faithfull bedesman , that will not cease to pray to the mighty god of hosts , to giue you conquest ouer all your enemies . from my garrison at woudrichem in holland the of september . your highnesse most humbly deuoted , io : bingham . the tacticks of aelian or art of embattailing an army after the grecian manner . the grecian arte of embattailing an army ( most mightie augustus cesar adrian ) the antiquitie whereof reacheth back to the age wherein homer lyved , hath beene committed to wryting by many , whose skill in the mathematicks was not reputed equal with myne : whereby i was induced to thinke it possible for me soe to deliver the groundes therof , that posteritie should rather regard and esteeme my labors , then theirs , that before me haue handled the same argument . but weighing againe myn own ignorance ( for i must confesse a truth ) in that skill & practise of armes , which is now in esteeme among the romaines , i was by feare with-held from reviving a science half dead , as it were , and since the invention of that other by your auncestors , altogeather out of request and vnregarded . notwithstandīng comming afterward to formie to doe my dutie to the emperour nerva your maiesties father , it was my fortune to spend sometime with frontine a man of consular dignītie , and of great reputacion by reason of his experience in militarie affaires : and after conference with him perceiving he imparted no lesse studie to the grecian , then to the romaine discipline of armes i began not to despise that of the grecians , conceiving that frontine would not so much affect it , if hee thought it inferiour to the romaine . having therefore in times past framed a project of this worke , but yet not daring then to publish it in regard of your majesties incomparable valour , and experience , which make you famous aboue all general●s without exception , that euer were : i haue of late taken it againe in hand , & finished it , being ( if i deceaue not my self ) a worke both worthy to be accompted of , & of sufficiencie , especially with such as are studious of the arte , to obscure the credit of the auncient tacticks . for in respect of the perspicuitie i dare bouldlie affirme , the reader shall more advantage himselfe by this little volume , then by al their writings : such is the order and methode , i haue followed . howbeit i durst scarcely offer it to your majestie who haue beene generall of so greate warres , least happily it proue too too slender a present , & altogether vnworthy of your sacred viewe . and yet if your majestie shall bee pleased to thinke of it , as of a greekish theorie , or a various discourse it may bee , it will giue you some little delight , the rather because you may therin behold alexander the macedons manner of marshalling his fields . and for that i am not ignorant of your majesties more weightie affaires , i haue reparted it into chapters , to the end you may without reading the booke in few wordes take the somme of that , which is to bee delivered , and without losse of time find the places you are desirous to peruse . notes . the tacticks ] as taxis in a general sence signifieth order , so tacticos is as much , as perteyning to order : but specially taken , it signifieth parteyning to order of a battaile , or to the embattailing of an army . here of the arte of embattailing an army is called tacticè , and hee , that is skillful , and experienced in that arte . tacticos ( a vegetius nameth him magistrum armorum ) and the books written of the arte , tactica . and that this is the true signification of the word may appeare by xenophons cyropaedia , where the arte tactick is distinguished from the arte imperatory , or arte of a generall . hee induceth cyrus , in a discourse with his father speaking thus : b in the end you asked mee what my master taught mee , when hee professed to teach the art imperatory . and when i answered , the tacticks , you smiled , and asked particulerly , what the tacticks availed without provision of thinges necessary to liue by ? what without preservacion of health ? what without knowledge of arts invented for the vse of warre ? what without obedience ? so that you plainely shewed , that the tacticks are but a small portion of the arte imperatory , or of commanding an army . thus xenophon : making a difference between the arte imperatory , & the arte tactick . and in other place hee speaketh yet more particulerly : c cyrus , sayd hee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it not the duty of a tactick to enlarge onely , or to stretch out in 〈◊〉 the front of his phalange , or to drawe it out in depth , or to reduce it from a winge to a phalange , or to countermarche readily , the enemy shewing himselfe on the right , or left hand , or in the rear , but to diuide it , when need is , & to place euery part for most advantage , & to leade it on speedily , when occasion is of prevention . yet sometimes in a gener all signification books entreating of the whole arte of warr are called tacticks : as the constitutions military of the emperour leo are entituled tactica leonis , perhaps of the best parte , because the d arte of embattailing an army hath alwayes been esteemed the chiefest point of skill in a generall . howbeit aelian in his title of this booke taketh tacticè in the streighter signification : as appeareth by the definitions , he alleageth out of aenaeas and polibius : of whome the first defineth the art tactick to bee a science of warlick motion ; with whome also f leo agreeth : the other , to bee a skill , whereby , a man taking a multitude serviceable , ordereth it into files , and bodies , and instructeth it sufficiently in all thinges apperteining to warre . which two definitions comprehend in fewe words the argument of the whole booke . for first aelian intreatcth of levieng , & of arming men , then of filing , next of joyning files , and making bodies , after of ordering the whole phalange , or battaile , further of motions requisit to affront the enemy , whersoever he giveth on , whether in front , flank , or reare ; lastly of marching , and of the sondry formes of battailes carieng with them advantage of charging or repulsing the enemy in your marche . he ; that will further vnder stand the boundes of this arte , let him reade in the . chapter of leo the . section . the emperour nerva your maiesties father ] the emperour nerva here mentioned was not nerva cocceius , whoe succeeded domitian , but vlpius traianus , who was also called nerva , because he was adopted by nerva cocceius , & succeeded in the empire . and where aelian termeth him adrians father , indeed adrian pretended , he was traians sonne by adoption . but g dio plainely denieth it , & spartian saith , some reported hee was adopted by the faction of plotina ( traians wife ) by substituting one to speake with a faint voice , as if it had beene traian vpon his death-bed , whereas traian was before departed this world . this is agreed , that he was cosin german once removed to traian , & that his father dieng , he ( being but ten yeares olde ) was ward to traian ( then a private man ) and to one calius tatianus . to spend some time with frontine ] frontine heer mentioned was the same that wrote the book of strategemes , now extant , & commonly ioyned in one volume with vegetius . hee was a man curious in the searche of the graecian discipline , as may be seene by his owne preface to his bookes of strategemes : & by the testimony of aelian , & in the first chapter of this treatise , is reckoned amongest the t actick writers . a vegetius reporteth he was much esteemed by the emperour traian . hee lived also in greate reputation in the time of vespasian : at least if it bee hee , that tacitus speaketh of in the life of iulius agricola . and yet it might bee he very well , there being noe more then twenty yeares , & certeine monthes betwixte the reigne of traian , & the reigne of vespasian in whose time frontine is reported by b tacitus to haue over throwne the silures in britaine . aelian in the next chapter calleth him fronto . of one fronto , that was consul in the third year of the reigne of traian , i read in c dio ●whose saying is reported to haue been : that it was ill to haue an emperour , vnder whome noe man might haue liberty to doe any thing , but much worse to haue an emperour , vnder whome every man might doe what hee list . but this fronto was not aelians fronto . hee was called marcus cornelius fronto ; this ( that aelian speaketh of ) iulius frontine . and yet it is noe wonder that frontine in latine should be called fronto in greek , it being vsual for the graecians to varie , and deflect a litle from the property of the latine names . your majesties incomparable valor & experience ] that this praise given adrian is not altogether without cause , may appeare by that , which d aelius spartianus writeth in the life of adriā . his wordes haue this meaning : after this , taking his journey into france , he was bowntifull to all , as he sawe cause . from thence hee passed into germany , & being rather desirous of peace , then warre , yet hee so exercised his souldiers , as though warre were at hand ; teaching them to indure paines & hardnesse , himselfe giving an example of military life : gladly also vsing camp fare , as namely lard , & cheese , for meate , & water mingled with vineger for drink , in imitation of scipio aemilianus , & of metellus , & of traian the author of his preferment & rising , bestowing rewardes vpon many , honors vpon some , to encourage them to beare such things , as seemed harshe in his commaundes . and surely it was hee next octavius , that vpheld military discipline ( declyning nowe through the remissenesse of former emperours ) by ordering both the places of commaunde , & the payes ; never suffering any man to absent himselfe from the campe , but vpon just cause : measuring the worthe of tribunes not by favour of the souldiers , but by their owne desert ; exhorting , & exciting all the rest by example of his owne vertue , whilest hee often marched twenty miles on foote , being fully armed , broke downe banquetting howses , and galleries , & vaults for coolenesse , & arbors , wheresoever hee fownd them in the campe ; & was seene in a plaine garment vsually ; wore a baudricke not garnished with gold , buttons without gemmes ; scarcely allowing an ivory handle to his sword ; visited his sick souldiers in their lodgings , himselfe chose out the grownd to encampe in : made noe captaine , but a man of a strong body , no● tribune , but with a growne beard , or of age , that by prudence , and yeares was able to sway the weight of the place : nor suffred him to take ought from the souldier ; removed all d●licacies ; and lastly reformed theire armes , and baggage . hee had besides consideration of the age of souldiers , allowing none younger , then was befitting vertue ; nor elder , then stood with the lawes of humanity , to bee conversant in the campe , contrary to old custome , and vsage : and gaue himselfe to haue particuler knowledge of them all , and what theire number was . furthermore hee was carefull to vnderstand the controversies betwixt souldier and souldier , and searched with great attentiuenesse into the revenues of the provinces , to the end to supply , what was wanting ; endevouring notwithstanding aboue all neither to buy , nor feede ought , that was not for vse . wherefore when he had fashioned his souldiers to his owne example , he passed over into britaine , where hee corrected many thinges , and was the first , that drew a wall along by the space of eighty mile ; wherewith hee diuided the romans from the barbarous people . hetherto spartian . i haue recited the history at large , because i might represent the picture of an excellent generall . alexander the macedons manner . ] that this booke comprehendeth the macedonian discipline of armes , i will shewe hereafter , as particulers offer themselues . in the meane time let this suffice for an argument , that aelian doubteth not to affirme it to adrian , a prince excellently learned in the greeke language ; and as by reason of his skill hee was able to discerne , so by his authoritie hee would haue censured so grosse an escape , if it had beene otherwise , then aelian reporteth . the contents of the chapters of the booke . the authors , that haue written tacticks ; of this booke , & of the profitt of the arte . chap. . the praeparation of warlike forces , and how they are to bee armed . chap. . the framinge of a phalange , and definition of the art tactick . chap. . what a file or decury , is and of how many men it consisteth . chap. . the order and partes of a file or decury . chap. . of joyning files . chap. . of a phalange : the length , and depth thereof ; of ranking , and filinge . the division of the phalange into winges , the place of the armed foote , of the light armed , and of the horse . chap. . the number of the armed foote , of the light armed , & of the horse . chap. . the names of the severall partes , and the commaunders of the seuerall partes of the phalange , and of the numbers vnder theire commaunds . chap. . the precedence , & dignitie of places in the offices of the phalange . chap. . the distances to bee observed betwixt souldier , and souldier in opening , or shutting the phalange . chap. . the arming of the phalange . chap . the worth the file-leaders , and next followers should be of . chap. . of the macedonian phalange , & the length of the souldiers pikes . chap. . the place of the light armed , & the number of euery file of them . chap. . the names of the bodies of the light armed . chap. . the vse of the light armed . chap. . the fashion of horse battailes ; the rhombe , the wedge , & the square . chap. why rhōbs were first brought into vse , & of the diverse formes of thē . cha. the place of horsemen in the field , & the number of the vsuall horse-battaile , and the degrees & names of the officers of the horse in generall . chap. the diligence to bee vsed in choise , and exercise , of the best formes of battailes . chap. of chariotts ; the names , and degrees of the commaunders . chap. . of the elephants : the names , and degrees of theire rulers . chap , . the names of the militarie motions expressed in this booke . chap. . of turning , and double turning of the souldiers faces , as they stand embattailed . chap. . of wheeling , double , and treble wheeling of a battaile , and of returning to the first posture . chap. . of filing , ranking , and restoring to the first posture . chap. . of counter march , and the diverse kinds thereof , with the manner how it is to be done . chap. . of doubling , and the kinds thereof . chap. . of the broadfronted phalange , the deepe phalange , or herse , and the vneuen fronted phalange . chap. . of parembole , protaxis , epitaxis , prostaxis , entaxis & hypotaxis . chap. . the manner how the motions , of the wheeling , double , and treble wheeling of a battaile are to bee made . chap. . of closing of the battaile to the right , or left hand , & to the middest . chap. . the vse and advantage of these exercises of armes . chap. . of signes of directions , that are to bee given to the army , and theire seuerall kinds . chap. . of marching ; of diverse kinds , of battailes fitt for a marche ; of the right induction , of the coelemboles , and of the triphalange to bee opposed against the coelemboles . chap. . of paragoge or deduction . chap. . of the phalange called amphistomus . chap. . of the phalange called antistomus . chap. . of the diphalange called antistomus . chap. . of the phalange called peristomus . chap. . of the phalange called himoiostomus and of the plinthium . chap. . of the phalange called heterostomus . chap. . againe of the horsebattaile called the rhombe , and the foote halfe-moone to encounter it . chap. . of the horse battaile heteromeres , and the broad fronted foote battaile to be opposed against it . chap. . of another kinde of rhombe for horsemen , and of the epicampios emprosthia to encounter it . chap. . of the foote battaile called cyrte , which is to bee sett against the epicampios . chap. . of the horse battaile , which is square in ground , and the wedge of foote to bee opposed against it . chap. . of the foote battaile called plaesium , and the sawefronted foote battaile to encounter it . chap. . of overfronting the enemies battaile , and overwinging it , and of attenuation . chap. . of the leading of the cariage of the army . chap. . of the wordes of cōmaund , & of certain rules to be observed therin . chap. of silence to be vsed by souldiers . chap. . the manner of pronouncing the wordes of commaunde . chap. . the authors that haue written tacticks ; of this booke , and of the profitt , of the arte. chap. i. homer the poet seemeth to bee the first , ( at least we reade of ) that had the skill of imbattailing an army , and that admired men indued with that knowledge , as appeareth by mnestheus of whome he writeth . his like no liuing wight was found , nor any age did yeild , to marshall troopes of horse , or bandes of foote in bloudie field . concerning homers discipline militarie , the workes of stratocles , & of frontine a man of consular dignitie , in our time are to be read . aeneas perfected the theorie thereof at large publishing many volumes of warfare , which were abridged by cyneas the thessalian . likewise pyrrhus the epirote wrote tacticks , and his sonne alexander , and clearchus , and pausanias , and euangelus , & polibius the megapolitan ( a man of great learning , scipioes companyon ) & eupolemus , and iphicrates ; possidonius also the stoick sett forth the art of warre , & many other , some in introductions , as brion , some in large tactick volumes . al which , i haue seene , and read , and yet thinke it not much to purpose to mention perticulerlie ; being not ignorant , that it hath beene the manner of those writers for the most parte , to applie theire stile not to the ignorant , but to such as are alreadie acquainted with the matters they intreat of ; as for the impediments , which presented themselues to mee , when first i gaue my minde to the studie of this art , as namely neither to happen vpon sufficient instructours , nor yet to find light , or perspicuitie enough in the precepts delivered : i will endevour , as much as i can , to remoue out of other mens way . and as often as wordes shall faile to expresse my meaning , i will for plainenes sake , vse the direction of figures , and pourtraicts , adioyning thereby the view of the ey , as an aide , and assistance , to the vnderstanding , & withall retaine the termes of auncient authours , to the end , that whosoever shal follow this booke for an introduction , being therein exercised both to the same wordes ; & also to the vsage of things expressed in them , may grow as it were acquainted , and imagine himselfe no straunger , when he cōmeth to read their workes . by which waies by me prescribed , i make no doubt , they will easely be vnderstood . now that this art of all other is of most vse , may appeare by plato in his booke of lawes where he saith : that the cretan law giver so contrived his laws , as if men were alway praepared to fight . for all cities haue by nature vnproclaimed warre one against another . which being so : what discipline is more to bee esteemed , or more avaylable to mans life , then this of warre . notes . it seemeth by this chapter , that the authors , that haue of auncient time written tactiks , haue beene many : and those not of such kinde of men , as haue given themselues to study , and contemplation alone , but of such , as besides theire knowledge in good letters , haue beene actors in warre themselues , & ( which is more ) principall actors , some of them generalls , other the next degree to generalls . howbeit there is none heere mentioned by aelian , whose workes are extant . where by may be esteemed the inestimable losse , these later ages haue suffred in being deprived of such excellent monuments . i hope , i may so terme them without offence , though i haue not seene them . for what but excellent , can proceed from men of such excellencie in theire profession ? such as the most parte of those were . yet , for some of them , i can say nothing , as finding litle remembrance of them in auncient writers . of this kind are eupolemus , stratocles , hermias , clear chus , pausanias : albeit such names may often bee founde : the rest are specially mentioned , and much commended . of whome i will set downe , what i finde . frontine a man of consular dignity ] i haue before noted some what of frontine . wee haue of his , as it is thought , other workes , besides his stratagemes : but this booke of tacticks , whereof aelian speaketh , wee haue not . i will onely adde the relation of a vegetius towching frontine , who writeth thus : cato the elder , albeit hee had beene both invinceable in armes , and often generall of great armies , beleeued yet hee should more profit his countrey , if hee laid downe in writing the discipline of warre . for valiant actes are but of one mans age , but things written for the profite of the state endure for ever . many other haue done the like , but especially frontine : whose industry herein was greatly approved by the emperour traian . aenaeas perfected the theory . ] aenaeas is mentioned by b polybius in his . book , where he discourseth of signes to be made by beacons of fire , in case an enemy approacheth to any parte of our countrey . his bookes were intituled commentaries of the office of a generall as polybius saith ; & aelian heere calleth them books of the office of a generall , the title being all one in effect . of these bookes none haue reached to our age , but one alone , which compriseth precepts of defending a towne besieged , & some . or . years agoe came first to light , & priuitie : that worthy man isaac casaubon , the learned ornament of his countrey , ( and of england so long , as hee lived there ) being the setter forth . and it is adioyned to his edition of polybius . these bookes tactick of aenaeas were abridged ( as aelian saith ) by . . cyneas the thessalian ] plutarchin the life of pyrrhus telleth vs what cyneas was . c there was , saith hee , in the court of pyrrhus a thessalian , a man of great vnderstanding : & whoe having heard the orator demosthenes , seemed alone of all , that then were esteemed eloquent , to renewe in the memory of the hearers an image & shadowe of the vehemencie & vigor of his vtterance . pyrrhus held him in his court , and made vse of him , in sending him in embassages to people and cities . in which embassages hee confirmed the saieng of euripides . what ever force can doe , with trenchant swoordes : the same , or more , is wrought by pleasing wordes . therefore was pyrrhus wont to say , that cyneas had gayned more cities with his eloquence , then himselfe with armes . by occasion whereof he did him great honor , & employed him in his principal affaires . a ti●lly speaketh of his workes : your letters , ( saith he to papyrius paetus ) haue made me a great generall : i was altogether ignorant of your so great skill in military matters . i see you haue read the books of pyrrhus & cynaeas . i therefore purpose to follow your counsel : this yet more , to haue some fewe shippes in a readinesse vpō the sea-coast . they say , there is noe better armour against parthian horsemen . but why sport wee ? you knowe not , with what a generall you haue to doe . i haue in this my governement fully in practise expressed xenophons institution of cyrus : which before i had worne a pieces with reading . pyrrhus & cynaeas , hee nameth , as two principall authors of warlick discipline : and where he addeth xenophon , whoe , though he be not named by aelian amongest the tactick writers , deserveth yet not to be pretermitted , having been both a great cōmaunder , & besides writtē largely of military matters , whose workes also are now extāt ; let vs see , what he saith of him in another place . b cyrus , saith he , is written by xenophon , not according to the truthe of an history , but for a patterne of just governement . whose wondrous grauity is by that philosopher matched with singuler curtesie , which bookes our africanus , ( and that not without cause ) was never wont to let goe out of his handes . and of africanus he reporteth the like in his c tusculan quaestions . pyrrhus the epriote wrote tacticks . ] pyrrhus the k. of epirus was of auncient time esteemed one of the be●●eneralls , that ever was . what d anniballs iudgement was of him liuy reporteth , & e 〈◊〉 in the life of pyrrhus . and antigonus being demaunded , whom hee thought the greatest generall , then living , aunswered pyrrhus . and where other kings imitated alexander the great in purple apparaile in number of gardes about theire persons , in carieng the necke a litleawry , & in speaking lowde , hee alone repraesented him in exploictes of armes , & in deedes of prowes , saith plutarch . f plutarch saith likewise : towching his skill in the arte military howe to order a battaile , and howe to bring his men to fighte with most advantage , a man may draw proofe sufficient out of the books , he wrote ; of which bookes tully spake in the last paragraph . and his sonne alexander . ] pyrrhus had by his first wife antigone a sonne called ptolomey , by lanassa , another called alexander , & by bircanna , the third named helenus . g all which albeit by race & inclination of nature they were martial , yet brought he them vp , & from theire birth framed & enured to armes . and the report is , when vpon a time one of them , yet a chylde , asked him to which of them he would leaue his kingdome , to him , aunswered pyrrhus , who shall haue the sharpest sworde : h iustin also makes mention of these three sonnes . ptolomey was slaine at sparta , as i iustin would haue it . k plutarch saith he was slaine in the way betwixt sparta & argos . l alexander reigned after his fathers decease , in the realme of epirus . that hee wrote tacticks , i haue not read , but in aelian onely . and evangelus ] plutarch discoursing of the studies of philopaemen hath this in effect : m he tooke noe delight to heare al kinde of discourses , nor to reade al books of philosophy , but such onely , as might profit to the daylie encrease of vertue ; and hee read not willingly other passages of homer , then such , as hee thought had some efficacy to moue a mans hart to prowes . but amongest , and aboue al other readings , he speciall● affected the tacticks of euangelus : & like wise the histories of the exploits of alexāder the great . this is al i find of the tacticks of evangelus . i gesse notwithstanding , he was a choice author because philopaemen had him in such esteeme ; of whome the same n plutarch writeth : that greece bore him singuler affection , as the last vertuous man , which shee brought foorth in her ould age , after so many great , and renowmed captaines of auncient time ; and alwayes augmented his power , and authority , as his glory encreased . in which respect a roman , praising him , called him the last graecian ; meaning that after him greece bred noe great , nor any personage in deed worthy of her . and polybius ] it is the same polybius , whose history , so much as is extant , that excellent learned man isaac casaubon translated into latin , and set foorth . for his life and worth resort to the preface of the same casaubon to polybius his history . hee had beene in achaia , his owne countrey , generall of the horse . afterward being in displeasure with the romans , hee lived long in prison at rome : and was for his worth finally released by intercession of the greatest men of rome : and became companion to scipio africanus the younger ; with whom also he was at the siege and destruction of carthage . his tacticks , whereof aelian speaketh , are perished with other of his workes . yet are there many passages dispersed heer , and there in his history , which argue his extraordinary skill in matters of warre . and it may seeme , that aelian hath taken much from him both for matter , and wordes . iphicrates ] whoe will reade of iphicrates , let him goe to a aemilius probus , that writeth his life . his actes are also declared by xenophon , and diodorus siculus , and polyaen , and iustin and divers others , as they were incident to theire generall histories . hee was esteemed one of the best generalls of his time : and was called out by name by darius king of persia to bee generall of the graecians , his mercenaries , in the warre , hee had against the aegyptians : his fame and aestimation was soe great with alexander the great , that when his sonne ( whose name was also iphicrates ) with other graecians were taken prisoners by him , for that they came embassadours into persia to darius , he not onely spared him for the loue of the city of athens , and for the remembrance of his fathers glory ( b the wordes of arrian ) but held him about him in honour so long , as hee liued , and after his decease sent his reliques to athens , there to be interred by his friendes , and kinsfolk . posidonius the stoick ] posidonius in his time was a philosopher of high renowne , and of the sect , that were called stoicks . tully citeth him often in his workes . in the second booke of tusculan quaestions hee recounteth , c that pompey the great , on a time comminge to rhodes , was desirous to heare him . but vnderstanding hee was extreame sick of the goute , hee forbore not notwithstanding to visit him being a most noble philosopher : whome after hee had seene , and saluted , and vsed with honorable wordes , and told him , hee was sory , hee could not heare him discourse , you may , if you please , quoth posidonius : and i will not suffer paine to bee cause , that so great a man seeke mee in vaine . then , as hee lay in his bed , began hee gravely , and copiously , to dispute , that nothing was good , but that , which was honest . and when firebrands , as it were , of torment towched him to the quick amiddest his disputation , he broke foorth often into these wordes : sorow , all this is nothing : though thou trouble me never so much , i will not yet confesse , that thou art of thy self evill . so tully . d pliny likewise telleth , that pompey , after the warre of mithridates , going into the howse of posidonius , a man famous in philosophy , forbid his serieant to knock at the doore ( as the manner was ▪ ) and the serieants bundles of roddes ( saith he ) were submitted to a doore by him , to whom east & west had submitted thēselues . the same e tully attributeth to this posidonius the invention of a sphaere , whose particuler conversions did worke the same in sonne & moone , and the other fiue planets , that is wrought by the motion of heauen euery day and night . the preparation of warlicke forces and division of them , and how they are armed . chap. ii. i will then beginne with such preparations as are absolutely necessary for service in warre , the forces whereof are of two sortes , the one land forces , the other ship forces . land forces are such , as fight on land : ship forces such , as are ordered for fight in shippes vppon sea , or rivers . but the order of sea service i will reserue for another place , and intreat now of things pertayning to land service . the levies then for land service are either of those , that fight , and mannage armes , or else of those that fight not , but remaine in the campe for necessary vses . they fight that stand ordered in battaile , and with armes [ assaile or ] repulse the enemy . the rest fight not , as phisitians , merchants , servants , and other , which follow the campe to minister vnto it . such as fight , are either footemen , or riders : footemen properly , that serue on foote . of riders , some vse horses some elephants . they , that vse horses , are carye ●ither one horse-back , or else in chariotts . and these are the differences in generall . but in speciall the foote , and horse receaue many other divisions ; onely the elephants , and chariotts , never varie . footemen then are reparted into three kindes , one being armed , another targettiers , the third light , or naked . the armed beare the heaviest furniture of all footemen vsing according to the macedonian manner large , round , targetts , and longe pikes : the light contrarywise beare the lightest , having neither curace , nor greue , nor longe , or round targett of any weight , but flieng weapons onelie as arrowes , dartes , stones either for hand , or sling . to this kind is referred the armour of the argilos , who hath his furniture like to the macedonian , but something lighter . for hee carieth a little slight torgett , and his pike is much shorter , then the macedonian pike : which manner of arming seemeth a meane betwixt the light , or naked , and that which is properlie called heavie : as being lighter , then the heavie , and heavier , then the light : and that is the cause , that many place it amongst the light . the forces of horse ( which wee distinguished before from chariotts ) as being ordered in troopes , are either cataphracts , or not cataphracts . they are cataphracts , that cover theire owne , and theire horses bodies all over with armour . of not cataphracts , some are launciers , some acrobolists . launciers are such as joyne with the enemy , and fight hand to hand with the launce on horseback . of these , some beare longe targets , and are therevppon called targetiers : other some launces alone without targets , who are properlie called launciers , and of some xestophori . acrobolists on horseback are such as fight a far of with flieng weapons . of these , some vse darts , some bowes . they vse darts , whome wee call tarentines . of tarentines , there are two sortes ; for some throw little darts a farre of , and are termed darters on horseback , but properlie tarentines : others vse light darts , & after they haue spent one , or two , close presently with the enemy like the lanciers , which wee spake of , and fight hand to hand . these in common speech are named light horsemen . so that of tarentines some are properly called tarentines , whose manner is to darte a far of . some light horsemen , who joyne , and fight hand to hand . the horsemen that vse bowes are termed archers on horseback , and of some scythians . these then are the differences of such as are in the campe , the kinds of souldiers being in nomber nyne : of footmen , armed , targetiers , light armed , or naked : of horsemen lanciers , darters , archers , cataphracts : and lastlie chariots , and elephants . notes . in this chapter the kindes of souldiers are distinguished according to theire seueral armes borne in fight . and therefore of foote some are called armed , because they beare heavy armes ; other light-armed or naked , because they weare no defensiue armes , other some targetiers , because theire chief defence rested in a slight target , wherewith they covered theire bodies . the horse also haue theire appellation , as theire armes are . and some are cataphracts , because themselues & horses were armed compleatly , other launciers , for that they vsed a launce : other some acrobolists , by reason they fought with flieng weapons a farre of . the first thoughts of a prince , or state , that is resolved to put an army into the field , ought to be to provide armes . armes are the security of theire own souldiers , the terror of the ennemy , the assured ordinary meanes of victory . the antiquity of armes is all one with the beginning of warre . for when of auncient time mighty men puffed vp with pride , and led by ambition , sought by violence to enlarge their empire , and to bring vnder subiection their bordering neighboures , they were enforced to flye to the invention of armes , without which noe victory could bee obteyned . since , armes haue been taken vp for defence also , necessity , the mother of artes , inventing a meanes to withstand ambition . as antalcidas wel obiected to agesilaus being wounded by the thebans ; you are well rewarded for your labour , quoth hee , since you would needes teache the thebans to fight , that had neither will , nor skill so to doe . for the thebans being put to necessity of defence grewe warlick through many invasions of the lacedemonians , saith a plutarch . whoe were the inventers of the seueral pieces of armour , and of the diuers kindes of weapons vsed in old tyme , may appeare by the relation of b pliny in his natural history . this is certeyne , that the most warlick nations , and most victorious haue alwayes sought to haue advantage of theire enemies by advantage of armes . the end of armes is either to defend , or assault . hence are armes diuided into two kindes : defensiue , and offensiue . defensiue are those , which are worne to resist the force , and charge of the enemy . of this sort are the head-piece , gorget , curace , vambrace , gantlets , tases , greves , and target . for whereas there are eleven partes in man , the woundes of any of which bring with thē vndoubted death ( as some c authors write ) the braines , the two temples , the throate , the breast , the belly , the two muscles aboue the two elbowes , the other two aboue the knees , & the privy members pierced with a thrust : the headpiece serveth for the defence of the braine , and temples , the gorget for the throate , the curace for the breast , the vambrace for the muscles of the armes , the tases for the privities & belly , the greves for the muscles aboue the knees , and the target for further assurance of the whole body , being moueable against all strokes , and profers of the assailants . offensiue armes are such , as men endevour to wound , or kill withall : as flieng weapons of all kindes , arrowes , stones out of slings , or the hand , swordes , pikes , partizans , iavelines , and the like . a but as defence , and security of a mans self is more agreable to nature , then to hurt an enemy , so are the defensiue armes preferred before the offensiue , in that they bring safety to him , that beareth them , where as the other are imployed in annoieng the enemy onely . the poets sett foorth theire bravest and valiantest men alwayes best armed for defence . so achilles in homer , and aeneas in virgil , are armed to point with armes wrought by vulcan , to the end to remaine vntowched amiddest the stormes of theire enemies weapons . the graecian law-givers punished that souldier , that in fight cast away his target : not him , that lost his sword or pike . b plutarch writeth , that at such time as epaminondas assaulted sparta ( the most warlicke city of greece ) there was in the city a spartan named isadas , who was the sonne of phoebidas , hee that surprised the castle of thebes called cadmaea , and thereby stirred vp the warre betwixt the thebans , and lacedaemonians , & ruinated the principality of the lacedaemonians in greece . this man being in the flower of his age , and personable , and large of lymmes , ranne foorth of his howse all naked , his body annointed with oyle , without apparaile or armes , except a sword in one hand , & a iavelin in the other ; and breaking through the throng of those , that fought on his side , came to handes with the enemy , and overthrowing some , and killing other some , continued the fight , till the enemy was repulsed , and at last returned into the city without wounde . the chief magistrate vnderstanding hereof rewarded him with a crowne for his valor , but yet fined him at a hundred c drachmes , for that he durst vēter to fight without armes defensiue ; iudging it a 〈◊〉 almost impossible , that a naked man should escape with life fighting against the armea●andes of so many valiant enemies , as the thebans were . in armes was required , that they should bee strong , that they should bee fitte , that they should bee comely ; strong to protect , or annoy , fitt to sette close to the body and bee manageable , comely to grace him , that beareth them . that defensiue armes ought to be strong , may bee shewed by the end of armes ; which is to saue harmlesse against arrowes , dartes , and other offensiue armes of the enemy . if they faile of this end , they are of noe vse ; it being better to be vnarmed , then cary armes , that will not defend . without armes you haue the body free , and at liberty : carieng armes , though never so light , they must bee a cumber to you , and some what hinder the motion of your body . armes therefore ought to bee sufficient to resist the weapons of the enemy . the inconvenience of defectiue and weake armes is well noted by vegetius . c from the building of the city of rome , saith hee , till the time of the emperour gratian , the foote armed theire bodies with cataphractes , and head-pieces . but when field exercise through negligence and slouth was given over , armour began to growe heavy , because it was sieldome put on . they made suite therefore to the emperour first , that they might leaue of their cataphractes , then , their headpieces . so our souldiers encountring with the gothes , were oftentimes wholy defeated and slaine by the multitude of theire arrowes . and a litle after : so cometh it to passe , saith he , that they , whoe without armes , are exposed in the battaile to woundes , thinke not so much of fight , as of running away . yet must wee not imagine , that those souldiers fought in theire ordinary apparaile onely : i encline rather to the opinion of d stewechius , whoe holdeth , that they tooke themselues to theire military coates , called in e notitia vtrâque , thoracomachi : and to theire targets ; this thoracomachus was a garment invented long before gratians time , and worne vnder the armours of the souldiers , and was a kind of felt , but being noe profe against arrowes , and theire targets not sufficient to cover theire heads , and whole bodies from arrowes , they were obnoxius to the shotte of the gothes , and receyved those overthrowes , vegetius speaketh of . the matter whereof strong armes were made , i find to bee divers . some were forged of steele : as the armour of goliath , and the head-piece of k. saul . for it is not there sette downe , what his curace was of , notwithstanding it is likely , it was of the same matter , of which his headpiece was made . whē i say these armours were of steele , i follow therin the iudgement of tremelius and iunius , whoe so translate it ; & with them also agreeth vatablus . for the old trāslation hath , that they were of brasse : i haue not elsewhere read of steele armour . and it may bee , that the old translation had an eye vpon the vsage of auncient time , wherin the matter of armes was principally of brasse . homer reporteth , that the armour of a diomedes was of brasse : & pausanias , that all the b heroes ( that is the aunciēt worthies about the time of the siege of troy ) had their armour of brasse . c alcaeus the poet in describing his armory saith , the rest of his armes were of brasse , as his head-pieces , his greves , his targets , only his curaces were of linen . d pausanias reporteth al so that the sword of memnon was of brasse , & the head of the speare of achilles , & pisanders axe , & the head of meriones his shafte . e servius tullius in sessing the city of rome , appointed the chiefest & richest citizens to arme themselues with headpieces , greves , curace , & buckler alofbrasse . the f targets of the lacedaemonians were of brasse also by the institution of lycurgus . so that brasse was much vsed in armes in the oldest times . and where alcaeus speaketh of his linen curace , i find that curaces of linen were in request also evē in those times . homer affirmeth that g aiax oileus had a linen curace . h but afterward iphicrates the athenian held them so good that he gaue them to his souldiers to weare , in stede of their vsuall armes made of iron , & brasse and xenophon armeth i abradates the k. of suse with a linen armour , adding that it was the manner of that countrey ▪ and plutarch saith , that k alex. the great , after he had gotten the victory against darius in cilicia , found emōgest the spoile a linē armour , which he afterward vsed in the battailes , he fought l patricius is so confident in the strength of a linen armour of his owne device , that he doubteth not to preferre it before well tempered iron . what his invention is , he keepeth to himself ▪ for feare the turk should haue intelligence of it , & so christianity bee driven to an exigent . al men knowe , that the temper of an iron armour may be such , as wil resist the violence of a musket shotte , and that at a neere distance . neither is this temper the invention of our dayes . the like hath been of auncient time . m plutarch writeth , that demetrius be sieging rhodes , was presented with two irō armours brought out of cyprus , either of the weight of . pownds . the maker of them , whose name was zoilus , desirous to shewe their strength , & firmenesse ▪ caused one to be set vp at the distaunce of . paces , and bee shotte at with an arrowe discharged out of a catapult . the armour hitte remayned vnpierced , nothing appearing vpō it , but the rasing , as it were , of a pēknife . and that a catapult is of more violēce , thē a mus●et , the effects thereof declared in history make plaine . whether a linen coate be of that resistance , or not , hath not been yet tried . nay the contrary hath been tried . for alexander at a siege of a city of the mallians ( as i take it ) was sore wounded with an indian arrowe through an armour of linen . whose armour i would iudge to haue beene not of the stenderest , and weakest , but of the surest kinde . yet is it not to bee passed over that iustus lipsius alleageth out of nicetas choniates concerning a linen armour of conradus of monferrate : n conradus , saith hee , fought then with out a target , and in steede of a curace hee had on a woven weed made of flaxe , soked in sowre wine , well salted , and often-folded . it was so sure against outward force of strokes , being fulled with wine , and salte , that it could not bee pierced with iron or steele . this invention our age hath not beene acquainted with ; whether it bee the same , that patricius aimeth at , let experience iudge . that antiquity practised it in wooll , pliny witnesseth , who writing of wooll and woollen garments saith : o of wooll wrought and pressed together by it selfe alone ( i think as our hatters worke felt ) a garment is made ; & if you worke it with vineger , it cannot bee strooke through with a sword . this wooll so wrought , he calleth coactam : which in caesar , as i take it , is called subcoactum . caesars wordes sound thus : a pompey , although hee had noe purpose to hinder caesars workes with his whole army ; nor yet to hazard battaile , sent notwithstanding archers and slingers , of whome hee had great store , to convenient places ; and by them many of our souldiers were wounded ; & a generall feare of arrowes fell vpon them ; and well nigh our whole campe made themselues coates and cases of either felts ( subcoactis ) or quilts , or leather , thereby to avoide the daunger of flieng weapons . but wee will leaue patricius to his fancy , and adde an example out of xenophon of armes vsed by the chalybes , a nation inhabiting the chaldaean mounteines . b the chalybes , saith hee , were the most valiant nation , that the graecians passed through , & such as durst come to handes with them . they vsed linen curaces reaching downe to theire bellies , and ▪ in steede of winges , they had roapes thick woond , and fastened together . the strength of roapes thick woond togither must , noe quaestion ; bee great . caesar confirmeth it . emongest other defences , which his souldiers deuised for assurance of a turret against the engins of the marsilians , hee saith : c they made foure stories of cables fitting the length of the walles of the turret , and foure foote broade , and fastened them hanging downeward to the beames sticking out of the turret on those t●ee parts , which lay toward the enemy ; which kinde of covering alone , they ●ad in other places made triall , could bee forced or strooken through by noe missiue weapon , or engine whatsoever . this , i haue heard , was the device of the spaniards in . to defend their ships against the fury of our artillery . whereof i may inferre , that if cables combined together bee of such assurance against engines , roapes thick layde and fastened together must bee a strong defence against a sword . to end with the matter , whereof armes were made , i finde likewise , that the d macrones vsed , in steede of curaces , coates made of haire . and thus much of the matter of armes . besides , armes should be fitt for the body , and for the strength of him , that beares them . when e david was to fight against goliath , k. saul , seeing him without armour , caused his owne head-piece & curace to be put vpon him . david assayed to marche , but finding these armes to heavy , was faine to leaue them , and to goe against goliath vnarmed . saul was the f tallest man of his nation , david but meane of stature , & to put armour proportioned to a large body vpon him , that is a great way lesse of members ▪ is as much , as to deliver him bound to his enemy . xenophon emongest other causes , why the lacedaemonian horse were beaten by the thebans at the leuctrian battaile , alleageth this for a maine cause ▪ g that the richest men kept & furnished out horses , & as often as musters were takē , the man , that was to serue , shewed himself , & answered to his name , & receiving horse & armes , such , as were given him , was so led against the enemy . they were beaten , saith xenophō , receiving horse & armes at al adventure , not knowing , whether they were fitt for service , or not . whether armes be to bigge or to litle , they hurt a like . to litle , they pinche the bearer , & make him not able to endure labour ; because he is in paine : to great , by theire slap and loose hanging about the body , they hinder the motion of those partes , that are to be imployed in fight . being fitte they differ litle from ordinary apparaile , except it be in weight : which inconvenience is easily remedied by vse , and practise . h tully writeth of the roman souldier , that his continuall vse of armes was such , that hee noe more reconed his target , sword , head-piece , & other armes to bee burdenous vnto him , thē his shoulders , armes , & hāds ; & said that armes were part of a souldiers body , being so fitly made & borne , that need requiring , they could throw down their burdens , & vse their ready armes in fight , as the members of their bodies . yet must care be had , that theire weight exceed not the strength of him , that beareth them . for whoe wil be able to centin●w long in fight , that beside the labour of fight , is charged with a burden more , then he can well bear ? the proofe is plain in beasts , which how strong soever they be , faint & tire vnder to much weight . a alian after , speaking of the length of pikes , giveth this rule , that they bee noe longer then a man may well vse , & wield in handling . to much length maketh them to heavy , & vnfitte to be managed ; wherby they rest vnprofitable to offend the enemy . in this property of fitnesse those armes & weapons are comprehēded , which are of most vse in the field . for as in all other artes thinges of greatest effect are alwayes praeferred , so is it in warr . there is great advantage in armes , which is the cause that one kinde hath been preferred before an other : aemilius probus giveth a notable testimony of skill in matters of warre to iphicrates , of whom he writeth thus : b iphicrates the athenian invented many things in warr . hee chaunged the armes of the foote : for whereas before they vsed great targets , short pikes , & litle swordes , he gaue them litle round targets , called peltae , that they might be fitter for motions , & encounters , and doubled the sise of their pikes , & made their swordes longer . hee likewise chaunged theire curaces , & in stede of iron , & brasse , brought in other wrought of linen , wher by he made them nimbler at all assayes . for lessening the weight , hee brought to passe , that they as much covered the body , and yet were very light , and fitte for vse . of these targets , which iphicrates invented , the names of peltati ( targetiers ) sprong : of whom wee shall heare more in this chapter . and yet wee must not heereof cōclude that iphicrates chaunged all the armed foote into targetiers ▪ ( for the athenians had still their armed , notwithstāding this invention of targetiers , as c xenophon testifieth ) but where as the athenians before had noe targetiers of theire owne people , ( as i coniecture ) iphicrates brought in this kind of armour : and so of the armed , hee made some targetiers , & left the rest to the armes , they bore before : iudging it more profitable to haue both targetiers , & armed of their owne people , then armed alone . d philopoemen also the braue achaean generall taught his countrey-men in stede of longe targets & iavelines to take arownd target ( called aspis ) & a pike after the macedonian māner , and to arme themselues with head-pieces , curates , & greues ; and to settle themselues to a staid , and firme kind of fight , in lieu of concursory , and peltasticall encounters , and by this meanes brought thē to be valiant , & braue souldiers , & victorious in their fights against their enemies . e polyb. discoursing of the gaulois & spanish swords of aunciēt time , saith , that the gaules sword was so fashioned , that it served onely to strike with , and but for one stroke : after which it so bowed both in length & breadth , that vnlesse the point were rested vpon the grownd , & the blade rightened , you could not strike with it the second time . but the spanish sword was both for thrust & stroke , having a strong point , & a stiffe & sure edge to strike withal on either side by reason of the firmnesse of the blade . this difference the romās espied , and being excellent imitators of all thinges , which were best for vse ( though they were enemies from whom they tooke them , ) made choice of the spanish sworde , & after annibals time caused their foote to vse noe ether . f suidas witnesseth it : the spaniards , saith he , in forme of swordes farre excell all other nations . for their swords both haue a strong point , and an edge on either side , that entreth deep in striking . which caused the romans , to lay down their owne countrey swordes , and take the spanish forme from them , that followed anniball . the forme they took , but the goodnesse of the mettall , & exactnesse of the temper they could never atteine vnto . the romans then reiected the french swordes , as of small vse , & imitated the spanish , because they were fitt for service . xenophon describing the nations , which followed croesus against cyrus , theire manner of arming , and order in battaile , telleth of the a egyptians , that they were armed with targets reaching downe to theire foote , with long pikes , & with swordes , which they call copides , & for order , stood a hundred in depth , & bringeth in cyrus deriding this manner of arming , and order , to his souldiers , sayeng they were a like armed , a like embattailed . for theire targets , said he , are greater then is fitte for action , & for fight , & being raunged a hundred deep , it is manifest , they will hinder one another in fight , except a fewe . b annibal , after his first victory against the romās , armed his africans ( his best & most trusty souldiers ) with the armour of the slaine romans ; because he fownd it better , then his owne ; & pyrrhus vsed not onely the armour , but the italian souldiers also : & raunged them a cohort & a merarchy , alter natiuely one by another . and c mithridates after his experience in his first warrs with the romans , that aswell in arming , as in manner of fight , they excelled all other nations , left the arming of his owne countrey , & brought in the roman sword , & target , & reduced all as neere , as hee could vnto their discipline . so then strength & fitnesse are required in armes . to them is comelinesse adioyned . the shield of achilles how was it bewtified with pictures & stories by vulcan ? and that of aenaeas , comming out of the same forge , how glorious was it ? to say nothing of the braue armes of hector , agamemnon , diomedes , glaucus , turnus , mezentius , & other . d alexanders armes were very rich . he had a sicilian cassock gyrded vpon a double linen curace the spoile of issos : his headpiece was of iron ●ining like pure silver , the work of theophilus ; about his necke was an iron gorget besette with precious stones . a sword hee had of wonderful temper & lightnesse , the gift of the citiean king. hee wore a baudricke of prowder worke , then the rest of his armour , the work of the elder elicon , & the honour of the rhodian city . e and cyrus the elder , that liued before alex. time , had armes provided by his grandfather astyages both very faire , & fitte for his body . f abradates the susian king had his headpiece of gold , & vambraces , and bracelets about his wrests , & a purple coate , and a plume of hyacinthine feathers . neither did this bravery rest emongest the princes alone . the souldiers of cyrus g were furnished with the same armes , that cyrus himselfe bore , with scarlet coates , curaces of brasse , brasse helmets , white plumes , swordes , & euery one a darte . they differed onely in this that their armes were guilded , cyrus his armes shined , & had a reflexion , as it were , a looking glasse . and h alexan. hearing of the riche armour , the indians bore , to make his owne souldiers equall with thē in bravery , whom they exceeded in valor , caused theire targets to be plated over with silver ( whereof they were after called argyraspides ) & their horse-bittes to be made of gold , & adorned theire curaces , some with silver , other with gold . this might seeme pompe & superfluity in a yong king , were it not that the like was done by other the greatest generals of auncient times . i cesar may serue for an example for al , whose souldiers how gallant and braue they were , plut. testifieth in his life . the romans otherwise much addicted to frugality , allowed yet liberally ornaments to the honouring of worthy souldiers , rewarding them for their service , k with rich trappings for horses , chaines of gold , bracelets , crownes of gold & other honors : which they wore not only in the field , but at al other solemnities & meetings in the city . and for every common souldier they provided plumes of purple , or blacke fethers , every one of a cubit long . of which plumes polyb. giveth this iudgement : pluimes , saith hee , being added to the rest of the armour maketh a souldier seeme twice as great , as hee is ; and beside the faire shewe , they make , they are terrible to the enemy in fight . a man may seeme as light , as a fether , that discourseth of plumes , & fetcheth ornament from fethers . yet may i truely affirme , that the vse of plumes is very auncient , & that the romans borowed it from the graecians , and the graecians from the a carians , whoe were the first inventers of them . as much is testified by b polyenus : he saith that tementhes k of egypt going to the oracle of ammon about the state of his kingdome , had aunswer to beware & take heed of cockes . psammetichus , that sought the kingdom , had pigretes a carian to one of his familier friends ▪ & learning of him , that the carians were the first that invēted plumes to their helmets , & evē then continued the vse of them , & contecturing that the meaning of the oracle was not of cockes , but of men , that , wearing some ornament on their heads , had a resemblance of cockes , waged a multitude of carians against tementhes , by whose help he overthrew tementhes in battaile , & possessed himself of the crown of egypt . now for the true end of souldiers ornaments i wil onely adde one example . philopoemen the achaean in reforming the abuses crept into the achaean state with great iudgement ( i will vse the wordes of c plutarch , ) reduced to order theire delicacies & superfluities . it was not possible quite to take away the sicknesse of vain & idle desires , wherewith they had of long time been possessed , delighting in excesse of apparaile , in riche dyes of coverlets , & carpets , striving one with another , whoe should be most sumptuous in bankets & feastings . but by litle & litle beginning to turne theire thoughts from vnnecessary expences to a loue of comelinesse in thinges , that were profitable & honest , he brought them at last to leaue the expences of the body , & to shew themselues gallant , & braue , in soldierly , & warlick furniture . a mā might therfore haue seene the shoppes full of silver and golden cuppes cutte a pieces , of curaces guilded with gold , of silvered targets , and bittes ; the places of exercise fraught with colts then first backed for service , & with yong gallāts managing their armes ; & in the handes of women head-pieces adorned with divers-coloured trymmings , horsemens coates , and souldiers cloakes curiously embellished with flowers . for the very sight of these things both encreaseth spirit , & stirreth vp desire , & engendreth an vndaunted boldnesse , and alacrity to daungers . in other shewes to much lavashing bringeth in effeminatenesse , & worketh a remissenesse of minde , the sence with vaine pleasings and ticklings subverting , as it were , the vigor and force of the vnderstanding . but in these the spirits are much heigthened , and exalted . as homer bringeth in achilles at the very sight of his newe armour ravished and inflamed with a desire to bee doing with it . thus garnishing the youth hee exercised & hardened them to laboure and warlicke motions , making them thereby to vndergoe with desire whatsoever they were commaunded . so farre plutarch . out of whose opinion it followeth , that bravery of armes raiseth the spirits , stirreth vp desire to fight , maketh the souldier bold , and cherefull to perills , and as polybius holdeth pleaseth the sight , encreaseth stature in shewe , and is a terror to the enemy . yet ought there therein a meane to be sought , & rather an assuraunce followed , then vaine gazing and ostentation . antiochus being to fight with the romans gathered a mighty army together . and seing them glitter with gold and silver , and with all excesse of bravery , as the manner of the asiaticall people was , tooke so great delight therein himself , that calling anniball vnto him , hee shewed his troopes , and demaunded , if hee thought not that army sufficient for the romans : yes quoth anniball , though they were the most covetous people in the world . anniball with good reason derided the vaine shewe fitter for a mask , then a field , which hee assured himselfe , would fall into the romans handes to bee spoiled . mithridates committed the like errour in his first warre against the romans . for , as sophisters are wont for the most parte , saith d plutarch , hee was in the beginning vaine glorious , and conceited by prowde warring against the romans with weake forces , but yet sette out with pompe , and bravery to the outward view : but being foiled to his shame , and weighing in his minde , he must take vp second armes against them , he sought to reduce his forces to a true kinde of arming , & fitte for the service , he intended . reiecting therefore multitudes , and confased threatnings of barbarians , and furnitures of armes guilded , and sette with precious stones , as being a pray for the conqueror , and noe assurance for him , that weares them , hee brought in the roman swords , and caused long heavy targets to bee framed , and chose horses , rather that were already managed , and made fitte for service , then those , that were richly trapped and garnished . so farre plutarch . the souldiers care therefore ought to bee first for surenesse , then for fitnesse , lastly sor comelinesse and ornament in armes . if the two first faile , the last availeth litle , and will proue rather a burden , then a defence . and thus much of armes in generall : nowe followe the particulers of armes , as they are in aelian . preparacions absolutely necessary for warre ] the preparacions , whereof aelian speaketh , are so necessary , that without them noe warre can be made or continewed . for purposing to fight by water you must haue shippes , by land , you must haue foote , and horse . for which , if you prouide noe armes , you put them into the field not to fight , but to bee slaughtered . the manner of fight in the field is not of one sort . some time celerity is needfull , to attempt or prevent the enemy : sometime a slowe and sure proceeding , lest , with to much hast , wee be overtaken our selues therefore the divers arming of souldiers , ought to be such , that they may serue for all occasions , and vses , and that wee may employ alwayes to service such , as by reas● of theire armour , shall most fitte our purpose . wherefore a iphicrates fittly resemble● an army to a mans body : calling the heavy-armed the body , the light-armed the hands , the horse the feete , and the generall the head : and as , if any of the rest were wanting , the army should bee lame , and halted , so if there want a generall , it is vnprofitable , and of noe vse . the heavy armed are the body , which giue life and foode , as it were , to the rest : and to which the rest being distressed , retire . the light-armed are the handes , which vppon euery occasion being put out to grype and ●ake hold vpon the enemy , are drawen in againe , when it is expedient . the horse , a● feet , moue with celerity : the generall is the head , that ruleth , that watcheth , that careth fo● th● rest , directing the times of theire motion , and of their rest . so then the whole force of the field consisteth of horse , and foote . and the foote are reparted into three kindes . armed , targetiers and light-armed ] these seuerall kindes of souldiers were vsed by all the graecians especially by the b athenians , lacedaemonians , and thebans , whoe were the mightiest and t●e most warlick people of greece . alexander had them in his army against darius . c when alexander , saith arrian , came to the place , where cyrus ( with whom xenophon was ) encamped , and sawe the streights of cilicia possessed with a strong gard , hee left parmenio with the heavy-armed , to stay behind , himselfe about the first watch taking with him the hypaspistes , archiers and agrians , marched on toward the streights in the night . the armed were left with parmenion , himselfe tooke with him the hypaspists ( targetiers ) archers , and agrians : d these agrians were darters on foote . the like is to be found in divers other places of arrian . e pyrrhus allso , that followed the macedonian manner in arming his souldiers , had the same division of armes . f and philip king of macedony sonne of demetrius . g and antiochus , that warred against the romans . the armed beare the heaviest furniture ] this heavy furniture appeareth not by description of the armes , which aelian giveth them : which are a macedonian target , and a pike onely . * iphicrates , besides the target ( lesse , then the macedonian target ) which he armed his targetier withall , gaue him both a pike & a linen ●urace : so that if the macedonian armed bore no● more then a target and a pike , his armes should be lighter , then iphicrates his targetier , who had a target , a pike , & a linen curace . it hath been the manner of some nations to beare targets alone without curaces . so did the egyptians in a xenophon : so the gaules in b pausanias . there are againe , that haue born curaces without targets : as phorcys the phrygian in homer : of which kinde of curace , because it some what resembleth the curaces of our time , i will reherse the descriptiō out of c pausanias . there lay vpon the aulter , saith hee , a brasen curace , the forme whereof agreeth not with the vse of our times , but of old it was common . it had two plates of brasse , one fitte for the brest and the belly , the other to cover the backe . that before , was called gyalon ( the hollow part ) that behynd prosegon ( because it was added to the other . ) they were fastened together with buttons behinde . it seemeth to bee a sufficient defence for a mans body without a target . therefore homer maketh phorcys the phrygian to fight without a target , because he wore such a curace . but yet , that it was not the manner of the macedonian armed to beare pike & target alone , may be plaine many wayes . first d polyen giueth them headpieces , & greues , and targets , and pikes . then doubt i not but they were as well armed as the rest of the graecians , within whose panoplia curaces were comprehended as e s. paule testifieth rekoning as parcels of the panoplia , a curace , a target , & a headpiece . now that the macedonians had also their panoplia ( full or compleate arming ) is to be fownd in f diod. siculus . where also choragus the macedonian ( whom q curtius calleth horatas ) is said in the fight betwixt him & dioxippus to be fully armed . g leo describeth the panoplia of the macedonians after this manner . alexander , sa●th hee , armed his macedonians with a large target , a sword , a head piece , greues , vambraces , and a long pike . philopaemen ( as is before rehersed ) reducing his achaeans to the macedonian arming , bringeth them to curaces , head pieces & greues . the names also , that are attributed to the armed , shew , they were otherwise armed . h plutarch calleth them pephragmenos , & cataphractos ( as having theire bodies all armed & oppos●th them to euzoni light or naked : ) and by i vegetius , the armour it self is named cataphracta , because the whole body is covered there with . k xenophon termeth them thor●cophoros bearing curaces . ) these are the strength of the battaile , and a l strong wall or rather a fortresse of the field ▪ to whom the light-armed , and m the horse also retire in time of need . as long as they stand the field is not lost ; being defeated the rest can make noe resistance . being armed with a single target without other armes , they incur the same daunger , that the romans in gratians time did , whoe for want of curaces were entierly destroyed with the arrowes of the gothes . wherefore , it seemeth , alian heer pointeth at the principall armes onely of the armed macedonian . for after ward discoursing of the light-armed , he saith , they neither had curace , nor greue , nor long or round target : implieng thereby , that the armed had them all . so n livy , comparing the armes of the romans and macedonians together , saith noe more , then , that the macedonians were armed with a round target and a pike , the romans with a long target , and a darte , called pilum ; when himself had o before declared , they had head-pieces , curaces , and greues . vsing targets after the macedonian manner ] targets were of two sortes , round targets , and long targets . long targets were called thureo , and were in forme like a doore ▪ from whence they had theire name . for thura signifieth a doore . these the romans , and gaules vs●d , albeit s●me what different in forme . the p round had eight full handfulls in diameter , as alian saith , and were termed as●ides long targets were much disliked by the graecians . cyrus in xenophon derideth them , as both hindering the sight , & being vnwieldy : a and philopoemen chaunged them into round targets following the macedonian manner . the targets of philopoemē b pausanias termeth arg●lican targets ; it may be because they were first vsed by the argiues in the battaile betwixt c acrisius danaes father , and praetus , who contended about the kingdome of argos . of what matter these targets were , is a quaestion . some take them to haue been made of other matter , & covered over with brasse : & that otherwise the souldier should not haue been able to haue born them for the weight . i deny not , that in auncient time some targets were plated with brasse : the rather , because i find , that alexander to match the indian pompe covered the targets of his souldiers with plates of silver . but , that the ordinary macedonian target was so covered , i deny . d aelian after calleth them chalce ( brasen ) not epichalce ( covered with brasse . ) e polyb. saith , that the macedonians in the time of k. philip the sonne of demetrius were called chalcaspides ( brasen targetiers ) not epichalkitai , by which name , as hesychius hath , they were called , that had their targets covered with brasse . so likewise f in the time of perseus . and the megapolitans , whoe imitated the macedonian manner of arming , are termed chalcaspides g in polybius : i haue shewed , that the lacedemonians had h brasen targets by the institution of lycurgus : & that , in the time of the heroes almost all armour was made of brasse . i the targets of the lacedemonians that were slaine at the battaile of leuctra were brasse , and to bee seene in the time of pausanias : and the brasen target k of pyrrhus , which he left at argos , being there slaine , was kept in the temple of c●es . as for the weight , it is not so great but it may become ligh● enough by vse , and exercis● wee see iron targets in vse at this day , and not hard to be borne . and albeit the weight bee not for euery mans strength , yet since it hath beene , and is , the manner to make choice of souldiers , and to fitte them with armes according to the ability of their bodies , i see noe reason , but the stronger sort might well bear them . another sort of targets there was which differed from the macedonian not so much in forme of roundnesse , as in matter , and manner of carieng . they were made of wicker , and borne in the left hand as our bucklers , which wee vsed not long since ; and l some covered over with hides , some not . m xenophon saith , that cyrus the elder armed the persians with these wicker targets : & reko ning vp the nations , through whose countries the graecians passed in their returne out of persia , & describing their armes , n reporteth that the chalybes , taochi , & phasians had targets of this kinde . now , that they were borne in the left hand , is clear by the same xenoph. o hee writeth thus of the fight betwixt cyrus & craesus : the egyptians & persians encountring together , the fight was hard , & sharpe : & the egyptians aswel in number as in armes , had the advantage . for they fought with stiffe , long pikes , & theire large targets better covered their bodies , then curaces , or wicker targets , and being borne on their shoulders availed to joint-thrusting foreward . serring therefore their targets close , they advaunced , & ranne on . the persians were not able to endure the shock , by reason they bore theire wicker targets at the armes end , but retiring by litle , & litle , & giving , & taking blowes , they mainteined the fight till they came to the engins . so farre xenophon . out of which words a man may plainely vnderstand the manner af bearing these wicker targets , which by reason of lightnesse might easily bee held out at armes end . and as the egyptian target , which reached downe to the foote , must needes bee heavy , and therefore had ●eed of the shoulder to support it , so was it with the brasen targets of the macedonians , which were also weighty , by reason of the matter , they were made of . these therefore were likewise caried on the shoulder . plutarch witnesseth it in the life of aemilius . and the same plutarch rehearseth that cleomenes the king of sparta taught his lacedaemonians , in steede of a speare , to vse a pike with hoth handes , and to beare their● targets vpon the strappe not by the handle . the wordes are obscure , & need light , which i will giue as shortly , as i can . i find three wordes emongest the graecians , all perteyning to a target . they are those telamon , ochane , or ochanon , and porpax . telamon in this sence ( for it signifieth otherwise a band is by all confessed to bee the broade strappe , which is fastened to the handle of the target , & holdeth the target being cast about the necke , vnto the back . of ochane , & porpax is some variance . a suidas saith that ochanon is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the hold of the target b hesychius calleth it the porpax of the target , & the band , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of porpax c hesychius saith it is the handle of the target , & taketh porpe i● the same sence , making it the thing bearing vp the targett into which the hand and arme to the elbow is thrust . d suidas saith , porpax is it , that they hold the target by ; which is called ochanes : & againe , that some take it for the band of the target ; other some for the middel iron that goeth through the target , on which the souldier taketh hold . so that both hesychius , & suidas agree , that ochanon & porpax are sometime alone , and signify the handle of the target . in which sence e herodotus & f pausanias take ochanon also . hesychius further interpreteth it for the band of the target ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which signification better agreeth with the meaning of plutarch , who maketh an apparant difference betwixt thē , reporting that cleomenes taught the lacedemonians to cary their targets , by the ochane , not by the porpax . when he saith by the ochane , bee meaneth by the strappe , by which , being fastened about the necke , the target is throwne over to the back , & resteth vpon the left shoulder . that , which i say , will better appeare , if we marke , what the lacedemonians did before , & what cleomenes adviseth them vnto . before they caried a speare in the right hand , and a target by the handle in the left , so that both their hands were ful . the speare was not able to match the enemies pike ( for g cleomenes had often to doe with the macedonians & achaeans , whoe both vsed pikes ) & pikes , the lacedemonians could not wield , with one hand ; so then , to giue them liberty of both hands , he counselled thē to cary their targets at theire backs by the strappe or ochane ( which was the macedonian manner ) and not to hold them any more by the porpax or handle ; and so to free their left hand , to apply both to the menaging of a pike . this i take to be the direct meaning of plutarch : cleomenes then perswaded them to leaue theire speares , & take pikes . and left the target in the left hand might proue an impediment to the vse of a pike , hee thought best they should cary them at their backe by the ochane . to cary them then by the strappe at the backe is to giue free vse to the left hand , without which a pike , specially a long pike , such as cleomenes advised them vnto , cannot be wielded : as experience will teache any man , that list to make triall . and long pikes . ] pikes for the most parte haue beene called by two names by the graecians ; doru , and sarissa . aelian nameth them dorata both heere , and in other places of this book . h xenophon , speaking of the weapons of the chalybes , saith they had dorata of . cubits long ; armed with iron at one end onely . tet is doru taken for a speare oftentimes , as in that place of plutarch i last recited where cleomenes perswaded the lacedemonians to chaunge theire dorata ( speares ) into sarissas ( pikes . ) the like recounteth hee of k philopoemen , whoe chaunged the speares of the achaeans into pikes , calling the speares , dorata , the pikes , sarissas . and even in this place aelian termeth them not dorata simply , but with addition of perimekestera , of a longsise . and after describing the armes of the peltastes hee saith theire speares ( dorata ) were much shorter then the pikes ( sarissae ) of the armed . properly the pike of the macedonian is termed sarissa ; if sometime doru , some other word is added to avoide the ordinary signification of doru ; as doru macron l in xenophon , doru perimekes in aelian . yet deny i not , but it may bee called doru of the matter . for doru signifieth wood of any kinde : and by consequent the wood , a pike is made of . but , as i said , the macedonian pike is properly called sarissa . what the length of this pike was , aelian will shewe in the . chapter . and for the wood it was made of , i take it to haue beene corneil . for i finde that the macedonian horsemans staffe was of that wood . a arrian confirmeth it , saieng : and nowe the macedonians had the better both by reason of the strength of theire bodies , and experience in warre , and also because they fought with corneil launces against iavelins . for i assent not to the translater of arrian whoe turneth xystois craneinois into corneil dartes , where it should bee corneil launces . for in that place alexander is reported to haue fought with a launce , and to haue broken it in fight , and to haue asked another of aretes , one of the quiries of his stable , whoe had also broke his , and fought with the truncheon , and to haue taken the launce of divarates the corinthian , and returned presently to the fight , and therewith overthrowne mithridates the sonne in lawe of darius . besides it is said , that the macedonians had the advantage in weapons ; take it thus , that they fought with dartes against iavelins , what advantage had they ? especially being come to the shock : dartes are vsed a farre of . at hand noe man fighteth with them , vnlesse hee haue noe other weapon . i thinke noe man will deny , but that a iavelin in closing is more advantagious then a darte . and that xyston signifieth a launce aelian himselfe testifieth in this chapter calling the launciers doratophori , or xystophori . the macedonian then had his horsemans staffe of corneil . whi● b pliny affirmeth to bee a sound and a fast wood . if his launce : a man may ●bably coniecture , his pike also , which exceeded the launce in length and thicknesse onely . wee at this day preferre the ashe before all woodes for toughnesse ; lightnesse and beautie ; especially if the vaine runne through to the end . notwithstanding i finde in c cicuta a knight of venice , an old souldier , and one that followed the emperour charles the fift in his warres of africk , that the opinion of his time enclyned rather to firre , both for lightnesse , and strength . i haue not seene the experience : therefore leaue i the iudgement to triall . wee haue then out of aelian that the armed , had both target and pike , that one man should at one time vse both target , and pike in fight , against the enemy will seeme incredible in our dayes . yet vsed the macedonian souldiers both ; at one instant they both charged theire pikes , and covered themselues with theire targets against the flyeng weapons of the enemy . the manner was this : when they closed with the enemy , they charged theire pikes with both handes , and with a slight wryeng of the body , and lifting vp the right shoulder , whirled their target , hanging at their backe , vpon the left shoulder , that stood next the enemy in the charge : and so covered all theire body to the midle , and beneath . i haue touched it in the practise of cleomenes . it appeareth more plainely in plutarch , describing the battaile betwixt k. perseus , and the consul aemilius . hee hath this : d the enemy approaching aemilius issued out of his campe , and fownd the legionary macedonians , bearing nowe the heades of their pikes stiffe vpon the targets of the romans , not suffering them to come vp to the sword : which when hee sawe , and sawe with all the other macedonians casting about their targets from behinde their shoulders , and receiving the roman targetiers with their pikes abased together at one signal , and likewise the firmenesse of the battaile shutte vp , & serred , & the roughnesse of the front ( the pikes lyeng out before ) he became astonied , & affrighted , as having never before beheld so fearefull a sight . which passion , & spectacle , hee afterward oftentimes recounted to his familier friends . this ioy●ing of targets in the front is called synaspismos : whereof wee shall haue occasion to speake heere-after . the light . ] they had divers names given them in the greek history . sometimes they are called a euzoni , because they so girded vp theire apparaile about thē , that they were light and fitt for motion : sometimes c askeuoi , because they beare no military furniture of defence : sometimes d elaphroi because they resemble ( as some think ) a harte in lightnesse , and swiftnesse : sometimes e gynnietae ( naked ) because they were without defensiu● armes : sometimes psyloi ( naked or light ) as they are heere termed by aelian , and by g appian , and the other , that i cited . flyeng weapons onely ] the light-armed are divided into three kindes , archers , darters , and slingers . which three kindes were of much vse emongest the graecians , and they beare onely flieng weapons . h xenophon testifieth that cyrus the elder had them : i and the graecians in theire returne out of persia : k alexander had them in his warre against darius : and l pyrrhus in his warre in italy , sicill and greece : m the graecians against brennus king of the gaules : n both the athenians , & the bans at the battaile of delos . arrowes ] archers haue alwayes beene of speciall esteeme for the field , and preferred before the other kindes of light-armed . many nations haue beene commended for theire skill in shooting . emongest the graecians the cretans were ( of a●ncient time ) sole archers , o as pausanias witnesseth . yet was not theire service aequall with the service of the persians . for xenophon confesseth , that the persian bowe overreached the cretan a great way : and that the rhodians with theire sling owt-threw the cretan bow . of the carduchans a people , through whose countrey the graecians passed at theire returne out of persia p xenophon writeth thus : they caried noe other armes , then bowes and slinges . they were excellent archers ; and had bowes well nighe three cubits long ; arrowes more , then two cubits . when they shotte , they drewe the string , applieng theire hand some what toward the neither end of the bowe , setting theire left foote foreward . with theire arrowes they pierced both targets , and curates . the graecians putting thonges to the middest of theire arrowes sent them back at the enemy in steede of dartes . the same in effect is reported by q diodorus siculus . of the parthian horsemen , appian saith : when crassus commaunded the light-armed to disband , & goe to the charge , they went not farre , but meeting with many arrowes , and being sore galled with them , they retired streight , and hid themselues emongest the armed , and gaue beginning of disorder , and feare , repraesenting to the sight of the rest , the force , and violence of the shotte , that rent all armes , they fell vppon , and made way aswell thorough bodies , that had the best , as the worst furniture defensiue : giving mighty and violent strokes from stiffe and great bowes , and forcing out the arrowe boisterously with the compasse , and bent of the bowe . r plutarch hath the very wordes , that are in appian . the indians also were good archers , albeit not much praised by q. curtius , s hee saith : theire arrowes were two cubits long , which they deliver out of theire bowes , with more labour , then effect : for as much as the arrow , whose whole efficacy is in lightnesse , becometh altogether vnwieldy by reason of the weight . and yet hee telleth , that alexander , at the assault of the principall city of the mallians , was strooke thorough his curace into the side beneath the pappes with an indian arrowe : with whome t plutarch and diod. siculus accord . v arrian addeth the wound was so deep , that his breath was seene to issue out together with his blood . the gothes and other people of the north , that invaded the roman empire , had theire chiefe victories against the romans by the help of bowes , and arrowes . x vegetius ( before alleaged ) speaketh it plainely : so our souldiers , saith hee , vnarmed both bodies and heads , encountring with the gothes , were oftentimes wholy defeated , and slaine , with the multitude of theire arrowes . i may not pretermitte the praise of our nation in this skill . our owne stories testify , that the great battailes , we gayned against the french , were gayned by the ioint-shooting of our archers principally . and that the english haue heretofore excelled in archery & shooting , is cleere by the testimony even of strangers . a cicuta ( whom i named before ) commending the vse of bows , as necessary for the s●rvice of the field ( & that long after gunnes were invented ) praeferreth the english before all other , and setteth him downe , as a patterne for other to follow . a●d b patritius , disputing of the violence of arrows , doubteth not to affirme , that an english arrowe with a litle waxe put vpō the point of the head , wil passe through any ordinary corslette or curace . howsoever the credit of bowes is lost , at this present , with many great souldiers , yet haue they of auncient time been highly prised . c vegetius saith ; how great advantage good archers bring in fight , both cato in his bookes of military discipline doth shewe evidently , and claudius , by augmenting the number of archers , and teaching of them the vse of theire bowes , overcame the enemy , whome before hee was not able to matche . scip●o africanus ( the yonger ) being to giue battaile to the numantines , that before had forced a roman army to passe vnder the yoake , thought hee could not otherwise haue the better , vnlesse hee mingled chosen archers in euery 〈◊〉 and d leo the emperour in his constitutions military hath this constitution ●ongest other : you shall comm●un ● all the roman youth , till they come to fourty yeares of age , whether they haue meane skill in shooting , or not , to cary bowes & quivers of arrowes . for since the art of shoo ting hath been neglected , many , & great losses haue befallen the romans . a●d in another place : e you shall enioyne the commaunders vnder you , in winter to take a view , and to signify to the turm●ches ( coronells ) now many horse , & what kinde of armes the souldiers , vnder their commaundes , stand in need of , that necessary provision bee made , & the souldiers be furnished in time convenient . but specially you are to haue care of archers ; & that they , whoe remaine at home , & haue vacation from warre , hold bowes and arrowes in their howses . for carelessnesse heerin hath brought great dammage to the roman state. so leo. this of ould time was the opinion of the romans concerning archers . howe wee are fallen out with them in our dayes ( the skill of the bowe , being a quality so commendable , and so proper to our nation ) i knowe not , vnlesse fire-weapons perhaps haue put them out of countena●nce . and surely it may not bee denied , that the force of fireweapons of our time doth farre exceed the height of all old inventions for anoyeng the enemy . and , when i haue given them the first place , i will not doubt to giue the second to bowes and arrowes being so farre from casting them of , that i would rather follow the wisdome of the graecians ; whoe albeit they esteemed arrowes the best flieng weapons , yet thought it not amisse to hold in vse slinges , and dartes - every weapon hath it property ; and that which is fitte for one service , is not so fitte for another . the fire-weapons haue theire advantages ; they haue also theire disadvantages . theire advantage is , they pierce all defence of armour , and lighting vpon a place of the body , the wound whereof endaungereth life , they bring with them certeine death . theire disadvantages are , they are not alwayes certeine , sometimes for want of charging , sometimes through over charging , sometimes the bullet rowling out , sometimes for want of good powder , or of dryed powder , sometimes because of an ill dryed matche , not fitte to coale , or not well cocked . besides they are somewhat long in charging , while the musketier takes downe his musket , vncockes the matche , blowes , proynes , shuttes , casts of the pan , castes about the musket , opens his charges , chargeth , drawes out his 〈◊〉 sticke , rammes in the powder , drawes out againe , and puts vp his skowring stick , layes the musket on the rest , blowes of the matche , cockes , and tryes it , gardes the pan , and so makes ready . all which actions must necessarily bee observed , if you will not faile of the true vse of a musket . in raine , snowe fogges , or when the enemy hath gayned the winde , they haue small vse . adde that but one ranke ( that is the first ) can giue vpon the enemy at once . for the rest behinde , discharging , shall either wound theire owne companions before , or else shoote at randon , and so nothing endaunger the enemy , the force of a musket being onely availeable at point blanck . contrary wise the disadvantage of arrowes is in the weaknesse of the stroke ; which is not able to enter a curace , that the foote or horse nowe vse . yet can noe weather bee founde , where in you may not haue good vse of bowes : raine , snowe , winde , haile , fogges , hinder litle ( especially the string of the bowe being not to wette ) may rather profit because in them you can hardly discerne , much lesse avoide , the fall of the arrowe . as for quicknesse in delivery the bowe farre excelleth the musket . a good single archer is able to giue fiue shotte in excha●nge for one of the musketier ; and that with such certainty , that you shall not heare of an archer that misseth the delivery of his arrow , where the musketier , often faileth by reason of the accidents and impediuients before by mee rehearsed . ioine that a whole squadron of archers , being embattailed , may shoote at once together : which onely the first ranke of musketiers may doe . and make the case there were a hundred musketters , and a hundred bowe-men eche digested into ten f●les , eche file conteyning ten men , the bowe men shall bee able to shoote at once a hundred arrowes ( all theire arrowes ) for ten bullets given by the musketiers , namely those ten of the first ranke discharging alone . it must not bee pretermitted , that the bowe and quiver both for marching , & all service , are lighter and of lesse labour to ●se , then a musket , which is noe small advantage in armes and fight . to conclude the bowe-men may bee placed behinde the armed foote , and yet in shooting over the phalange anoy the enemy before ioyning , and a all the time of fight , even whilest they are at pushe of pike ; where the musketier , there placed , must either idlely look on , or else playeng with his musket , most of all endaunger his owne friendes . neither is the force of arrowes so weake , as is immagined , noe not in the arming of our dayes . for the pike albeit hee haue his head and body covered , yet are his legges , and feete , his armes , and handes open to woundes : any of which parts being wounded bringes a disability of service . to say nothing of his face , and eyes , before which the showers of arrowes falling like a tempest without intermission , must needes breed a remedilesse terrour , and make him thinke rather of saving himselfe , then offending his enemy . the musketier being also vnarmed is as subiect to the shotte of arrowes , as the archer is to the shotte of the musket ; and the arrow touching any vitall parte , as much taketh away life , as doth the musket . lastly a horse-man for his owne person ( i must confesse ) is safe enough from the daunger of arrowes by reason of his armour but his horse , being a faire and large mark , and having neither barbe , nor pectorall , nor ought else to hide his head or breast , how can hee escape woundes ? witnesse our fieldes in france , where our archers alwayes beate the frenche horse , being barbed , and better armed , then our horse are , at this day . and for the bloudy effect of bowes the story of plutarch is worth the rehersing . he , in the life of crassus hath thus : b the parthians opposing the cataphracts against the roman horse , the other persians galloping heer and there dispersedly , and troubling the face of the field , broke vp from the bottom , hills of sand , that raised infinite dust , whereby the romans lost theire sight and voice : and thronging together , & thrusting one another were wounded , and died not a simple , or quicke deathe , but tormented with convulsions and panges of grief , walllowing vp , and downe , in the sande to breake the arrowes in theire woundes , or else endevouring to pluck out the hooked heades , which had pierced vaines and sinewes , renting a freshe themselues , & adding torment to torment : so that many died in this manner , & the rest became vnprofitable . and when publius crassus desired them once more to charge the cataphracts , they shewed theire handes nailed to their targets , and theire feete fastened to the grownde , whereby they were vnable either to fly , or fight . these wonders did the parthian bowes , which notwithstanding were not to bee compared to our auncient english bowes , either for strength , or farre shooting . and that wee may not seeme to rely vpon antiquity alone . a the battaile of curzolare ( commonly called the battaile of lepanto ) fought in our dayes betwixt the turkes , & christians by sea may serue for an experience of the service of bowes and arrowes . in which there died of the christians by the arrowes of the turkes aboue siue thowsand , albeit they were in galleyes and ships , and had theire blindes pretended to saue from sight , and mark of the turks , where as the artillery of all sorts of the christians consumed not so many turkes : notwithstanding the christians had the victory . nowe then for vs to leaue the bowe , being a weapon of so great efficacy , so ready , so familiar , and as it were so domesticall to our nation , to which wee were wont to bee accustomed from our cradle , because other nations take themselues to the musket , hath not so much as any shewe of reason . other nations may well for beare ●at , they never had . neither italian , nor spaniard , nor frenche , nor dutche , ha● these fiue hundred years , been accounted archers . it was a skill almost appropriated to our nation . by it , wee gayned the battailes of cressy , of poitiers , of agincourt , in france : of navarre , in spaine : by it , wee made our selues famous over christendome . and to giue it over vpon a conceit onely ( for noe experience can say that our bowe was ever beaten out of the field by the musket ) will proue an immitation of aesops dogge , whoe carieng a piece of fleshe in his mouth over a river , and seing the shadowe in the water , snatched at the shadowe , and left the fleshe ▪ i speake not this to a base the service of muskets , which all men must acknowledge to bee great ; i onely shewe , there may bee good vse of bowes , if our archers were such , as they were wont : which is not to bee dispaired , and will easily come with exercise . dartes ] the names of dartes are divers in the greek story . a darte is often called acontion : and thereof cometh acontizo , to throwe a darte , and darters are called b acontistae . so doth aelian heere terme a darte . sometimes a darte is termed palton of the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieng to shake or make quiver . the word palton is much vsed in c arrian and d xenophon especially , when they speake of the persian dartes . yet e diodorus siculus nameth the persian darte saunion : which name also is given to a graecian darte by plutarch , and by the same diodorus . sometimes a darte is named doration : doru , as i said , being a speare , and doration according to suidas , a litle speare , or darte . aelian vseth the word in this chap. lonche , albeit it properly signify the f head of speare , or darte , yet doth it sometimes signify the darte it self , so is it taken in g xenophon , when hee telleth , that flieng weapons began to walk on all sides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( that is dartes ) arrowes , and stones out of slinges , and some out hands , and diodorus siculus hath h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to throwe dartes , even in the actes of alexander . yet wee finde that speares were also cast vnder that name , and i xenophon saith , that the thebans cast dorata against the lacedaemonians . the darte hath beene in vse emongest all nations . the matter , fashion , and force of the roman darte may bee seene in k vegetius , and in l lipsius his commentaries ad polybium . the manner of the darting of the macedonian armed appeareth in the fight betwixt choragus , and dioxippus before by mee mentioned : where wee find that choragus cast first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ( lanceam saith curtius ) at dioxippus , when hee thought him with in his reache . but the darters , heere spoken of , are of the light-armed . such were the b agrians in alexanders campe , whoe in all attempts of speed were imployed by alexander , and served to purpose by reason of theire lightnesse . the darte of the graecian was a slender shaven piece of wood , about three foote long , armed at one end with a head of iron with a sharpe point , to the end to pierce , whatsoever it should fall vpon . for the length , i giue , it differeth not from the roman darte in polybius : and xenophon seemeth to affirme it , when speaking of the arrowes of the carduchans , c he saith they were longer , then two cubits , & addeth , the graecians sent them backe againe at the enemy in stede of dartes . about the middest of these dartes they fastened a thong , which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein , inserting theire forefinger , they launced the darte with more facility . xenophon witnesseth it in the same place , and ●n another place hee saith , d xenophon commaunded the targetiers to marche with theire fingers in the thonges of theire dartes , the archers with theire arrowes nocked , the slingers with their scryppes full of stones , that they might be redy to let fly , when they were commaunded . these dartes were forcible enough to pierce armoures of that time , and that with them alone e iphicrates overthrew and distroyed a whole mora of the lacedaemonians , which people were accounted the best armed , and the most valiant of the greekes , before the macedonians came in credit . stones . ] there are heere mentioned two manner of throwing stones , the one with the sling , the other with hand alone , the stones , thrown with the sling , fly with much more violence , then the stones throwne with the hand : and , being cast with a skillfull and strong arme , they reache a greater way , then a man would thinke . and yet not so farre , as bullets throwne out of a sling , which by xenophons report outreached the persian arrowes . i haue before touched the story : i will nowe lay downe xenophons wordes . f the graecians ( those ten thowsand , that returned out of persia vnder the leading of cherisophus , & xenophon ) had not marched farre , before mithridates appeared againe with . horse , and . archers & slingers , which were very nimble & light . hee came close vp to the graecians as a friend . being neer , some of his horse , & foote began to shoote , other to sling , & to wound the graecians . the reare commaunders of the graecians were hardly bested . yet could they doe nothing to anoy the enemy . for the cretans shoote not so farre , as the persians , & carieng noe armour of defence , they were faine to hide themselues with in the body of the armed ; & the darters were not able to reache the slingers of the enemy . xenophon therefore having the rear , thought good to charge and follow the enemy . but hee was not able to overtake them , ( for the graecians had noe horse ) & the barbarian horsemen , shooting backward in theire flight , wounded many of them , that gaue the chace . to remedy this inconvenience xenophons advice was to provide horse as many , as they could . and hearing , that there were many rhodians in the campe , skillful in slinging , whose slings reached twice as farre , as the persian sling ( for the persians vsed stones , that filled the hand the rhodians leaden bullets ) hee likewise advised to arme them with slings , and vse theire service . the next day the graecians furnished out horse , & . slingers . and when mithridates shewed himselfe againe with a thowsand horse , & foure thowsand archers , & slingers , and came vp to charge , both the rhodian bullets light emongest his troupes , and the horse issuing forth fell vpon the enemy and put him to flight , and slew man● of the foote in the chace , and tooke eighteene horse . wee may heer note two kind of slinges one with the stone , the other with the bullet : and besides , that the rhodian sling with the bullet over-reached both cretan , and persian bowe : which was yet afterward more plainely declared , a when tissaphernes charging the graecians with his persian archers , the rhodian slinges so terrified him , that both himselfe , and his troopes with drewe . and allbut hee followed a farre of , yet durst hee noe more approache , but suffered them quiety to marche all that day , and many other afterward . in this arte of slinging , allthough many nations laboured , yet were there very fewe , that excelled . the b bible maketh mention of seaven hundred gybeonites , whose skill was excellent in sl●nging . of other nations none might compare with the c baleares : of whome diodorus siculus writeth thus : theire armor is three slinges , whereof they haue one about theire heades , another about theire waste , the third in theire hand . in warre they cast greater stones , then any other , and with such force , that they may seeme to bee sent out of a catapult . therefore in sieges and assaults of cities they wound the defendants of the walles , and in the field breake targets , and head-pieces , and all defensiue armes . they ayme so certeinely at any marke , that they seldome faile in hitting . the cause is theire continuall practise from theire childhode , theire mothers continually enforcing them to sling , even when they are yet children . for setting vp bread vpon a poste , as a marke , they are not allowed to eate , vntill they hitte it , and haue it given them by theire mothers to eate . so farre diodorus siculus : with whom d vegetius agreeth . the same e vegetius saith that slinges were made either of flaxe , or of haire , the forme was that it had two ends , the one fastened to the hand , the oth●●o let slippe , being broadest in the middest , lest the stone should fall out . diodorus hath before expressed with what force a stone went out of a sling . f vegetius addeth , that they are more violent , then any arrowe : piercing head-pieces , curaces , and other armes . the same g vegetius limiteth the space of theire reache to six hundred foote : and saith , that slinges at that distance were seene often to hitte the marke : and attributeth as much to archers . h there are , that affirme , that a leaden bullet sent out of a sling will melt with the vehement motion of the aire . let the credit bee with the reporters . wee haue not fownd that experiences in our pieces , which notwithstanding force out theire bullet with fire , & that with greater violence , then any hand sling can doe . for stones to bee cast with the hand see i vegetius . polybius commendeth the vse of them . the armour of the argilos ] what this argilos should meane , i see learned doubt , and i haue litle to say . whether it come as a diminitiue from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( swift ) or from a city of thrace , called argilos , or from any other originall i will not affirme . heere if the text bee not corrupted , and the worde crept in , or exchaunged by the negligence of some copier , it must signifie a targetier . which aelians description maketh evident . that there was such a ctty in thrace you shall finde in k thucydides . and that the thracian foote for the most part were targetiers , i remember , i haue read in xenophon . but then a quaestion may againe arise , seing the inhabitants of that city were not called argiloi but argilioi ( for the city it self was called argilos ) why the targetier should bee called argilos , and not argilios . the chaunge is not great . many such mistakings are to bee fownde in transcribing of copies . but i thinke rather there is an errour in the text ; and that for two causes . first because aelian dividing the foote into three kindes , armed , targetiers , and light-armed , and discoursing of the armed and light-armed expressely by name , not so much as nameth the targetier , but vnder the name of argilos . then for that l lipsius ( whether hee had another copy of aelian , i cannot tell ) citing this very place of aelian , citeth other wordes , then heere wee find . the targetiers , saith hee , ( out of aelian , as hee praetendeth ) vse , as it were , a middle kinde of arming . for theire target , called pelta , is a litle light target , and theire pikes come much short of the pikes of the armed . vnlesse happily lipsius haue borrowed the wordes out of suidas imagining them to bee aelians , and so citeth them vnder his name . for i finde them in suidas in the explication of military appellations ▪ but i finde them in noe editition of aelian , that hit herto hath beene printed . a litle slight target called pelta ] the forme of this litle target is diuersly expressed by divers authors . a the scholiastes of thucydides giveth it a tetragonall or fouresided shape : with whom also iumpeth b suidas , c hesychius saith , pelta is a litle target having noe circumference , meaning , i thinke , it is not rounde . hee saith also it is a thracian weapon : to both which significations suidas agreeth . the thracians vsed these kindes of targets , and often sent these targetiers to serue the graecians . d nymphodorus ( seeking to make a league betwixt the athenians and sitalces king of thracia ) promised to procure sitalces to send them an army of horse , and peltasts ( targetiers . ) xenophon speaking of the thracians , that assaulted his lodging , telleth , that e after the trumpet sounded , and many of his souldiers came to his aide , the thracians fled casting , as theire manner was , theire targets ( peltas ) at their backes . f when dercyllidas invaded bithynia , seuthes the k. of thracesent him horse and peltasts ( targetiers ) to his aide . but the pelta , that aelian heere mentioneth , was rounde . g suidas in the wordes , before alleaged by lipsius , as out of aelian called this target aspidisce : that is a litle aspis , such as the macedonians bore , which were without all quaestion rounde . the invention of this pelta is attributed to iphicrates the at henian . h for whereas the athenians before his time vsed large round targets ( aspides ) which were not so easy to bee wielded , being heavy , he provided them litle targets to make them light , and quick for all service . he altered not the forme of the roundnesse , but diminished the weight , in abating of the breadth . i aemilius probus saith , hee made them beare litle targets ( peltas ) in steede of large rounde targets ( parme , ) where vppon they were ever after called peltastae . the invention therefore of this kinde of target is attributed to iphicrates . for the litle targets of other formes were long before the age of iphicrates . k cyrus the yonger had graecian targetiers in his army : l and the graecians at theire returne out of persia : and likewise m those , that ioyned with thrasybulus to recover athens out of the handes of the thirty tyrants . all which were before iphicrates time . n lipsius taketh the pelta to differ litle or nothing from the parma velitaris of the romans , which doubtlesse was round . o polybius saith , the roman horse-mens targets ( parme ) were like to cakes named popana , which according to p suidas were broade , rounde , thinne cakes . and his pike is much shorter ] if it bee as diodorus siculus and aemilius probus report , that iphicrates was the inventer of the armes of the targetier , the pike should bee litle shorter , then the macedonian pike . hee gaue them litle targets for great targets , and doubled the length of theire pike , and sword . if the length of the pike were doubled , i cannot see , how it should come much shorte of the macedonian pike . but it may bee , they were long at first , and that afterward vse , and commodity brought them to a lesse sise , to the end the souldier should bee nimble and ready at charges . but had the peltast noe other armes , then are heere mentioned ? hee had . and q first hee had a linen curace for lightnesse sake , and then a sword of double length to his former sword . further hee had dartes : xenophon telleth r that , in the battaile betwixt artaxerxes & cyrus , tissaphernes charged the graecian targetiers , whoe divided themselues into two partes , and plied his horse with dartes as hee passed through them . the same xenophon afterward telleth of the targetiers vnder his commaunde , s that hee directed them , to hold their fingers in the thongs of theire dartes , and bee ready to throw , when hee gaue a signe : a and that these very targetiers of iphicrates with theire dartes and other missiue weapons destroyed a whole mora of the lacedemonians without comming neere or closing with them . yet b leo giveth the targetiers noe more , then targets , and speares ( dorata . ) but in that ( as in many other thinges ) i make noe doubt , hee followeth aelian , whose wordes also hee well nighe reteynes , aswell in this place , as many other . in pervsing the story of alexander ( in arrian , the most faithfull histoaian of his deedes ) i find noe targetiers by the name of peltastae in all his army . the names of armed , of archers , of darters , of slingers i meete often : but not of peltastae . which made mee once doubt , whether alexander ever vsed them or noe . since vpon better consideration i am induced to thinke , though the name in the story faileth , yet the kinde of souldiers , so armed , and so appointed , as aelian describeth , may easily bee found : and that vnder the name of hypaspistes . which name albeit most vsually signifie him , that carries another mans target , yet is it also applied to souldiers , that are neither light , nor heavy-armed , of which kinde the targetiers were , as a meane bet wixt both . that hypaspistes signifieth noe heavy armed , may bee evident by the wordes of arrian . c alexander , when hee sawe the streights of cilicia possessed with a strong gard , left parmenio behinde withall , that were heavy armed , himselfe about the first , watche taking the hypaspistae , and the archers , and the agrians ( who were darters , as i haue shewed ) led on in the night toward the streights , purposing to fall vpon the w●che , before hee was looked for . hee left all the heavy-armed with parmenio , and tooke the hypaspistae with him . and in another place hee saith : d alexander commaunded the hypaspistae first to passe the river , and after them the macedonian armed . hee distinguisheth the hypaspistae from the armed . and streight after : e three dayes after alexander vnderstanding that cleitus & glaucias were ill lodged with theire army , & neither held watche , nor had cast a trenche for theire owne security ( for they imagined alexander marched away for feare ) and that theire campe was stretched out to a needlesse length , secretly repassed the river a litle before night , leading with him the hypaspists , and the archers , and the agrians , and the phalanges of perdiccas and coenus . and in the same booke at the assault of thebes , when perdiccas had engaged himselfe and brought amyntas with his troupes in the same danger , alexander lothe to leaue them in hazard , advaunced with the rest of his army , and gaue a signe to the archers and agrians to enter the trenche , the agemata ( livy translateth them legions ) and hypaspists hee held without . so that in all these places hee distinguisheth them from the heavy armed , and maketh the hypaspists one , the heavy-armed another . i might alleage other passages out of the same author , but these will suffise . that they were not of the light armed may bee proued by the same places of arrian . where they are alwaies distinguished from the archers and darters , there targets make them vnfitt for slingers , and mention of slingers i find in other places . the very name she weth that they carry targets , and the great etymologicon allo weth them spears beside their targets whereby they are clearely exempted from the light armed ●t remaineth then , that they be the peltastae , which aelian heere speaketh of , especially since they were armed with target and speare , which armes hee giveth to his targetiers , and to no other , except it be to the armed . cataphracts ] the horsemen are divided into two kinds , cataphracts ( compleat armed ) aud not cataphracts . cataphracts are those , that cover themselues and horse with armor . not cataphracts , that fight with launces , or with flieng weapons . livytermeth cataphracts ( loricatos ) because they wore curasses the other sort are either launciers or acrobolists . acrobolists came not to the shocke , but plyed the enimy a farre of with flieng weapons . the launciers closed , and charged the ennemy with theire launces . the word cataphrasso ( to cover with armes ) giveth name to the horsemen cataphracts : and as the horsemen are called cataphracts , so is the furniture of horse and man called cataphragma . how they were armed aelian sh●weth when he saith they cover themselues and their horses with armour yet was it not always , that the whole horse was armed . a for xenophon speaking of the persians in the time of the elder cyrus , saith , they armed there horses with frontl●ts and pectoralls & covers for there thighes . as much hee saith of b the six hundred horse that followed cyrus the younger against artaxerxes , sauinge they wanted couer for there thighes . the horsmen themselues he giueth great curasses , and cuisses , and head-pieces . so it appeareth that the horse were not all over armed , but onely theire heads their breasts and there forethighes . yet p●utarch speaking of the cataphrast● in the time of lucullus , saith , theire leggs , and thighes were vnarmed . concerning the parthians suidas , i know not out of what author , hath thus : the curasse of the parthian horsemen is made in this manner : the part before covereth his breast , and thighes , and his hands to the fingers end , and his leggs . the hinder-part , his backe , and necke , and all his head . there are buttons made for the sides , with which both the parts being fastened , it mak●th the whole horsemen seem , as if hee were made of iron . the iron neither hindreth the stretching out , nor the gathering vp of his limbs , it is so exactly fitted to the nature , and sise of all parts of the body . likewise they arme there w●ole horse with iron , except his hoofes , because theire owne armor would little availe , in case theire horse miscaried . cu●tius discribeth the forme in the persian horsemen , whose furniture , hee saith , was made of plate fastened together in continued dependances of scales of iron c appian speaking how the parthians seeking to terrify crassus , and his army , vpon the suddaine cast away the couers of theire armour , and both themselues appeared in shining curasses , and head-pieces the ma●gian iron of which they were made darting forth a flashing , and dispersed twinkling light , and their horses glistring in brasen , and iron furniture . yet doth appian in the s●me pla●e note , that the bellys of these horse , was not armed . d for the french horsemen , saith he , that followed young crassus , when they perceived , how little they prevailed with theire staues against the sure , and vnpierceable armour of the parthians , lighting from theire owne , and creeping vnder the parthian horses , stroke them into the bellys , and they impatient of paine and flinging heere , and there , and treading vnder foote , as well theire riders as theire enemies , died in the place . plutarch hath the like . the cataphracts , beside theire armour of defence , had a launce , or horsemans staffe , to fight with all . e plutarch affirmes it : lucullus , saith hee , after hee sawe tigranes his cataphract horsemen ( whoe were of most acount ) defended , as it were , by a hill , that had the ground aboue plaine , and broade , & the ascent ( which was about fower furlongs in length ) not very hard , or steepe , commaunded the thracian , and gaule horsemen , hee had , to giue vppon the flanke , and to put by the launces with theire swords : for the onely strength of the cataphract is his launce , and it alone hee is able to vse either in defence of himselfe , or annoying the enimie : being by reason of the weight and harshnes of his furniture like a man shutte , and locked vp in a wall . hetherto plutarch . likewise the part●ian cataphracts , albeit they vsed bo●e , and arrows yet they had also launces , with which they came to the shocke with the enemie . f when the armie of anthony ( saith the same plutarch ) sawe the parthians ready to giue on , the armed turning their faces about toward the enimie , tooke in the light armed , and shutt them vp with in theire battels : themselues kneeling vpon one knee , h●ld out theire targets before , the second rankes with theire targets covered the heads , and vpperparts of the foremost , & the following rankes did the like one for another , the figure was like the tyling of a house , & represented a shew worth the seeing , and was the surest defence that might bee , to make the arrowes glaunce of , without harme doing . the parthians imagining this kneeling proceeded from wearinesse , and faintnesse , layed aside their bowes , and taking in hand theire launces , ranne vppon the romans , whoe giuing a iointe showte sprung vp presently , and striking them with their darts , slewe the first , and put the rest to flight . by these two testimonies the launce of the cataphract is clearly proved . in what manner the cataphracts came to fight , nazarius ( cited by stewechius ) sheweth plainely in a panegyrick of his . the cataphracts , saith hee , in whom● was the principall strength of the field , vse this discipline in charging . after closing theire files , they keepe an equalitie in moving forward to charge , & being free from wounds , they break without difficulty any strength of battel opposed against them . they are saide to bee free from wounds , because both themselves & horses ( especially before ) are covered with sure armes . theire moving must be slow , because of the weight of theire armes , which slownesse was recompenced with the violence of theire charge , which neither horse , nor foote was able to resist . and a yet they had another incōvenience , in that , being overthrowne , or slipping , or falling to the ground , neither hors●●or man , were able easily to raise themselues againe . such was the weight of theire armo . launciers are such ] launciers , saith aelian , ioine with the enemy , & fight hand to hand with the launce . and did not the cataphracts so ? they did , but theire armour differed much . the cataphracts both horse , and man , were all over armed . the horse of the launciers was not armed , and himselfe , albeit hee were armed , yet not so armed , but that many parts of his body were bare of armes . and his armour came much short of the compleate . arrian saith that the macedonians being launciers were not able to encounter with the scythians , whoe were cataphracts , both because of theire number , and also of theire manner of arming . and as the launciers armour was not so ●eauie , as the compleate , so was it more heauie , then the armour of the foote . xenophon seemeth to signifie so much , telling of himselfe , that taking the targetiers of the front , and some out of the midst of the hollow square battaile , and three-hundred chosen men , that cherisophus had with him in the front , hee marched away with all speed to seise vpon the toppe of a certaine hill . b and exhorting his souldiers to haste , you may well , quoth sotridas , the s●cionian , talke of haste , that are on horseback . i , in the meane time with this heauie target , am scarce able to marche . xenophon hearing this , streight dismounted , and disranking ●otridas , tooke away his target , and with it on his shoulder continued his hast in marching . by chance hee had on at that time a horsemans armour , where with although he were overpressed , yet slacked hee nothing of his pace . the rest of the souldiers beating and reviling sotridas compelled him both to his target , and place againe . at last they gained the hill , they purposed , and made the enemie abandon the nether ground . xenophon was 〈◊〉 overpressed with the horsemans armour . if it had beene but equall in weight with a foote mans , hee might , as well haue endured it , as the rest . plutarch sheweth likewise the weight of the horsemans armour . philopaemen , saith hee , willing yet to giue more strength to the kings party ( hee meaneth antigonus , the gardian of phillip afterward king of macedonia ) & to come to hands with the enemy that was already in route , lighted from his horse , and in a horsmans curace , and heauie armour , wrestling hardly , and laboriouslye on foote with the ground , that was rough , & full of brooks , & ditches , hee was strooken through the thighes with a darte : the stroke beinge not daungerors , but forceble , so that the head passed through both his thighes . hence both the heavinesse of the launciers furniture may bee seen , and that philopoemens thighes were vnarmed , through both which at once hee was wounded with a darte : and so the launcier not so surely armed , as the cataphract . the armes , that the launcier bore are described by a polybius speaking of the armes of the roman horsemen ; who writeth thus : the armour of theire horsemen is at this day like the graecian . of old they had noe curaces , but fought in short gownes girded to them . by reason whereof they were ready , & actiue to alight from , and gett vp quickly , on theire horses . but their fight was daungerous with the enemy ▪ because they wanted armes . theire staues had two incommodities . for , being made slender and quivering , they neither could touche the mark , they aymed at , and most of them , shaken with the motion of the horse , fell out to bee broken , before the head touched , or fastened vpon any thing . ioyne , that , having no iron point at the butt end , they served but for one stroke onely , and that at the first . and yet the head being broken of , the remnant of the staffe was of noe vse . the targets they had , were made of oxe-hyde in forme like to cakes named popanae , which are vsed in sacrifices . and they were neither fitte to encounter the enemy , by reason they had noe stiffnesse or fastnesse in resistance , and being resolved , and soked , or putrified with raine , they could not bee any thing worthe . finding these inconveniences by experience , they quickly chaunged for the graecian armour ; in which the first stroke of the head of the staffe is certeyne , and worketh the designed effect , by reason of the forme , which is not quivering , but stiffe and sturdy : & likewise turning foreward the butte end , which is armed with a sharpe point , they might therewith fasten a sound , and forcible blowe vpon the enemy . the like may be said of the targets , which both in charging , and defending , haue a sure & vnfailable vse . which they noe sooner saw , then imitated . for the romans , if any other nation , are good to change their fashions , and to choose that , which is best , wheresoever they finde it . the launcier then had a curace , a head-piece , a launce , and a sword for his armes , and this was generall in launciers ; but some had besides a target , and were therefore called targetiers . the launciers were called in greeke doratophoroi , or xestophoroi : two seuerall appellations in shewe , but signifieng in deed but one thing , the one being derived from the matter , the other from the forme of the launce . b doru , as i said before , signifieth wood : and because all the launciers armes excepting the launce , were of other matter , then wood , the launce was called doru , ( of the wood ) and the launciers doratophoroi . as for xyston , or xeston ( for they signify one thing ) it commeth of the verbe xuo , or xeo to shaue , or polish ( as our ioyners doe ) and the launces , being made of wood shaven , or polished , are named xysta , or xesta , of the forme ( as i said ) that is given them by shaving , and the launciers , that beare thes● launces , xestophoroi , or xystophoroi . and heere i am once to note for all , that wee are not to presse wordes according to the proper signification of theire primitiues , from whence they are derived . for considering there are more things , then names of things ( as logicians say ) the most copious language , that is ▪ cannot giue proper names to all . heereof come the wordes of divers significations . and howsoever names seeme at first rough , & straunge , vse , and custome maketh them smooth , and gives them passage . as the coyne of a prince is currant by the stamp , hee setteth vpon the mettalle , what mettalle so euer it bee , fine , or base . acrobolists ] the word importeth such , as throwe aloft , or from alofte . ballo signifieth to throwe : acron , the highest , or the vttermost . by common vsage acrobolizo is taken for to dart , and by consequent to skirmish a farre of . because such as cast flieng weapons , as darts , and stones , and the like , came not to stedfast fight , but lay aloofe , and onely threwe their weapons at the enemy , and of so doing are called acrobolists . acrobolismos in polybius is interpreted skirmishing . and a diodorus siculus ioyneth acrobolismos , and a short meddley in fight together , b which xenophon termeth acrobolisis by another word flowing from the same fountaine . tarentines ] they are so called of a citty in italy tarentum by name , the inhabitants whereof , that were horsemen , vsed this manner of fight . but he maketh two kinds of tarentines ; one , that ever fought a farre of with darts , and never came to hand with the enemy , the other , that after a dart or two cast , came close vp , and fought hand to hand . c livy speaketh of a third kind of tarentines , who vsed in fight two horses at once made fast together , and one being weary , leaped vpon the backe of the other . some vse darts a farre of ] of the manner of fight of these horsemen , the passage of xenophon is worth repeating . d after these things done , saith hee , the aide of dionysius ( which hee sent the lacedemonians ) arrived , being more , then twenty gallyes . they brought french , and spaniards , and aboue fifty horse . the next day the thebans , and theire confederats , embattailing theire armie , and filling the●●ith the whole plaine even to the sea-side , & to the hills , that lay about the city ( of corinth ) destroyed whatsoever , might serue to any vse . the horsemen of the athenians , and corinthians , seeing the strength , and multitude of the enemy , came not neere vnto them : but the horsmen of dionysius , albeit fewe in number , galloping heere , and there , dispersedly , and putting spurrs to theire horse , charged them with their darts , and in case the enemy followed , they returned with all speed , and then turned againe , and threw darts afresh . in doeing these things they vsed to alight from theire horse , and rest themselues , and if any of the enemy singled out to fall vpon them , leaping quickly againe to horse-backe , they fled : and being pursued any distance from the army , as soone as those that pursued them retired , the tarentines followed , and plyed them with their darts , and put them to great distresse : forcing the whole armie to advance , and retire , as they list themselues . so farre xenophon . another example i will adde out of livy of the numidians , whose manner of fight is all one with the tarentine manner . e in liguria saith hee , nothing worthy of memorie was done a long time . at the end of the yeare all things were brought to extreame hasard . for both the consuls camp , being assaulted , was hardly defended , and not long after , when the armie was ledd through a forrest , the way whereof was streight , and narrowe , the ligurians possessed themselues of the mouth of the straights . through which when the consull could find no passage , hee turned about his armie , and purposed to reduct it , the way he came . but the mouth of those straights was likewise possessed by a part of the enemies forces . and now the remembrance of the desaster of caudium presented it self not onely to the minds , but even almost to the eyes of euery man. there were wellnigh eight hundred numidian horse at that time in the camp . the commaunder of them promised the consull to breake through on which side , hee pleased ; onely he desired to know on which side most hamblets , and villages were . vpon them , said hee , i will fall , and sett the houses on fire presently , that , that feare may compell the ligurians to forsake the streights , they hould , and runne severall wayes to defend theire owne . the consull much commended the man , and laded him with hopes of promises . the numidians vp to horse , and began to ride heere and there , before the enemies gards , provoking yet no man. nothing at the first sight was more contemptible . the horse , and men , were little , and leane . the horsman vngirded , and vnarmed , saving that hee carried darts ; the horse without a bridle galloping deformedly with a stiffe neck , and a head thrust out at length . they purposely augmenting this contempt slid from their horses , and dallied , and sported , to bring the enemie to a gaze . wherefore the enemy , which at first were intentiue , and ready for a charge , became gazers on , and the most part vnarmed themselues , & sett downe vpon the ground . the numidians rode vp neerer , and then backe againe , and by little , and little , gott to the skirts of the forest ; as if theire horses , being resty , had caried them forward against theire wills . at last , putting spurres to they broke through the midst of theire enemies gards , & entring into a larger field , they sett fire on all the houses next the way ; then burned they the next village , and wasted , and filled , all things with fire , and sword . the smoke first scene , then the cry of the people affrighted , lastly ould men , and children , flieng for succor , raised a tumult in the campe . therefore without counsell or commaund every man of himself ranne to the defence of his owne , and in amoment both the enemies camp was forsaken , & the consull , delivered from his siege , came to the place intended . by these two examples the kinde of fight , that these darters one horse-backe maintained , may he perceiued , which was a not to come neer the enemy , but to keep a loofe , and lett theire darts fly . besides not to obserue any order in files , or rankes , but straglingly to gallop the field , seeking by theire disbanding to tolle the enemy out of his strength , and so to worke theire advantage . and albeit in the second example , the numidians vsed not theire darts , yet they would haue done it , if need had beene ; and you shall find in other places of b livy , and polybius , they did vsually , as also in c caesar. after they haue spent one or two ] these darters on horsebacke differ from the other before mentioned , because at the last they ioyne , and fight hand to hand with the enemy ; which the other did not . and what fight they with all ? not with launce ; for then should they be launciers , of whom wee haue spoken . but they fight with battel-axes , swordes , and such other short weapons . suidas affirmeth it , alleged by d arcerius : these , saith hee , at first cast light darts a farre of , and afterward approaching , joyne with the enemy , fighting with battell-axes , or swords ; which kind they call light-horsemen . the horsemen , that vse bowes ] i need not alledge any thing to shewe that the scythians were good archers . it is knowne to any man , that is not ignorant of history . i will onely note , that in flieng from the enemy , th●y harmed as much , as in falling on . for as they fled they turned half theire bodies backeward , and shotte at him , that followed , and expected noe such thing . of which fashion of fight plutarch giueth this iudgement . e the parthians , saith hee , in theire flight shoote backward , & doe it best of all other , except the scythians ; the invention being witty , both to saue themselues by that defence , and also to take away the shame of flight . that which plutarch attributcth to the scythians and parthians , f xenophon saith , the persians vsed also , both for manner of fight , and flight . the framing of a phalange , and definition of the art tactick . chap. iii. bvt seeing every phalange conteineth an vniting of bodies , offices of commaund , orders in place , a convenient number of men , and wordes of direction aswell for daily exercise , or trayning , as for true fights , it seemeth necessary to deduce euery of these things into perticularity . the first labour therefore in the art tactick is for a generall out of a multitude , that cometh to hand confused , to choose the fittest men , and dispose them into convenient places ( that is to order them into files , and bodies ) and of the whole number to proportion a reasonable levie , & fitting the service in hand . for to dispose and enable an army , skillfully to march , to encampe , & to embattaile , is a matter of no small consequence . in asmuch as we often find mightie armies through their disorder to haue been defeated by a handfull of men wel disciplined & exercised . wherefore aeneas defineth this art to bee a science of warlike motion : polybius , to be a skill whereby a man taking a multitude serviceable ordereth it into files , and bodies , and inst●teth it sufficiently in all things pertayning to warre . notes . the first labour ] after prouision of armour followeth choice of men . what men , and out of what climats , and of what profession , and of what age , and of what constitution of body , and of what education , are to be chosen , because aelian referreth to the discretion of the generall , not setting downe any particular , i will likewise passe over , noting onely some places , where hee , that is disposed to seeke , may finde the circumstances of choice of souldiers . xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . a. b. polyb. lib. . . c. et lips. ad polyb. lib. . dialogo . . . . . veget. lib. . cap. . . . . . . et stewechius ad haec omnia cap. . a reasonable leuy and fitting the service ] levyes are to be made according to the warre , which is vndertaken . the enemie is not alwaies of one strength . sometimes the forces , against which wee are to lead our armie , are more , sometimes lesse . the romans , if the number of enemies were not very great , vsed but a a consular armie ; which consisted of two legions of romans , and of as many foote of theire allies ; when greatest , onely ioyned two consular armies together . and for allies theire foote , as i said , was equall with the roman foote , theire horse were treble as many , and the romans having three hundred horse to a legion , the allies had nine hundred . yet in case of great necessitie , wee reade , that the number of the legions was increased in a consular armie . polybius reporteth that , a little before the battaile of cannae , the consuls lucius aemilius , and c. terentius , had allowed in theire armie , which they led against anniball , eight legions , which never was done before . b alexander the great being to invade the kingdome of persia , which for wealth , multitude of men , and largenesse of territorie , was esteemed the richest , mightiest , and greatest empire at that time in the world , had not in his armie aboue one and thirty thousand foote , and fiue thousand , and odde , horse . c armies composed of multitudes are neither fitt to bee guided , and commanded , nor yet to bee provided for . and hee that trusteth to multitudes , esteemeth not greatly the valour of his souldiers ▪ a xerxes saide , he was not foiled by the graecians through default of number , but because hee wanted men . as it is folly to leuy more men , then is needfull , so is it rashnesse , or b rather madnesse to put a few souldiers to hasard against forces , that exceed in number , and valour . briefly all levies are to bee tempered with consideration of persons , times , places , and other circumstances . for to dispose and enable an armie ] heere are sett downe in a word , as it were , the principall heads of the art of warre , marching , in camping , and embattailing ; to which heads all other may very well bee referred . and of these three aelian handleth in this treatise but two , namely embattailing , and marching : of embattailing , so much , as perteineth to forming of a common macedonian phalange ; of marching , no more , then belongeth to embattailing in a march , that is to ordering of your men in that figure , which shall yeald most advantage against the enemy , that meeteth you ; excepting that hee shortly toucheth the marshalling of baggage in your marche . the other considerations of marching , as laying , or avoyding ambushes , sending out to discouer , when to march by night , when by day , how to deceiue and avoyde the enemy lyeng neere , remedies against horse , against shotte , against multitudes , passages of mountaines , of woods , of rivers , of plaines , of drye , and sandy places , these , i say , and such like , hee toucheth not in a word . and for the skill of encamping , which comprehendeth the seating of your camp , and provision of all things belonging thereto , as also the siege , and defence of citties , and fortresses , hee likewise passeth it over with silence , as a thing not incident to his purposed discourse . a handfull of men well disciplined and exercised ] what exercise doth for the making of good souldiers , experience of former times will teache . it hath been the manner of all famous generalls to bring theire souldiers to perfection by exercise . c vegetius saith very well , it is not length of life , or number of yeares , that teacheth the art of warre , but continuall discipline & meditation of armes . let a souldier serue never so many years , so long , as hee is vnexercised , hee shall bee still a raw souldier . the knowledge and science of armes maketh a souldier , which is not gayned but by action . as long as a souldier handleth not his weapons , hee is noe actor , but a looker on . for as all abilities in artes ( which are called habits ) arise out of a number of actions precaeding , so can noe man atteyne to a perfect knowledge of armes , till hee haue with care , and diligence , employed his study and labour therein , and vpon the foundation of practise raised the frame of sound and perfect skill . noe man is naturally borne a souldier . one may more incline to warre then another , but the skill commeth not without industry and paines . d plutarch saith , that it is neither eurotas nor the place betwixt babyx and gnacion , that bringeth foorth valiant and warlicke men , but they are to bee fownd in all places , where youth is bred vp in shame of vice , and boldnesse to vndergoe perill for vertues sake . eurotas was a river neere lacedaemon ; e babyx and gnacion two rivers with in the same city . the lacedaemonians were accounted the most valiant people of greece . and plutarch speaketh this of the victory , which the thebans had against the lacedaemonians ; the thebans , which till that day had noe reputation of valour ; but afterward by exercise , & vse of armes , vnder epaminondas , and pelopidas , became the bravest souldiers of greece : not vnlike was the saieng of pyrrhus to his muster-master : choose you , said hee , good bodies , and i will make them good souldiers . the strength of the body is requisite in a souldier to vndergoe the labours of warre ; f but exercise it is that giveth the perfect skill , and the desire to handle weapons . therefore g as demosthenes , being demaunded what was the first and principall thing in the arte oratory , answered action , what the second , action , what the third , action : so may wee truely say , that in the art military exercise is not onely the first , second , & third , principall thing to make a souldier , but also all in all . aelian speaketh not of exercise but in generall : what particuler exercise is fitt for a souldier , hee , that desireth to knowe , let him reade . xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . b. c. & lib. . . c. d. veget. lib. . ad caput . . ad caput . . & lib. . caput . . . iust. lips. comment . ad polyb. lib. . dialog . . leo. caput . . patric . parallel . parte . . now for the victories , that haue beene obteyned by a small number of men well exercised , against a multitude vnskillfull , and vntrained , i need , say nothing . histories are plentifull witnesses therein . i will onely recite one example wherein the difference may bee seene not between skillfull , and vnskillfull , but between skillfull , and skillfull both enured to labour , and both brought vp vnder the same practise , and discipline of armes . at what time , after the death of alexander the great , his chiefest commaunders fell at oddes emongest themselues ; and sought every man to establish himself in the possession of his conquests , it chaunced , that antigonus , and eumenes came together in two sundry battailes . in the first antigonus had in his army aboue . foote , . horse , & . elephants ; eumenes lesse foote , . in all ( but emongest them . argyraspides , whoe had served in all alexanders battailes , & were invincible , & strok a great feare into the enemies harts ) & about the number of horse , his enemy had , & so. elephants : a when the foote came to ioyne , saith diodorus siculus , the fight continewed a good while , & at last , many falling on either side , eumenes his foote had the better by reason of the valour of the macedonian argyraspides . they , albeit they were stroken in years , yet in regard of the manifold perills , they had been in , excelled in courage , & skill of fight ; in so much that no man was able to withstand them . and therefore being but . in number , they were notwithstanding sett against the enemy , as the strength of the whole army . in the other battaile he speaketh of their age . b at that time , saith he , the yongest of the argyraspides were noe lesse , then . years olde , or thereabout ; the most of the rest about . & some were elder , al of thē vnmatcheable in skill & readinesse of fight , & strength of body ; such was theire dexterity , and courage gathered in continuance of dangers , which they had passed . afterward rehearsing the battaile , he saith : the argyraspides serring themselues close , and with liuely force falling vpon the enemy , killed some , and put other some to flight . and fought against the whole phalange of the enemy with irresistible fury , not loosing one of theire owne men , & yet through skill & manhood slayeng of the enemy aboue . & routed theire whole foote , which in number were many times more , then themselues . thus writeth diodorus siculus of the olde practised macedonians : who yet fought not against straungers , or rawe souldiers , or such , as were newly brought into the field , but against men of their owne nation , that had long handled armes , & wonne many victories , & been instituted , and trained in the same discipline and course military , that they themselues had been before : such difference long practise , and experience wrought in the one against the other . what a file , or decury is , and of how many men it consisteth . chap. iiii. to order into files is r to make files . a file is a number of men beginning at one leader , and contineuing in order of followers to the last man. the number of a file is diversly given , for some allow it eight , some twelue , and some sixteen men . wee for this time will retaine the number of sixteen , both because that number is proportionable to the indifferent length of a phalange , and also , if vse require at any time to double the depth thereof , and to giue it thirty two men , or to lessen , and contract it , and make it but eight ; neither of both shall hinder the service of the light-armed behinde , for whether they vse darts , or slings , or arrowes , they may easelie with their flieng weapons overreache the depth of the phalange . notes . next after arming , and choyce of souldiers , it followeth to put them in order for service , that is first to file them , then to band them ( which is ioyning of files ) and lastly to embattaile them , which is to make a phalange . of these in the following chapters . to make files ] the tacticks haue not expressed the precepts of this arte all in the same wordes . a file is heere called lochos , the signification whereof is divers . sometimes it is taken for an a ambushe , and lochan signifieth to lye in ambush : it signifieth beside a number of men , that are of one body , as it were , and vnder one commaunder , who is called lochagos , and lochizo is to sett in files . the number of this body hath beene diversly taken . the thebans lochos hieros first instituted by b gorgidas , or as other say by c epaminondas , consisted of three hundred men . the lochos of the d lacedaemonians of fiue hundred and twelue . xenophon in his returne out of persia telleth , that the number of the e lochoi of the graecians , which hee ledde , was almost a hundred armed men . and when they chose extraordinarie men to preserue the plaesium ( a hollow forme of square battaile where in the graecians marched ) from breaking , they appointed f six lochoi , of a hundred a piece , for that purpose , and commaunders to leade them . and after hee reckoneth seventy men to a lochos . and in the first booke of cyrus his expedition , hee telleth g of two lochoi of the armed of the regiment of menon , that were slaine by the inhabitants of cilicia , and counted them a hundred men . cyrus in the same xenophon commaundeth his lochos to bee made of twenty foure men . but the lochos , that aelian heere speaketh of is a lesse number , namely sixteene , which was the file of the macedonians , as appeareth by h arrian , and i polybius . albeit arrian calleth it not lochos , but decas ; and polybius the depth of the battaile . this number of sixteene was vsed by the graecians also before king phillips time , as appeareth by k xenophon in his historie of the graecians . and likewise by l thucydides , who reporteth , that the siracusans were so ordered against the athenians . leo saith it was the manner of the auncient warriers to make a file of sixteen , & calleth it a tetragonall number . some allow it eight , some twelue ] the lacedaemonians made the depth of theire battaile sometimes eight men ( for a file is it , that measureth the depth of the battaile ) and so fought with theire enemies . m thucydides witnesseth as much : the lacedaemonians ▪ saith hee , were not alwaies ordered in depth alike , but as theire lochagoi ( they were commaunders of fiue hundred and twelue a piece ) thought good , commonly notwithstanding the depth was of eight a piece . n xenophon also writeth , that dercyllidas the lacedaemonian , being to fight with tissaphernes , and pharnabazus , ordered his phalange into eight . the same proportion was helde by o mnasippus the lacedaemonian against the corcyraeans , and by a clearchus the lacedemonian against his enemies . xenophon saith , that thrasybulus the athenian , salieng out of pyraeum against pausanias the lacedemonian king , ranged his men into eight . his wordes are : b when thrasybulus and the other armed sawe these things , they quickly gaue aide to theire owne people , and put theire armed in order eight deepe . pausanias being hardly layed vnto , and retiring foure or fiue furlongs , commaunded the lacedemonians , and theire allies , to resort vnto him , and there casting his men into a deepe phalange , ledde against the athenians . out of which words wee may note , that the lacedaemonians observed not alwaies that order of eight deepe , but varied according to place , or other circumstance . yet ordinarily they gaue but eight to a file , or to the depth of theire phalange , as thucydides witnesseth before . c the same thrasybulus with his complices entring the base citty of athens called pyraeum to free his countrie from bondage of the thirty tyrants , having but a fewe with him , possessed the court , which led to the temple of diana , called munychia , and being assaulted by the garrison of rhe lacedaemonians , ordered his armed men into ten deepe , and the light armed behinde them . the tyrants , and theire followers stood in battaile fifty deepe . d at the battaile of leuctra the lacedaemonian armed were twelue in depth , the thebans fifty . e alexander the great leading his armie against clitus , and glaucias , the way being so narrow , that no more then foure might marche in front , made the depth of his armie a hundred and twenty . f and the souldiers that xenophon brought backe out of persia , when they purposed to sacke byzantium , put themselues without commaunde in order of fifty deepe . in the text is fifty deepe , but the margent hath eight : which i take to bee the truer reading , because xenophon saith , the place was faire to sett a battaile , being voide of building , and having an even plaine . and it was not the manner of the graecians to make a phalange fifty deepe , vnlesse there were extraordinarie occasion . g in the battaile of delos betwixt the athenians , and thebans , the thebans were fiue and twenty in depth , the athenians but eight . the same h athenian were eight in depth against the syracusans . so that the depth of eight was much vsed among the graecians . how-be-it i find not , that they called a file of eight by the name of lochos . i cyrus the elder made his files of twelue men , and the leader thereof hee called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the file it selfe decas , which in signification albeit it importe ten , yet wee must retaine the word , as it is vsed , and not fly to the originall of the etimologie , as i noted before vpon other occasion . but aelian maketh his file of sixten . his reason followeth . for whether they vse darts &c. ] the file being sixten in number , the souldiers therein every one having after-distance from other three foote , take vp in the whole depth fourty eight foote , and being doubled to thirty two men , they take vp ninety six foote , which amounteth to thirty two yards . that bowes and slings easilie out reache this distance , appeareth by vegetius , before by mee alleaged , k who saith , they stroke their marke six hundred foote of , which in our account by scores , is ten score . of the darte a man may rather doubt , which notwithstanding with an exercised arme is sent much further , then thirty two yards . l lipsius writeth , that a dart was vsually cast foure hundred foote , which amounteth to a hundred thirty three yardes , or as wee in shoting measure it , six score and odde . the reason why aelian placed the light armed behind wee shall see beere after in fitt place . the order and parts of a file or decury . chap. v. ' the best man of every file is the first in place , and hee , that leadeth the file , who is also called the file-leader , the commaunder , & the fore-stander . the last man of the file is called the reare-commaunder , or bringer-vp . the whole file it self is termed a verse , and a decany , and of some an enomoty . yet there are , that hold enomotia for the fowerth parte of a file , and the commaunder of an enomoty they call enomotarcha , and two enomoties they take for a dimery , & name the commaunder thereof dimerites , so that the half file is said to bee a dimery , and the commaunder dimerites . this man is the last of the file . hee , that standeth next behinde the file-leader , is named a follower , and the next after him a leader , and the next after him againe a follower . so that the whole file consisteth of leaders , & followers placed successiuely one after another . it behoueth the file-leader to bee more sufficient , then the rest of the file , and next him the leader of the half-file , or bringer-vp . they define a file to bee a rowe of followers placed according to theire worth successiuely after a file-leader . notes . the best man of every file . ] why the file-leader ought to bee the best man of the file many reasons may bee given first because hee commaundeth the rest . and as in all other things hee that is to rule , and governe another , ought to haue more knowledge , then hee that is commaunded , and governed , so is it in matter of warre . further , as his skill , so his valour , ought to bee most : that his example may incourage and incite the rest . which is the cause , that other commaunders also are placed in front , and in the eye of the souldiers that theire valour & forwardnes may bread an honest emulation in the souldiers to doe , as they doe . besides , the first place is most beseeming him , that best deserveth , and the more valiant a man is , the more hee desireth to shewe it in the face of the enemy , thereby to winne himself honor , and reputation . furthermore , hee may doe best service in the front , by entring into the enemies battaile , and making way for the rest . not vnlike a sworde , whose edge maketh speedy passage into the thing , it cutteth , and draweth after it the rest of the iron , bee it never so blunt . in the front , the ranke of the file leaders giue the push to gaine the field . which reason i thinke lead a gorgidas the first institutor of the theban hieros lochos , not to make an entire troupe thereof apart , but to place it man by man in the first ranke of the phalange . lastly the sight of the file leaders , being the choice of the armie , both for stature , and resolution ( for b so aelian would haue them ) c breads a terrour in the minde of the enemy . who , seeing such gallants in the front , haue cause to imagine that the rest of the armie , which they see not , is like to those they see . and , being never so valiant , they had rather haue to doe with weake , and relenting then stout , and resolute adversaries . as at the battaile of cannae d annibal answered one , that brought him newes , that the consull had commanded the horse men to alight , and fight one foote , how much rather would i , quoth hee , hee had delivered them bound into my hands . i haue heard many hold opinion , that the manner of the graecians , to bring theire best men first to fight , is contrary cap. . the ordering of a file enomoty enomoty enomoty enomoty dimerites dimery or half file dimery or half file the file-header the birnger up and enomotarcha leader follower leader follower leader follower enomotarcha follower leader follower enomotarcha follower leader follower the fileader and first enomotarcha to the institution of the romans , who held the triarij ( theire eldest , and best souldiers ) in the rear , and brought them not to ioyne , till both the hastati , and principes were beaten , or retired . but if wee consider the diuersity of both theire embattailings , wee shall see noe great difference , or at lest wee shall see , that the reason of placing their-best men was not much different . the graecians in framing theire foure-fold phalange made in length an even front of a . files . the files were . deepe . and the best men therefore in front , because being placed in the midst , or in the reare , there would haue beene no vse of theire valour , and the phalange might haue beene broken , before it had come to theire turnes to fight . the romans contrary-wise , in ordering a legion , made many maniples , and gaue the front to the hastati , the middest to the principes , the reare to the triarij . nowe the triarij being ordered in the reare , might at the beginning bee brought to fight in front , if need were ; being noe need , they kept theire place , till their generalls found it fitt to call vpon them . so then this is the difference . the file-leaders of the graecians had the front , because otherwise in so deep a body , as the phalange was , they could not haue come to fight : the triarij might alwayes haue beene imployed in front , in flanke , or in the reare , as pleased the generall . and that the romans also in theire seuerall maniples placed theire best men in front , i cannot doubt . there stood the centurions , which were the leaders of the maniples , and in reason were to bee seconded with the hest men vnder theire commaund . a c. crastinus may serue for an example whoe being noe centurion , but an evocate , in the battaile of pharsaly betwixt caesar & pompey , bidde his manipulers ( they were of the maniple , which hee once commaunded ) to followe him , and said hee would make his generall giue him thanks aliue , or dead . yet must i confesse , that the front was not the proper place of the evocates . but hee chose the front , and held it a place worthy of his valour . it is said of b catiline that , when hee fought with c. antonius , hee placed in the front of his army , all the chosen centurions , and evocates , and besides of common souldiers such , as were best armed . c livy speaking of a fight betwixt the romans , and the latines , and describing the forme of the roman battaile , after hee had limited the place of the hastati , & principes , writeth thus of the triarij . after the ensignes ( hee meaneth the standards of the legions ) not the ensignes of maniples , were ten other maniples ; whereof every one had three ensignes . the first ensigne led the triarij , ould souldiers of tryed valor , the next the rorarij , not soe well esteemed for strength in either age , or deeds , the third the accensi , a troupe of lest trust , which was the cause , that they were cast in the reare . the accensi were put in the reare , because there was noe great opinion of theire valor ; the triarij had the front , because they were ould souldiers , and had beene sufficiently tryed . soe then in dividing of their armie into small bodies , or battailions , the romans differed from the graecians : in placing the best men of theire maniples in front , they observed the same manner , that the graecians did in placing theire file-leaders in the first ranke of the phalange . a verse ] i haue translated stichos a verse . the more vsuall signification is a rowe of any thing placed orderly . d soe xenophon applieth it to trees , which were planted orderly one after another ; and e eustathius to the standing of d●uncers one after another in depth even as our souldiers are placed one after another in file . f iulius pollux also acknowledgeth , that there were files , and ranks in choro , that is in daunces vppon the stage . g but suidas saith it was commonly taken for a line , which was read from the left to right hand . and to say the truth a verse , as wee read at this day , and as they read , when aelian wrote this treatise , rather resembleth a ranke then a fi●e ; because in a ranke men stand side to side , as words doe being placed in a line . yet because the word is received by vse in that other sence , wee must like wise admitte the same . a decury ] this in greeke aelian calleth decania , a word , which in this sence i find in no other author , then in him , and in suidas ▪ a xenophon calleth it decas : soe doeth b vrbicius and c arrian , and likewise hesychius . d leo calleth it decarchian and akian . an enomotie ] the word cometh from omnymi to sweare , not of omos a shoulder , as robortellus , and patricius immagine ; of whom the first translateth it in latine intergutio , the other in italian spalaggione , as it were a backing ; vpon this conceite , i thinke , because in a file the whole number standeth one at the backe of another . e suidas saith : enomotia is a body militarie amongst the lacedemonians of men , and is soe called , because they take theire othe together , not to forsake the place assigned them in battaile . with whom agreeth the great f etymologicon ; and g hesychius likewise ; who termeth it a body militarie , that taketh an othe and sweareth by the sacrifice , which is offered at such time , as they goe into the field . and surely you shall not finde the word enomotia applied to other souldiers , then the lacedemonians , or else to them , that the lacedemonians commanded : vntill it was afterward taken vp by the macedonians . and h iulius pollux expresly noteth , that moira , and enomotia , are proper appellations of the lacedemonians , given to certaine of theire militarie bodies . albeit both the text bee corrupted in pollux , having eunomotia for enomotia , & the interpreter hath worse trāslated it , rēdring enomotia , militarie discipline , & moira a duty . as the lochos is great , or little , so is the enomotia . the lacedemonian enomotia was . men , the lochos being . but the file of aelian being . and the enomotie noe more , then the fourth part of a file the enomotie must conteine noe more then foure men . one of euery of these foure must bee a commander ; who is called enomotarcha , or the commander of that enomotie . so that in the whole file , consisting of . there ought to bee foure enomotarchas . where they should stand in the file , is a question . patricius maketh the file-leader the first enomotarcha , the fift man , the second , the ninth man , the third , & the man the fourth ; excluding the bringer vp , whom notwithstanding hee acknowledgeth to bee the second man of the file , and in dignitie next to the file-leader . i am of another opinion ; and yet allowe the places of the first , fift , and ninth , but thinke the bringer-vp ought to bee the last enomotarcha : i arrian confirmeth my opinion : who writeth thus : alexander returning to babilon , found prucestes newly come out of persia , bringing with him . persians . then commending the persians for theire obedience in all things to prucestes , and prucestes for his care , and diligence , in ordering them , hee reparted them into bands according to the macedonian manner . over every file hee appointed a macedonian file-leader to command , and next a macedonian dimaerite , and a decastater , so called of the paye hee had , which was lesse then dimaerites , and more then the common souldiers ; then twelue persians , and last of all the file a macedonian , who also was a decastater . so that in the whole file there were foure macedonians , three , whose pay was more , then the common souldiers , and a file-leader the fourth , and more over . persians . so arrian . out of which wordes wee may learne first the number of the macedonian file , which consisted of . persians , and . macedonians , in all . the number , that aelian requireth in his file . next , that the enomotarchs , or commanders of the foure parts of the file , were likewise . lastly that the bringer-vp was one of the foure by expresse words of arrian , which is contrarie to the opinion of patricius , and whereas arrian termeth the third enomotarch . decastateros of the pay ▪ hee received , it is to bee vnderstood , that stater was a piece of coine , of the weight of foure dragmes of athens whereof the enomotarch had ten by the moneth . the dragme was of value seven pence sterling , and the stater , conteyning foure dragmes , two shillings and foure pence sterling ; and ten of them were valued at twenty three shillings and foure pence . which was the pay of the second enomotarch , and of the bringer-vp , as arrian affirmeth . and the commaunder dimaerites ] about the dimerite arrian , and aelian , differ . suidas leaveth the matter vncertaine , saieng the dimerite is commander of the half-file , but pointeth not out , which is hee . arrian distinguisheth the dimerite from the bringer-vp , and giveth a greater pay to the dimerite , then to the bringer-vp . the bringer-vp , he saith , was noe more then decastateros , where as the dimerite had a greater pay . but aelian twice in this chapter affirmeth , that the bringer-vp was the dimerite , and addeth hee ought to bee the second man of worth in the file . and that the place of the reare is not much inferior to the front , a cyrus teacheth his bringers-vp in xenophon in these words ; you haue a place saith he no lesse honorable , then they , that stand in front . for being in the reare , and seeing & encouraging them , that behaue themselues valiantly , you make them more valiant , and the remisse and backward you incite , & spurre on , likewise to doe as well , as the rest . b leo appointeth two officers to a file , the file-leader , and the bringer-vp , & so maketh the bringer-vp the second person of the file . the reare being then the second place of the file , i conceiue no reason , why , as the file-leader commandeth the one half of the file , so the bringer-vp should not bee the dimerite , and command the other ; and i rather assent to aelian , that of purpose describeth the particulers of this arte , as hee findeth them set downe in the auncient tacticks , then to arrian , that , writing the historie of the deeds of alexander , stumbleth by chance vpon these things not greatly incident to his narration . yet may there bee a resonable construction of both their meanings , if wee consider the severall respects of the offices of these enomotarchs . for the middlemost enomotarch may bee termed the dimerite in regard he standeth in the head of the second half-file , and in doubling the front and some other motions leadeth it : the bringer-vp because he absolutly governeth it , and seeth that directions , given by higher officers , bee executed . it behoveth that the file-leader bee more sufficient ] the file-leader and bringers-vp ought to bee the most sufficient , because they haue the whole governement of the file , the one in the front , the other in the reare . therest are vnder them , and to bee called by the names of leaders , and followers . but yet is there a further disposition of the file , which , as i finde it in c leo , i will sett downe . his words sound thus : over the other sixteen you are to appoint a file-leader ( as hee is termed ) resolute , and fitt for service , and eight of these sixteen , that shall bee found fittest , you shall place in the front , and reare , of the file , foure in the front , namely in the first , second , third , and fourth place , other foure in the reare , in the sixteenth , fifteenth , foureteenth , and thirteenth place , that the front and reare may be strengthened with foure men a piece . the weaker are to bee placed in the midst of the file . this counsell , or rather precept , of leo hath this reason . the front , and the reare , are the principall places the enemy commonly giveth vpon . the front wee alwaies turne against the enemy , if we can . the reare the enemy seeketh to attache , and by it to distresse vs , if hee can . the flanks for the most part are secured by the horse , and light ▪ armed . for leo placeth the light ▪ armed , and horse in the flanks . soe these two places , being most subiect to the violence of the enemy , require extraordinarie care , and assurance . as for the weakest , which are in the midst , they never come to strike stroke , but after the front , and reare , are broken , d in another place hee writeth to this effect : your contubernies ( the souldiers that cabin together ) you shal order according to fiue men , or to ten , or to foure , or to eight , or to sixteen , as you shall find most convenient , that being bound one to another with mutuall acquaintance , they may fight one for another in battaile and bee more valiant against the enemy . but you shall doe more wisely , if when you are to joyne , you place brothers by brothers , & friends by friends . for when hee , that fighteth , hath an entierly beloved frend standing next behind him , hee must of necessity hasard himself with more egernesse for his frends sake . and the other being ashamed not to requite one , that sustaines such danger in his behalfe , will hardly bee brought to forsake his friend so well deseruing , and first betake himselfe to his feete . the same is the advise of onosander , and was much practised in auncient time . the lochos hieros , or holy-band , of the thebans ( whereof i spake before ) consisted all of friends , that had bound themselues one to another in friendship . with this holy-band a pelopidas gaue the first disgracefull overthrow to the lacedaemonians , that ever they had . of this band b plutarch writeth , that it was never beaten vntill the battaile of chaeronaea , when philip the father of alexander vanquisht the athenian , and theban forces both together . after which battaile phillip surueying the dead bodies , and comming to the place , where these three hundred lay , all close mingled one with another , and strooken through with the macedonian pikes , hee wondred greatly , and hearing that it was the band of louers , and beloued , wept , and said , evilly may they perish , that suspect any filthines in deede , or suffering , to haue been practised amongst such men . cyrus the elder had his homotimos nourished vp together , and alexander his hetairos ; whose extraordinarie service appeared in all theire battailes . c diodorus siculus writeth of sesoosis the aegyptian king to this effect : at the birth of sesoosis his father did a magnificent and royall deed . for gathering together all the children of aegipt , that were borne the same day , and setting over them some to nourish and governe them , hee gaue the same education , and institution , to them all , conceiving that they , that were brought vp together , & partakers of the same liberty , would become the best affected , and most assured fellow helpers in warre . this was the iudgement of myris , the father of sesoosis , king of aegipt , in providing assured assistance to his sonne for the conquering of the whole world , which by certeine blinde prophecies was promised him . now what little trust theire is to bee given to men , that are not acquainted one with another , pompey that great captaine of the romans sheweth in his epistle to domitius : d for men , saith hee , are not quickly to be assembled hether by musters , and if wee had them , you are not ignorant how much they may bee relyed vpon , being vnacquainted to fight against ould legions . yet hath leo another mixture in his files . for hee would haue the ould , and new souldiers put together in one file . least saith hee , the ould being by themselues alone , proue weake , and of small force , and the yong disorderly , having litle experience . for the one , albeit ould , yet are well acquainted with service , the other albeit young , and valiant , yet are vnskilfull . for the enomoties , dimerie , and file , see the figure . ioyning of files . chap. vi. ioyning of files , is when one file is layed flank-wise to another , the leader of the second file to the leader of the first , and the follower of the second file-leader to the follower of the first , and so the rest . every man that ranketh cap. . joyning of files file files joyned files joyned the flank the front is called parastates , as for example the leader of the second file , to the leader of the first , and so theire next followers , and the rest . as often then , as the second file , the third , the fourth , and so the rest are layd flank-wise to the first , it is named ioyning of files . notes . ioyning of files is ] a file of it self will worke litle effect against an enemy . for what can a man alone in front doe ? cyrus in a xenophon wisheth , that , where as the aegiptians stood a hundred in depth , they had beene in depth a thowsand , for soe , saith hee , wee should haue the fewer hands to fight against . the ranke bringeth the multitude of hands to fight . and it is held , that the more hands are with conveniency brought to fight , the more is his advantage , that bringeth them . this is done by ioyning fil●s together , out of which ioyning , ranks spring , and ranks the more they increase , and extend themselues in length , the more hands are ready to encounter the enemy . now , as it was said in the former chapter , that files consisted of leaders , and followers , from the first to the last , so is it in this chapter saide , that ranks consist of side men from one end of the length of the phalange to the other : fewe , or many men , placed side to side in a right line make a ranke ; as in two , or three files ioyned together , there are sixteen ranks of two , or three men in a ranke . and the two or three file-leaders make the first ranke , theire followers the next , and soe the rest vntill you come to the sixteenth . the like falleth out in more files . b vrbicius saith that the file-leaders make the front ( as they terme it ) of the phalange , which they call also the first ranke . and further , hee saith , they , that runne in an even line betwixt the two wings , the right , and the left , are said to bee parastatai , or sidemen . likewise : the last ranke is called oura , or the reare , and the commander ouragos , the bringer-vp . so vrbicius agreeing with aelian . now , out of these two chapters , is a cleare distinction of the names of souldiers , that by reason of theire posture , or place , in battaile make the diversitie of files , and ranks . they , that make files are protostatai , first-standers , & epistatai , after-standers ; which are by vs commonly called leaders , and followers . for these two saith aelian make the file from the beginning to the end . parastatai side-standers , or , as wee terme them , sidemen , make the ranks . and if you measure the length of the phalange , you doe it by number of men in the ranke , if the depth by number of men in the file . of a phalange , the length , and depth thereof : of rankinge , and fi●nge ; the division of the phalange into winges : the place of the armed foote , of the light-armed , and of the horse . chap. vii . the whole bodie of the multitude of files is termed a phalange : whose length is the first ranke of file-leaders , and is named , the front , the face , the edge of the battaile , the ranke , the mouth , the commaunders , the fore-standers , & the head of the files . as much of the phalange , as stretcheth backward from the front to the reare , is named the depth . the bearing straight foorth of side-men in length , whether they bee leaders , or followers , is ranking . and the standing of leaders and followers directlie in a line in depth , is filing . a phalange is divided into two whole partes beginning at the middle section of the front , and houlding on cleane through to the vttermost parte of the depth ; whereof the one half is called the right wing , and head , the other half the left winge , and taile . the two fold section it self , that divideth the length , hath the name of the navell , and the mouth . the light-armed are placed after the phalange of the armed , and behind them the horse . yet if occasion require , both light-armed , and horse are otherwise disposed , as after in this discourse will appeare . notes . the whole body of multitude of files is termed a phalange ] ioyning of files makes ranks , and a sufficient number of files , and ranks together , make a body , which is called a phalange . for that name is given to any entire body of an indifferent greatnesse , compacted , and vnited for fight . hesychius deriveth the originall of the word apo tou pelas allelois inai ; from the standing of the souldiers in battaile neere one to another . suidas in the same sence , albeit hee differ a litle in words , saith , the phalanges are so called apo tou pelasai anchi , of approching one neere to an other . the great etymologicon goeth yet a little further , and saith , that phalanges are as it were palanges para to pelas kai eggys einai , as it were pelangys . these are the coniectures about the originall of the name . which of them is truest , is not greatly to the purpose . it is enough to vnderstand , in what sence the word phalange is commonly taken amongst tactick writers , who , as i said , in a generall signification call any great body of armed gathered together , and vnited for fight , a phalange . soe a caesar nameth the battaile of the heluetians , into which they cast themselues , when they fought against him , and likewise the battaile of ariovistus , a phalange . so speaketh b xenophon of the plaesium , or square holow battaile , into which the graecians , that went with cyrus the younger into persia , fashioned themselues at their returne out of persia. and the same c xenophon saith , the horse of the graecians , when they were to encounter the persians , ordered themselues foure in depth , in forme of a phalange . and d arrian , that the persians at the river granicus were ordered in a long phalange , and e xenophon againe discoursing how iphicrates exercised his nauie , when hee expected to fight with the lacedaemonians , saith , hee sometimes lead in a wing ( that is in a large depth ) sometimes in forme of a phalange , in a broad front . the first inventer of the phalange is thought to bee pan the generall of bacchus his armie . polyaenus saith : f pan was the commaunder of bacchus his armie . this man was the first that invented the order of a battaile , called it a phalange , and parted it into the right , and left wing . for which cause poets faine , that pan carieth two hornes vpon his head . besides hee was the first , that by slight , and cunning cast a feare vpon his enemies . for when bacchus , incamping in a hollow forest , was advertised by his spies , that an infinite number of enemies were lodged one the further side , hee began to be afraide . but not pan : who commanded the same night the armie of bacchus to giue as great a shoute , as they could . the rocks and hollownesse of the forest rendered it againe double to the enemy , & made shewe of a greater armie , then bacchus had . where with the enemy falling into a feare fled foorth with . in honour of this strategeme wee faine , that eccho is pans loue : & the causlesse night-feares , which fall vpon armyes , were attributed to pan. so farre polyenus about the inventer of the phalange . the number of the phalange is not alwayes one . it may consiste of ten thousand , twenty fiue thousand , or as many , as you list , a antigonus the king of macedony had his phalange of ten thousand . b ptolomaeus king of aegipt , of twenty fiue thousand . c the ten thousand graecians that went with cyrus into persia are called a phalange . what number the helvetians , and ariovistus , had in theire phalange , is not preciselie set downe by caesar. d yet it seemeth by caesar , that the most parte of the fighting multitude of the helvetians cast themselues into a phalange ; and those of ariovistus likewise : but aelians phalange is restreyned to a certeine number , as the next following chapter will teache . the length whereof ] the length of the phalange is to bee accounted by the ranke not by the file . the file is but sixteen men deep . the ranke from the pointe of one wing to the pointe of the other conteyneth a thousand , and twenty foure men in aelians phalange . so that the files being short in comparison of the ranks , it is reason , that the length of the phalange bee measured according to the ranke , not to the file . e suidas agreeth with aelian sayeng , that the length of the phalange is the first syntagma ( the first ranke ) of file-leaders , which is ordered in a right line , stretching from one wing to another , and is called the face , and the mouth , and the front , & the edge , and the first-filing , and the first standers of the battaile . the next rowe , lyeng parallel to this , is called the second ranke , and the third , the third ranke , and soe the rest . the length is termed in greeke mecos , to which is opposed the depth , which is named bathos . neither is there in true account any other dimensions in a phalange , besides the length , and the depth , which are in this chapter mentioned by aelian . other names are given in greeke writers sometimes , but they signifie either the one , or the other . is named the depth ] as the length runneth along by front from one wing to another , so the depth beareth backward from the front to the reare . the depth is properly called bathos , as i said . f and bathera phalanx , is a deepe phalange . and g arrian saith , alexander ordered his phalange es bathos , in depth . and h polybius , that the romans made theire battaile much shorter then before , but much deeper , bathyteran . and as it is called bathos , for the most part , so is it by i leo called also pachos . for the depth of a file is by him termed depth , or thicknes , bathos etoi pachos , in two severall chapters of his tacticks ; not in respect of the file it selfe , which is no more then a long line , as it were , and carieth neither thicknes nor breadth , but in respect of the phalange , the depth whereof is measured by the file . and in the fourth , the twelfth , and fourtenth chapters hee termeth the depth of the phalange it self ( thicknes ) pachos alone with out adding bathos ; shewing thereby , that pachos also signifieth the dimension of the phalange from the front to the reare . but where some are of opinion , that platos , breadth , ought to bee read in those places in stede of pachos , thicknes , they perswade mee not to bee of theire mind . k for aelian himself giveth an attenuation , or thinning , ( which hee calleth liptysmos ) to the phalange : and that cannot bee vnderstood , vnlesse there were in it a kind of thicknes before . and to make it more plaine , hee saith , that this leptysmos is , when the depth of the phalange is gathered vp and from sixteen men it becometh a lesse number . so that the thicknes of the phalange is the full sixteen , which is also the depth , and making of it thinner is to lessen the depth . to a place platos is fittly attributed , a place being onely superficies , which consisteth of longitude and latitude . so l poliaenus speaking of a valley , wherein an ambush was layde to entrap alexander , saith , the length stretched farre out , but the breadth , platos , was narrowed to foure furlongs . the name of platos is likewise given to a place by m polybius ▪ but to say the truth platos in a phalange rather signifieth the length , then the depth , as appeareth by aelian after in the foure and fourty chapter . and a leo calleth the front of the phalange platos , and when hee would haue the front enlarged , or doubled , hee giveth this word of direction plátynon pròs tà amph●tera mere , enlarge the front on both sides . the right wing ] that which in the english toung is called a wing , is termed in greeke keras a horne . wee in our warres of auncient time divided our armies into three parts , the vantgarde , the battaile , and the reare-warde : and , when wee came to fight , set them for the most parte in an even front , the battaile in the middest , on the right hand , the vant-garde , which was called the right-wing , on the left , the reare-warde which was called the left-wing . properly enough for our embattailing . for the battaile is , as it were , the body , and the vant-garde , and reare-warde , are the wings , which in a manner sticke out from the body , and whereby the body is supported : that , that wee call wings , the graecians , and romans called horns in the battaile . the word keras signifieth a point bearing out from the height , or ends , of any thing . it is vsed for the toppe of rocks , and for promontories , and such like ; and in a phalange it properly signifieth the two points ( the right and the left ) of the winges . the english worde wing i am faine to retaine , because it is familiar , and in vse . aelian heere will haue the wings to stretche out from the middle section to either point ( the right and left ) of the phalange ; vnder which appellation must fall to the right wing the whole space , that beginneth at the middle intervall , and runneth along to the corner of the battaile on the right hand , to the left , all that is comprehended betwixt the same space , and the left corner of the battaile . th● tw●●fould section ] in greeke it is named dichotomia : because it parteth , and divideth the phalange into two even parts , beginning at the front , and stretching out to the reare . and aelian in the tenth chapter of this book ▪ nameth it apotome . but heere hee speaketh of no more intervalls , or partitions , of the phalange , then of this one in the midst . i would thinke there should bee more . b onosander saith : let there bee certaine intervalls in your battaile , that if your enemy advance , your light-armed after they haue spent theire missiue weapons , and before the phalanges joyne , may retire leasurely in the intervalls , and without disorder come behinde to the reare . for it is not safe for them in retiring to fetch a compasse about the whole armie , or to turne in againe on the outside of the winge . for the enemy , hasting to come to hands , would easily prevent , and intercept , them in the middest ; so that they neither should bee able to breake through the armed , already closed for fight , and falling vpon theire owne weapons , they must needes disorder theire owne people , every man after other seeking to finde a way through them to escape the danger hee is in . thus much onosander ; from whom wee may learne , both that theire ought to bee more sections in the phalange , then one , and that the institution of them had this cheefe end , to receiue the light-armed in theire spaces , after they had skirmished with the enemy , and were by them forced to retire . i may adde , that aelian placing the light-armed in the reare of the phalange if you giue but one section vnto it , it will be as hard for them , to advance , and s●rue , before the front , as it will bee to retreat after theire service done . it seemeth , that c leo giveth three intervalls to the phalange of the auncient tacticks . hee saith ▪ they opposed the bodies of the armed against the enemy , and divided them into foure parts , the right , and left , and the middle-right ▪ and middle-left parte . making so many parts , the parts must bee distinguished ( as i collect ) by intervalls , which ought to bee one after the first body of the right-wing , another after the second , which is the middle section , the third after the third . and this third section is bounded with the fourth body , which maketh the point of the left-wing . for if the phalange were whole , and entire , without more intervalls then one , how could there bee foure parts ? for esteeming them by phalangarchies , without leauing spaces betweene , it could not bee saide , there were but foure parts of the phalange , considering , that as well the merarchies , chiliarchies , pentecosiarchies , syntagmataes , are parts of it , as the phalangarchies . but being distinguished by partition of intervalls , the foure phalangarchies become foure parts , namely the right , left , middle-right and middle-left : as leo heere termeth them . the same a leo speaketh after more plainely , enioyning his generall to seperate , and disioyne diachorizein the whole number of his armie into foure parts . for , as choris signifieth a part or severed , so diachorizo , being derived from it , signifieth to put asunder , or sette a part . b suidas is yet a little more cleare . a phalangarchie , saith he , is two merarchies of foure thowsand and ninty six men . this as some saye is the section , apotome , of the wing , as other , it is a meros . of auncient time it was called strategia , and the commander strategos , but nowe hee is termed phalangarcha . suidas maketh the wing to haue a partition or section , and saith , some call a phalangarchie by the name of this section , before wee heard out of aelian , that the wing ( right or left ) did stretche out from the middle section to the outward most point of the battaile on either side . and as the middle section divideth the phalange in two parts , which are called wings , so this section ( spoken of by suidas ) being in the middest of the wing divided the ▪ wing into two parts . to call a phalangarchie ( which is a body consisting of foure thowsand and ninty six men ) a section , is , i confesse , an vnproper speach , but tolerable notwithstanding , considering that the whole fourefolde phalange is composed of the foure phalangarchies , and that the section of the right-wing beginneth at the left hand file , or inward point of the right hand phalangarchie , and endeth at the right hand file of the second phalangarchie . and wee are not to expect the same exactnesse of speach from souldiers , that is common to men skillfull in the liberall sciences . souldiers , that professe action , haue theire end , if they bee vnderstood of those , they commande . arti●tes are contemned ▪ that clothe not the precepts of theire arts with elegant , fitt , and exact termes . seeing then the beginning of the section of the wing is at the flanke of the first phalangarchie on either side of the phalange , wee may after a sort terme the phalangarchie a section of the wing , because it boundeth the section . at least by this place of suidas wee may gather , that there was an intervall in either wing , which in reason ought to bee in the middest of the wing , and to lye betwixt the two phalangarchies . for so many there are in one wing . c polybius telleth of philopaemen , that , fighting against machanidas the tyrant of lacedaemon , after hee had placed the light-armed , the lanciers , and illyrians ioyntly in one front , hee added in the same right line the phalange distinguished into bodies according to merarchies and divided by severall distances . i translate speiredon distinguished into bodyes , because speira signifieth a militarie body amongst the graecians , and is by the graecians , that wrote the roman historie , vsed sometime for a legion , and sometime for a cohort . and it seemeth that spiredon is heere by polybius put in the same sence that eis speiran is by d plutarch : who mentioning the reformation touching affaires militarie , wh●h the same philopaemen brought in amongst the achaians , writeth thus ▪ theire manner and forme of embattailing was not vsually parcelled out eis speiran , that is ( as i interprete it ) in severall bodies , but vsing a phalange , which had neither protension of pikes , nor closing of targets in front ( as the macedonian manner is ) they were easily foiled , and broken , by the enemy . the meaning of plutarch is ( as i conceiue ) that the achaians in former times vsed to order theire phalange in a continued length without intervalls which philopoemen reformed , and taught them to make divisions by intervalls ; and the practise of philopoemen is the best interpreter of his owne counsell to the achaians . this practise polybius setteth downe to bee the division of his phalange kata tele speiredon en diastemasi into bodies distinguished by intervalls according to merarchies . polybius also , to shewe , what bodies they were , vseth the word tele , which i translate merarchies , having my warant out of a aelian : who saith a merarchie consisteth of two chiliarchies , and conteineth two thowsand and fourty eight men , and a hundred and twenty foure files ; and addeth , that it is of some called a telos , and the leader a telarch . a man may doubt seeing philopaemen made an intervall betwixt every merarchie , whether hee made seven divisions , or no : for in aelians phalange there are eight merarchies , betwixt every of which if a distance were , there must needs arise seven intervalls . to cleare this doubt wee must vnderstand , that the phalanges of the graecians were not alwaies of the same number , as i noted before . aelians , and the macedonian phalange , consisted of sixteen thowsand and odde . antigonus had but ten thowsand . demetrius eleuen thowsand . other had more , the laced●monians lesse , and likewise the graecians for the most part . and it seemeth , the phalange of philopaemen was no more , then eight thowsand , and odde , in which number there are but foure merarchies . as aelians phalange comprehending sixteen thowsand and odde , wherein are foure phalangarchies , hath likewise three divisions by phalangarchies . and yet in this phalange of philopaemen , if you account the file to haue but eight men ( as the most graecians vsed in theire files to haue ) these foure merarchies will possesse as much ground in front , as the phalangarchies of aelians phalange doe , the file being sixteen . neither is it new to figure out the bodies greater , or lesse , according to the number of the phalange . b leo commandeth his generall , when the number will not reach to sixteen thowsand ( the number of the ould phalange ) to hould notwithstanding sixteen men in a file , and to divide his phalange into foure equall parts by intervalls , excepting some few , which hee would haue reserved for other vses . to conclude aelian him self seemeth to acknowledge more sections , then one , when in the tenth chapter of this booke hee speaketh of the middle section mese apotome . for this word middle being a relatiue , can not bee vnderstood with out two other at least , which are placed on either side . and all the figures , that i haue seene , of a fourefold phalange allowe three sections , and no more , that is to saie , one in the middest , and the other two in the wings . what the distance and dimension of these sections ought to bee , i finde not set downe . but , if i might haue leaue to coniecture , i would thinke , they ought to bee large enough for a troupe of horse , framed wedge-wise , after the macedonian manner , to passe through ; the last ranke whereof being fifteen ( as appeareth in the twenty chapter of this booke ) and the horse placed in the reare of the light-armed it is needfull , if vpon any occasion they were to bee drawen through to serue in the front , the distance of the section should bee sufficient to giue them passage with out disorder . and i am the rather confirmed in this opinion , because i see the intervalls betwixt the roman maniples so proportioned , that the principes might passe through those of the hastati , and the triarij through those of the principes . but i proportioned out the intervalls to the horse , not to the light-armed , for that the light-armed ●ay bee divided into severall bodies without inconvenience , but any breaking of the horse-wedge breedeth a confusion in the whole troupe . yet where a troupe of horse may finde way , there may a centurie , or colours , of light-armed finde also way . the light-armed are placed after ] a the light-armed were diversly placed , sometimes before the front of the phalange , which kind of placing is afterward called prataxis , sometimes on the wings , and it is called hypotaxis , sometimes betwixt the files of the armed fronting in a right line with them , and it was called entaxis , sometimes in the reare after the phalange , which was called epitaxis , all these are spoken of by aelian heereafter in this booke . b there is another kinde of placing the light-armed , when they are throwne into the midst of the battaile ▪ being hollowed for that , and other purposes . heereof aelian likewise treateth in this booke heere after . and albeit the most vsuall embattailling of them hath beene in the wings , yet the bestowing in the reare according to aelians minde hath also advantages . first it concealeth theire number , which because they are shaddowed with the pikes standing before , can hardly bee discerned . then it is easie from the reare to drawe them to any place of service without disorder , bee it before , on the wings , or behinde the reare . further , it will not bee easie for the enemies horse to charge them , the armed standing before for a sure defence . lastly , from the reare they shall bee able at all times to anoye the enemy , before the battaile ioynes ; as soone as the battaile ioynes , and all the time of fight . neither doth this manner of embattailing want examples of the ould historie of the graecians . c the embattailing of cyrus the elders armie , in xenophon , hath the light-armed in the reare . i will set downe the effect of cyrus words at large because they conteine the ordering of an armie to fight according to the iudgement of xenophon . cyrus then being to trye a battaile with craesus thus directs his commanders : you , saith hee , araspes take your place in the right wing , as you now doe , and you the other myriarches , as you are acoustomed . for when the fight is once a foote , noe chariot may change horses ; and command the taxiarches , and file-leaders , to order theire files every one divided in two parts phalange-wise , that is each half fronting one with another in a right line . a file conteineth foure an twenty men . then saide one of the myriarches , doe you thinke sir , that wee shall bee able , in this order , to encounter so deep a phalange , as the enemies ? cyrus answered , the phalanges that are deeper , then may with theire armes reach the enemy , are they fitt thinke you either to annoye the enemy , or profitte theire frindes ? for my part i could wish those , that are ranged ▪ in depth , to bee in depth a thowsand . for so should wee haue the fewer to fight with all . the number , that i giue for the depth of the phalange , i doubt not , but will entirely serue for vse , and maintaine a joynt fight in every part . the darters i will place after the armed , and after the darters the archers . for who will sett them in front , that confesse themselues vnable to maintaine a fight hand to hand ? howe then will they hould theire grownde , if they bee sett before the armed ? but being in the reare , some with darts , other with arrows , sent over the heads of the armed , will greatly endammage the enemy . and it is cleere , that wherewithall soever an enemy is endamaged , with the same a mans owne fide is eased , and relieved . you therefore order your selues , as i haue appointed . as for the captaines of the targetiers i will haue them , and theire files , stand likewise next the armed in the reare , and after them the archers . and you the chiefe commaunder of the reare enjoyne the other reare commanders every man to haue an eye to those vnder him , that they doe theire duties . and let them sharply threaten the negligent , and in case any man treasonably forsake his place , punish him with death . for it is the worke of commanders both with word , and deed , to encourage those , they command , & to make the cowards more afraide of them , then of the enemy . this is your charge , but you euphratas , that command over the engines , see that the beasts , that drawe the engines , and turrets , followe the phalange as neere , as may bee . and you daouchus , that haue the charge of the baggage , come with your manye next after the turrets , and let your serieants seuerely punish them , that hast to much before or come to slowly after . and you carduchus , that rule the wagons , wherein the women are , order them next the baggage . for all these , comming in the reare , will both breede an opinion of multitude , and giue vs meanes to lay an ambush , and will force the enemy , purposing to encompasse vs , to fetche a larger compasse ; which the larger it is , soe much the weaker must hee be . and you artabasus , and artagersas , each of you leade next after these , the . foote you commande a piece . and you phranuchus , and asiadatas , order the chiliarchies of horse you commande not with the phalange , but set them by themselues a part behind the wagons ; and when you haue done it , repaire to vs with the rest of the commanders . but you are to bee in a readinesse ; as if you were first to fight . and you the commanders of the camel-riders place your selues after the wagons , and doe what artagersas shall bidde you . and you the commanders of the chariots , after lotts are cast , let him , whose lotte it is , range himself , and his . charriots , before the phalange ; the other two hundred , one of them is to follow , the phalange on the right side , wing-wise , the other on the left . so farre cyrus . i haue rehearsed the words at large , principally to shewe that the light-armed in ancient time were placed sometimes behinde the phalange ; and yet further also , to represent the manner of embattailing an armie , which was then vsuall . for heere haue you set downe the place of the myriarches , & of the other commaunders , which was in front , then the place of the pikes , of the light-armed , of the reare commanders , of the engines , of the baggage , of the wagons , wherein the women were , of the gards for the baggage , both horse , and foote , of the camels , and of the chariots . and albeit many of these particulers agree not with our manner at this day ( for wee haue neither engines , nor camels , nor chariotts , nor slings , nor darts , nor arrowes ) yet is the reason of warre alike in all , and in our placing also the fitnesse of seruice principally to bee respected . the place of the horse is heere omitted by a xenophon , which may be supplied out of the seventh booke , where chrysanthas generall of the horse is saide to stand on the right wing of the phalange with half the horse , hystaspas on the left with the other half . but to returne to the placing of the light-armed , the same b xenophon testifieth , that it was the aegyptian manner to order theire light-armed behinde , & that in the battaile betwixt cyrus , and craesus , the aegyptian archers , and darters , were with drawne swords compelled by the reare-commanders to shoote , and east theire darts . c thrasybulus in his fight against the thirty tyrants set his armed in front , and in the reare his targetiers , and darters , without armor , and those that cast stones . and it seemeth by the words of d thrasybulus to his owne side . that the tyrants did the like ; the tyrants , saith hee , haue brought vs to a place , in which by reason of the steepnesse they must ascend , and can neither cast stone , nor dart , over the heads of theire owne people , that are embattailed before . where wee contrarywise , whether wee throwe jauelins , or darts , or stones , shall easily reache , & wound many of them . the stones and darts of the light-armed were to flye over the front of the battaile , and that could not bee vnlesse the light-armed were placed behinde ; i will adde one example onely out of plutarch to shew the seruice of the light-armed in the reare . a plutarch discoursing of the battaile fought betwixt sylla , and archelaus , the generall of mithridates , at cheronaea , hath thus : afterwards the foote forces came to joyne , the barbarians holding out , and charging theire long pikes , and endevouring with locking theire targetts close together , to mainteine the order , and closenes of their phalange : the romans on the other side , casting away their darts , and drawing their swordes : putte by the enemies pikes in choler , to the end they might come quickly vp to them . for they espied , opposed against them in front . of the enemies slaues , that were en●ranchised by proclamation of the kinges generalls : & enrolled emongest the armed . and when the roman armed coulde hardly breake them , by reason of theire depth , and fast knitting together ; and of theire bouldnes in daring ( contrary to the nature of slaues ) to abide the danger of the encounter , the arrowes , and darts cast in aboundance from the reare , made them shewe their backs , and fall in a route . wee finde heere , that the light-armed from the reare effected that , which the armed could not . these slaues endured the shocke , and could not bee broken by the armed , and yet were defeated with arrowes , and darts , from the reare : nowe for the distance that should bee betwixt the bodies of the light-armed , and betwixt them , and the reare of the armed , aelian saith nothing : i make noe doubt , but there ought to bee as great ( if not greater ) as in the sections of the armed . for wee must vnderstand , that the sections , that served to sever the phalangarchies one from another , must runne through the light-armed in depth to the reare . and by them are the epixenagies to bee devided a sunder , as the phalangarchies are : with epixenagies answer the phalangarchies for number of files , albeit not in number of men . likewise there ought to bee , a greater space in ranke , and file , then the armed had ▪ for the handling of missiue weapons , require more liberty of place , then the managing of a pike or sworde . a dart can not bee sent for ciblie without running two , or three , steppes in the delivery of it . a sling being throwne , and circled about the head , before the stone , or bullet , can bee forced out to any purpose , will not suffer a neere stander by . in bowes , and arrowes , is the like reason , if they be vsed as they ought . besides the light-armed , in their fight are tied to noe certainty of order , or grounde , but fight dispersedly : soe that the more grounde they haue , the fitter they are for seruice . in which respect a large intervall croswise betwixt the armed , and them , should serue to purpose it having liberty for their motion forward , and backward , as occasion should require . and behinde thē the horse : ] i haue not read in any greek historye , that the horse-men in a sett battell , haue beene ranged behinde the light-armed . the vsuall manner was to place them in the b wings soe did alexander before he passed the river c granicus : soe d at issos , soe at e gangamela : soe did f antigonus , against eumenes , and eumenes against antigonus : soe g ptolomeus against demetrius , and demetrius against ptolomeus : and in brief all the macedonians , and the graecians , before the macedonians were accounted of for matter of armes : vnlesse some speciall cause moved an alteracion . and , as i shewed out of xenophon , before all theire times . h cyrus albeit , hee set the light armed in the reare , notwithstanding hee beestowed the horse in the wings : alexander having passed the river ister as long as hee marched in the corne lande , placed his horse behinde his phalange , when hee entred the champeigne , hee sett them on the right wing : and lastly cast his phalange in to a plaesium : and ordered his horse before . in the corne-land , they followed ( for feare of an ambushe ) in the champian they marched on the right wing , because on the left , the phalange was secured by the river ; before the plae● sium , that , being over-layde with the multitude of the enimye , they might haue a sure retreate to the foote . a the same alexander , when hee was to fight the battaile of issos with darius , as long as hee was in the streights , marshalled his horse after his foote . but in marching forward , comming to open ground , when he might giue full length to his phalange , hee placed his horse on both the wings . but the reason of setting them behinde-was in the streightnes of the place : and hee being incerteine how neere the enemye lay , was loathe to put them to hasard , before they had liberty of grounde to order themselues , and might haue assistance of the foote . for otherwise it was an ordinarie matter in marching ( as it is the manner also at this day ) to dispose the horse half behinde , and half before . i will content my self with one example . when b agesilaus retourning out of asia , passed through thessalie , the thessalians , allies of the thebans , followed him , and sought to endammage his armie to theire vttermost . hee had before disposed his march into a plaesium , with the horse half in front , and half behinde , nowe when the thessalians ceased not to molest him , by falling vpon his reare , hee sent to the reare all the horse of the vantgarde , excepting those , that attended his person . either party prepared them selues to fight . the thessalians holding it not sure with horse alone to incounter armed foote : turning about their faces , began leasurely to retire , and the lacedaemonians slowly to followe , agesilaus , perceaving the errour of both , sent the best of his horse , that were about him , commanding them to signifie to the rest , that they together should goe , and charge the thessalians with all speede , and giue noe respite to them , to turne their faces . the thessalians contrary to their expectation being hottly charged , some fled , other some turned about towards the enimy , other some indevouring to turne , were surprised by theire enemies , that by that time were come vp to theire flancke . nowe for the reason of aelians placing the horse in the reare , i haue noe more to say , then , that from thence they might bee soone drawen to all places , front , flanke , or wheresoever the enemy is like to distresse vs. for it hath beene the forecast , of all generals to fashion their battails according to the figure the enemy hath before chosen . examples are so plentifull , i neede not alleage many . onely i will remember one latine story of placing horse in the reare . l. lentulus , and l. manlius acidinus in spaine being to fight with the illergetes , and ansetans , and other spaniards , that had revolted from the romans ; in this very kinde of placing horse in the reare imitated , and gotte the advantage of , and defeated theire enemies . c livy hath the story , and writes thus in effect : the next day at the rising of the sonne the spaniardes being all armed , and set in order , shewed theire battail , about a mile from the roman campe . the ansetans were in the middest the illergetes held the right winge , other obscure people of spaine the left : betwixt the wings , and the middle parte , they left broade intervalls , to giue passage to theire horse : ( when time should bee ) to send them through to charge . the romans embattailed after theire wonted manner , onely then imitated the enemy , in leaving open waies , for the horse betwixt the legions . lentulus imagining that partye , and none other , should haue vse of theire horse , that first possessed these intervalls of the adverse battaile , commaunded cornelius the tribune to giue direction to the horsemen , presently to charge through ▪ the foote on both sides came to blowes , and the fight was hard , when the roman horsemen passing through the spaces , and falling vpon the middest of theire enemies at once disordered the battaile of foote and shut ●p the wayes against the spanish horse ; by which meanes , after noe long fight , the enemy was vtterly defeated . where livy saith the romans embattailed after theire wonted manner , his meaning is they ordered them selues in maniples , or battallions , as wee now terme them ( for that was theire woont . ) but when hee addeth , they imitated the enemy in leaving open waies for the horse , betwixt the legions . wee must vnderstand that a legion was thus embattailed : a first they divided theire legion in to thirty maniples , ten of the hastati : ten of the principes , and ten of the triarij . the ten maniples of the hastati , they set first in an even front , leaving soe much distance , or voide grounde betwixt every maniple , as a maniple it self tooke vp in standing . at a reasonable space behinde , were the principes placed in as many maniples : but soe that theire maniples stoode directly behinde the voide spaces of the hastati . and against the bodies of the hastati , they left likewise spaces in the principes to the end . the hastati being overlaid , might retire within those spaces : or else themselues might advance against the enemy , through the intervalls of the hastati . lastly at a larger distance behinde these were the triarij set , and divided with spaces betwixt euery maniple , which spaces were great enough to receaue the principes , in case they retired also . now the horse being ordered in the reare after the triarij , if from thence , they had gon to charge the enemies front , through the spaces of the triarij , they must of necessity , haue fallen vpon the maniples of the principes whoe were set directly against the intervalls or spaces . to giue therefore free passage to theire horse , the roman generals removed the maniples of the principes from theire ordinarie place , and bestowed them , in a right line , after the maniples of the hastati , and made an open lane , ( as it were ) from the reare of theire battell to the front . so that nothing hindred the horse , but they might freely fly vp to , and fall vppon the enemies front . and yet i take not aelians meaning , to be , that the horse set in the reare , should during the time of the fight still remaine there . for soe would noe great service bee had of them . but hee placed them there the rather to avoyde confusion in ordering the foote . and that after theire embatteling , they might bee led from thence to any place , front , or flanke , or wheresoever they might yeeld most vse . for in the fifteenth and twentith chapter , he would haue both light-armed , and horse soe placed , that they might answer all attempts of the enemy . and in his caution following , hee saith , if occasion require both horse and light-armed , may bee otherwise placed . that they were vsually placed in the wings , i haue before shewed . the examples declare they were placed in the reare sometimes : of placing in the front there are also examples . b the lacedaemonians at the battaile of leuctra against the thebans placed theire horse before their phalange , and tried their fortune with ●hem , and were beaten , before the foote ioyned : c the persians at the river granicus , esteeming theire horse to bee theire chiefest strength , opposed them vpon the bancks against alexander , that was to passe over , and embattailled their foote behinde the horse . and alexander encountered them first with his horse , before his foote could get over : one example more i will adde to shewe the reason , why horse are sometimes placed before the front of the phalange of foote . d eumenes being to fight against craterus and neoptolemus , both greate generalls , that had served vnder alexander in all his warrs , ordered the fight thus : because hee vnder-stood , that theire army confisted of twenty thowsand foote , the most parte macedonians renowmed for theire valour , and skill in fight ( in whom they set theire greatest trust ) and of more then two thowsand horse ; and knewe his owne foote , albeit they were as many in number , yet all to bee ramasses of diuerse kinds of people , and that his owne horse were fiue thowsand , with exceeded the enimy both in number , and valor , hee determined to hasard the battaile vpon his horse , before the two phalanges of foote should come together : advancing therefore with his horse farre before his foote , hee tooke the right wing himselfe , and gaue the left to two strangers , to pharnabarus a persian the sonne of artabazus ; and to phenix a tenedian : craterus stood in the right wing of his owne horse , and placed neoptolemus on the left . and seeing the enemies horse comming forward , with greate fury charged them first , and fought brauely . but his horse failing vnder him , hee fell to grounde , and it being not knowne , whoe hee was by reason of the medly , and throng of those , that gaue backe , and fled , hee was trampled vnder foote , and ended his life after a strange manner . by his death the enemy tooke courage , and encompassing theire adversaries on all sides , made a great slaughter , and the right wing , after this manner , with might overpressed , and put to the worst , was faine to fly for succour to the phalange of foote . in the left winge neoptolemus stoode directly against eumenes , and the mutuall sight of eche bredde a greate emulation betwixt the generalls , and a fervent desire to come to hands . and being easely knowne , both by theire horse , and other marks , they flewe one vpon another ; and out of theire single fight made away to a consequent victorie . and first they assailed one another with swords , and after fell into an vnlooked for , and wonderfull monomachy , for being transported with anger , and mutuall hatred , quitting the raines of theire bridles , with theire left hands they eache seazed , and tooke hold vpon the body of other , which hapening , and the horse continuing theire careare , and springing from vnder them , they both fell to the grounde , neither of them could wel arise by reason of the suddaine , & violent fall , and of the heavines of theire armor . yet eumenes got vp first , and prevented neoptolemus , stricking him on the ham . the wounde was wide , and his strength of footing thereby failed , & soe lay as one , that had noe vse of his legge , being not able to raise himself because of the hurt : notwithstanding , courage over coming the weaknes of his body , hee lift vp himselfe vpon his knees , and hurt his adversarie in the arme , and thighes , giving him three wounds . but none of the wounds were mortall , and they being yet warme , eumenes with a second blowe hitting his necke , slewe neoptolemus outright . whilest these things were a doing the rest of the horse fell together . many were slaine on either side : some therefore falling , other being wounded , at the first the daunger was equall . afterward , when the death of neoptolemus was openly knowne , and that the other wing was put to flight , euery one shifted for himselfe , & made towards the phalange of foote , as to a strong wall of defence to saue himselfe . this was the issue of the battaile . wherein eumenes , placing his horse before his foote , because hee held them his strength , and with the trieng the hazard of the day , shewed himself , both in councell , and action , a greate generall . and craterus on the contrary side , albeit highly esteemed emongest the macedonians , as one , that had with great sufficiency served alexander in all his warres , yet failed in iudgment , in that hee chose rather with his horse to encounter the stronger parte of his enimies forces , then with his macedonian pholange ( which eumenes himself feared ) to trie his fortune . for as it is a pointe of forecast to knowe a mans owne advantage , and vse it : soe it is noe lesse iudgement , to knowe wherein the enimye is stronger , and avoyde yt . eumenes did both ; for hee vsed his owne horse , which were his strength , and brought to passe , that craterus his phalange did him noe good , in as much as they never came to fight . craterus failed in both , in that hee neither brought his phalange to fight , nor yet provided sufficientlie to encounter eumenes horse ; which exceeded his in valour , and number ; so appeares both , that horse were placed before the front of the foote ; and also the storie giues the reason , why they were placed there . of the number of the armed foote , of the light-armed , and of the horse . chap. viii . now are wee to lay out , what number the armed-foote , the light-armed , and the horse ought to bee , and how particulerly ordered , and how vpon occasion the battaile may speedely be transformed into divers shapes , & formes , and what discipline vsed for the motion of the severall parts of it . wee cannot with any probabilitie set downe a precise number of forces to be levyed . for as much as euery man is to proportion his levie according to the importance and qualitie of the warre in hand . this yet must not escape vs , that such a number is to bee chosen , as will fitt the divers shapes , and transmutations of our troopes . as if in case wee were to double , or to multiply , and manifoldly enlarge the length of the phalange , or els to lessen , and drawe it vp into a narrower roome . for this cause choice is made of a number , that may be , reparted into half continually , till you come to one . hence is it , that most tactick writers would haue a phalange to consist of sixteen thousand , three hundred , eightie , and foure armed foote , and of half so many light-armed , and of half as many horse , as light-armed . for . may bee reparted continually into half , till you come to one . therefore for proofe , and examples sake this numbers is admitted . and where wee haue allotted sixteen men to every file , the whole masse will arise to one thousand , twenty , and foure files . notes . the chapter before spake of the parts and dimension , of the phalange , and of the place of the armed , the horse , and light-armed . this treateth of the number that goeth to the phalange . in choise of which number , aelian saith consideration is not soe much to bee had of multitude , as of fitnes for service . for such a number as cannot aptly bee disposed of for fight , is rather meanes of confusion , then of order without which noe fight can be mainteyned : therefore such a number is to bee chosen as will serue . the diverse shapes , and transmutations of our battaile ] euery motion in the battaile makes not a transmutation , or diversitie of shape . in turning of faces to the one hand or other there is noe other shape of the phalange , then was at first : as a man turning his face any way , the same proportion of lineaments remaines that was in him before , soe likewise in countermarch or wheeling after the countermarche , or wheling is done , every souldier if he keep his right distance , and remaine in file and ranke , hath the place hee had before : and soe noe transfiguration of length or of depth followeth . the motion then , that aelian meanes to make transmutation , are doublinges : for whether you enlarge the length , or depth , of your phalange ; you straight induce another shape . a long fronted phalange , and a herse differ much in forme . if you will make of the ordinarie phalange a herse , you are to double your files soe often , as your thinke convenient for the length of your herse . then if from the herse , your would returne it to the first forme , you are not to cease doubling ranks , till you haue gained that forme : likewise if of your ordinarie phalange , you would make a long fronted phalange , your rankes are to bee doubled , and by continuing your doublinge , you may drawe out what length you will. and contrarywise , by due doubling your files againe , you come to the first forme : how much you double your ranks , soe much you take away from the depth of your phalange ; as on the other side , doubling of your files , diminisheth the length . for the purpose , your phalange is sixteen deep , double your ranks ; the depth hath but eight men ; double it once more , and it hath but foure . soe is the phalange consisting of foure ranks , & euery ranke , hath foure thousand , and ninty six men in it : but the length is foure times as much as it was . in like manner doubling your files ( which in aelians phalange are a thousand , and twenty foure ) the first doubling loseth fiue hundred , and twelue files and soe many remayne ; the second seven hundred , and sixty eight , and two hundred fifty six remaine ; and soe many men haue you in a ranke . but where the phalange was but sixteen deepe , nowe in the second doubling it is become sixty foure deep : if you please to reduce it to the first forme , two doublings of ranks will suffice . heere wee must vnderstand that doubling ranks , is not to make twice soe many as they were before , but to giue twice so many men , to every ranke , as they had before by insertinge the even ranks into the odde ; as the second into the first , and the fourth into the third , and the sixt into the fiuth , and the eight into the seventh , &c. the vse of doubling i will shewe in my notes vpon the twenty nine chapter of this booke . aelian therefore would haue his phalange , of such a number as may bee reparted continually into halfe , till you come to one ; which number hee saith to bee sixteen thousand three hundred , and eighty foure . and yt ariseth out of the multiplication of one by two soe still doubling the product , till you haue made vp the full number , of sixteen thousand , three hundred , and eighty foure . and as the multiplication by two begetts this number , soe it being divided by two continually , it may bee reduced at last to one : which is the thing , that aelian aymes at . for the numbers , that haue not equall division by half , leaue some supernumerary men in the phalange : ( which ) in doubling will disorder both files , and ranks : every man acquainted with the lowe countrie militarie exercise at this day , knoweth , that when there is an vneven number of files , the odde file supernumerary brings a difference , and cannot bee doubled in the sort as the rest are : as in fiue , seven , nine , eleuen , severall bodies of files . two , six , eight , ten , may well bee doubled , and become two , three , foure , fiue files a piece : but the fifth , seventh , ninth , eleventh , must bee severed from the rest of the doubled files ; and serue to noe purpose , being not matcheable in depth with the rest after theire doubling . the same reason is of ranks : now when aelian saith , that this number in a phalange may bee devided by half and reduced at last to one , wee must with all vnderstand , that the file of the phalange in such division , ought to be either of eight , or sixteen men a piece . for noe number vnder eight , except foure , or two ( which fitte not the depth , of a phalange ) nor betwixt eight , and sixteen , is divisible by half , till you come to one . noe nor aboue sixteen except it bee produced out of the duplications of sixteen . a file of . comes nearest . and of that number was the file of cyrus in xenophon . such a file notwithstanding by diuision of two staies at three , and can descend noe lower . ten was the old file of the graecians , and it was called a decas . and albeit after ward vpon better consideracion they enlarged the number of the file to twelue , yet they reteined the name of decas still . but ten receiveth but one diuision , and goeth downe ward noe further then fiue . the vneven numbers vnder sixteen cannot bee divided at all . vnles by fraction . as thirteen , which if you will divide by halfe , the quotient will bee six , and there remaineth an odde man over : of which number , if all the files of the phalange should bee , you should haue a thousand , two hundred , and sixty , which will receiue noe more , then two doublings without a fraction . if then the files be aboue sixteen , and vnder thirty two , you cannot divide them continually by half , but you must saile of the manner , that aelian speaks of . as for the number of sixteen thousand , three hundred , and eighty foure , albeit of it self , it is diuisible by two till you com● or discend to , yet we must not consider it apart , as an abstract by it selfe , but as it numbreth , and is applied to the phalange . in which respect , it giueth a files of deepe , which files will still hold out the doubling , till you come to one file . a phalange to consist of . ] aelian ( out of the most tactick writers as he professeth ) will haue the phalange of sixteene thousand , three hundred , eighty and foure men . i haue noted before that a phalange may be more , or lesse , than this number . but i take this to be the number of the macedonian phalange . a appian seemes to testifie with me , thus he saith : antiochus whole army consisted of men . of which the chiefest strength was the phalange of macedonians , conteining men , ordered according to the forme , that philip and alexander had before vsed . he placed them in the middle , diuiding the , into equall parts , in euery of which parts was men in front , and in depth , and vpon the flanks of euery part the shew of the phalange was like a wall , of the elephants like turretts : hitherto appian . i haue translated he phalanx , he macedonon according to the word , the phalange of the macedonians , where the right meaning is , the macedonian phalange . for it consisted not of macedonians , but was armed , and ordered , after the macedonian manner . for how was it possible for antiochus to wage , and haue in his seruice macedonians , being neuer himselfe king of macedonia , and the king , that then was ( namely philip the sonne of demetrius ) was his enemy , and in league with the romans ? besides appian hath in expresse words : the phalange was armed , and ordered , according to the institution of philip and alexander : whose manner antiochus mought well reteine , considering he was lineally descended from seleucus , the successor of alexander in the kingdome of assiria : and seleucus had beene in the seruice of alexander in the whole conquest of persia. b liuy saith also , they were armed after the macedonian manner . whereby a man may inferre , they were no macedonians : hee speaking of the same battaile ( which was the battell of antiochus against l. scipio ) hath thus : the kings army was mingled of sundry nations , and diuers with dissimilitude of armes and aides . there were foote armed after the manner of the macedonians . they were called phalangites . this was the middle of the battell , and in front diuided into parts , which parts were distinguished by placing . elephants in each intervall . the battell had rancks in depth . it was the principall strength of the kings forces , and both with the other shew , and also with the elephants , which were eminent amongst the armed only , brought with it great terror . liuy saith the were armed after the macedonian manner , and were called phalangites ; appian , that there were ordered , and distributed according to the ordinance of philip and alexander . liuy , and appian , both agree , that there was parts , and euery part seuered with intervalls , and had men in depth , which is the macedonian file once doubled . livy speaketh not of the number of the length of the phalange . appian saith plainely there were in front , of euery of the parts , which amounts to : for times makes . now if you multiply the length of the phalange which is by the depth , which is , you haue the , whereof liuy and appian spake . but yet resteth a doubt , in the difference betwixt both these authors , and aelian . livy , and appian , both giuing but : aelian to the macedonian phalange . for livy , we are not much to insist vpon him , who being a roman ( we may probably coniecture ) was halfe a stranger , in the art tacticke of the graecians , and that , which he wrote , he had from others ; perhaps no better skilled in the same art than himselfe . appian was a graecian ( for so those of alexandria in aegipt accounted themselues , after ptolomy the first had established that crowne in his family ) and as his historie sheweth , well acquainted with the order the graecians held in embatteling their armies , and therefore we may the better rely vpon his authoritie . who albeit hee first affirmed the phalange was of the number of , yet after in numbring the depth and length alone , he findeth : and further expounding his owne meaning he sheweth , there were more vpon the flanks of the ten parts , into which the phalange was diuided . his words import : that antiochus diuided his phalange into equall parts , giuing euery part in front men , in depth ; which being multipliea together , make vp the . he addeth ; and in the flanke of euery part he set . if the meaning be , he set vpon each flanke of euery part , the parts being , and the flanks , the number will arise to , where aelian alloweth no more than . but if were added to one of the flanks of each diuision , which also being collectiuely taken are flanks in the plurall number , we shall come short and finde no more than . yet whether sense of both you admit , it is plaine , that appian attributeth more , than thousand , to that macedonian phalange . and it may be , there is an error in the number of the , and that it ought to be written . for if antiochus had giuen , as he gaue , to one flanke of euery part , and set vpon the vttermost flanks of euery winge to strengthen them , of the times had arisen the iust number of aelians phalange ; which number is the fittest , for vse , and for diuision of the phalange in all doublings . the armed foote then , according to aelian , ought to be , . the light armed . halfe so many ] the armed amongst the graecians , were accounted the strength of the field , which was the cause their number was greatest . for you shall not finde in their battailes for the most part , that the light armed amounted to halfe the number of the armed : the fact of cyrus sheweth what account he made of light armed : a xenophon reporteth it thus : he led with him the lydians , those whom he saw to take delight in armes , horse , and chariots , and willingly doe , what they were commanded , he gaue armes to , of those whom he saw followed him against their wils , he gaue the horses to the persians , that were his first companions in armes . all that followed him vnarmed , he exercised to the sling , because he reckoned that weapon most seruile of all others . how much you increase the number of the light armed , so much you diminish the number of the armed , and by consequent so much weaken your field . b for the light cannot maintaine any stable fight , but in case of danger they are forced either to shew a faire paire of heeles , or else retire to the armed for succor : yet serue they for many vses ioyned with the armed . and the proportiō that aelian setteth downe , namely to haue halfe as many of them , as there are armed , standeth to good reason , & vse . the romans notwithstanding , were more sparing in their light armed , & allowed not aboue the th part of them , or litle more , to the armed . the legion conteined ( saith c polybius ) footmen . of these they chose triarians , hastati , principes , ( which come to ) and the rest velites , which were . and the velites were the same in effect amongst the romans , that the light armed amongst the graecians , albeit their arming somewhat differed . aelian before shewed , that the graecian light armed had no manner of defensiue armour , but offensiue only , as bowes , darts , or stones . d polybius describeth the armes of the velites to be a sword , a parma , ( which is a small target , ) and darts ; the sword a spanish sword , the target a litle round target , a foote and a halfe ( for so casaubon correcteth tripedon ) in breadth ; the darts in the steale foote long , and a finger thicke , and the head almost a foote long . and e livy mentioning the skirmishes , that fell out betwixt the horsemen of king philip of macedonia , and sulpitius the roman consul , compareth both th●ir armies together , telling that either party had their light armed ioyned to their horse , and that comming to fight , the romans had the better . so ( saith he ) neither the kings horse , vnaccustomed to a stedfast fight , were able to match the roman horse , nor yet the foote skipping and leaping here and there , and almost halfe naked in their kinde of armes , to be compared to the roman veles , hauing a target , and a sword , and being armed sufficiently both to defend himselfe , and assaile his enemy . the number then of aelians light armed , ought to be , and these being ranged behinde the armed deepe ( so they are fittest for seruice ) will make files , as many as the armed did . halte as many horse , as &c. ] the horse are in number , and proportioned to the foote ( comprehending the light-armed ) as . to . the armed foot , and light armed together make : the horse . and this was a alexanders proportion , when he moued first against darius . for he had about foote , and horse , or not many more , as diodorus saith . b iustin giues him foote , horse . yet this number held not alwaies amongst the macedonians themselues ; i meane alexanders captaines , that possessed his kingdomes after his death . the reason may be , that in ciuill warres they made their levies , not as they would , but as they could . c in the battaile betwixt eumenes , and craterus , ( i spake of that battell before ) craterus had ● foote , & horse ; eumenes had foote , & horse . craterus the proportion of . to ; eumenes of ● ▪ to . d antigonus fighting against eumenes in cappadocia , had in his army aboue foote , and horse ; eumenes had as before . antigonus horse were to the foote , as . to . e the same antigonus fighting against alcetas , the brother of perdiccas , had in his army foote , and more than horse ; the proportion well nigh of . to ; alcetas had no more than foote , and horse , failing much of aelians number . f antigonus in his second battell against eumenes , had footmen , and horse , which is . to . and halfe ; eumenes had foote , and horse , very neare aelians proportion . many other examples are to be read in diodorus . but ( as i said ) these are ramasses proceeding not of choise , but of necessitie , which forced them to take such , as came to hand ; as it alwaies falleth out in soddaine leuies . and it seemeth the number of horse ( allowed to the foote by aelian ) was king philips proportion ; considering alexander vsed it g after he receiued his armie from philip , who by praemeditation , and fore-choice , had gathered it together with intent to invade persia. and yet finde h that philip himselfe , when he fought against the athenians and beotians at cheronea , had more than joote , and horse ; which is . to : and in diuers other fights differed from aelian in the number both of horse , and foote . but the question is not , what was done , but was best to be done . and the number that aelian speaketh of , suites his phalange best . for philips device being to cast the horse into wedges of horse a peece , and into troupes ; the greatest ranke of ech wedge being , will in the reare equall the front of the armed , and of the light armed ; not in number of files ( for the files of the foote were . and the greatest ranke of the horse , no more than ) but in quantitie of place giuing to the horse , standing in their order of foote betwixt man & man , the cubits of surplusage toward the difference of the horses bodies , and toward the small spaces that are to be left , betwixt troope , and troope . i the romans allowed a farre lesse rate of horse to the foote . in a legion , according to polybius his account , there were of citizens foote , and horse ; of allies , and confederates foote , and horse . in a consular army were legions of citizens , and of allies , which came to , a number not much differing from aelians phalange of foote . of horse , allies ; in all making ; which commeth much short of , ( the number aelian alloweth to his phalange ) and holdeth proportion of about . to . the reason of this difference , may appeare in the fact of k eumenes ; who not much trusting his forces of foote against the macedonians ( accounted the best souldiers of that age , ) prepared himselfe a sufficient number of horse with them to make a counterballance against the macedonian foote . and it hath beene the manner of generalls of ancient time , if they trusted their foote-forces , to make the lesse account of horse : if they distrusted them ; to encrease the number of their horse . the romanes trusting to their foote , required the lesser number of horse . the grecians had the greater number of horse , both for the cause before recited , and further because they had continuall warre with barbarians , that placed their confidence in horse ; as the persians , and the inhabitants of the lesser asia . the names of the seuerall parts , and of the commanders of the seuerall parts of the phalange , and of the numbers vnder their commaunds . chap. ix . the files are ordered into bodies , which haue euery one a proper name . for two files they call a dilochie of thirtie two men , whose leader is tearmed dilochita . foure files a tetrarchy , and the leader thereof tetrarcha hauing charge ouer . men . two tetrarchies a taxis of . men , and . files , and the leader thereof hath the name of taxiarcha . two taxies goe to a syntagma of . files , and . men ; and the leader thereof is called syntagmatarcha . a syntagma of . men is called of some a xenagy , and the commaunder xenagos . in euery syntagma of . are fiue superordinary men , viz : an ensigne , a reare commaunder , a trompetter , a sergeant , and a crier . this syntagma seemeth to haue a tetragonall forme of . men in length , and . in depth . two syntagmaes make a pentecosiarchy of . men , and . files , the leader whereof is named pentecosiarcha . two pentecosiarchies make a chiliarchy of . men , and files : and the leader is called chiliarcha . two chiliarchies are called a merarchy of . men , and . files , whose leader is named merarcha . of some this part is called a telos , and the leader thereof telarcha . two telarchies make a phaiangarchy of . men , and . files , the commander whereof is called phalangarcha . yet some call it a strategy , and the commander strategos . two phalangarchies a diphalangarchy of . men , and . files . there are that tearme this part meros and it is one of the wings . two diphalangarchies make a fourfold phalange consisting of . files , and . men . so haue you in the whole phalange of armed foote two wings , foure phalangarchies , eight merarchies , sixteen chiliarchies , thirty two pentecosiarchies , sixtie foure syntagmatarchies , one hundred twentie eight taxiarchies , two hundred fiftie six tetrarchies , fiue hundred twelue dilochies , one thousand twenty foure files . notes . hether to haue beene shewed , the manner of arming , and leuying of souldiers , filing , and the parts of files , ioyning of files , and ranking , the locall forme , and parts of a phalange , the number of the armed , light-armed , and horse-men requisite to a phalange . this chapter containes , as it were , the matter , of which a phalange is compounded ; that is the seuerall bodies militarie , ordred , and ioyned together , to make vp the perfect forme of it . these bodies are many , and arise ou● of ioyning files by doubling cap. . a pentecostarchy of files men dilochites . tetrarch's . taxiarch's . syntagmatarch's . petecosiarch's . cap. . a phalangarehy of files men cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of files men . cap. . the reare a dilochy of files men dilodnte of commdnder of files a tetrarchy of files men a tetrarch or commander of files a taxis of files· ·men a taxiarch or commander of files a syntagma of files· ·men the rear commander of bringervp a syntagmatarch or commander of files a sericani still their number , and haue euery one a seuerall commander . the least is two files ioyned together , which is called a dilochy ; and because there are in phalange . files , there must also bee . dilochies , which consist of two files a peece . if you double this body of two files , and make thereof a body of foure files , it hath an other name , and is called a tetrarchy , of which tetrarchyes there are . in a phalange . double againe these . files , and make , the body is called taxis . and these eight files , being doubled bring out the syntagma of . files ; which is a square number of men , . in the front , and . in the flancke . and so proceeding still in . doublings more , you come at last to the fourefold phalange containing the number of . men , and . files . now as in the phalange there are . bodies out of these doublings , the dilochy being the first , and the fourefold phalange the last : so doth aelian , appoint for euery body a commander , who albeit they seuerally command , each his owne troupe , yet are they subordinately one vnder an other , the lesser vnder the greater , till at last the souerainty of the command rest in the generall of the army . a the dilochites are directed by the tetrarches , the tetrarches by the taxiarches , the taxiarches by the syntagmatarchs , the syntagmatarches by the pentecosiarches , and they by the chiliarchs , ouer whom are merarches , and ouer the merarches the phalangarchs , and ouer them the commanders of the winges , or diphalangarches , and the soueraigne of the armie or generall is the highest , and last . the number of these commanders a man would think were to no great purpose being in all ( the . diphalangarchies therein comprized ) , besides the file leaders , which standing in the heades of their files , amount but to two men more ; that is to . for so many ( as i haue said ) are the files of the phalange . but if the conueniency be obserued , it will not seeme impertinent . b for all the leaders being in front , ( therefore are they called leaders , because they precede , and the rest follow , ) it makes both a gallant shew , and that rancke being as it were , the edge of our battaile , not only serues to hew a sunder , and rent a pieces the forces of our enemie ; but also standeth as an assured bulwarke of defence before the rest of the armie , that followeth . and it is well noted by c leo , that the multitude of commanders ( in orderly diuisions ) both signifies , that there are many worthy and valiant men in the armie : and is a meanes to keep the souldiers in greater obedience , and to giue vndoubted effect to all directions . of what qualitie and disposition , those leaders ought to be , you may see in the * fourth chapter of leos tactickes . onely i will adde , that as they are higher in dignity , so ought they in vertue and valour exceede those , that are vnder their command . a dilochy ] consists of two files ; for so signifies the word dilochia : and the leader is called a dilochite . a tetrarchy ] of foure files ; and the leader is called a tetrach , one that hath the command of foure files . and here i must once more admonish , that in the words of diuers signification , we must not weigh , what is the proper signification , but how they are vsed in this art , and booke . for the word tetrarch signifieth sometimes a king : as hesychius hath : and d deiotarus in tully is called a tetrarch , and e herode in the gospell ; who both are commonly knowne for kings . thessaly likewise was diuided into . principalities , thessaliotis , pthiotis , pelasgiotis , and astiotis ; whereof euery one was named a tetrarchy . onely the difference is , that a tetrarch being a king , or a gouernour , signifies him , that hath the gouernment of the fourth part of the land , ( for a tetrarchy is the gouernment of the fourth part ) but a tetrarchy in aelian signifies a body military consisting of foure parts ( . files ) and the tetrarch commands not ouer one alone , but ouer all the . parts . a taxis ] as the word tetrarchy is diuersly taken , so is taxis likewise . for sometimes it imports order in a generall signification , as i noted before : sometimes the f order of a battaile : g sometimes a company of any kinde of souldiers , foote , or horse : as taxis peltastarum , taxis equitum ; sometimes a single phalange , as in h arrian mention is made of taxis ooeni , taxis perdiccae , and taxis meleagri &c. who were phalangarches , as the story sheweth . i sometimes for all the armed , as taxis phalangitarum : sometimes a rancke of men standing embattailed , as in thucidides , who discribing the battell of the lacedemonians , saith the front ( which he calleth the first rancke teen proteen taxin ) consisted of . but in a more speciall signification it is taken for a band of souldiers . and in that signification the number varieth . i in xenophon , it comprehendeth a hundred men : what the number of the athenian taxis was , i finde not deliuered by any writer . that they had taxiarchs k polyenus sheweth plainely . and if a man with leaue might gesse , i would imagine their taxis consisted of men : for i finde in the same place of polyenus , that they had chiliarchies , pentecosiarchies , taxies , and lochagies . i haue before shewed , that lochos in xenophon is made sometimes of aboue . men . out of which may be inferred with probability , that taxis , being the next degree aboue the lochagie , hath the double number , or more ; the rather because a chiliarchy hauing in it a . the penticosiarchy must haue . and by likelihood the taxis . as being the next office vnder the pentecosiarchy . but whatsoeuer the taxis of the athenians , or of other people was , aelian maketh his taxis vp with men , and . files ; which is a double number to the tetrarchy . with whom suidas agreeth , giuing . tetrarchies to a taxis : and saith it consists of men . the commander of the taxis is called a taxiarch , as the commander of the tetrarchy is a tetrarch . here i am to note by the way , that the interpreter of xenophon translateth taxiarcha , the commander of a cohort ; wher 's taxis in the straighter signification cannot be taken for a cohort because a cohort differeth much in number , hauing in it at the least . and odde men , where the taxis , when it is greatest hath no more then . and l polybius saith plainely , that spira is the greeke word , that fully expresseth the romane cohort . a syntagma ] the word commeth of syntasso , or syntatto , to place together ; and a syntagma is a body compounded of many parts artificially put together . m but it may be taken for anybody in the armie . n diodorus reports of dionysius the elder that after he had diuided his whole armie , ( which had in it ) into three parts , he imployed two against the carthaginian campe in diuers manner : himselfe tooke the syntagma , or third part , which consisted of mercenary souldiers , and led against that quarter of the campe , which had the engins . * aelian also vseth the word diuerslie ; for he calles the whole armie by the name of syntagmata , in the plurall number , and sometimes syntagma in the singular . and further giues the same name to a file ; o suidas likewise discribing the length of a phalange , saith , it is the first rancke ( syntagma ) of file leaders , which stretcheth forth in a right line from winge to winge . whereby appeareth that which the logitians affirme , ( which i touched before ) that there are more things then names of things : and that fit names cannot be giuen to all . the names that haue beene giuen by antiquity , to expresse the seuerall bodies of the phalange , are to be reteined by vs , as proper enough to signifie the thing they meant . neither are we to vary from them , vnlesse we our selues can inuent better . the syntagma that aelian here mentioneth , is framed of two taxies , that is of . files , & of men . the commander of it is named a syntagmatarch . and where he addeth , it is called of some a xenagy , we are to vnderstand that p xenagos was he ( amongst the grecians ) that had the command of a band of strangers , ( as he that leuied strangers was called q xenologos ) and the band it selfe was called a xenagy . why the syntagma should haue the appellation of xenagy , i cannot diuine ; vnlesse the reason were , because it was about the number , wherof strangers made their companies , that serued amongst the graecians . and i thinke , and shall till better information ; that the body of the light armed called a xenagy mentioned hereafter , had that name likewise for the same reason . now of all the bodies in this chapter mentioned , there is none that commeth so neere the companies vsed at this day , as doth the syntagma , for ( excepting that our numbers differre , and are in diuers places more , or lesse ) the offices of each are alike . you haue in the syntagma a lieutenant , or reare commander ; so in our companies . in the syntagma , is an ensigne , and an ensigne-bearer ; the like in our companies . in a syntagma is one sergeant , our companies haue more . the syntagma had a trumpet , and our companies for the most part haue two drummes . we onely want a crier , which euery syntagma amongst the macedonians had . what the vse and place of all the officers was , i will straight discouer . fiue superordinarie men ; ] namely the ensigne the reare-commander , the trumpetter , the sergeant , and the crier of whom we last spake . that which i translated , superordinary , is in greeke ectactoi . r suidas giues the reason , why they were so called : because saith he , they were not numbred as part of the battaile , that is ordered in files & ranckes . s as xenophon saith of miriarches , chiliarches , and taxiarches , & other commanders ( whom cyrus called to him ) that they were not recounted amongst the militarie numbers , and might depart from the phalange without altering the forme thereof . in the files they could not be , because they should so increase the number in the files , and make one longer then an other , and hinder doublings , and other motions , besides the deformity , they should bring in , in making the battaile vneuen : and a file of themselues they could not make . the like disorder would they bring in the ranckes , where they could not conueniently stand , vnlesse some body filed with them , being much short of a file of themselues . besides their imployment is to stirre here and there apart , as they are commanded : where they of files , and ranckes neuer moue single , but iointly , as shall seem good to their commander . and albeit these fiue bee remoued from the battaile , yet remaineth the battaile without them entire of it selfe , and in perfect forme , as though there were no neede of them , when notwithstanding their vse is otherwise so needfull that although the battaile may be , it cannot well be without them . an ensigne ] our vse is to call the ensigne-bearer an ensigne for breuities sake ; as a drummer , a drumme , a trumpetter , a trumpet ; and that not absurdly . a distinction will easily appeare in common speech , by the application of words of circumstance to the one , or the other . the end why ensignes were diuised appeareth in . t diodorus siculus ; he giuing diuers reasons , why the aegyptians ( whom he accounted the ancientest of men ) were carried away with superstition of worshipping beasts , after the manner of the countrey , hath amongst other words these in effect : a second cause the aegyptians giue , because of old time being in diuers conflicts thorough disorder in their armie , vanquished by their borderers , they had recourse to the inuention & bearing of ensignes in their troupes . they say therefore , that preparing images of the beasts , they now worshippe , and fastening them to the ends of long staues , the commanders caused them to be borne aloft ; by meanes wherof euery man knew of what troupe he was . and seeing this good order auailed much to victorie , they conceiued , that the beasts were the cause of their safety . in recompence whereof they ordered , that none of these beasts should be killed , but be honoured with religious care and worship . ensignes were then deuised for readines to direct souldiers in particular , whither to resort in time of fight . u caesars practise agreeth hereto : he telling of his owne souldiers disorder hath thus : whatsoeuer part they came into by chance , and to what ensigne soeuer , there they staied , least in seeking their owne they might happily lose the time of fight . and w vegetius enlargeth the cause wruing thus : the ancient warriors perceiuing that in time of fight the order , and embattailing of an armie was quickly brought in route , and confusion , to auoide this inconuenience , diuided the cohorts into companies , and appointed an ensigne of euery company . so that in the ensigne was written , of what cohort and of what number in the cohort the companie was . which the souldier seeing , or reading could not estray from their companions , though the tumult were neuer so great . x leo also maketh this the vse of the ensigne : wee command also , saith he , that the heads of the ensignes of euery company or band be of one colour , and that the silke of euery turme , or drunge , haue a colour by it selfe . and to the end that euery companie may with ease know their owne ensigne , other markes and tokens are to be added to the heads of the ensignes , that according to turmes , and drunges , and companies , they may be knowne . but in any case , let the ensignes of euery turmarchy be different one from an other , & cleare to be discerned , that the souldiers may know them euen at a farre distance . his meaning , as i take it , is , that euery great body , or regiment should beare in their ensignes a seuerall colour , and that the companies of that body should likewise hold themselues to the same colour in their ensignes : so notwithstanding that ( as the vse is at this day ) the ensignes of euery company should haue a seuerall marke to bee knowne by , besides the colour in generall . for so both the regiment may be quickly discerned , and one company with facilitie be distinguished from another . what the forme of the ensigne was , we may out of the former place of diodorus see : the aegyptians , saith he , counterfeating the shape of those beasts , which they worshippe , fastened the portract to the end of long staues . y xenophon testifies the like of the standerd of cyrus . cyrus ( saith he ) commanded his army to cast their eyes vpon the standard , and to follow it with equall pace , and in order . the standard was a golden egle stretcht out vpon the end of a long staffe . which standard is at this day the standard of the kings of persia. the ensigne was nothing else , but the figure of some beast aduanced high vpon the end of a long staffe . as of an egle , of a wolfe , of a horse , and such like ; and sometimes they added peeces of coloured silke fastned vnder these images to make a greater difference betwixt the ensignes . whether our ensignes at this day , made of many ells of taffaty , or the ancient ensignes of the graecians ( i may also adde of the romans , for they obserued the same forme ) are the better for vse , i will not now dispute . i may notwithstanding freely say , that the stronger reason weigheth for the ancient . for besides the authoritie of such excellent wits , as they were , and so exquisite in their inventions , the reason of the lightnes is to be preferred : besides the winde hath no such force ouer them , and they neither hinder the souldiers , that stand next by entangling , nor by flapping in their faces , nor take away the sight of such things as are to be obserued and regarded in the field . for the matter whereof the ensigne was made , z see iustus lipsius in his commentaries to polybius . as for the armour of the ensigne-bearer ( especially the ensigne-bearer of the armed ) i take it ( for i haue no authoritie therein ) that he had the same defenfiue armour , that the souldier which fought vnder the ensigne had ( excepting the target ) both to assure himselfe from the flying weapons of the light armed , and from the pike and sword of the armed , in case the battaile were entred and pierced as farre , as the ensigne . for it was no reason , he should carry a target , lest both his hands should be bound , the right with the ensigne , the left with the target ; and so he haue no vse of either against the enemy . and in the left hand i would giue him a speare , or ●auelin , ( not a pike , which cannot be weilded with one hand ) for his owne defence , and to offend the enemy . which weapon , i haue read ensignes of ancient time did beare . what the ensignes place was , whether in front , or in the middest of the battatle , i see it controverted . f patricius absolutely affirmeth , that the ensignes were placed in the middest of the front , and had files on the right , and on the left , to the end they might be seene , and followed by all . that ensignes were first invented to be a marke of seuerall bodies military in an army , i haue before shewed . but it followeth not thereof , that they were placed in the front in time of fight . for being in the middle , they no lesse gaue notice , what the body was , than in the front . the reason of following is of lesse force ; inasmuch as the souldier well knoweth whom to follow , though he had no ensigne at all , the commander alwaies with his motion giuing him direction , when to advance forward , when to turne his face to the right , or left hand , when to countermarch , when to double , and when to vse all other motions military . and the commanders were therefore called leaders , because they went on before , and the souldiers followed after . so that the ensigne , in regard of following , neede not to be set in the front . g yet in exercising the troupes , and in marches , i finde , that the ensigne was in the front , together with the captaine , crier , trumpeter , and guide . but i take the reason to be , because being in the middest , and hauing neither file , nor ranke with the rest , they might happily bring a confusion , and be a hinderance to the changes , and diuers figures of the battaile . when the time of fight was , the ensigne retired to his place , that is to the middest . for so h leo interpreteth himselfe in his precept of closing files : which must be done , saith he , not onely by file-leaders in front , commanders of fiue , and bringers-vp in the reare , but in the middest also , where the ensigne standeth . and i rather agree to leo herein , because i see , it was the manner of the romans also , to place their ensignes in the middest of their maniples . i from whence came the appellations of antesignani , souldiers that stood before the ensignes , and postsignani , that stood behinde . besides the ensigne being in the front , the ensigne bearer may soone get a clap , who falling the ensigne goeth to ground , and is in danger of loosing , which was the greatest disgrace among the romans , that might befall . lastly , k aelian himselfe in plaine words placeth the cornet of horse farre from the front . for speaking of the ordinarie horse-troupe , he saith it is to consist of horse , the first ranke of horse , the of , the of , the of ; descending still , and diminishing horse in euery ranke , till you come to one . he addeth ; he shall carry the cornet , that standeth in the second ranke next the ranke-commander on the left hand : which ranke is the second ranke , himselfe declareth , making the ranke of the first , the the ; which is the th from the front , and next the reare but one . if the cornet haue no place in front , why should the ensigne , considering both serue to one vse , and the reasons of seeing , and following are equall to both ? and albeit l suidas place the ensigne , the crier , the trompet , and sargeant , before the battaile , the lieutenant in the reare , he is notwithstanding to be vnderstood , of the times of marching , or of exercise , which i noted before . for what should that rable of vnarmed ( being . in euery syntagma , and in the whole phalange . ) doe in the front in the time of fight , but onely pester the chosen of the armie : who therefore haue the front , that they may make speedier way into the enemies battell ? a reare-commander ] was the same that a leutenant is with vs. he commandeth the souldiers in the reare , no lesse then the syntagmatarch in the front , and had his place in the reare . what the duty of a reare-commander was , i haue shewed out of m cyrus words in xenophon . and n aelian afterwards setteth it downe most plainly . he was armed , as the rest of the armed of the syntagma , namely with pike , and target , and with such other armes , as i haue described in my notes vpon the second chapter . a trumpet . ] the invention of the trumpet is attributed to tirrhenus hercules sonne . but the different vse of these officers is worth the noting out of a suidas : the crier , saith he , serueth to deliuer directions by voice , the ensigne by signall , when noise taketh away the hearing of the voice : the trumpet by sound , when thorough thicknes of dust a signall cannot be discerned : the sargeant to bring such things , and dispatch such messages , as his syntagmatarch commands . so that these officers were held all necessary for a company , the one supplying the defect of the other , and seruing for vse when the other failed . the trumpet then was to be vsed according to suidas , when neither the crier , nor ensigne could doe seruice . with the trumpet was the signall giuen for the campe to remoue , for the campe to lodge . by the trumpet the souldiers were taught their time to fight , their time to retreate . the trumpet set and discharged the watch . from the trumpet came the measure of the marche , and the quicknes , and slownes of pace . in briefe , the trumpet did all the offices , that the dromme doth with vs at this day . whether the trumpet or dromme , are of most vse in the field , i may not now dispute . onely i will say that the graecians and romans the most expert and iudicious souldiers , that euer were , held themselues to the trumpet , and neuer vsed the dromme . the dromme was first invented by bacchus , who , as b polyenus reporteth , fighting against the indians , in stead of trumpets , gaue the signall of battaile with cymballs and drommes . from him it came to the indians , who vsed it altogether , as c curtius noteth in the battell betwixt king alexander the great , and porus. the dromme of parthians is described by d plutarch in the life of crassus ; and by e appian . f and leo saith , the saracens , who invaded christendome , and infected the turkes with their superstition , ordered their fights by the dromme . from this easterne asiaticall people it was brought into europe ; and now the generall custome is among stall europaean nations , that the foote haue drommes in the field , the horse trumpets . and yet for the trumpet , i cannot say , that all the graecians held themselues precisely vnto it . g plutarch much commendeth the lacedemonian manner of ioyning with the enemy , and writeth it is in this sort : when the king hath offered the goate ( that was the lacedemonian sacrifice , when they were to giue battaile ) hee straight commands all the army to crowne their heads , and the flutes to sound the measure of h castor : and himselfe withall beginneth the i paean ; ( the song they vsed when they were to charge ) and advanceth first against the enemy . so that it is a braue , and no lesse fearefull thing to behold them pacing according to the measure of the flute ; neither dissoluing their order , nor shewing any astonishment of minde , but mildely , and ioyfully approching the danger of conflict , diuiding out their marche to the sound of the instrument . for it is not likely , that men so demeaning themselues , can be transported with feare , or choler . nay rather they must needes haue a setled minde full of hope , and assurance , as if god were present on their side : thus plutarch . out of whose words it is cleare , that the lacedemonians vsed no trumpets in fight , but flutes , and made them their instruments to daunce , as it were , the measures of warre by . for they vsed an easie , k and slow pace , framed l to the cadence of the sound ; which may well be resembled to the solemne measure , in dancing . m athenaeus rehearseth out of herodotus , that the lydians vsed the like . but he addeth ; that the cretans made choice of the harpe for their instrument of warre ; as though it had beene peculiar to that nation . n pausanias testifieth the like of the lacedemonians . o polybius goeth not so farre , but affirmeth onely that the cretans , and lacedemonians in stead of trumpets brought in flutes , and measures into the warre . and if it were so that the lacedemonians vsed harpes , it is like , they tooke them from the cretans . for i finde in p plutarch , that lycurgus brought many of his lawes from crete , and had great familiarity with thales the cretan , whom he also sent to lacedemon , to make an ouerture for the establishing of his lawes , that were then newly finished . yet q diodorus siculus reporteth , that the lacedemonians vsed also trumpets in their battailes . he writing of a fight that was betwixt the thebans , and lacedemonians vnder the leading of agesilaus ; vseth these words in effect : there was a strong fight betwixt them a long time , and at first agesilaus had the better ; but afterward , when the thebans issued out of the city at all hands , agesilaus seeing the multitude , caused the trumpet to sound a retreat . the signe of retreat here , was giuen by trumpet , and it seemeth the lacedemonians had the vse both of trumpet , and flute . r of the flute in pacing toward the enemy to ioyne battaile ; of the trumpet in all other military signalls , such ( i haue before noted it ) as the rest of the graecians gaue by trumpet . the place of the trumpet in the time of the battaile was within the phalange by the ensigne . s thucydides placeth the flutes of the lacedemonians within the battaile , where they can finde no roome , vnlesse they stand by the ensignes . and albeit t polienus saith , the flute led the army , and went before , yet that is to be vnderstood in the marche . for in case of a marche , or exercise , u leo also giueth the trumpet place by the captaine in front . when the fight commeth , he retireth himselfe to his place in the battaile with the rest . a sergeant . ] the word hyperetes signifieth a minister , ( which is all one with the french word sergeant , as appeareth by the interpretation of our law it selfe , wherein the sergeants , next degree to iustices , are called seruientes ad legem . i reteyne therefore the name of sergeant , because it is familiar amongst souldiers . and a sergeant hath the same office in our warre that hypenetes had amongst the graecians . what his duty and seruice should be , is declared out of x suidas . there were of these officers , as well among the horse , as the foote , as appeareth in y xenophon . the estimation and worth of their places is expressed by the same xenophon . z cyrus held the sergeants in warre , saith he , worthy of no lesse honour , than a messengers , and embassadors in peace . he conceiued that they ought to be trusty , skilfull in matter of warre , vnderstanding , quicke , swift , industrious , and voide of feare ; besides endued with all qualities requisite in the best sort of men ; & that they were to accustome themselues to refuse no manner of seruice , but willingly vndergo whatsoeuer is laid vpon them by their commanders . these sergeants attended their commanders in marches , and other times , saue onely when battaile was to be ioyned , and alwaies expected his command . during the fight , they retired to some place , where they might bee ready at call ; for ( as i said before ) they could haue no place in front . a crier . ] concerning the office of a crier , suidas hath taught vs , that he was to deliuer the commanders pleasure by voice . b leo calleth him mandator , from the latine word , because he signified to the souldiers , mandata , the commandments of the captaine . in exercise he stood at the head of the troupe , taking from the commander the words of direction , and making , as it were , proclamation of them to the souldiers ; and serued often , when neither trumpet , nor signall might be giuen ; he was otherwise also of great vse . for in all busines which required distinct signification of any sudden alteration in the armie , the crier had his part alone . c xenophon telleth in the graecians returne out of persia , that clearehus their generall led them not against the enemy , both because their courages began to fall , and also because they were all the day fasting , and it grew somewhat late . but yet hee turned not out of the way , lest he might seeme to flie ; but holding on right forward , he came with the vantgard , to the next villages by sunne-set there quartered ; the very timber of the houses of some of those villages was broken downe , and carried away by those of the kings armie . the first therefore lodged themselues reasonably , the last being be-nighted euery man tooke vp his lodging as it fell out , and made a great noise , calling one after an other , so that the enemie heard it . whereby it came to passe , that the next of them fled out of their tents . this appeared the next day , for neither was there carriage-beast , nor campe , nor smoake neere at hand to be seene . the king also was terrified as it should seeme , with the accesse of the armie . which he declared by the next daies worke . yet in the processe of night a feare seased the graecians themselues : and the tumult , and hurleburly was such , as is wont , when men are possessed with feare . clearchus in this distresse commanded tolmides the elean ( whom hee then had with him , the best crier of those times ) after silence , to make proclamation , that the commanders signified generally , that whosoeuer could bring foorth the author of this tumult should haue a a talent of siluer for his paines . after this proclamation made by the crier the souldiers perceiued , that their feare was vaine , and that the commanders were in safety : hetherto xenophon . by which narration may appeare , that the crier performed that , which neither trumpet nor other signall could doe , the terror rising in the night ( which is the time of confusion and disorder ) and neither could the trumpet giue any certaine sound to remedy the perill , nor any other signall be discerned by reason of the darknesse ; and this seruice was done by the crier amongst his owne folke . his seruice against the enemie is declared in the fact of b cleocrytus the athenian crier who after the fight , betwixt thrasybulus and the . tyrants ( wherein critias and hippomachus were slaine ) with a proclamation to the citizens , reconciled them to thrasybulus , and was cause that the tyrants were deposed , and had their authoritie abrogated by the people . the like seruice was done by a crier in the behalfe of the graecians against the persians , about the time of the battaile of plataeae . the storie is this : c when the graecians vnder the conduct of leotychides , the lacedemonian , and xanthipus the athenian , had gathered a fleete of . gallies together to the end to deliuer the ilanders , and the citties of the continent of asia the lesse , out of the seruitude of the persians , they sailed out of delos . the persians then remained at samos . but hearing of the approch of the graecians , they left samos , and put ouer to mycale a city of ionia . and because they perceiued their shippes vnfit for fight , they drew them on land , and fortified the place , where they landed , with a wodden wall , and a deepe trench . neuerthelesse they sent for foote forces , from sardes , and other the next cities , and assembled to the number of a men ; and made prouision for all things necessarie for warre , the rather , because they suspected the ionians would reuolt . leotychides hauing put his fleete in order , sailed towards the barbarians , that were in mycale , and dispatched away before a shippe , wherein was a crier , who had the shrillest voice in all the armie . him he commanded to saile vp close to the enemie , and to proclaime aloude , that the graecians hauing ouercome the persians at plataeae , were now come thither to deliuer and set free the graecian citties of asia . this was done by leotychides to the end to disseuer the asian graecians from the barbarians , and to raise a tumult in the enemies campe. which also came to passe . what seruice could bee of more importance , then to set a diuision betwixt the enemies ? it was done by the voice of a crier . more examples i could alledge , but these may suffice . the criers place was alwaies to attend the commander in the head of the troupes , vnlesse in the time of fight ; at which time his voice could not be heard but ga●e place to the noise of trumpets and clashing of armor . a tetragonall forme ] that is of foure equall sides , or foure square ; but we must vnderstand ( which aelian after teacheth ) that there are two kinds of tetragonall , o● square bodies military , one in number , the other in figure . in number , when the front , and flancke of the body haue either of them as many souldiers , as other ; as the syntagma hath . in front , and . in flancke . in figure , when the number of the front is greater , then the number of the flancke , and yet front and flancke stretch out an equall length of ground ; as in the squares of horse , whereof aelian speak● to hereafter . this last square is at this day called a square of ground , because the space of ground , which conteineth the length of the front , stretcheth out iustly as far , as the space of ground , which conteineth the deepth of the flancke . it is caused by the difference of distance , which is betwixt the souldiers in front , and betwixt the souldiers in flancke . in front , being closed to fight , the distance betwixt souldier , and souldier , is but a cubite ; that is a foote , and a halfe . the distance betwixt souldier , and souldier , in flancke is two cubits , or three foote , which proportion will giue no more , then halfe so many men in flancke , as in front , and yet maintaine the truenesse and euennesse of the sides of the figure ; that is the length of the line , which measureth the front , and flancke , shall be all one . a pentecosiarchie ] the word is a command of , and that was sometimes the number . in the macedonian phalange , it comprehendeth a men . the cause of difference is the difference betwixt the file of the macedonians , and the file of the ancient graecians ( wherof i haue spoken before ) the odde men comming in by the fifth doubling of . and the number being so neere , though somewhat aboue , the name of pentecosiarchie is still reteined , because it was then in vse , and no other more fit could be found . a chiliarchie ] the command of men according to the name ; aelian giueth it a , from the doubling of . the tribunes of the roman legions are by the greeke historians tearmed chiliarchs ; yet is there a great difference ; for the chiliarchs haue no more command , then ouer their chiliarchy consisting of men , and sometimes of more , as here in aelian of . but euery tribune had in his turne the command of the whole legion . and againe there being tribunes , to euery legion ( which at first had in it , afterward , then a , and in the time of b vegetius men ) how should a tribune be called a chiliarch and be a leader of a thousand , there being in the legion but ▪ men at the most , and yet tribunes ; so that euery one could not haue , aboue for his ▪ command ; and in polybius time , ( the iegion being but ) not aboue and odde . but the roman manner of warre and ordering of troupes , differed much from the graecians ; and the graecians in tearming a tribune a chiliarch , tooke the next word , and most significant amongest them to expresse the charge of a tribune . our coronells , for their command , of a regiment come neerer to the graecian chiliarchs ; yet ours differ in that they haue companies in their owne regiments , which the graecian chiliarchs had not , and where d q. curtius saith , that the chiliarchy was first instituted at babylon by alexander , as a reward for seruice , it seemeth to be otherwise . for as i finde this in no other author , so finde i , that chiliarchies were long before alexanders time . e xenophon reporteth , that cyrus to giue encouragement to his souldiers to be valiant , promised to the taxiarchs to make them chiliarchs , to the lochagi to make them taxiarchs , to the decharchs to make them lochagi , to the pempadarchs to make them decarchs ; f and that cyrus made chrysanthas a chiliarch of horse in regard of his worth , and forwardnesse in seruice . and afterward he calleth g phranuchus , and asiadatas , chiliarchs of horse , and a●tabasus and artagersas chiliarchs of foote : h polyenus witnesseth that in iphicrates his time the athenians had chiliarchs , and pentecosiarchs , so that the institution of chiliarchs could not be referred to alexanders being at babylon , considering it was ●n vse before ; and a arrian reporting the same story , saith not , that alexander first brought vp chiliarchies there , but that he ordeined two lochi in euery horse troupe ( where to that day there had beene none ) and two lochagi to command them . indeed b diodorus siculus , writes thus concerning a chiliarch . antipater , saith he , lying vpon his death-bed declared polyperchon protector of the kings ( being the eldest of those , that had serued alexander in his warres , and much honoured of the macedonians ) and his owne sonne cassander the chiliarch , and second man in authority . the place and institution of the chiliarch first grew to name and honor vnder the persian kings . so writes diodorus of this chiliarchy which antipater bestowed vpon his sonne cassander . which notwithstanding seemes much to differ from the common chiliarchy of the phalange , wherof curtius speaks . for diodorus saith , he was next to polyperchon in authority . where in the phalange there were many commanders , namely , the merarchs , the phalangarchs &c. aboue the chiliarchs . adde that he saith , the institution of this chiliarch came from the persian kings , when the chiliarchs of the phalange had their beginning from the graecians , and were ordinarie in phalanges , as i haue shewed . lastly where diodorus reporteth , that it had the increase and aduancement of honour from the persian kings , he sheweth plainely , it was not alexanders inuention . and the same diodorus speaking of the death of ochus king of persia telleth , that he was poisoned by bagoas his chiliarch in the time of the reigne of philip , alexanders father . this chiliarch then i take to be the same , that the generall of an armie is with vs. and i can hardly be perswaded , that antipater wouldbequeath a lesse place to his sonne cassander . a merarchy ] the command of a part or halfe ; for a phalangarchy consisteth of two merarchies . so that a merarchy is halfe the phalangarchy , and conteineth , men . this part is also called telos , of which i haue spoken in my notes to the seuenth chapter . and yet the word telos is not alone vsed in bodies of foote . for c thucydides speaking of the fight by sea betwixt the corcyraeans , and corinthians , telleth , that the corcyraeans gaue the right wing to ten athenian shippes , and hauing of their owne a and shippes , diuided them into three tele , euery of which was commanded by one of their generalls : so that telos there signifieth not a certaine number of ships , but a part of their fleet diuided into : & the cōmanders of the corcyraeans are cal'd strategoi . a phalangarchie ] the command of a single phalange . of this kinde were the d phalanges in alexanders armie ( as i take it ) which were led by caenos , by perdicas , by craterus , by amyntas , by ptolomy , by meleager , and other , as arrian hath ; before philip and alexander gathered those forces together , wherewith persia was subdued , the armies were of smaller number amongst the graecians . neither was it in many cities might to raise men ; which go to the phalangarchy of aelian : if any did , they might well call it an armie ( strategia , and the commander strategos ) and the name of strategos , or generall was vsually giuen to him , that commanded in chiefe ouer an armie ( though small ) sent out by any citie to warre . so then , as the generall was called strategos , a phalangarchy might also be called strategia . i haue before noted , that the sections of the phalange are limited , and laid out by the phalangarchies . and where there are sections in a phalange , the middle section is in the midst of the phalangarchies ▪ phalangarchies lying on the one side , and on the other . the other sections are one betwixt the phalangarchies of the right wing , the other betwixt the two phalangarchies of the left wing , for betwixt euery phalangarchie was a space or section . a diphalangarchie ] the command of two phalangarchies ; this was one of the wings . aelian giueth it no commander ordinary , neither doe i remember , that i haue read diphalangarchs of diphalangarchia , as phalangarchs of phalangarchia , tetrarch ▪ of tetrarchia . yet was there one , alwaies that commanded the winge , appointed to that place extraordinarily ; so a philip , at the battaile of cheronaea ( where he ouerthrew the power of the athenians , and thebans , and their allies ) tooke the one wing to himselfe , and gaue the command of the other to alexander his sonne being then but young . and b alexander at granicus commanded himselfe the right wing , and appointed parmenio to the left . so in the battailes against darius at c issos in cilicia , and at d gaugamela in syria . meros ] meros is a part by diuision , comming of the verbe , meiro to diuide . and as before , amerarchie , was halfe a phalangarchie , so here meros is halfe the fourfold phalange . each then signifieth halfe , but to distinguish them , the one is called a merarchie , that is a commande of halfe , the other meros , that is halfe : a distinction sufficient to know the one from the other . two of these meros make the phalange conteining men . and these are the bodies militarie , which aelian in this chapter describeth , and which were in vse amongst the macedonians . the other graecians vsed other bodies in their armies . the e lacedemonians diuided their whole city , into fixe bodies , horse and foote ; euery one of which was called mora , or moira . their generall was one of their kings , for they had alwaies two . euery moira , had a polemarch ( not much differing from our coronells ) foure lochagie , eight pentecosteres , and sixteene enemotarchs . what the number of the moira was , is vncertaine , by reason of the secrecie the lacedemonians vsed in their gouernment , as f thucydides saith . plutarch g reporteth , that ephorus the historian , giueth men to the moira , calisthenes . polybius and others . h diodorus siculus , agreeth with ephorus , and alloweth but to the moira . and i xenophon numbreth the moira of the lacedemonians , which iphicrates , defeated hard by corinth , to haue been about men . k see the scholiastes , of thucydides , for the exact number of these bodies . the l athenians had their chiliarchs , pentecosiarchs , taxiarchs , and lochagie , as i haue said before . and with them were the lochagi last , where with the lacedemonians they were next the polemarchs , but the number of the lochos was not alike , as i haue likewise shewed before . cyrus in m xenophon hath these orders militarie , myriarchs commanders of ten thousand , chiliarchs of a thousand , taxiarchs of a hundred , lochagi of twentie foure , decadarchs , called sometime dodecadarchs of , pempedarchs of sixe , which are also called hexadarchs . n vrbicius differeth not much from aelian , saue onely in the number of the file , and the officers of the file . for where aelian hath sixteene to a file , vrbicius hath but ten : and vrbicius alloweth but two commanders to the file , the file-leader , and the bringer-vp aelian foure ; the foure enomotarchs . for the number of the officers , in the phalange they agree . and yet the names are not all one . aelian beginneth with a dilochite commanding two files , thirtie two men , vrbicius with the lochagos , who likewise commandeth two files of his , and fiue men more , namely men . the next in aelian is a tetrarch ouer sixtie-foure men , in vrbicius a pentecontarch ouer fiftie men . vrbicius hath next a taxiarch , a syntagmatarch , a pentecosiarch , a chiliarch , a merarch , a phalangarch : and so hath aelian . the next in aelian is a diphalangarch , commander of men ; vrbicius termeth him a myriarch that is the leader of ten thousand men . the tetraphalangarchy is last in both . but vrbicius assigneth no more , then thousand to his phalange , aelian thousand . iulius pollux thus diuideth his bodids , a myriarchie , a chiliarchie , a taxiarchie , a hecatontarchie , and a lochagie . what a proportion leo makes , is to be seene in the fourth chapter of his tacticks . because , he hath a mixture of the roman and greeke orders , i remit the reader to the booke . so then aelian hath in his phalange of armed ( besides the two diphalangarchs ) . officers . dilochites . tetrarchs . taxiarchs . syntagmatarchs . pentecosiarchs . chiliarchs . merarchs . phalangarchs .   . i haue set downe the figures of all the bodies described by aelian as farre , as the phalangarchy . the rest would haue beene troublesome to insert as requiring more paper , then would stand with any reasonable proportion ; neither are they greatly needfull . for two phalangarchies ioyned in an euen front , and in a conuenient distance , will figure out a diphalange ; foure in an euen front with a like distance will make the fourefold phalange . so that thereby the forme of it will appeare . the precedence , and dignitie of place in the offices of the phalange . chap. x. the best of the phalange commanders is placed on the right wing , the second on the left wing , the third in valour in the right hand next the second phalange toward the middle section . the fourth on the left hand next the first phalange toward the middle section likewise . so the first and fourth phalange haue commanders of the first , and fourth worth : the second and third phalange haue commanders of the second and third worth . now wee will shew by demonstration , that the first , and fourth worth , and valor , are equall to the second , and third ; so that the commanders in each wing are of valor alike . the leaders also of the seuerall merarchies are thus disposed . the first hath his place in the head of the first phalange on the left hand : the second on the right hand of the second phalange : the third on the left hand of the third phalange : the fourth on the right hand of the fourth phalange . also the leaders of files in euery tetrarchy are so placed , that the leader of the first file hath preheminence in valor and place ; the leader of the fourth file standeth next him : then the leader of the third file , and the leader of the second file last . for then are dilochies of equall valor when the first dilochie hath the first , and fourth leaders , the second dilochy the second , and the third leaders in valor and reputation . for it appeareth in the mathematicks , that , when there are analogies , or answerable proportions of foure magnitudes propounded , that , which ariseth of the first , and fourth , will counteruaile that , which ariseth of the second , and third magnitude . and because there are foure tetrarchies in euery syntagma , wee may giue the leaders of the tetrarchies place according to the same proportion , as to place the tetrarch of the first tetrarchy on the right hand , giuing him the first place of worth ; on his left hand the tetrarch of the fourth tetrarchy in the fourth place of worth . then againe next him the tetrarch of the third tetrarchy in the third place of worth , and on his left hand the tetrarch of the second tetrarchy in the second place of worth . in like manner are the greater commands also to be proportioned . notes . the former chapter was of the officers and of the bodies of the phalange ; this is of the place of euery one , according to his worth . and first wee are to note , that all the a commanders were placed in front of those , that they commanded ; to the ●nd they might direct , and lead them as occasion should require . for b xenophon saith of cyrus army , the decadarchs , or file leaders , had care of the files , the lochagie of he decadarchs , the taxiarches of the lochagie , the chiliarchs of the taxiarchs , the myriarchs of the chiliarchs : so in the phalange of aelian the file leader had the command of his file , the dilochites of the file leaders , the tetrarchs of the dilochites , the taxiarchs of the tetrarchs , and so the rest , till you come to the generall , who cared for all , directed all , and vnder whom all the commanders were . the generall ●ath beene placed sometimes in the right winge , sometimes in the middest of the phalange . c vegetius saith , that the generall of the armie is accustomed to be in the right winge betwixt the horse , and the foote . hee addeth , this is the place , which gouerneth the whole battaile , from whence the salying out is most direct , and free . therefore he standeth betwixt both , that hee might both gouerne horse , and foote with counsell , and with authority exhort them to fight . d cyrus in his battaile against cresus , took his place in the right wing , betwixt the right hand point of the battaile , and of the horse , that were ranged in the wing ; alexander the great , in his battailes tooke the same place ; e timoleon in his fight against the carthaginians placed himselfe in the middest of the battaile . f diodorus siculus , saith , that , it is the manner of the scythians , that the king should stand in the middest of the phalange . the like doth g arrian affirme of the persians , and saith , that darius had that place . h leo also giueth the middest of the battaile to the generall . and there placeth the battaile ouer which he would haue him to command . the best of the phalangarchs ] this ordering of the phalangarchs the best on the right hand wing , the second on the left , the third next him in the left wing on his right hand toward the middlesection : the fourth in the right wing on the left hand of the first toward the middlesection thus , commeth out of a geometricall proportion , which proportion giueth law to the ordering of the rest of the commanders . the rule is this : . magnitudes which equally exceede the one the other being compared together that which ariseth of the first , and fourth , is equall to that , which ariseth of the second , and third . as . . . . each exceedeth the other , . the addition of . to . begetteth an equall number to , and . added together . so is it in all other numbers , that haue the same equalitie of excesse one aboue an other . out of this rule of proportion , aelian deriueth the giuing equalitie of strength in the leaders to euery bodie in the phalange . for leaders and commanders are ( or ought at least to bee ) chosen by worth , and valour : and the preferments of the feild haue beene held the due reward of vertue . say then the phalangarchs are preferred to their places according to their worth , and that the first phalangarchs is most worthy , the second next him , the third next , the fourth least deseruing of the foure . if you should place them , as their worth is in a rancke successiuely one after an other , the best before the first phalangarchie in the right wing , the second before the next phalangarchie in the same wing , and leaue the other two phalangarch's to command the left wing , the disproportion would b● great ; the third and fourth not being able to match the worth of the first , and second . but if you place the best phalangarch before the first phalangarchie on the right wing , the second before the second phalangarchie of the left wing , the third phalangarch next him before the third phalangarchie on the left wing , toward the middle section ; the fourth before the fourth phalangarchie of the right wing toward the same section , the valours of the commanders , will be equall in both winges . for as in the number . . . . one and . make , as many , as is made by ioyning and together ; so the worth of the fourth phalangarch ioyned to the worth of the first will arise as high in true valuation , as the worths of the second and third ioyned together . and where the phalangarchie on the left corner of the left wing is called the second , and the next phalangarchie standing in the same wing the third ; it is to be vnderstood that it is second in dignitie , not in succession of number ; for the fourth phalangarchie in dignitie standeth in place and number next the first ; and the second phalangarchie hath the last place of the whole phalange . their places then are after this manner according to aelian . b f c g d e a for the vnderstanding whereof , you are to note , that a signifieth the first phalangarchie . b the second phalangarchie . c the third phalangarchie . d the fourth phalangarchie . e the section of the right winge . f the section of the left winge . g the middle section . the place of the first phalangarch . the place of the second phalangarch . the place of the third phalangarch . the place of the fourth phalangarch . the leaders of the merarchies ] as the phalangarchs so are all the other commanders of the seuerall bodies placed by foure , and the same obseruation to be had , of the dignities of the place , that was in the phalangarchs : and these merarchies ( for aelian speaketh of no more than , ) must stand thus . p m m p p m m p p , standeth for phalangarchs . m , for merarchs . robertellus confesseth he findeth these merarchs so placed in a written booke , and it is the true placing . the figures , he setteth downe out of his owne wit ( as he termeth it ) carry with them no sauour of aelians proportion . patricius likewise seemeth to haue mistaken this proportion in the figures he hath set downe , of which not one is right . i will referre the reader to their bookes , admonishing him onely of the mistaking . but aelian placeth here but merarchs ; what order shall be for the other foure ? i haue alwaies thought aelian defectiue in this place , neither could i hitherto finde any man , that hath brought light to cleare the doubt . patricius that purposely discourseth of this place of aelian , speaketh of bestowing merarchs onely , as though the rest were to be throwne away from the phalange . robortellus seeking to bestow all , bestoweth them indeed , but not according to aelians proportion , which notwithstanding he would seeme to follow . his figure is this . p. . m. . m. . m. . m. . p. . p. . m. . m. . m. . m. . p. . the right wing the middle . the left wing . the proportion is his , as i said , and not aelians . for aelian placed the first merarch in the right wing ; he placeth him in the left ; aelian the second in the second phalangarchie , he in the fourth ; aelian the third in the left wing , he in the right ; aelian , the fourth in the fourth phalangarchie , he in the first . the rest are so iumbled together , as though any thing else had beene sought for , rather than proportion . i take not vpon mee to over-rule any doubt ; but if amongst the rest i enterpose mine opinion , i hope , i shall not incurre iust blame . thus then : seeing aelians meaning is by evenesse and worth of number of both wings to finde out the worth of the commanders of both , if i so distribute them , that the number of the one side shall counterballance the number of the other , i cannot much stray from aelians meaning . the figure following will doe it . p. . m. . m. . m. . m. . p. . p. . m. . m. . m. . m. . p. . the right wing the middle . the left wing . in this figure i haue obserued precisely the place , that aelian gaue to the merarchs . the first standeth on the left hand of the first phalangarch ; the second on the right hand of the second phalangarch ; the third on the left hand of the third phalangarch ; the th on the right hand of the th phalangarch . the rest i haue added , and diuided according the placing of the first : so that the number that ariseth of the addition of both wings , is alike , and the proportion held . in all the rest of the bodies , where there is a command ouer , the keeping of the proportion hath no difficulty . so euery phalangarch commandeth ouer chiliarchs ; euery merarch ouer pentecosiarchs ; euery chiliarch ouer syntagmatarchs ; euery pentecosiarch ouer taxiarchs ; euery syntagmatarch ouer tetrarchs ; euery taxiarch ouer dilochites ; euery tretarch ouer files ; in all which the commander , which hath the right , hath the first place , he that hath the point of the left hand , the second place ; he that standeth on the right hand next to him , the third place ; the last place is his , who standeth next to the commander of the right point on the left hand . and for the place of the phalangarchs , and of of the merarchs , and the file-leaders , and of the tetrarchs , they are laid out by aelian . the rest appeare by these , and are to be squared by the same rule of proportion , as aelian admonished . the distances to be obserued betweene souldier and souldier in opening and shutting the phalange . chap. xi . we are now to speake of distances both in length , and depth betwixt souldier , and souldier , as they stand ordered in battaile . the distances vary in three sorts . for first they are placed in thinner distance for some speciall causes . and a souldier so placed taketh vp cubits . but in densation or closing he taketh vp cubits . in constipation or shutting , one cubit . densation then , or closing is , when we draw wide distances close together , and by side-men , and followers ( that is both in length and depth ) gather vp the bodie of the phalange : so notwithstanding that the souldier yet hath libertie to moue , and turne about . constipation , or shutting is when the phalange by side-men gathereth it selfe yet closer together , then in densation ; so that by reason of the nearenesse there is left no declination , or turning of faces either to the right , or left hand . the vse of closing is , when the generall leadeth the phalange against the enemy . of shutting when he would haue it stand fast ( and as it were locked vp , and serred ) to receiue the charge of the enemy . seeing then there are file-leaders in the front of the phalange , it is plaine that in their ordinary array they take vp in length cubits ( that is ten furlongs , and ninetie six cubits ) in closing fiue furlongs , and forty eight cubits . in shutting two furlongs , a halfe , and fower and twenty cubits . notes . after souldiers are armed , and distributed into bodies military , the next care is to be had of their mouing . for as a man , let him be neuer so well proportioned , and strong , if he pace disorderly , and either set too great strides , or reele here , and there , or so mince , and tread out his steps , as if his leggs were bound together , groweth hereby deformed , and not onely loseth his comelinesse , but his actiuitie withall , and possibility to performe any thing by strength : so is it of an armie , that hath either too great distances , or is thronged vp , or pestred too close together . a too much thronging bindeth , as it were , the souldiers hands , and taketh away the vse of his weapons , as on the other side b falling one loose from another , and standing or mouing too farre asunder , maketh the battaile weake , and disiointed , and subiect to the enemies entry , and easie to be broken . the meane betwixt both was brought in by king philip , king of macedonia , who first constituted , and raised the macedonian phalange , and invented the distances of opening and closing the same ; imitating the c serring of targets ( called synaspismos ) practised by the old heroes at troy. out of his discipline sprung the distances mentioned here by aelian : which are of three sorts ; the first are large distances of foure cubits ] which amount to six foote . for a cubit conteineth a foote and a ha●fe . this d distance was vsed in marching , or else in solemne pompes and shewes . and the souldier hauing a pike of e cubits or long , whereof one halfe lay forward on his shoulder , and the other halfe backward , it was requisite he should haue a reasonable large distance , both in file and ranke , f to the end , that in turning this way , or that cap. . the first distance ordnary foote in file asmuch in ranck the reare the second distance called closing & foote in file asmuch in ranck the third distance called or serring & foote in file shoulder to shoulder in rank way , or that way , or mouing out of his place ( for no man in his marche , can alwaies hold his ranke ) he offended not his next neighbours therewith . this distance our exercise at this day calleth open order . the next distance is of two cubits ] or three foote . the name of it in greeke is pycnosis , that is thickning . in leo it is called sphinxis , ( knitting together ) in our moderne exercise order . and it is , when from the distance of foote , we draw our phalange both by file , and ranke , so close , that the souldiers stand but foote one from an other euery way . this distance is vsed , when the army approcheth neare to the enemy ( and onely commeth not to charge ) that it may be ready to shut , and locke it selfe for the charge , which is performed in the last distance of one cubit ] a foote and a halfe . this is called synaspismos , ioyning target to target . for , as i before shewed , the pikemen of the macedonians vsed also targets with their pikes , and in charging the enemy closed so neare in front , that their owne targets touched one another . this kind of fight g the aegiptians vsed in xenophon ( which he calleth locking together of targets ) and by meanes therof had the advantage against the persians . the parthian horse likewise comming to charge crassus with their staues : h after they perceiued the depth of the locking of targets , and the setlednesse , and stedfastnes of the roman phalange , they retired , and durst not come to hands with them . and i diodorus siculus writes that alexander besieging the city of halicarnassus , there was in the city , and in seruice of darius one ephialtes an athenian , a man of great valour , and strength of body ; he by the permission of memnon generall of darius armie , determined to make a saly . and taking to him mercenarie souldiers , all chosen men , and giuing brands flaming with fire to one halfe , and reseruing the rest for fight , he opened the gates , and fell out , throwing fire vpon the engines of battery , which soone caught a mighty flame ; and marshalling the rest into a thicke and deepe phalange , himselfe led on , and was the first that fell on the macedonians cōming to aide , and to quench the fire . alexander aduertised hereof speeded to the medley ; & ordered first the macedonians in front , after them other choice men , for seconds ; and in the third place men of extraordinarie account for their prowesse , himselfe leading them on sustained the enemy , which seemed vnresistible , and sent others to slake , and put out the fire , and to preserue the engines . the fight was hot , and albeit the macedonians found meanes to quench the fire , yet had ephialtes the better in the fight ; who both himselfe killed many with his owne hands , and the towers from the walls furnished with many catapelts annoyed greeuously the macedonians . in so much that some falling in the place , other-some forsaking their ground by reason of the number of engine darts that fell thicke amongst them , alexander himselfe was reduced to extremitie . here the old souldiers of the macedonians ; although otherwise freed from such seruice in regard of their age , hauing of a long time followed the warres with king philip , and gained many a battaile , were by this occasion tolled out to succour ; and as they excelled the yonger sort in greatnes of spirit , and military experience , so meeting with the run-a-waies , they bitterly reuiled , and taunted them for their cowardice ; then * serring themselues close , and ioyning their targets together , they repressed , and held the enemy short , who now seemed to haue the victory in his hands . finally killing ephialtes , and many other , they droue the rest into the city . a memorable seruice of the vse of targets , and of the synaspisme of the macedonians , which was not vsed , but when they either gaue vpon , or receiued the charge of the enemy . and the targets so knit together serued for a wall ( as it were ) to the whole phalange , and by them the souldier was defended from the missiue weapons of the enemie , and his body couered euen from the peircing of the sword . synaspismos then , or shutting , is that aistance in the phalange , which bringeth the sonldiers target to touch one an other , and is limited by aelian to a cubite ( that is a foote and a halfe ) betwixt side-men , and side-men in the front . what distance the followers should haue , aelian setteth not here do●ne in plaine words ; but implies , that they should hold their foote still , in that he saith the phalange in constipation gathereth the side-men closer , then in densation , but speaketh nothing of followers . a polybius teacheth it more plainely ; who giues them three foote distance from the leader , both according to the macedonian and roman discipline , and that for the vse of their armes : with whom aelian also agreeth b afterward . in what manner the targetiers made their closings , and how their targets were cast from the backe , where they hung , to the left shoulder , i haue before noted in the second chapter , and therefore thinke it needlesse here to repeate . now for the ground , that a phalange taketh vp in each of these orders , aelian sheweth it in the words following , allowing the phalange . in c ordinary aray foure thousand cubits ] the phalange in open order , saith aelian , takes vp cubits of ground . this is to be vnderstood in front , or length ; for in depth it hath no more , then cubits ; euery souldier ( which are in number , in file ) possessing cubites of ground in his open order ; a cubit is the part of the arme , which reacheth from the elbow to the middle fingers end , and is as much , as a foote and a halfe . in front then , there being file-leaders , we most alott to each of them foure cubits , of ground ; to the thousand cubits , and to the odde twentie foure cubits . for foure times twentie foure makes . which together comes to cubits , and to six thousand one hundred fortie foure foote . ten furlongs and ninty six cubits ] where this space is squared out by tenne furlongs , wee must vnderstand , that a furlong conteines d foure hundred cubits , and being diuided by the quotient is : ● that is ten furlongs and cubits , as aelian saith . which measure of ground the phalange of armed taketh in open order . of these furlongs e seuen and a halfe go to a mile , by which account the front of the phalange of armed in open order taketh vp one mile , a quarter , and cubits , measuring it by feete it amounts to . in closing ( which is named order , and is the next distance ) because the souldier is allowed but cubits , that is halfe so much , as in open order , the dimension will not exceede fiue furlongs , cubits ; that is cubits in all , which amounts to halfe a mile , halfe a quarter , and cubits , in feete , . in shutting furlongs and a halfe , and cubits ; that is a quarter of a mile and . cubits . the arming of the phalange . chap. xii . the phalange is to be armed with target and pyke . the best taget is the macedonian target made of brasse , and somewhat hollow , and hauing eight handfulls in diameter . the pyke ought to be no shorter then cubits ; and the longest no longer , then a man may well vse and wield in handling . notes . in the second chapter of this booke was handled the diuersitie of armes , vsed in the phalange . this setteth forth the choice , that is to be made for matter and fashion , and what sise is best of pike and target . for the other armor of the armed ( whereof i spake , in my notes to the second chapter ) is ( no question ) to be fitted to the body of him , that shall beare them . he giueth then to the armed a target , and a pike , the target the macedonian target , the matter whereof was first of brasse . i haue shewed , that the macedonian target was of brasse , and that they were called by reason of the bearing such targets chalcaspides brazen-targets . i am induced to thinke , that , as philip borowed many other things in warre from the lacedemonians , so he borowed this kinde of target from them . for they by the ordinance of lycurgus , were inioyned to haue no other matter in their target , then brasse . a xenophon giues a reason why they were made of brasse . for lycurgus was of opinion , saith he , that such a target was most fit for warre , because it is soone brought to shine , and it gathereth not rust easily , two great commodities in armes . for albeit the chiefest considerations be surenesse , and strength , yet is not the beauty to be neglected , which shining doth principally set out . b besides that it dazeleth the eye of the enemie , and strikes an amazednesse into his minde . c xenophon much admireth agesilaus , that he so armed , and clothed his armie , that they seemed to be nothing , but brasse , and nothing , but scarlet . the brasse he speaketh of , were the brazen targets of his souldiers , which couered the most part of the body , and were chiefely the obiect of the eye , without that , that any other weapon was at that time of brasse . therefore , as i said , i am of opinion that the brazen target came from the spartans to the macedonians . the brazen-targets aelian would haue somewhat hollow ] if they should beare streight out without any bowing , besides that they were vneasie , they would lie kicking out from the body , and not couer it much . the arme , or shoulder , that is inserted into the target , is bowing . and the target somewhat bowing fits it for ease , and slopeth more toward the body to couer it , and is more pliable to be carried . but the hollownesse ought not to be much . he would haue it also eight hand-fulls in diameter ] the diameter in a circle is a right line , which is drawne from one side of the circumference to the other passing thorough the center , or middle point of the circle , diuiding the circle in two equall parts . here the diameter of the target is taken for the exact bredth of the target , which ought to be , according to the macedonian manner , eight handfulls , or two foote , that is fingers . for foure handfulls go to a foote , and foure fingers to a handfull . d leo giues it three spithams , that is fingers , if he meane the great e spithame , which is of twelue fingers . and the lesse comprehending a handfull he cannot meane . for so should the bredth of the target be no more , but three handfulls , a bredth insufficient to couer any mans body . whether of them is the better will appeare in triall . the diameter that serues to couer the bodie from the vpper part of the necke to the middle part of the thigh , is enough in these round targets . that , which is more , is rather troublesome , then fit for vse . and i am of iphicrates iudgement in targets , that performing the couering of the bodie , they should be as light , as may bee , least the shoulder be ouer-laden with vnnecessarie weight . in which regard i preferre the target of aelian , before that of leo ; aelians reaching vp to the height of the necke from the middle of the thigh ; leos carying a handfull more in bredth , which in the circumference groweth to a good proportion of weight and greatnesse . no shorter than cubits ] that is foote . short pikes against long haue a great disadvantage . with the long pike a man is able to strike , and kill his enemy , before himselfe can be touched , or come in danger of a shorter , the pike keeping the enemy out so farre , as the length is . the experience of the battaile of f sorano , sheweth it ; where vitellozzo vitelli discomfited the almaines onely with the advantage of pikes an arme longer than theirs . against long pikes , this policie was vsed by cleonymus the lacedemonian king , as g polienus tells . cleonymus besieging aedessa , and hauing ouerthrowne the wall of the city , the pikemen of the city sailed out , whose pikes were each cubits in length . cleonymus closed his phalange in depth , and commanded the file-leaders to lay away their pikes ; and when the pikemen of the enemy came to charge , to seaze vpon their pikes with both hands , and hold them fast , and the followers to passe thorough by the file-leaders sides , and maintaine the fight . the file-leaders laid hold on the pikes , and the enemy stroue to recouer them out of their hands . in the meane time , the followers passing thorough the ranke of file leaders to the front , slew the enemies pikemen , and got the victorie . this was cleonymus deuice against long pikes , which notwithstanding derogates nothing from the length of pikes more , than from shortnes . for the same policie might haue prevailed as well against short pikes , as long , each , assoone as the enemies haue seized vpon them , growing to be of no vse . but that the longer pike is to be preferred before the shorter , i haue shewed before by reason : and the reformation of armes made by iphicrates amongst the athenians , and by philopomen amongst the achaians , will be warrant enough so to hold . in the length notwithstanding ought to be a reasonable consideration , that it exceede not the measure of his strength ▪ that shall beare the pike . the worth that the file-leaders , and next followers should be of chap. xiii . the file-leaders ( as the commanders of files of the phalange ) are to be the choice and flower of the army , and to excell the rest as well in stature , as in experience and martiall sk●ll . for this ranke knitteth and bindeth in the phalange , and of all other yeeldeth greatest vse . for , as a sword taking to the edge as a weight , and sway , the swelling yron towards the backe exhibiteth thereby more violence in piercing , so in a phalange the ranke of file-leaders is the edge it selfe , and the multitude of after-commers is the swelling , and sway , and increase of weight . consideration must be had likewise of those that follow in the second ranke . for their pikes reach ioyntly ouer the front , and being next in place they are alwaies ready for vse . and the file-leader falling , or being wounded , the next follower stepping to the front in his place , holdeth together , and preserueth the tenor of that ranke vnbroken . furthermore , we are to order the third and the rest of the rankes according to reason ▪ and as the valour of our souldiers shall require . this chapter sheweth how the souldiers are to be ordered in euery file : whereof , because i haue before spoken sufficiently in my notes to the fifth chapter ; and the words of this chapter carry no difficultie , or obscuritie with them , i will forbeare to treat any further . of the strength of the macedonian phalange , and length of the souldiers pikes . chap. xiiii . the macedonian phalange hath of enemies beene thought vnresistible , by reason of the manner of embattailing . for the souldier with his armes standeth in close order , or shutting , when he is ready for fight , occupying two cubits of ground . and the length of his pike is sixteene cubits according to the first institution , but in truth it ought to be foureteene cubits ; whereof the space betwixt the hands in charging taketh vp two cubits , the other twelue lye out from the front of the battaile . those in the second ranke , that stand next to the leaders ( loosing foure cubits in the phalange ) haue their pikes reaching ouer the first ranke ten cubits . those of the third ranke eight cubits , of the fourth ranke six cubits , of the fift cubits , of the sixt cubits . the pikes of the other behind cannot attaine to the first ranke . and seeing fiue or six pikes are charged ouer the first ranke , they present a fearefull sight to the enemy , and double the strength of the souldier standing fortified , as it were , with fiue , or six pikes , and seconded with a maine force at his backe , as the figure sheweth . moreouer they that are placed after the sixt ranke , albeit they push not with their pikes , yet thrusting on with the weight of their bodies , r'enforce the strength , and power of the phalange , and leaue no hope for the file-leaders to flie , or shift away . some would haue the hinder pikes longer , then the formost , that they of the third , and fourth rankes might beare out the heads of their pikes equally with the first . the superordinary lieutenant of euery syntagma must be a man of vnderstanding , ouerseeing the souldiers of his command , that they file , and ranke ; and if for feare , or other occasion , any forsake their ground , he is to compell them againe to their places ; and in closing to put them ( when neede requireth ) as neare vp together , as they should stand . for it is a great strength , and assurance to the phalange , to haue some principall commander not onely in front , but also in the reare of the battaile , for the causes before mentioned . notes . the strength of the macedonian phalange , which consisted principally in the a protension , and charging of pikes , and knitting together of targets , is here set downe . the whole chapter seemeth to haue beene taken out of b polybius , who handleth the same argument , and almost with the same words , but that aelian , and he differ about the number of cubits , which the pikes take vp reaching ouer the front of the phalange . the macedonian phalange , hath beene thought to be vnresistible ] the strength of the macedonian phalange appeareth no way better , than by the conquests it hath made . king philip was the inventer of it ; and by that invention raised the kingdome of macedonia from the poorest , to the powerfullest , and greatest kingdome of europe ; and ( that i may vse the words of c diodorus siculus , ) finding the crowne , at his comming to it , in bondage to the illyrians made it afterward lady of many great nations , and cities ; and purchased to himselfe , to be declared generall of greece . and first ouerthrowing the illyrians , p●onians , thracians , and scythians afterward let vpon the kingdome o● persia to breake it , after he had enfranchised the 〈◊〉 cities of asia . and albeit death intercepted him , yet he left such forces to his sonne aleander , that he needed no other allies to ouerthrow the souera●gnety of persia. after his death d alexander ●ooke his langdome , and armie , and with it encountring , and v inquishing darius in two great battailes , runne thorough asia like a flash of 〈◊〉 ren●ing a pieces a● , that res●ted , or stood in his way , and laid the foundation of that kingdome , which ( albeit afterward diuided ) continued long in his successors . neither was the experience of their invinciblenesse against the barbarous people onely , but as much against the graecians , who ●ill philips time were esteemed the chiefe masters of armes in europe . this is cleare by the victories , the macedonians obteined against the renowned cities of greece both ioyntly and seuerally . c philip ouerthrew the phoceans , albeit the lacedemonians , and athenians ioyned with them . the same f philip at cheronaea defeated the power of the thebans , and athenians ioyned together . g alexander tooke and sacked the citie of thebes , that about that time was acc●unted the mighttest citie of greece . h his lieutenant antipater foyled the laced●nians 〈◊〉 batt●ile , ●nd ste● their king agis . i antigonus tutor of king phi●p the sonne of demetrius , broke an armie of the lacedemonians and peloponesi● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and chased out of greece cleomenes the last brave king of sparta . 〈◊〉 they were not beaten in the field by any nation , but onely by the romans . and yet the iudgement of k polybius , doth in this also proue it selfe good . for where the romans had these victories against the macedonians , he assigneth this to be the cause , that the phalange at the time of the fight had not the proper place , nor meanes to vse it owne power in the encounter ; so long as the phalange hath ground enough , and can meete the enemy with a right front , he holdeth it not possible to be foyled , being diuided , and in places vneven , he is of opinion , and experience hath taught ▪ it may easily be put in a route . l plutarch compareth it for strength ( so long as it is one bodie , and maintaineth the synaspisme iointly ) to an invincible beast ; being dis●euered , he saith , it looseth the force in the whole , and in euery man particular , both in regard of the manner of arming , and also because the violence o● it consists rather in knitting of all parts together , than in particular of any mans valour . three battailes ( to praet●rmit aiuers skirm●shes , ) i finde the romans 〈◊〉 with , and th●em 〈◊〉 the macedonians ; one against king philip , the sonne of deme●us ; an 〈◊〉 against antiochus ; the third against per●eus the so●e of king p●lip . m for i pa● ouer those , wherein they were beaten by py●hus , 〈◊〉 wor● . o philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phalange , and not vsing the whole together but fighting against the romans with the right winge onely , yet had the better , and w● too ●ard for that part of the roman army , that ioyned with him ; but the other win● comming into the field fit rather for a march , than a fight , and not being able to order themselues phala●ge-wise , were soone defeated , and the roman victorious , fell vpon the r●re o● the right win● ( where philip was , and had now gotten the victorie ) and so 〈◊〉 the field antiochus vnskilfull in true ordering of a phalange , truste● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 horse than his phalange , and being to fight with l : scipio , where hee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giuen full scope , an● ext●nded the front of the phalange , by making it deepe , 〈◊〉 contrary-wise narrowed it ▪ 〈◊〉 out the depth into : whereby he lost the advantage of matching the ●ront of the romans , and after his horse were beaten , gaue facilitie to the enemy of 〈◊〉 on it all sides . p perseus ioyning ●attaile with paulus aemi●us ▪ 〈◊〉 long 〈◊〉 the phalange continued in the right figure ▪ slew many of the romans , an● forced them to retire ▪ but following on too eagerly , he came to vneuen , and rough ground , wherein the phalange being disseuered , left spaces , and breaches for the romans to enter and defeat it . so long then , as the macedonian phalange had fit ground , and the right property of embattailing , it stood fast against the romans the greatest souldiers that euer were , being in their hands , that k●ew not how to vse it ( as a sword in the hands of a childe ) it yeelded to time and fortune . the cause of the strength of the phalange is assigned to be the manner of embattailing ] ▪ which consists principally in ordering of target , and pike ; in closing of the targets by synaspisme , and in ioint charging of the pikes ; which lying out thicke from the front , besides the horror of the sight , giue almost an impossibilitie to enter the phalange . i haue alledged the iudgement of r aemilius concerning the sight presented by a phalange , when the pikes lie so charged out of the front . s polybius thinketh nothing can resist the force thereof . t livy , albeit many times more than partiall to the romans , yet in the selfe-same fight betweene perseus and aemilius giueth his iudgement thus of the phalange : the second legion ( saith he ) in●inuated it selfe into the middle empty place , and so broke asunder the phalange . neither was there any more euident cause of victory , then the fights in diuers places at once , which first troubled the phalange in turning many waies , and afterward plainly disioynted , and scattered it ; whose forces being vnited and rough with charged pikes are intollerable . if by giuing on in diuers places you constraine it to bring about the pikes immoueable through length and weight , it entangleth it selfe with confused crossings . if at one time you charge it both flanke , and reare , they fall asunder like a ruinous building . as then they were compelled many waies to answer the romans , and so to breake their battaile into many parcells . and the romans vpon the first opportunitie of a breach straight waies conveighed in their troupes , who if they had met the enemy in front , had runne vpon the pikes , as in the beginning it hapned to the pelignans , being too forward to come to hand , and could not haue resisted the phalange fast shut , and serred vp for the encounter : thus livy concerning the phalange . who albeit a roman , holdeth the same opinion that polybius doth . u and in another place telling of philips encamping , ●e saith , he was lodged in a wooddy plot , which was vnfit for the phalange , especially of the macedons , which vnlesse it cast the pikes , as it were , a muniment before the targets , ( and that cannot be , but in open ground ) is of no great vse . so then if pikes may be charged out before the targets , the phalange is of great vse . but , that i may not seeme , to rely vpon bare opinion , let vs heare by an example , or two , the experience of the pike , and target of the macedonian against the roman armes . x when t. quintus flaminius the rom : consull had driuen king philip , and his army from the streights neare antigonia , seeing that the enemy kept himselfe with his strength , and absteined from the field , he determined to try the cities of thessaly ; and hauing wonne some by force , some by feare , he came before rhage , and besieged it . he found the siege longer , and more difficult , then any man would haue thought . and the enemy made his resistance , that way , the consull would hardly haue beleeued , he could . for he imagined that all his labour should be in throwing downe the walls . if once he found passage for the army to enter , there would after be nothing else , but flight and slaughter , as is wont , in wonne-cities . but after that part of the wall was throwne downe with the ramme , and the armie entred the citie by the breach , it was the beginning of a new and fresh labour . for the macedonians , that were there in garrison , being many , and chosen , thinking it also a glory to them , if they could defend the citie , rather with armes and valor , than with walles , serring themselues close together in a deepe phalange , when they perceiued , that the romans began to enter the breach droue them out , the place being cumbersome , and hard to make a retreat . the consul much offended therewith , and thinking that shame concerned not only the delay of winning one citie , but also the state of the whole warre , ( which for the most part dependeth vpon moments of small matters ) purging the place which was heaped vp with the fall of the halfe-ruined wall , aduanced a tower which in many stories was stuffed with multitudes of armed men , and sent besides cohorts vnder their ensignes to breake with maine force ( if it were possible ) the body ( they call it the phalange ) of the macedonians . but the kinde of weapons and fight was more aduantagious for the enemy , than for the romans ; especially in that place , which was narrow , and streightned with the small space of the ouerthrowne wall . when the macedonians , serring themselues close , had charged pikes of a great length before their front , and the romans , after their darts throwne in vaine against the iestudo compacted , as it were , of the thicke knitting together of the targets , had drawne their swords , they could neither come vp close , nor cut a sunder the pikes . and in case they cut the heads of , or broke any , the steale amongst the rest of the whole pikes filled vp the roome with their sharpe fragments . ioyne that that part of the wall , which was yet whole , secured the enemies flankes on both sides ; neither needed they much ground in retiring or advancing to charge , which things are wont to cause the breach of array . there also fell out a chance which increased their hopes , and spirits . for the tower being driuen on vpon a rampier , that was not well rammed vnderneath , but had loose earth , one of the wheeles sinking deeper into the ground than the rest , made the turret to nodd , & lie of one side , that both the enemy beleeued it would fall , and they within it were put in a pitifull feare . when nothing succeeded well , the consull was euill appaide , that the macedonian souldiers , and kinde of armes , might seeme matcheable to his , and seeing no great hope of speedy winning the citie , and that the place was vnfit to winter in , raised his siege . so here the macedonian souldier is not onely equalled , but also preferred before the roman , and that onely by reason of his armour , the pike and target . an other experience fell out in the battaile betwixt perseus , and aemilius , whereof i spake in this chapter . the storie is this : the romans comming to ioyne battell with the macedonians , and not able to come vp to them by reason of the length , and ioint out-bearing of their pikes . there was one salius a captaine of pelignans , who tooke the ensigne of his company from the ensigne-bearer , and threw it into the macedonian phalange . the pelignans ranne in heapes to the place ( for it is not lawfull , nor honest , for the italians to forsake their ensignes ) where the medley brought forth wonderfull effects . for the pelignans fought with swords to put by the pikes , and to presse them downe with their targets . and seazing vpon them to pull them out of the handes of the macedonians . the macedonians contrary-wise , maintaining their charge with both hands , and striking such , as approached neare , thorough the bodies , armes and all , neither target nor curace , being able to sustaine the violence of the blow , turned topsy-turuy the bodies of the pelignans , who not with reason , but with the rage of wilde beasts ▪ threw themselues desperately vpon wounds , and vpon certaine , and fore seene death . so the formost falling , the followers began to slacke . and yet they sled not , but retired to the mount called olacrus . i will out of appian ioyne a third experience in the battaile of antiochus against l. scipio , which i likewise touched before in this chapter . as soone , as the horse , and chariots of antiochus were put to flight by the roman horsemen , and by eumenes , his phalange of foote being destitute of horse , first opened , and receiued the light-armed , ( that had all this while fought in the front ) into the middest of it . then after-ward againe closed . and when domitius scipio's lieutenant , incompassed it round with horse and light-armed , which he might easily doe , by reason it was thrust vp into a thicke plinthium ; it was driuen to great distresse ; being neither able to charge the enemy , nor yet to countermarch in so great depth , as it carried . it grieued them much , that their long experience nothing auailed them to annoy the enemy , and that notwithstanding they were subiect to arrowes , and darts at all hands . yet , bearing out a multitude of pikes on euery side of their square , they called the romans to come to handy blowes , and still made a countenance , as though they meant to charge , keeping themselues for all that within their ranks , as being footmen , and heauy armed , and the rather , because they had to doe , with an enemy on horse-backe . besides they were loth to breake the thicknes of their battaile , which forme they could not now alter . the romans also , durst not approach them , and come to sword , fearing their experience in warre , and closenesse of array , and desperation . but running about here , and there , plied them with arrowes , and darts , whereof none was throwne in vaine , falling amongst a troupe so closely put vp together , that they could neither auoide , and decline any thing throwne , nor giue way , albeit they saw it comming . at last being weary , and irresolute what to doe , they retired easily , with a threatning countenance notwithstanding , and in good order , and not deliuering the romans of feare , who durst not yet come neare , but sought to annoy them aloofe ; till the elephants placed in the macedonian phalange , being affrighted , and not to be ruled by their gouernours , troubled all , and gaue occasion of flight : hitherto appian . out of these three examples , the truth of that , which aelian saith , is to be seene , that is , that the macedonian phalange can not be forced , or resisted by an enemy , ( taking with all polybius his caution ) if it be in the right posture , and figure , and haue such ground , as is fit . the romans the best souldiers of all antiquitie were repulsed by it at a siege , forced to retire in a battell , durst not come neare it , after they had gained the field of the rest of the army . and the consull aemilius , a man that had seene much seruice , and fought many a battaile , and was one of the best generalls of that time , confessed , he neuer saw so fearefull a sight , as when he beheld the phalange advancing into the field , the bodies ioyned , the targets serred , and locked together , darting out fire like lightning , the front rough with couched , and charged pikes , and armed with yron , and threatning present death to him , that durst approach . occupying two cubits of ground ] we may not take it , as though the souldier betwixt file , and file had two cubits , or three foote of ground . for we learned before that in locking vp the phalange , the distance betweene man , and man in front was but a cubit . but it is to be vnderstood betweene ranke and ranke . for polybius saith , that the souldier ought to haue roome for the vse of his weapon , which cannot be , without granting him three foote behinde , the pike being some-times to be pushed forward , some-times to be drawne backe , sometimes otherwise handled , as occasion of fight shall require . the length of the pike is cubits ] a sixteene cubits , which is twenty foure foote , is a great length for a pike , and it verifieth the words of livy , that the macedonian pike is vnwealdy , by reason of the length , and weight ; yet doe wee read of pikes of that length . the b ae●essans had such . the c chalybes pikes were about cubits long . d but was the length at the first , the maccdonians brought it to , which they tooke to be a sufficient length against the enemie , and easier for the pike-man to beare and handle . the space in charging betwixt the handes taking vp two cubi●s ] herein is a difference betweene aelian , and polybius . aelian would haue no more , then cubits lost in charging ; e polybius saith . are lost , and with polybius agreeth leo. but the cause of the difference ariset● out of the forme of the pike , and of the manner of holding it in the charge . if it be held at the butt end with the right hand , and supported toward the armed end with the left , as the manner in charging is , it cannot loose aboue two cubits , and ae●an is in the right . but if , in holding it , you set the right hand cubits from the butt and , then must cubits of necessitie be lost . whereof rest behinde the right hand , the other two are taken vp by the space betwixt both hands . our manner of charging is at this day ▪ to take the butt end in the right hand , and in so doing we loose but two cubits . but it seemeth our pikes are not made in that forme , they were in polybius time . in polybius age they had wei●hts at the but : end to make the sharpe end the lighter , as the heauie pummell lightereth the sword in handling . g this weight was called h secoma , as it were a counter-weight to the heauinesse , and length of the pike . neither do i read any thing elsewhere then in polybius , concerning the counter-weight of a pike . to the handle of an oare ▪ i finde in i atheneus , that lead was added , to make the part standing out from the shippe more light . but yet polybius , and aelians opinions may well agree , and in pikes that haue counterweights at their ends ( the hold for charging being taken two cubits from the butt end ) there may be lost foure cubits , where the other sort being held at the butt end it selfe , loose but cubits . the pikes of the other behinde , cannot reach to the first ranke ] how shall they beare their pikes then ? k polybius sheweth , what the manner was . those rankes , saith he , that stand behinde the fifth , can helpe nothing to the fight in front . and therefore they charge not their pikes low , but beare them towards their forestanders shoulders , the points somewhat erected to secure the battaile from aboue , intercepting by their thicke lying the missiue weapons , which flying ouer the front , would otherwise fall vpon their heads , that are placed toward the reare . polybius saith the manner was , ( neither to charge , nor order their pikes , but ) to beare them forwards stoping towards the shoulders of their companions before . yet by bearin them so , what security they could ●ue from the missiue weapons , that came aloft , i cannot yet conceiue . an arrow , dart , or stone , vnlesse it hit iust on the middest of the pikes , would do as much , and sometimes more , harme by glancing , then if it had not touched them at all . some would haue the hinder pikes longer ] the opinion of them , whom aelian here speak●th of , hath little reason to ground vpon . for either the pike of th●m that come in the fiue rancks behinde , especially the two last , must exceede in length , or else the fileleader● pikes in shortnesse , both which are ●like vnprofit●ble . if they bee too long , they cannot be weilded ▪ if these too short , the enemie shall reach the file-leaders , and not the file-leaders the enemie . the measure of the longest pike was cubits , which yet for aptnesse and vse was by the macedonians reduced to . say then the sixteenth ranke carrieth pikes of cubits ; two of the cubits according to aelian , are taken away in handling , other ten by reason of the distance of the fiue former rankes . foure cubits alone remaine , and reach ouer the front . if the file leader in the front shorten his pike to foure cubits to make an euen extention , he shall not come neere the enemie by ten cubits , who in pushing will reach home to him . for what length soeuer , is taken from the file-leader in front the same is giuen to the enemie , that pusheth with him . and hee shall bee able to wound the file-leader , and not the file-leader him , especially the pikes differing in so great a proportion . the superordinarie lieutenant of euery syntagma ] i haue before noted the dutie of a lieutenant of the syntagma , and it is here well expressed by aelian . he , that desireth to see more touching the same , let him resort to xenophons cyropaedia : lib. . . and lib. . . b. and to leo , cap. . § . the place of the light-armed , and the number of euery file . chap. xv. thus much of ordering and marshalling the armed-foote . i will adde a word , or two , of the light-armed , or naked . the generall is to place the light-armed so , that they be readie for all attempts of the enemy , sometime in front , sometime in flanke , sometime in the reare , according to occasion or necessity . for our purpose let them be thus ordered : we will frame also of them files as many , as the phalange of the armed conteined ; so that the first file of the light-armed be placed directly behinde the first file of the armed , and the second file behinde the second , and so the rest . yet shall they not be sixteene to the file , but halfe so many , namely eight ; so that in files there shall bee eight thousand , one hundred , ninety two men . notes . hitherto all things concerning the arming , filing , embatteling , number , command , distance and precedence of the armed are declared ; and likewise , of the arming of the light and somewhat of their place . now followeth the filing , ranking , and place more exactly , and their manner of embattailing , with their seuer all bodies , and commaunds . the generall is to place ] i haue spoken somewhat before of the placing of the light . i will now onely adde a passage of leo tending thereunto . a leo saith thus , you shall range the archers behinde the reare of euery file according to the number of the file , ( that is foure light for twenty six armed , proportioning an archer for euery foure armed . or if it be needfull , you shall order them within the files , an armed , and an archer . sometimes without the wings of the battaile ; that is within the horse . oftentimes without the horse a little distance , with a few targetiers , to defend the vttermost flankes of the horse . and this is to bee done , when you abound in multitude of light-armed . but those , that vse small darts , and iauelins , and such like are to be placed , either in the reare of the armed , or in the wings of the battaile , and not in the middest . the slingers are alwaies , to bee set in the wings . thus leo placeth his light armed . but aelian here ( as before in the seuenth chapter ) designeth their place in the reare , but so , that hee leaueth it to the generalls choice , and to the occasion of seruice to place them , as most befitteth . being set behinde , as aelians order is , they must answer the armed in number of files , & be directed by the files of the armed for their standing ; that is euery file of the light-armed is to order it selfe in a right line after a file of the armed in such manner , as the armed are before embattailed . aelian in the beginning diuided the foote into three parts , armed , targetieres , and light-armed . to the armed he hath giuen place , and maketh the phalange to consist of them , the light-armed he rangeth in the reare of the armed , what shall become of tagetiers ? for he speaketh not a word of placing them . by that i read in arrian i would think , they were placed amongst the light-armed , and next to the armed . first because aelian saith , many number them amongst the light . then i see the hypaspists placed betwixt the horse , and the armed in alexanders fields , at granicus , at issos , and at gaugamela ; lastly leo in the passage before recited , when he placed the light-armed without the horse , he ioyneth targetiers with them , for their safegard . b cyrus likewise placeth them next the armed in the reare ; and after them the archers . yet shall they not be . ] the file of the light-armed is lesse in number , then the file of the armed . for if they should be in file , the number being but halfe to the armed , they should not be able to make aboue files , and breeding there by a disproportion both in placing , and corespondence one to an other , not equall the length of the phalange . besides standing eight in file , and in the reare , their flying weapons will bee sent with more force against , their enemie ; in as much as the hindermost of them are neerer the enemie by twentie foure foote , which the last eight in a file of deepe take vp . and missiue weapons , the lesse their compasse is , when they are sent against a marke , with more violence they pierce . as they hurt not greatly , if the distance be too farre , from whence they come . the names of the bodies of the light-armed . chap. xvi . their names and degrees are these . foure files of light-armed are called a systasis of . men . two systasies a pentecontarchy of men . two pentecontarchies a century of men . in euery century ought to bee superordinarie men : an ensigne , a reare-commander , a trumpetter , a serieant , and a crier . two centuries containe men , and are called a psylagy . two psylagies a xenagy of men . two xenagies a systremma of men . two epixenagies a stiphos of men . two stiphos an epitagma of files , men . these ought also to haue superordinarie men , whereof foure should bee epixenagies , the other foure systremmatarchs . notes . cap a systasis a pentecontarchy the light armed the front but here i may not praetermit the curiositie of the graecians in their appellations , and their plenty of speach , apt to giue diuersitie to things , that are diuers . for where there are bo●es , amongst armed , and light-armed , which consist of the same number , and therefore , as it seemes , might well enough haue beene comprehended vnder one name , they notwithstanding to auoide confusion , and for perspicuities sake haue thought good to call them by sundry names . thirty two armed men are called a dilochi ; light armed are a systasis ; armed are a tetrarchie ; light armed a pentecontarchie ; armed a taxis ; light , a hecatontarchie . our tongue will not afford such variety . for albeit in common speach we distinguish the kinde of souldier ; yet confound we the name of the body , and of the command . a certaine number of pikes vnder a captaine we call a company of pikes ; so many shot vnder a captaine we likewise call a company of shot . the captaines , one a captaine of pikes , and the other a captaine of shot . a company of curacers of horse , we call a troope of curacers ; as many argoleters , a troope of argoleters . the commanders of either of them we terme captaines , the one of curacers , the other of argoleteres . but let vs come to particular explication . asystasis ] it commeth of synistemi to stand together : and asystasis is a standing together ; which word albeit it may be extended to any kinde of people assembled , and standing together ; yet it is here appropriated to souldiers ; and more particularly to . files of light armed , consisting of men , men going to the file . a pentecontarchie ] the command of men . and so it was vsed of olde . but the macedonian , gaue men to this command , and yet reteined the name , because it was familiar , and well knowne . a century ] aelian calleth it a hecatontarchie , the command of a men . the name was vsuall before the macedonians time , and it conteyned men . but the macedonians gaue it men . this was answerable to the syntagma amongst the armed , and had the like officers . yet whether it had a captaine , or no , may be some doubt ; the rather because aelian in this chap : nameth no commanders , but systrematarchs , and epixenagies ; and those he would haue super-ordinary . for my part , i thinke they had centurions also . for as euery body of the armed had a head , so i would thinke it requisite also amongst the light-armed , especially seing there was a bringer-vp , and other officers belonging to a company ; which vnlesse they had a commander , would become vnprofitable . for if there were no captaine , to whom should the crier , or trumpet , or sergeant of the centurie resort for direction ? adde , that the light were often drawne to the winges , to the front , or other places of seruice , which could not be done without leaders . for to put a systrematarch , or an epixenagie to lead a century , were to leaue the rest of the centuries vnder them without a commander . besides , the macedonians were very particular in their commands , and left no body without a heads which is the cause of the multitude of commanders in the phalange . but they are not here mentioned . no more are the a commanders of the horse in the diuision of the bodies of the horse , and yet i thinke no man will doubt , but the horsem●n had commanders . 〈◊〉 , i finde in the graecian historie , captaines of the light-armed often named . b 〈◊〉 is said to be commander of the targetires , in a fight the graecians had against the persians . c stratocles commanded the cretan archers in the returne of the graecians out of persia. d eurybates captaine of the cretan archers in alexanders army was slaine by the thebans at the ●ege of thebes . e when antioch●s the captaine of the archers was dead , omb●io was chosen in his place . mention is made also in f arrian of clearchus the captaine of the archers . and when aelian calleth the systremmatarchs , and the epixenages superordinary ( ectactous ) he might haue said as much of all the other commanders . and he saith expresly of the offecers of the centurie , that they were superordinary ( ectactoi ) . a psylagi ] the word is a body of light-armed . which word , if it were taken , as it naturally signifieth , is common to , and comprehendeth all the bodies of the light-armed , whereof aelian speaketh in this chapter . but here it is restrained to a body of light-armed , which compriseth men , and files , and so it is to be taken . a xenagie ] that is , a command of strangers . aelian before saith , that a syntagma was by some called a xenagie . i haue giuen my opinion there of the originall of the word , which i neede not to repeat here ; this onely i will note , that of all the bodies of the light-armed , no one hath a common name with the body of the armed , but onely the xenagie . and aelian giueth also that body of the armed an other name , calling it a syntagma . the xenagie hath in it men , and files . a systremma ] g it signifieth a conglobation , or trouping together . proper names are wanting for these bodies , and therefore such taken , as might at any hand signifie the thing meant . in continuance of time vse hath gained a passage , and made them to be accepted as proper enough . the systremma conteineth men , and files . there is nothing to be found in aelian of the chiliarchie of the light-armed ; yet doth h arrian mention chiliarchies of archers in the army of alexander . an epixenagie ] a command aboue a xenagie ; as afterward in the command of the horse , there is an ephipparchie aboue a hipparchie . the word is improper and hard enough , but when it is receiued by vse , what should we seeke for more ? it conteineth men , and files . a stiphos ] it is deriued from steibo , to thicken , and in penury of an other name , this body of the light-armed is called stiphos , because they are thickned , and thronged together . there is in it men , and files . an epitagma ] is the last body amongst the light-armed . the signification of epitasso is to place behinde . from thence commeth epitaxis , placing the light-armed in the reare , which word is after vsed by aelian . epitagma is deriued from the same fountaine ; and it is called epitagma , not of placing behinde , ( for sometimes they were placed before , sometimes in the flanke ) but it was the best name they could giue to the whole light-armed . and yet it may be , that because all the light-armed in auncient time were placed behinde , the whole masse was called epitagma , as being placed after the armed in the re●re . the epitagma hath in it men , and files , for so many light-armed attend the phalange . eight superordinarie men ] why these eight men should be superordinarie more than the rest of the commanders , i conceiue not yet . if aelians meaning be , that these alone shall command the light-armed , historie and practise of auncient times convince the contrary . besides where he nameth foure epixenagies , it agreeth with the number , that are in the epitagma of light . but where hee addeth foure sistremmatarchs more to make vp the number of the eight superordinarie , it is hard to knowe , which foure hee meaneth , considering there are eight sistremmas in the epitagma . now because the fi●es of the light-armed are in embattailing to be marshalled to the files of the 〈◊〉 , i thought good to set downe , how the bodies of both agree , by comparing them together i● files not in number of men . for in number of men they cannot well agree , because the file of 〈◊〉 armed hath more , then the file of the light-armed . and the number of the armed in grosse is , of the light-armed but . and i will first begin with the systasis , because it is the least body of the light . the bodies of the armed , the bodies of the light-armed . a tetrarchie a systasis , files . a taxis a pentecontarchie , files . a syntagma a hecatontarchie , files . a pentecosiarchie a psilagie , files . a chiliarchie a xenagie , files . a merarchie asystremma , files . a phalangarchie an epixenagie files . a diphalangarchie a stiphos files . a tetraphalangarchie an epitagma files . the vse of light-armed foote . chap. xvii . darters , archers , and all other , that vse flying weapons , are good to begin the fight to prouok the enemie , to breake and shatter armour , to wound , annoy , and beate downe a farre of ; to disaray the enemy , to repulse their horse , to beat in their light-armed , to discouer suspected places , and to lay ambushes . lastly these first vndertaking the skirmish , and continuing it with the rest , and seconding them , and seruing for speedie , and farre-of-attempts , worke many , and great effects in fight . notes . the arming , place , filing , bodies , and command of the light-armed are hitherto handled : now followeth the vse , and seruice they performe in the field . and first wee are to thinke of the bodie of an armie , as of the body of a man , that is compact of seuerall parts : of which some parts are of more vse then other , some being able to performe their function without 〈◊〉 helpe of the other , some except the other help , can doe nothing to purpose of themselues . the parts of an armie are like . the armed are the strength of the field , and are the refuge for the rest in extremitie . the light ioyned with the armed , worke great effects ( those which aelian speaketh of in this chapter and many more ) without them they cannot so much as maintaine a place in the field . a and as xenophon saith , let them be neuer so many in ●umber , yet dare they not stand or abide a fewe armed . in which respect , a place fit hath alwaies beene sought for their seruice , to secure them from the accesse of the horse , or of the enemies armed . which place was either behinde the phalange ( as aelian here would haue it ) or else in the wings betwixt the horse , and the armed , or if they skirmished loose before the front , and chanced to bee pressed with the enemy , they retired into the interualls , and conueied themselues behind the phalange in safetie . b leo saith , if there be any place of strength , it will much helpe the light-armed . for after their flying weapons spent , re●iring thither , they will be in more securitie , as a steepe rockie place , or the bancke of a riuer , or a high hill , or such other . our stories report , that at the battaile of agincourt in france english archers were bestowed in a meddow fenced with a deepe ditch ; from whence they so gauled the french horse and foot , that they were a great helpe to the victorie . the like happened before at poitiers , where that braue prince of wales eldest sonne of edward the third , hauing to fight with the whole power of france vnder the leading of their king , gaue safegard to his archers , with hedges , and ditches , and other strengths . so that the french-horse hauing no accesse to disorder them , were ouerwhelmed with the tempests , and stormes of their arrowes , and such a victory obteined by our nation , as might ma●ch the most renowmed of all antiquitie . to say nothing of the inuention which henrie the fifth vsed against the horse of france for securing his archers . the storie saith , he deuised stakes of two yards long , and armed both ends with pikes of iron , the one to sticke into the ground , and the other to gall , and enter the horses bellies , in case they came to charge our archers home . by meanes whereof he caried the famous victorie of agincourt . this for the assurance of the light armed , when they come to fight , without which assurance , their seruice would be weake , and scarce worth the hauing . their seruice then according to aelian hath many particulars . and they are good to prouoke the enemie ] if the enemie be in a wood , a fen●e , a hill , a fort , a towne , or other place of strength , that admitteth no accesse , the manner hath beene to send out the light armie to shew themselues , and with a brauado to towle him out of his aduantage , and bring him into the field , where he may more easily be dealt withall . examples are plentifull , but i will content my selfe with a macedonian example . c alexander leading his armie against the triballs , that had hid themselues in a wood , commanded his archers , and slingers to runne out , and to shoote , and sling amongst the barbarians to see , if he could towle them into the plaine . the archers , and slingers spared not to let flie , and the triballs being wounded with arrowes , threw themselues out of the wood with all speed , to fall vpon the vnarmed archers . alexander presently commanded philotas with the horse of vpper macedonia to charge the right wing ; on which part they cast out themselues furthest . and heraclides , and sopolis with the horse of botti●a , and amphipolis the left , himselfe stretching out in length the phalange of foote , & setting the rest of horse before the phalange , led against the midst of the enemie . as long as it was but a skirmish , the triballs had not the worst . but after the phalange close serred came vp roundly to them , and the horsemen charged them no longer with darts , but pressed , and ouerbore them with their horse , they fled thorough the wood to the riuer . to beginne the fight ] d leo agreeth . if , saith he , we haue light-armed enough , let them , before the armie ioyne , send their darts , and arrowes at the enemie , and after the fight of the armed is begunne plie the flanke with their missiue weapons , that at ouce both their flankes may be assaulted . it hath beene and is now the ordinarie course to beginne the fight with the light-armed . and because wee shall read of no bat●aile almost wherein it was not so , i will forbeare examples . to wound a farreof ] the light serue to great purpose , if the generall desire not to come neere to fight , but seeke to annoy his enemie a farre of without danger of his owne folkes liuy telleth of cn. manlius volso , that being to make warre against the gallo graecians , that fled into the mountaines , and awaited the romans there , and sought to defend themselues , by aduantage of the place , he prepared great plenty of darts , arrowes , bullets , and small stones for slinges : and leauing his legionari● soul●iers behind , led his light armed , against the enemy , that possessed certaine straights , by which his armie must passe . after some fight the gallo-graecians being not sufficiently armed , to d●fend their bodies from the missiue weapons , the light-armed of the romans forced the passag● . and following them euen to the campe , where their companions came to their aide they first droue them into their campe , and after the legionarie souldiers comming vp , they wonne it . i haue before rehearsed the historie of iphicrates , who with his targetires ( that came seldome to hand blowes , but plied the enemie with dar●s a farre of ) ouerthrew and slewe a whole moira of the lacedemonians . the acarnans , likewise with this kinde of fight , much incumbred agesilaus , that made an excursion into their countrey . the story is this , a agesilaus hauing taken a great prey , in the territory of the acarnans , rested that day , where he had taken it , being busie in selling of it . in the meane time many acarnan targetieres assembled themselues together , where agesilaus was incamped vpon the side of a mountaine , and with darting and slinging , they forced his campe to descend to the plaine , themselues in the meane time being free from hurt . the next day agesilaus led away his armie . the passage out of the place was straight , by reason of the mountaines lying about in a circle , which the acarnans possessing , plied the lacedemonians with darts , and stones , from the higher ground , and sometimes descending to the skirts of the hills , they pressed the armie so , that it could not moue forward . and when the armed , foote , or horse , fell out vpon them , they profited little : for the acarnans retired immediately , to their strength . agesilaus perceiuing it would be hard for his armie to winde out of those straights , so long as the enemy so hung vpon them , resolued to charge those on his left hand . for the ascent on that side was more easie , both for his horse , and armed foote . commanding therefore , his men to charge , the armed ( of yeeres of age ) first fell on , and the horse after them vpon the spurre . himselfe followed with the rest . the acarnans therefore , that were descended , and busie a darting , were quickly put to flight , and many slaine in seeking to remount the hills . but their armed foote , and most of their targetiers , stood imbattailed on the toppe , and from thence both threwe other missiues , and lanced iauelines , wherewith they wounded horsemen , and killed some horse . but being ready to be charged by the lacedemonian armed , they fled , loosing some in the flight . these light-armed then , as long as they can keep aloofe from the enemie , annoy them sore by wounding ( as aelian saith ) a farre of ; as soone as the armed come vp , they are glad to quite their place , and saue themselues by flight . to disarray ] so long as a battaile remaineth in order , no victorie is gotten against it . breaking of array , and disbanding , are companions of flight , and of forsaking the field . the armed , that are to endure the efforts of the light armed , must either keepe still their order , and suffer themselues , to be knocked downe , and slaine , as they stand , or else prouide for themselues , by flight , or by yeelding . for the light-armed effect with their missiue weapons the one , or the other . an e example may be seene in the aegyptians in craesus his battaile , who after the defeate of the rest of the armie , maintained yet the fight , and yeelded not to cyrus , though he had now the victorie . cyrus at the first charged their backes with his horse , and being not able to breake them , was faine to command his archers , and darters , to shoote and cast their darts at them : wh●rby the egyptians after many wounds , and losse of their people , were finally constrained to yeeld . a like example is before alledged f of domitius the lieutenant of l. scipio , who with missiue weapons alone forced the macedonian phalange to scatter , and take themselues to flight . to repulse their horse ] the light armed alone , without a sure retreate to the armed , or else some place of strength , can d●e little in repulsing of horse . i haue shewed before in the ● exploite of crassus into persia , how the lightarmed were beaten in by the persian horse , and by the shew of wounds , they receiued , and with their feare , discouraged the armed . the like happened in c antonies retreate out of persia , the light-armed being faine to shroude themselues from the persian horse within the phalange of the armed . be they neuer so many , without some such assurance the horse will soon ouerrunue them ; hauing this assurance their seruice much afflicteth horsemen both in wounding them , and in killing their horse . therefore d of ancient time it was vsuall to mingle horse , and light armed together . for the enemies horse so charged , cannot be able to resist both . a notable example is in e hirtius : caesar , saith hee , hauing a iourney in hand , and but a small number of horse , and legionary souldiers , was in his way set vpon by the enemie abounding in store of horse , and of light armed numidians amongst them . and when the souldiers of caesar fell out to charge , the enemies horse galloped away , and the foote stood fast , till the horse with a full carreare returned to the rescue . this kinde of fight troubled caesar much , and would haue troubled him more , had hee not recouered hills , that were not farre of , and by that meanes shaken of the molesting enemy . and for repulsing horse there is no better meanes for the armed foote , then with the light armed to line that part of the battaile , where the horse shall be about to giue on . to beat in the light armed ] the light armed being nimble and quick , and seeking alwaies aduantages by changing of ground , can neuer be forced by the armed foote , ( who are charged with heauie furniture , and by reason thereof can make no speed ) to seeke succour in the battaile of their armed . either they must be beaten in by the horse , or by the contrary light armed , as aelian hath heere . the horse are commonly to encounter with horse , and the light-armed with light-armed , amongst whom the greater number preuaileth , their skill , and armes being alike . for the fight being a farre of , many will sooner wound , or kill a few , then a few many , saith f xenophon : if the fight bee at hand the better armed , or better minded will driue the other out of the field . the g roman horse , and the light-armed , were too hard for the macedonians , and chased them to their campe. and that happened by reason their armour was fitter to close , and to fight at hand . so our archers at the battaile of cressy compelled the genua crossebowes to forsake the field , the english bowe being better in vse , then the genua crossebowe . when they haue made the contrary light armed to quit their place , they are at liberty themselues to serue , where most aduantage may be had of their seruice . to discouer suspected places , and lay ambushes ] suspected places are such for the most part , as ambushes are laid in . ambushes are of two kindes , being laid either to endamage the enemies battell in the field , or to hinder , and disapoint his march . the places , such as are remoued from sight , and had neede of speciall discouery . as woods , mountaines , forrests , rockes , banckes of riuers , caues , hills hollow , and deepe waies , and the like , the most part of which are rough , and intricate , and scarce passable for the heauy armed , and horse . but the light armed ▪ that are not incumbred with weight of armes , & able quickly to aduance , or retire , are fittest to lie close in such places , or to search if the enemie be lodg●d there . for the first kinde of ambushes wee read , that both heauy armed , and horse haue been● imploied . the warres of anniball in italy afford plenty of examples herein . for the other , which is to b●set or discouer waies , there are none so fit , as the light armed , whose quicknes , and expedition , giueth then aduantage to assault their enemy with their missiue weapons , though the ground be neuer so vnequall , and meanes to view any place suspected without almost any danger of their owne . 〈◊〉 cap the square . .in front . . in flank . in front . . in flank . . in front . . in flank for speedy and farre attempts ] a heauie armed man is not fit for farre or suddaine attempts ; he is armed for a firme and stedfast fight , and not for concursations . alexander , whensoeuer he was to vse expedition , tooke with him the horse and light-armed , leauing the armed to come after . a so did he , when he oppressed clytus , and glaucias in their campe ▪ b so when he possessed himselfe of the streights of cilicia ; c so in preuenting of the burning of tarsus ; d so in seeking to take the straights of the vxians , e and the gates of persia f and the rocke of aorne . the same hath beene the manner of other generalls , as i haue noted in other places . for when celerity is requisite , who so fit to be imploied , as they who haue nothing to hinder their speede ? the targetiere had but a light target , and a sp●are ; the lightarmed but their armes . and what are they ? bowe , and arrowes , darts , and slings , which haue no weight in them . g which was the reason also , that in victory they were imployed in giuing cha●e to the enemie , that had lost the field . the armed vsed to follow in good order of bat●ell , the slaughter , and execution was deliuered to the light armed , and horse . wherein notwithstanding the counsell of iphicrates was held good ; take heede ( said hee , to his light-armed ) of ambushes , and spare not to presse hard vpon the reare of those , that flie , till you come to riuers , or straights , or ditches . for it is dangerous in such places to hinder the enemies flights , least feare turne into desperation . the fashion of horse-battailes : and first of the rhombe ; the wedge , and the square . chap. xviii . those , that haue written before mee , haue diuersely framed horse-battailes , some of iust squares , some longer in flanke , then in front , some like a rhombe , some like a wedge , but none of them haue ( if i may speake freely ) expressed fully their owne conceits . therefore to make all things cleere , and better to bee vnderstood , i will set downe the seuerall figures of each seuerall kinde . it seemeth the thessalians whose power was great in horse , were the first , that vsed the kinde of battaile fashioned in forme of a rhombe ( the inuention whereof is attributed to iason ) as fittest for all encounters ; the horsemen thus ordered being ready to turne their faces euery way with speede , and not easie to bee surprised in flanke , or in the reare . because the best men stand in the flanke , and the commanders in the angles , as namely the captaine of the troupe in the front , and in the right , and left angles those , that are called flanke-commanders , and the leiutenant in the reare-angle . the scythians , and thracians haue vsed wedges , and likewise the macedonians by the ordinance of king philip. for this kinde of battaile was held of mor exact vse , then the square , because the commanders are placed in a circle ; and consisting of a narrow front , it maketh readie passage thorough any distance , and an easier wheeling and returning to the first posture , as hauing no such troublesome windings about , as hath the square . the persians , and sicilians , and most graecians made choice of squares , being of opinion they were more easie to frame , and fitter for ioint-mouing of the horse , and more effectuall in vse . for they are sooner in order being digested into files , and rankes , and in this order alone all the commanders fall vpon , and charge the enemie with one maine force . those are best squares , that double the number of the length to the number of the depth . as when there are eight in length , and foure in depth , or tenne in length , and fiue in depth . these in number are of vnequall sides , but in figure foure square . for the length of a horse from head to taile compared with his bredth requireth more men in rank , then in file [ to make vp the square ] some allow thrice as many in length , as in depth , and thinke by that meanes a perfect square may be formed : because for the most part , the length of a horse seemeth thrice as much , as the bredth betwixt his shoulders . therefore they giue nine in front , and three in flanke . for a multitude of horsemen yeeld not the same aduantage behinde , that foote doe , when in the depth of the battaile they iointly thrust on ; in as much as the horse helpe nothing to the setlednesse of fast resistance , being neither able to thrust those forwards , that are before , nor yet to linke , and knitte with them , and so to make one weight , as it were , of the whole body ; and in case they presse vpon the formost , by disordering , and distempering their owne horse , they annoy themselues more , then the enemy . therefore it alwaies falleth out , that when there are as many horse in length , as in depth , a square of number is made , but the sides of the figure are vnequall , the depth exceeding the length in proportion : but when the figure of the troupe is square , the number of the sides and front , is vnequall . notes . in the second chapter of this booke , the armie was diuided into two kindes , footemen , and riders . footemen againe into three , armed , targetieres , and light armed . of these three is hither to treated . riders follow , who either vsed horses , or elephants . horses either alone , or else in chariots . of these aelian treateth seuerally hereafter . for the arming , and place of horse in the fielde , hee hath sufficiently spoken already . the following discourse is : first , of the manner of embattailing horse ( wherein he setteth downe the diuersity of vsage in ancient time ) then of chariots , and lastly of elephants . a that a horse is a kinde of beast , that loues man , and is most faithfull vnto him pliny testifieth . the vse of him is for carriage , and for seruice in the field . and in the seruice of the field an armie without horse , is in a manner no armie . iphicrates ( as i haue said before ) comparing an armie to a mans body resembleth the horse to feete . and as the body hath no power of mouing , or rather remouing , the feete being lame , or taken away ▪ so is the armie slow , and vnfit for expedition , that is destitute of horse ; and may be well resembled to those beasts , that creepe vpon their bellies , whose greatest hast is with little speede . the horse do great seruice in the field of themselues alone ; and are principally imployed in matters that require quicknesse in dispatch . therefore are they fit for discoueries , either of the enemies country , or of his campe , or of his marche , or of other things , whereof the generall desires to haue notice . and not for discoueries alone , but to spoile , and destroy , whatsoeuer the enemy hath growing , to make prey of his cattle , burne his houses , kill his people , surprise his places of strength , and to ●mbarre him from doing the like to vs ; to bring and conuay prouision for our campe , to shut in the enemie , that he goe not out his campe for like causes , to hinder the enemies march by falling on the reare . briefely all expeditions of celeritie are for the most part deliuered to the horse alone . especially as long as they are in such places , as giue them liberty to go on , or retire at their pleasures . yet are they often ioyned with the light armed , as i haue shewed . they often ioine likewise with the armed . a and if they may come to charge the enemies battaile in the flanke , or reare , at such time , as our armed charge in front , they ●ndanger all . but for imployment alone against the armed foote many examples of former times shew , how weake there force is . b and how little they preuaile ( especially against armed , that are practized in fight , and resolute souldiers ) the examples i haue quoted in the margent make the matter cleare . for further confirmation i will set downe xenophons opinion , which all be it , it were deliuered concerning the persian horse , that came against the armed foote of the graecians in their return out of persia ▪ yet the reason stretcheth to all horse in generall . his words sound thus : c if any of you faint in minde ( said he to the graecians ) because we haue none , the enemy many horse , let him consider , that ten thousand horse-men are no more , then ten thousand men . for no man was euer slaine in battaile by byting , or stroke of a horse : men they are , that performe , whatsoeuer is done in fight . as for vs ( the foote he meaneth ) our mounting is much more firme , and stedfast then theirs . they hange vpon their horse , and are in feare not onely of vs , but to be shaken of and throwne to ground . we contrariewise haue stable footing , and shall be able both with great assurednesse to strik , and direct our aime with more certainty . one aduantage the horse-men haue , they may more securely runne away . hitherto xenophon . and so much is summarily spoken of the seruice of horse . the thessalians , whose power was great in horse ] the thessalians inhabiting about the mountaine pelius were the first , that fought on horse-backe , and were therefore called centaures . when they watered their horses in the riuer peneus , the horse heades stooping to drinke made the vnskilfull multitude , who saw the bodies of men ioyned to the shoulders of the horse , conceiue , that the vpper part was man , and the neither oxe . for it should seeme , horse were not so well knowne then , as oxen ▪ with which they laboured and plowed their land . the poets therefore fained , that they were monsters compounded of two diuers natures , man and oxe , or bull ; and that centaurus , the beginner of the race was begotten by ixion vpon a cloude , which was figured like iuno . howbeit seruius giueth a better originall of the name , saying , that certaine seruants of a thessalian king seeing their masters neate , raging with the brimse ( a flie that biteth cattell ) got a horse backe , and pricking them with goades , reduced them to their stables ; and that they were after called centaures , para kentein tous taurous , of pricking the neate . the great etymologicon giueth yet an other beginning of the name . for where i haue said that centaurus was begotten by ixion vpon a cloude , which was figured like iuno , with whom ixion was in loue : the etymologicon saith , the sonne of ixion , and of the cloude was called centaurus : apo tou ton patera autou kentein ten auran . but d diodorus sicul. reporting the historie of the centaures , speaketh not of centaurus , the father of the race but saith notwithstanding , that they were bred of a cloude , and that the nymphs brought them vp , and that they were the first horsemen , and therefore called hippocentauri which gaue occasion to the fable , that they had two natures . it is generally agreed , that these centaures were thessalians , and that they were the first horsemen , that are mentioned in any history . and as they were the first , so by reason of their long practise e they were accounted the best , the most valiant , and the most expert horse-men of all greece , euen to the time of philip , sonne of amintas king of macedonia , who conquered all thessaly ( saith f iustin ) not of desire to make himselfe rich of the prey of that countrey , but to winne to his armie the strength of the thessalian horsemen . whose seruice he vsed afterward in all his war. neither did they lesse seruice to his sonne g alexander , in whose greatest battailes their vertue clearelie appeareth , and is especially commended by histories . h pyrrhus , also , principally by their valor , put the romans to flight . e agesilaus returning out of asia towards his countrey led his armie through thessalie , and being much incumbred in his mareh by the thessalian horsemen , that were his enemies , hee charged them and ouerthrewe them , and pleased himselfe maruellously therein , because with troupes of horse , which himselfe had raised , and disciplined , hee had ouerthrowne the thessalians , that were ( saith xenophon ) so highly renowned for horsemanship . fashioned and forme of a rhombe ] there are three kindes of horse battailes mentioned by aelian , the rhombe , the wedge , and the square . and the square is either a iust , square , or longer in flanke then in front , or in front then in flanke . the rhombe was the inuention of the thessalians , and in that forme they vsually fought . but where he maketh iason to be the inuentor of it , he afterward expoundeth his owne meaning , attributing the inuention to ileon the thessalian ( from whom also it was tearmed ile ) but the chiefe practise to iason . euclyde defineth a rhombe in this sort : f a rhombe is a square figure , that hath the sides equall , but the angles not right . that is , the foure sides of the square are of one , and the same length , but the points , which make the angles , are two of them stretched out in greater length , and become more sharpe , two of them brought narrower together , and made more blunt , then the right angles of a tetragonall square . see the figure . it is the same figure in a battaile , that at this day we call the diamond battaile , which is sometimes practised amongst the foote for shew , and evercise sake , but amongst the horse i haue not seene it practised . and as the square goeth to charge with all the souldiers , that stand in one of the sides , that is with the front , ( for the front is but a side of the square ) so the rhombe chargeth with one of the points , which is the front of the rhombe . whether of them is of most vse in the field , i am not to determine . for the square standes the practise of our daies , besides the vsage of the persians , sicilians , and most graecians , as aelian saith . for the rhombe the thessalians alone ( which notwithstanding were acknowledged the best horsemen of greece ) vnlesse we allow the wedge for a parcell of the rhombe , ( a rhombe being but a double wedge , as making two wedges , when it is diuided in two ) and then haue wee for the rhombe not onely the scythians , and thracians ( both nations very good horsemen ) but king philip amintas sonne , and alexander the great , and his successours . either of both formes haue their reasons . for the squares they , that vse them , held opinion ( as aelian saith ) that they were easier to frame , and fitter for ioint mouing of horse , and sooner in order of file , and ranke , and that the commanders iointly charged the enemy , which in no other forme could be done . for the easinesse to frame i see no great difference , onely custome , and vse , must in euery for me , yea in the squares themselues make the horseman ready to know , and take , and keepe his place . the same may be said for the ioint moouing of the horse . now to file and rancke is common to the square with some rhombes , and as soone done in the one , as in the other , the number of the troupe being once knowne , and euery horseman hauing his place assigned , and the forme resolued vpon , into the which it must be cast . for where there are kinds of rhombes , one , that fileth , and ranketh ; an other , that fileth , but ranketh not ; the third , that ranketh , but fileth not ; the last that neither fileth , nor ranketh ( as aelian teacheth in the next chapter ) the first will finde no more difficultie , of fi●ing , and ranking , then the square , the two next albeit the one ranke not , the other file not , yet the want of filing , or ranking hindereth no more the readinesse of framing them , then the vse of filing , and ranking helpeth the other . the fourth is rather curious then profitable , as i take , neither doe i find● example of it . and it may bee truly affirmed of it , that the square is much easier to be fashioned . we shall haue occasion to speake of the last three in due place . touching the ioint falling on of the commanders , i confesse the aduantage is great . for when the best men ( such as the commanders ought to be ) altogether fall vpon the enemy , they are very like to put hard to them . and as it is a great part of skill to bring many hands to fight , so is it no lesse , to bring the best hands to fight . many hands make light worke , the best hands sure worke . now for the rhombe aelian alledgeth these reasons . first , that it is fittest for all encounters , because the horsemen are ready to turne their faces euery way with speed . then , that they cannot be surprised in flanke , or reare , hauing the best men in their flanks , and the commanders in euery point of the rhombe . and cannot the square turne faces euery way ? they can , but not with the same advantage . for the rhombe , which way soeuer faces are turned , remaineth in the first forme . and whether it be to the right , or left flanke , or to the reare , it keepeeh still euen sides , and the men of most seruice in the sides . besides that one point alwaies affronteth the enemy . not vnlike a calthrop , which howsoeuer you cast it to the ground , hath one point bearing right vp to wound the horses feet : but the square in turning faces to either flanke altereth the forme of the front . in a broad square , the front at the first was longer than the sides , faces being turned to either flanke the sides become longer , than the front ; contrariwise in the herse ▪ battaile . besides in such turning of faces the square leeseth the advantage of embattatling , the commanders , that stood in the front , standing now in one of the flanks , and being not able to charge the enemy iointly , ( the greatest advantage of that forme ) and so the front being without commanders , is subiect , and in danger of surprise , where the rhombe , which way soeuer faces turne , hath as many commanders in the front , as at first . but let vs take the horse square in full strength with all commanders in front ; whether shall that forme be better , than the rhombe ? i dare not affirme it . for where there are two kindes of fight ; one with maine force , the other with sleight , and art ; in the first i will preferre the square , in the last the rhombe . the square for slaughter and violent ouerthrowing , the rhombe for piercing , and artificiall breaking the enemies battaile , which last amongst great commanders hath alwaies beene accounted the best kinde of winning . in the square all the commanders fall iointly vpon the enemy , and because they are supposed to be the chiefe of the army , in all likelyhood they will ouerthrow the formost , and slay many . yet by reason of the length of their front , they sticke man to man , and can make no farre entrance , and the victorie hangeth doubtfull , till they haue slaine the most of them , that resist , and so make the rest to flie . the rhombe contrary-wise , being narrow , and pointed in the front , first forceth a passage with the point , which maketh way to the rest that follow , and then without great labour piercing further , and further , breaketh the aduerse battaile , & disperseth , and putteth them to flight , and after doth execution at pleasure . neither can i make a fitter resemblance , then by comparing the figures , one to an axe , the other to a wedge , both instruments vsed for diuiding solid masses of wood . for the axe , albeit sharper , than the wedge , yet hauing the edge drawen out in length , can not by any strength be driuen farre into the wood , but by doubling many stroaks , and by much labour commeth at last to diuide it . the wedge contrary-wise , though not so sharpe , being once entred , insinuateth it selfe more by litle , and litle with the narrownes of the point , and maintayning the hold it first got , at last forceth it asunder , though it be neuer so tough . so is it in the square , and rhombe : whereof the square beginneth , and endeth with violence ; the other vseth first cunning , and mildenes , as it were , to enter : being once entred renteth a peeces , and disparteth all that standeth in the way . the manner of our times alloweth not of rhombes ; experience of former times highly prized them . i will insist vpon the thessalians alone , who are accounted the inventers of the rhombe , & fought alwaies rhombe - wise . polybius had seene their seruice , and beene generall of the horse in his owne country , and therefore able to iudge . he giueth this censure of them ; a that in troupes , and being imbattailed , they could not be resisted : to fight man to man in single combat , they had neither will , nor courage . what then should be the reason , they should be so powerfull in troupes ? no other , then the forme of their imbattailing , which forme was the rhombe here mentioned by aelian . in this forme they commonly beat the graecian , and persian squares , and gat the reputation of the best horsemen of europe . the scythians and thracians vsed the wedge ] the rhombe is of sides , the wedge but of three : and halfe a rhombe maketh a wedge , as will be shewed in the next chapter . the wedge was vsed by the scythians , and thracians , and whether king philip of macedonia borrowed it of them , i am vncertaine . but i rather incline to thinke , that his the ban master taught him as well the wedge , as other formes of battailes . the cause of my coniecture is , for that i finde that his b fellow scholer epaminondas beat the lacedemonian horse at mantinaea in that forme . c xenophon recounteth the storie to this effect : the enemy ( they were the lacedemonians ) ordered their horse like a phalange of armed in depth , without mingling foote with them : but epaminondas made a strong wedge of horse also ( for before he tells the theban armed were cast into a wedge ) and ioyned some foote with them , conceiuing after he had cut in peeces the horse , he should not misse of ouercomming the other forces of the enemy . and so going to charge he was not deceiued of his hope . thus xenophon . of ioyning horse and light armed together , i haue spoken before : and that they were light-armed , that epaminond as ioyned to his horse , d diodorus siculus sheweth . by xenophon then it is plaine , that not onely the scythians , and thracians , but the graecians also , when they thought it convenient , vsed the horse-wedge , and that epaminondas ordered both foote , and horse in a wedge . and considering king philip was brought vp in epaminondas his fathers house , and made partaker of the learning wherewith epaminondas was instituted ; it is like in erecting a new military discipline amongst the macedonians , as he tooke many other things from the graecians , so he borrowed this forme , hauing first seene the notable effect thereof at mantinaea . now aelian bringeth reasons , why the wedge was holden better than the square . let me with leaue adde a word or two why i take it to be better than the rhombe . and first it cannot be denied , that the wedge hauing the same manner of disposition that the rhombe hath , that is a front ending in a point , where the captaine standeth ; two points of the two flanks , where the flanke-commander stands , the lieutenant in the reare , and the best men in the flanks , but it must be as powerfull to open the enemies battaile , as the rhombe is . then it hath this advantage of the rhombe that it bringeth more hands to fight . for let the rhombe and wedge be framed of an equall number , the wedge in figure resembling the forepart of the rhombe must haue the horse , that should be ranged in the reare of the rhombe , orderly couched within the sides thereof : where by both the number of the horse in the sides is increased , and the bulke of the body betwixt flanke and flanke inlarged . and seing both the rhombe and the wedge goe to the charge with the point of their front , the wedge both hath the property to pierce , and enter the enemies battaile by art , and sleight , as well as the rhombe , and doth it with more strength , because of the great number of hands in the sides , which all come to fight . ioyne , that the hinder part of the rhombe serueth onely to auoide surprizes , and worketh nothing in charging . for after the two flanke points are entred , the rest of the rhombe growing narrower , and narrower toward the reare , falleth further off from the enemy , and is content onely to follow the way , that was made to hand by the front , and flanks ; without being able to strike a stroke ; especially if it preserue the order it ought to keepe : whereas all parts of the wedge are effectuall , the point to enter , the sides euen to the flanke corners , where the reare endeth , to dispart and disseuer ▪ and finally to disorder the enemy , whereby the victorie ensueth . and if we may rely vpon authority , the authority of king philip will sway much for the wedge . for vnlesse he had held it better than the rhombe , hee would not haue chosen , nor accustomed his macedonians to it , nor alexander after reteined it , if he had not beene of the same opinion . neither did the euent deceiue them : for almost in all battaile● their horse thus disposed caried away the victorie . but , as i before noted , neither rhombe , nor wedge haue found grace in the eyes of the great generalls of our daies , nor can we tell what to insist vpon , till experience hath taught , how well these formes will agree with the weapons , and seruice of our moderne warres . the persians made choice of squares ] the square is the third , and last forme of horse-battaile that aelian mentioneth ; whereof there are three kinds ; one with a larger front , then flanke ; an other with a larger flanke then front ; the third , with front , and flanke equall . all these three were vsed amongst the persians , and graecians . for two of the first , xenophon may witnes . when agesilaus , after tissaphernes ( the king of persia's lieutenant in part of the lesser asia ) had broken truce with him , made an incursion into phrigia , h xenophon telleth , that the rest of his iourney was without impediment , till he came not farre from dascylium . there when his horsemen galloped to a hill to discouer the country , by chance the horsemen of pharnabazus ( an other of the king of persians lieutenants ) being about the same number that the graecians were , and sent by pharnabazus vnder the command of rathynes , and bancaeus his bastard brother , galloped vp the same hill , and discouering one the other no further of , than two parts of a furlong , at the first they stood still ; the graecians ordered phalange-wise in depth , the barbarians making their front in length , the depth many more . afterward the barbarians began first to charge . when they came to hands , all the graecians that ioyned , broke their staues . the persians hauing corneil darts killed some horsemen , and horses . herevpon the graecians fled . but when agesilaus came with the armie to the reskew , the barbarians againe forsooke the field . the persians then vsed a square longer in flanke , then front : the graecian a square longer in front , theu flanke . but which of the three squares is most to be esteemed aelian sheweth in the words following , saying those squares are best , that double the number of the length , to the number of the depth ] what the length , and depth in a battaile are , we haue seene before . yet to vnderstand aelian the better , let vs repeat , that the length of a battaile is the extension of the front ; the depth the extension of the flanke . to double then the number of the length to the number of the depth , is to place twise so many men in front , as in flanke . as for the purpose , in front , in flanke ; or in front , in flanke ; or in front , in flanke . and that this was the manner of the lacedemonians appeareth by the i oulamos , or horse-troupe instituted by lycurgus , which was figured tetragonally with equall sides , and conteined in it horse . now that it could not be a square of number , that is , to haue as many horse in flanke , as in front may hereby be shewed , because no square number will make . the nearest is times , which amounts to . but proportioning the number of the length double to the number of the depth , that is in front , and in flanke , euen will arise ▪ so that the horse troope of the lacedemonians had the number of the length double to the number of the depth , and made a square in the equality of measure of the sides , not in number , which is the tetragonall figure , whereof plutarch speaketh . and where xenophon ( as i haue alledged before ) reporteth that the horsemen of agesilaus were but in depth , it hindereth not this truth . for , as i noted before , the ordinary aray of the lacedemonians foote was in depth . yet did pausanias the lacedemonian king cast his men into a deepe phalange against thrasibulus . other examples i haue alledged in the same place touching the same matter . besides this appeareth to be but a tumultuous fight either of the parties comming soddainely in the sight of the other , and going presently to charge , before they could haue time to alter the order they then were in . and to say the horse troupe of the lacedemonians ought to haue beene but in depth , it must thereof necessarily follow that they were in length , which yet will come short of : times makes but . indeed k leo holdeth opinion , that in a horse battaile , the depth ought to be no more than . i will set downe his words as neare , as conveniently i can english them . the depth , saith he , or thicknes , as it was of ancient time limited , is sufficient , if it be of horse in euery troupe ; because in horse a greater depth will be idle , and to no purpose . for they cannot , as foote doe with their thicknes , thrust one an other forward from behind ; and so the formost , will they , or nill they , are forced to goe against the enemy . and this is done amongst foote . but the horse can not thrust forward those , that are before them , nor the file-leaders that stand in front , be seconded in that kinde by the rest , that stand in depth after the fourth man. for if they be lancers , the fift ranke cannot reach with their launces to the front . if archers , they shall be faine to shoot aloft for feare of hurting their companions before ; and so their arrowes serue for no vse , after fight is ioyned . therefore is the number of sufficient in depth , as i haue said . this was the opinion of leo. to which i cannot absolutely assent ; vnlesse he had giuen for the front of his troupe , and so made it of equall sides in figure , not in number , as aelian requireth to be done in the best squares . for the reason of launces not reaching to the front in the fift ranke , reacheth not home to the reason of warre . aelian before hath declared , that the pikes of the seuenth ranke reach not to the front of the phalange . yet no man will thereof inferre , that the phalange ought to be but deepe . yea but the foote that come after , helpe the formost , seconding them , and thrusting them on with the weight of their bodies , which the horse can not doe . this must be granted to be an advantage , that foote haue aboue horse in depth . yet are there other reasons also of giuing depth to a phalange : in the order whereof two considerations concurre ; one of offence , the other of defence . the reaching of pikes or horsemens staues ouer the front is good for offence , that is to annoy the enemy in the shocke : likewise the thrusting on of those that come behind , serueth with the violence to make them giue ground . a reasonable depth is for defence , in as much as it defendeth a phalange against the indeuour of the enemy to breake it a sunder . and as it is a fault to make it too deepe , so is it likewise a fault to make it too shallow . too much depth narroweth the front , and giueth easie meanes to the enemy to incompasse , and o●er ▪ front it . l too much shallownesse on the contrary side maketh it weake , and ready to be broken , and disseuered by the enemy , and giueth a passage thorough , and meanes not onely to incompasse the front , but at the same instant also to assault it behind , and so vtterly to defeat it . so that the reasons of leo reach not home , as i said , there being other causes of thickning a horse troupe besides reaching of launces to the front , and ioint thrusting on of the horse comming behinde . and where leo speaketh but of horse in depth of a troupe , polybius saith plainely that being ordered for fight , they had for the most part in depth ; polybius a man which liued in the times , whereof leo speaketh , and had beene generall of the horse of the achaeans . besides leo seemeth not a little to differ from himselfe . m for in his seuenth chapter , he writeth after this manner : if there be many horse ( that is aboue twelue thousand ) let the depth be of . if but few , let it be no more than . in squares therefore i hold aelians proportion best , to double the number of the front , to the number of the flanke ; and as the number of the troupe ariseth ( for horse troupes are not alwaies of one number ) to inlarge the length of cap. a rhombe filing but not ranking the front the reare cap. . a rhombe neither filing nor ranking the front the reare cap. . a rhomb ranking but not filing the front the reare the front , and the depth of the flanke proportionably one to another . when there are as many horse in length as in depth ] i noted before in the ninth chapter , that there were two squares of equall sides , the one of number , the other of figure ; which two squares differ in this , that the one maketh vnequall sides in the shape of the battaile , the other equall . the first at this day , we call a square of men , the other a square of ground . when the number of the sides is equall in length , and depth , it giueth but halfe so much ground in front , as in flanke . each souldier , if it be a foote battaile , occupying a foote , and a halfe of ground in front , when he goeth to charge , where in flanke he must haue foote . and in a horse troupe foote in front , and double , or ( as some say ) treble as much in flanke . and so are the sides vnequall . the euen length of flanke and front giueth a like ground to both , and maketh the sides of the figure equall , but the number of the front double to the number of the flanke , whether it be in horse or foote . in foote , because the souldiers in ranke haue but halfe so much distance , as they haue in file ; in ranke a foote and a halfe , in file three foote . in horse , because the length of the horse is much more , than his breadth , and that length is fully stretched out in flanke , the bredth onely in front . why rhombes were first brought into vse , and the diuers formes of them . chap. xix . the forme of the rhombe seemeth to haue beene taken vp for the necessarie vse thereof . for the captaine possessing the first place , the next following horsemen are not to ranke with him , but to come a litle after on both sides ; so that the heads of their horses may reach to his horse shoulders , & on the right , & left hand , and behind , they ought to keepe good distances that too much thronging and clustering together , breed not disorder , whilest some horses being by nature sullen fall a flinging oftentimes , and foule with other ; and considering the beast is somewhat long of body , that in turning about he wound not the horsemen , that are in fight , whilest with his heeles he aymeth at the horses next vnto him . they that fashion horse into rhombes , so fashion them , that some rhombes file , and ranke ; some neither file , nor ranke ; othersome file , but ranke not ; other ranke , but file not : euery particular whereof standeth thus . they that would haue a rhombe both file and ranke make the greatest ranke being the middlemost of an vneuen number , as of , or , or . to which they ioyne other rankes before , and behind , euery one conteyning two lesse than the former ; as if the greatest ranke consist of , the next rankes on either side are to haue but , the next on either side of these . and so euery one two lesse , till at last you come to . and the whole troope is to consist of horse . the halfe rhombe is called a wedge being fashioned three square ; so that the forme thereof appeareth in the rhombe . other haue formed the rhombe so , that the horsemen embattailed in that forme , neither file , nor ranke , conceiuing that turnings and other motions will be more easily performed in this figure , nothing hindering before , behind , or in flanke . and first they place the leader ; then one at his right , and an other at his left hand , so distant , that their horses heads reach vp to his horses shoulders , as is said before . and the first row they make of an vneuen number ( as ) . the leader of the troope standing in the middest , and other being laid to him backwardly on either side ; so that this ranke conteineth two sides of the rhombe . then the reare-commander is placed directly behind the leader , and to him are other ioyned forwardly on either side , and the number of euery following ranke after the first , is to be two lesse than the former , and therefore must be added on either side to the reare-commander , and the number of the second ranke be . this ranke maketh two sides parallel to the two former sides of the rhombe . the third must be , and so forward to one . the whole troope hath in it horse . polybius expresseth the forme by the greeke letter Δ. and maketh it to consist of men . other rhombes there are which file , but ranke not , and are fashioned thus : they make a file of any number , the captaine of the troope being file-leader , and the reare-commander the last of the file . to both the flankes of this file , they lay two other files , either of them one lesse in number , than the first . these they begin to place , euen with the middest of the distances of the first file on both sides , as if there were in the first file , the next files on either side should haue a peece , and the next after them a peece , and still one lesse in all the rest aftercomming-files , and so it will fall out , that the horsemen shall file , but not ranke . this forme is profitable for turning of faces , when need is , from one point of the rhombe to another . turning to the right hand is called turning to the staffe . turning to the left hand is called turning to the raines . but if a troope be to ranke , and not to file , it must be ordered thus : the middle and greatest ranke is to be made of an vneuen number , and the rest of the rankes on both sides , laid euen with the distances of this ranke , as was done in the filing troope . so shall you haue a troope that ranketh , but fileth not . notes . the former chapter had a generall diuision of horse battailes into rhombes , wedges , and squares ; this comprehendeth the sundry figures of rhombes , and the manner of framing them . rhombes therefore are of kindes , some filing , and ranking ; some filing , not ranking ; some ranking , not filing ; some neither filing , nor ranking . the heads of the horses reach to the heades of his shoulders ] aelian saith , that in a rhombe the captaine standeth first , and the heads of the next horse reach to his horse shoulders . this rule , if it be taken generally , and meant of all rhombes , will deceiue vs ; if for two kinde of rhombs alone , there is nothing more true . the rhombe neither filing , nor ranking ; and the rhombe filing , not ranking , haue the followers horses heads advanced to the shoulders of them , that stand before . but the rhombe filing and ranking , and the other ranking not filing , come wholy behind the horse of the captaine , as the figure shewes , and will appeare in the verball description of the rhombe . a rhombe both to file and ranke ] to make a rhombe both file and ranke , choice must first be had of an vneuen number for the ranke the middest of the troupe , where the manner is to begin the rhombe ; which number must neither be too great , least the troupe grow also too great , nor too litle , lest there be in it no strength . aelian giues a , , or for that ranke , and willeth vs to begin the frame by placing first the middle ranke , to which the other rankes are to be ioyned on both sides , the middle men against the middle man of the first ranke in a right line of file , and the rest in like sort ; euery ranke still decreasing men , till at last in the front , and reare-angle you come to one . the figure of this kinde of rhombe i haue placed in the praecedent chapter ; wherein the middle ranke is of , and the whole troupe of , and the horse heads of those that follow reach not to the former horses shoulders . the halfe rhombe is called a wedge ] i haue spoken of wedges before , but nothing of the framing of them . aelian here sheweth how they are framed , when he saith , that the forme of them appeareth in the rhombe , and that the halfe rhombe is a wedge . for as in a rhombe filing , and ranking , you begin with placing the middle ranke first , and so proceed adding on both sides ranke to ranke , till you come to one man in the front : so must you proceede in a wedge , sauing that to the first , and greatest ranke you ioyne the rest onely on the one side , abating still in euery ranke men , till you come to the point of the front , where the captaine standeth alone . and this was the ordinarie horse troupe amongst the macedonians , and is described in the next chapter . that the horsemen neither file nor ranke ] the second kinde of rhombe specified here by aelian is directly opposite to the first . the first both filed , and ranked , this neither fileth , nor ranketh ; and is that kinde , which i noted in the last chapter , to haue more curiositie , than vse . for the rest , what is more easie to frame , than they ? in which either files , or rankes are laid together ; or files alone , or ranks alone . and out of that ioyning both in the inward parts of the rhombe , and the outward ( that is the flanks ) arise , and are without difficulty figured . in this you must first begin with the outsides , and make two front lines , or sides of the rhombe ; and after adde as many to the reare . and then when the sides are framed , and haue their place , patch vp by peece-meale the rest of the body within . wherein if there be not very large distances left betwixt horse , and horse , especially euery one being laid head to shoulder to an other , it is not possible to convey so many horses within the foure sides , as will make vp the full rhombe . and yet make it vp as you will , the trouble is more , than in the rest of the rhombes . and for the vse , i see not how it can be greater , than in the rest , whatsoeuer is alledged for turnings , and other motions . and the more i thinke vpon it , the more i am induced to thinke , that it was the invention of some tacticke master ( of whom were great plenty amongst the graecians ) who seeing that some rhombes filed , aud ranked not ; other ranked , but filed not ; other both ranked , and filed , and that the two first were opposite the one against the other , would needs bring in a fourth , neither filing , nor ranking , to make an opposition likewise against the third . but because this kinde also is specified by aelian , let vs see how it is to be framed . aelian for examples sake would haue the troope to consist of horse . to put these horse in a forme , that shall neither file nor ranke , we are thus to worke . first , we must begin with the two front sides of the rhombe , and make them of horse , placing them thus : the leader and captaine in the point ; next him backwardly on each side a horseman , his horse head reaching to the shoulders of the captaines horse ; then on the outward side of each of these a horseman , and their horses heads must likewise reach to the shoulders of the next horses before . so must you goe on , till you haue in like manner bestowed a peece more on each side , still opening the two sides of the rhombe proportionally . thus done you haue two sides of the rhombe which will be in this forme . then are we to fashion the two reare sides of the rhombe of horse , placing them after this manner : the lieutenant in the reare angle , directly opposite to , & yet looking toward the captaine ; on either side of him forward toward the front horsemen , their horses shoulders lying euen with the head of the lieutenants horse . and after them the other ; on one side , and on the other in the same proportiō . and so haue we the other two sides of the rhombe in this forme . which being ioyned to the former make the sides of the rhombe ; in the framing whereof of the horse are bestowed . there remaine , which are thus to be ordered : within the rhombe we must at reasonable distance place a horseman behind the captaine in aright line , and in the manner as before lay to him on each side . the number will amount to , and this is the figure then another horseman is to be set at the same distance directly before the lieutenant , and on ech side of him two other toward the front , which will be in all , and in this forme and these horse ioyned together , will fashion out a lesser rhombe , comprehended within the sides of the first . so are horse disposed of . the that are left are thus to be ordered . in a right line againe after the captaine , and at the former distance is another horsemā to be set : then , one of the one side , & the other of th' other side of him , their horses heads reaching to his horses shoulders thus the horseman left must supply the voide place , standing directly before him , that stood next before the lieutenant thus and this is the true description of the troope neither filing , nor ranking . i haue beene the longer in describing it , because the figure grauen is not fully to my minde , no horse head reaching to the shoulders of the horse , that standeth before him . polybius maketh it to consist of men ] aelian tooke the number of horse to frame this rhombe , polybius requireth . the number is not materiall , so the forme be obserued . if you make it of , you are to take horse for the front sides , and for the reare sides , and so in euery ranke within to diminish , as you did in the former . which file , but ranke not ] the third kinde of rhombe fileth , but ranketh not . it is easie to frame . take what number of horse you please , and make a file ; then lay to the distances betwixt horse , and horse of that file on each flanke two other files , each file conteyning one lesse in number , than the first . and the heads of the files are to be laid right against the space which is betwixt the captaine , and his follower , and the rest of the horses against the other spaces successiuely . in all the paires of files , that follow , and are laid to the flanks , you must still diminish a horse a peece , till you come to the points , which haue but one either of them . and of this abatement of one in euery file , both front , and reare , and flankes grow into points , and make a rhombe : as of the euen number in euery file , a square battaile would arise . see the figure . this was the forme the thessalians fought in , as appeareth by t aelian . turning to the right hand ] the turnings of horsemen and footmen to the right , and left hand , are not termed by the same names . and the difference commeth of the diuersitie of weapons caried on the right , or left side . the horseman in his right hand held his staffe , in the left the raines of his bridle . the armed-foote in his right hand his pike , on the left shoulder his target . hence was it , that when the horseman was commanded u to turne to the right hand , they bid him turne to his staffe ; the footeman to his pike . when to the left hand , they bid the horseman turne to the raines , the footman to the target . to ranke , and not to file ] this is the last kinde of rhombe , and it ranketh , but fileth not . it is made by a contrary way to the former . the filing rhombe began at the front point , & reare-point , & proceeded to the flanks . this beginneth at the flanke points , & proceedeth to the front and reare . first therefore a ranke is to be laid of what number you list . aelian would haue it of an vneuen number ; but it will fall out as well in an euen number , as the figure sheweth . to the distances of this ranke you must lay ranks more , one on either side , whose number must be one lesse a peece , than the former ranke . thus continue laying ranks still toward the front , and reare , and in euery paire of ranks diminish one a peece , till you come to the points , either of which haue but one , namely the captaine , & the lieutenant , and the rhombe will ranke , and not file . cap the ordinary horse troupe consisting of the right flank commander the capteine the front the lieutenant the left flank commander the place of horsemen in the field , the number of an vsuall horse troupe , the degrees , and names of the officers of the horse in generall . chap. xx. the troopes of horse , as the light-armed , are placed sometime before the phalange , sometime on the right , or left hand in flanke of the phalange , sometime behind the light-armed in the reare . for our purpose , let them be placed in the reare , and let the first troope be of men , and the first ranke thereof horse the next . the next ; and in all the rest abate , till you come to the last , which is one . he shall carry the cornet , that standeth in the second ranke next the ranke-commander on the left hand . all the troopes shall be in number . the horsemen in all . two troopes are called an epilarchy of horse . two epilarchies a tarentinarchy of horse . two tarentinarchies an hipparchy of . two hipparchies an ephipparchy of horse . two ephipparchies a telos of horse . two telos make an epitagma of horse . notes . hitherto of squares and rhombes , vsuall horse battailes amongst the graecians . now followeth the horse battaile of the macedonians , of which p aelian hath thus afterward : this forme of horse battaile is called a wedge by tacticks , and it was invented by philip king of macedonia , who placed his best men before , that by them the weaker might be held in , and inabled to the charge . as in a speare , or sword , the point whereof , by reason of sharpnes quickly piercing maketh way for , and letteth in the middle blunt yron . i haue spoken somewhat of the wedge in the two last chapters . aelian in this chapter sheweth the number , and manner of framing it , and how many troupes ought to attend the phalange , and vnder what offices , and degrees . let the first troupe be of men ] the number of the wedge ought to be horse . you make it beginning ( as the rhombe that ranked , but filed not ) with a ranke of horse . then must you proceed toward the front , with an other ranke of , the middle man filing with the middle man of the first ranke , and the rest with the rest . and so you are to continue abating still two in euery following ranke , till at last you come to one , who is the commander of the troupe , and standeth in the point of the front . he shall carry the cornet ] the place of the cornet is not right set downe in the figure . he there standeth on the right hand of the middle man of the second ranke , where as he should stand on the left . and you must not account the second ranke to be the ranke next to the commander in the front ; but as aelian doth , that was secondly placed after the first consisting of , which was in the reare . so that the cornet is to stand in the next ranke to the reare . but here is nothing said concerning the distances , that ought to be betwixt horse , and horse . of the distances betweene foote , and foote he hath spoken in the chap : but of the distances betwixt horse , i finde nothing , but generall words . that which wanteth in aelian , i will supply out of other authors . we must vnderstand then , that two kinde of distances were obserued amongst horsemen ; one for marching , an other for fight . in marching there ought to be foote betwixt horse and horse . aelian hath before giuen this distance to the foote . and that horse held it likewise appeareth by polybius . who reprehending calisthenes for carelesnesse in describing the battaile betwixt alexander and darius at issos , specially taxeth this : that he placed thirty thousand horse , and thirty thousand mercenaries , in foureteene furlongs of length . whereas the place was not capeable of halfe the horse . n his words haue this sense ; the order of horse , when they are prepared for fight , is for the most part in depth . and there is a distance to be left in front betwixt euery troupe , to giue liberty to wheele and double-wheele . so that one furlong will conteine horse ; and furlongs ; furlongs : and eleuen thousand , and two hundred horse will fill the space of furlongs in length . the words seeme at first somewhat obscure , being well weighed they will be cleare enough . polybius saith , that these horse were ordered in depth , and that they tooke vp a furlong of ground in length . there must be therefore of them a hundred files . for a hundred files of horse a peece , will arise to horse . compare then these files , ( the length of the battaile ) to the length of a furlong . and seing a furlong conteineth cubits , or six hundred foote , euery file shall haue cubits , or foote space betwixt them . and so the distance betwixt file and file in a march will be cubits , or foote . the other distance of three foote appeareth in o leo , whose words stand thus : put the case , that the battaile is of horse in length , and in depth , seing that euery horse in length of the battaile possesseth three foote in breadth , the number of feete will amount to ; and seing againe that euery horse in depth possesseth foote , there will arise hereof feete ; so that in the foure-sided figure , out of the length of , and the depth of feete arise myriades of square feete . and the perimeter alone of the outward foure sides conteineth feete . and because feete make a fathome , and a fathoms make a furlong , and furlongs , and a halfe , make a mile , the whole perimeter of feete will come to two mile , and a halfe , and neare a th part . in this distance therefore according to the closest order , or shutting , the thirty thousand horse are conteined . but if they stand not so close , you must alter your account according to the thinnesse , and out of the greatnesse of place coniecture of the multitude of the people . so leo. which place albeit it seeme to require a large interpretation , because many things worth the noting offer themselues in it ; yet for this time i will onely insist vpon that , which i first propounded , that is the distance of three foote betwixt horse , and horse , when they goe to charge ( for that is the meaning of leo , when he speaketh of the closest order ) which distance is expresly here set downe . and the matter will yet seeme more cleare , if we adde the words of leo in the paragraph next , but one , to this , which are these : the oldest tacticks in ordering of foote battailes giue euery man at the first distance foure cubits ; when the battaile is closed two cubits ; when serred and shut one cubit . out of which proportion a scout may exactly discouer by the quantitie of the place the number , not onely of horse , but of foote also . these oldest tacticks that leo mentioneth agree with aelian , as wee haue seene . but where the foote haue three distances , the horse are to haue but two . the open order of six foote they ought to haue , and likewise that of three foote ; nearerer they cannot come together , because of the bredth of their horse , and because they are to haue roome sufficient for the weilding of their weapons . all the troupes are to be in number ] a troupe consists of men , and to the phalange belong troupes , as the phalange conteineth ensignes , or syntagma's of armed foote . to which ensignes the troupes of horse are proportioned . their place is according to aelian after the light-armed ; not one troupe after , or behind an other , but one beside an other , in one front ; and that front in a right line , which stretcheth out , as long as the phalange of armed it selfe . now the files of the armed being in number , and the number of the horse in the last ranke ( which conteineth the length of the horse-battaile , and should answer the number of files ) but , we must seeke out a proportion to make the length of both equall one to another . the difference then betwixt them in length is men , which in order take vp foote . and where there goe foure phalangarchies to a fourefold phalange , and troupes of horse are placed behind euery phalangarchie , we must diuide these foote into foure parts ; euery of which parts will amount to foote , and giue to each troupe three foote distance one betwixt an other ( for distances betwixt one troupe , and an other , polybius holdeth necessary ) and so shall the troupes of horse take vp as much ground in length as a phalangarchie . the one conteining files in length which occupy foote of ground , and the other men in the last ranke , which occupy foote . to which adding foote of distance , there ariseth the euen number of . and so shall the troupes of horse be euen in length with the fourefold phalange . the names of the offices , and commands of the horse follow , wherein as i before noted in the foote , we must not presse too neare the property of words , but take them , as they haue beene vsed among souldiers . two troupes are called an epilarchie ] one troupe is called ile , and the commander an o ilarch ; for so he is termed before in aelian . two troupes an epilarchie , and the commander an epilarch , as it were a commander ouer two iles , troupes . he hath horse vnder his command . a tarentinarchie ] of tarentines mention is made in the second chapter . the name of a tarentinarchie is not giuen to this troupe , because it consisted of tarentines , but because of likelyhood the tarentine horsemen had so many in a troupe let it be , as it will , it signifieth here a troupe of horse . an hipparchie ] properly signifieth the command of horse , and xenophon vseth the word hipparch for the generall of horse ; but aelian , and the tacticks vse it for the command of horse . an ephipparchie ] as it were a command ouer two hipparchies , or ouer horse . a telos ] the name of telos is giuen both to a body of horse , and to a body of foote . a merarchie was called by some telos ( saith aelian before ) and conteined armed . the telos of horse conteineth horse . so the bodies are equall in number . the word sometimes signifieth a command , or dignitie , from which signification this body , as seemeth , hath the name . epitagma ] the whole body of light-armed was called an epitagma , which name is giuen likewise to the whole body of horse comprizing horse . it may be they are both so called , because they are placed behind the armed , as i noted before . for that place aelian assigneth vnto them . the diligence to be vsed in choice , and exercise of the best formes of battailes . chap. xxi . the inventions and conceits of those , that liued in old time , about troopes of horse are declared , in what forme euery one was cast , and for what cause some vsed one forme , some another . now it behoueth ( as in things that carry with them great difference ) not carelesly , and negligently , to rely vpon the bare precepts ; but rather by daily exercise to make try all of euery kinde of figure , and so attayning to the perfect knowledge of that , which is readiest , and of most advantage , to admit and receiue it in true fight . for it were great simplicitie , considering in matters of lesse importance men by curious inquiry reach to the exact finding out of many things , herein not to ground vpon perfect and sure experience , before we come to ioyne with the enemy . troopes may be inlarged or lessened , as it shall seeme convenient to him , that hath the command . of chariots ; the names , and degrees of the commanders . chap. xxii . as for ordering chariots and elephants , albeit they are worne out of vse , yet to make vp the measure of this discourse , i will remember their names , as they are set downe in ancient writers . in the art of ordering chariots for the field , they call two chariots a zygarchy ; two zygarchies a zyzygi ; two zyzygies an epyzyzygi ; two epizyzygies an hartamarchy ; two hartamarchies a wing ; two wings a phalange . a man may vse many and sundry phalanges of chariots , and yet retaine the same names in euery phalange . some haue framed simple chariots to serue withall ; other some haue armed them with sithes prominent and standing out on each side . notes . there were two kinde of chariots vsed of ancient time , the one a simple chariot , the other a chariot armed with sithes . the first kinde was vsed by the heroes ( as they terme them , that is the renowned souldiers of old , such as were achilles , hector , cycnus , aeneas , turnus ) as appeareth by homer , virgil , ovid , and other poets . the last was brought in by the generalls of later times , especially by those that raigned in asia , and in africa . for the m europeans haue counted them fruitlesse , and vaine mockeries , and amongst them you shall hardly finde any mention of chariots . aelian toucheth them onely , because both they , and elephants were in his time growne out of vse . wherefore i meane likewise to passe them ouer sleightly , onely directing the reader , that is desirous to vnderstand their manner of fight to places of historie , where they are mentioned . and first see for their forme . xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . d. e. & . b. c. de exped . cyr. lib. . a. b. liu. decad . . lib. . . a. diodor. sicul. lib. . . quin. curt. lib. . & lib. . . their violence , diod. sicul. lib. . . their place in the battaile , xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . c. d. liu. decad . . lib. . . a. diod. sicul. lib. . . remedies against them , diodor. sicul. lib. . . . xenoph. de exped . cyr. lib. . . liu. decad . . . quint. curt. lib. . . plutarch . in sylla . i come to the names of the commands of chariots . a zygarchie ] the command of two chariots ; as it were a yoake of chariots . a syzygy ] the command ouer two yoakes , as it were , of chariots ioyned together ; that is ouer chariots . an episyzygy ] the command ouer foure yoakes of chariots , that is ouer eight chariots . an harmatarchie ] properly the command of chariots . but vsed by aelian for the command of chariots . a wing ] as foote , so chariots , and elephants , had their wings of battaile . to the wing went chariots . yet finde i this order of imbattailing chariots no where , but in aelian . he that will , let him read the places , that i haue noted before , for the ordering of chariots . notwithstanding i can not doubt , that the names giuen here by aelian , are taken out of ancient writers . a phalange ] it consisteth of chariots ; and wee here see , that chariots also had their phalanges , as well as foote , and horse . of elephants ; the names , and degrees of their commanders . chap. xxiii . touching elephants , he that is commander of one elephant is called zoarcha ; of two therarcha , and the body a therarchy ; of foure epitherarcha , and the body an epitherarchy ; of eight ilarcha , and the body an ilarchy ; of elephantarcha and the body an elephantarchy ; of keratarcha , and the body a keratarchy . that which consisteth of wee call a phalange of elephants , as if a man should name the commander of both the wings phalangarcha . notes . the vse of elephants was greater amongst the people of asia and africa . those of europe esteemed them not much . and yet we finde , that they were brought into the field by the romans also ; who first saw elephants in italy in the warres , they had against king pyrrhus . ● the indian elephant was preferred before the african for greatnesse of body , strength , and courage . many things are written concerning the seruice of elephants . but because aelian toucheth no more , then the names of the bodies , and the degrees of commanders , i will only note such things , as i finde concerning them in histories . their kinde of armor , and furniture i haue taken out of liuy , and expressed them as neere , as i could , in figure . for their power , strength , and manner of fight , see diodor. sicul. lib. . . & lib. . . polyb. lib. . ● . d. & lib ▪ . . c. their place in battaile , diodor. sicul. lib. . . arrian . lib. . . liu. decad . . lib. . . b. appian . in syriac . . polyb. l. . . d. the distance one from an other . arrian . lib. . . light armed in the distances betwixt elephant and elephant , diodor. sicul. lib. . . & lib. . . & lib ▪ . . & . plurarch . in pyrrho . remedies against elephants , diodor. sicul. lib. . . & lib. . . polyb. l. . . a. hirt. de bell . african . . liu. decad . . lib. . . c. i haue noted before the improprietie of names giuen to militarie bodies as well in the armed and the light armed foote , as in horse troupes , and in chariots . that defect is no lesse in elephants . the commanders and commands of them hauing names , which were at first large , and improper enough , but afterward made good by vse , and receiued by the tacticks as significant to expresse the things , for which they were inuented . the first is giuen to him that is to command one elephant . who is called zoarchos ] the commander of a liuing creature , that is of one elephant . the next is therarchos ] a commander of beasts : which name is appropriated to him , that commandeth two elephants , and the body it selfe is named a therarchie . an epitherarcha ] hauing the authoritie ouer the therarchie and the body is called an epitherarchie comprizing foure elephants . an ilarch ] as it were the commander of a troupe ; and the body is called an ilarchie . i le is commonly applied to horse , and signifieth a horse troupe , and ilarcha the captaine . but here ilarcha signifieth the commander of elephants . an elephantarch ] a commander of elephants ; as thoug● the other bodies before mentioned were not of elephants . such straights are men often times driuen vnto in deuising new names for new things , which notwithstanding passe afterward and growe familiar by vse . elephantarcha commandeth elephants , and the command is called an elephantarchie . a keratarch ] the commander of a wing , the body a keratarchie , hauing in it elephants . a wing of chariots had as many . a phalange ] this is the greatest body and consisteth of elephants . but as chariots may be ordered into many phalanges , and yet the same names retained in euery one of the phalanges , so it is in elephants . for that armies haue had in them at once aboue elephants appeareth by histories . polybius , and diodor sicul : testifie , c the first that the carthagineans , d the last that king porus against alexander had the one , the other elephants in their armies . e the same polybius saith that ptolomey had against antiochus elephants in his armie , and antiochus . and f plutarch reporteth that androcottus , king of a part of india , gaue to seleucus at on time elephants the names of military motions expressed in this booke . chap. xxiv . thus haue we set downe in particular the kindes of perfect forces together with the seuerall names of euery body ; which being premised , it seemeth cap 〈…〉 faces turned to the right hand the front c●●s or one turning of faces to the right hand the front the first standing the front fit to deliuer the words of exercise , that when the commander , shall will any thing to be done , the souldier in daily experience acquainted before with the signification of euery of them , and with the moouing in each figure may easily performe and execute , whatsoeuer is commanded . there is a motion called clisis whereof one kinde is to the pike , the other to the target ; another is called metabole ; another epistrophe ; another anastrophe ; another perispasmus ; another ecperispasmus ; besides we say to file ; to ranke ; to returne to the first posture ; to countermarch ; to double . likewise we vse the words induction ; and deduction to the right , or left hand ; a broad-phalange ; a deepephalange ; and vneuen-fronted phalange : and parembole ; and protaxis ; and entaxis , and hypotaxis ; and epitaxis and prostaxis . the signification of which words i will shortly deliuer . and yet i am not ignorant , that the precepts of warre are not by all tacticks expressed in the same tearmes . notes . aelian in the chapters precedent , hath numbred vp all kindes of forces , as well foote , as horse , and chariots , and elephants , that in ancient time were accounted necessarie for warre . and hath giuen them their armor , and furniture , and distinguished them into militarie bodies , and imbattailed them , and taught the distances , that they ought to hold in fight . it followeth now that he speake of motions military ; which are the life of an armie , and onely giue meanes of victorie ; and without which all preparation of forces is vaine , and auaileth nothing in the field , nor to the end , for which they were leuied . this chapter then conteineth the names of those motions ; the following chapters the particular explication of them . to which we will note , what we finde in ancient writers . for the signification of the words , i referre them to the seuerall chapters , where they are expounded . of turning , and double turning the souldiers faces , as they stand embattailed . chap. xxv . clisis or turning of the face , is the particular motion of euery souldier declining his face either to his pike , that is to the right hand , or to his target , that is to the left hand . the vse of it is , when the enemie sheweth himselfe in flanke to encompasse our winges , or else to charge vs : or for some other cause , whereof i will speake in conuenient place . two turnings of the face towardes the same side transferre the sight of the souldier to the reare of the battaile . and this kinde of motion is called metabole : being also vsed either to the pike , or to the target . in the first standing the mouing of the souldiers face toward the pike is called clisis , the second mouing the same way metabole . for metabole is the conuersion of euery mans face particularly to the place , which was behinde his backe . and the same that metabole is in ech seuerall souldier , the same is perispasmos , or wheeling about in the whole battaile . there are two kinds of metabole , the one from the enemie , the other to the enemie . metabole is defined to be a changing of euery mans face in particular from the front to the reare ; or contrariwise . turning about from the enemie is , when the souldier turneth his face twice towards the pike ; to the enemy , when hee turneth twice towards the target . notes . foure kinde of motions are set downe by aelian whereby vpon any occasion the battaile may be somewhat changed : turning of faces , countermarch , wheeling , and doubling , whereof the first may be vsed , in what order soeuer your battaile standeth , the second onely in open order , the third ●n close order only , the fourth either in close , or open order . clisis , or turning of faces , whereof this chapter intreateth , albeit it may bee brought in also in open order ; yet is it not don for the most part but in close order ; and then especially , when none of the other motions haue place . the graecians alwaies coueted to bring their file leaders , that is their best men , to fight . in open order they chose to countermarch ; in close order , hauing place , to wheele their battaile about , and so turne the face of it against the enemy . if they could doe neither of these , they came to the last remedy , which was turning of faces of euery particular man in the battaile . clisis , or turning of faces ] this motion is of lesse paines then any other , but of no lesse importance , or necessitie . in the rest the phalange changeth the place , or the forme : in this it holdeth both , and yet is ready for any attempt of the enemy . onely euery souldier in particular turneth his countenance to the right or left hand , as he is commanded . to turne his face to the pike is to turne to the right hand , because that hand bore the pike , to turne to the target is to turne to the left hand ; because the macedonians caried their targets on their left shoulder . for the vse of this turning of faces , aelian saith , it hath place when the enemie sheweth himselfe in flanke to incompasse , our wings ] clisis is no more , then bearing faces to the right , or left hand , that is to our wings . when then we finde our enemies , to incompasse our right wing , wee turne our faces , and weapons that way to receiue him : to the left , when he commeth to charge vs on that side . if on both sides , then turne wee the faces of our phalange halfe to the right , halfe to the left hand ; which is the antistomus phalange whereof aelian speaketh hereafter . briefely , there is almost none of the marching phalanges which are afterward discribed , but it hath neede of this motion . besides if vpon any occasion the phalange be to moue from any of the flanks , you are only to command turning of faces to that flanke , and then to lead on . i will giue an example , or two . a alexander at arbela hauing imbattailed his armie to fight with darius , had intelligence , that darius had strowed the ground betwixt the two armies with calthropes . he commanded therefore the right wing , which himselfe led , to turne faces to the right hand , and follow him , to the end to go round about , and auoide the places , that were sowed with calthropes . darius marching against him to the left hand , disioyned his troupes of horse , and alexander taking the aduantage , and giuing in quickly betwixt the spaces , put darius to flight . if alexander had marched on with the right front , he had fallen vpon the calthropes . to auoide them , be vsed the benefit of this motion , and turning faces to the right hand he led on , vntill hee had passed the danger , and then turning againe to the first posture , went to charge , and defeated the enemie . an other example is in b polybius , who describing the battaile betwixt machanidas the lacedemonian tyrant , and philopoemen the achaean generall , telleth , that machanidas hauing in the left wing put the achaean mercenaries to flight , followed hard the chase . philopoemen as long ▪ as there was hope , indeuoured by all meanes to stay his men : when he saw them vtterly defeated , hee hasted to the right wing , and perceiuing the enemie busie in chase , and the place voide , where the fight had beene , commanding the first merarchies to turne their faces to the right hand , hee led them on with high speede , not yet breaking the order of their imbattailing . and quickly seazing vpon the forsaken ground , hee both cut betwixt them , that gaue chase , and home , and withall got the aduantage of the vpper ground against the left wing of the armed . whereby hee obteined the victory . if philopoemen had in this action vsed wheeling of his battaile , which onely was the other motion , which would haue serued his turne , besides the troublesomenesse of the winding about , he should haue beene forced to haue vsed two wheelings , and so failed of the c●lerity , which was at that time requisite . faces were turned in a trice , and he made himselfe master of the ground , hee desired , before hee could haue wheeled once his battaile . two turnings of the souldiers face ] clisis , or turning faces to the right , or left hand , consisteth of one turning and moueth no further , then the side . if the motion be to the reare , it hath two turnings , and is called metabole , which is defined to bee a changing of euery mans face in particular from the front to the reare , or contrariwise . and as wheeling of the whole body carieth about the fronts of the battaile to the reare ; so doth metabole turne the face of euery particular souldier , and maketh him looke from the front to the reare . the word properly signifieth a change , which happeneth herein , when the souldiers are changed from the front to the reare , or contrariwise . the vse of metabole is principally to resist the enemy that giues on vpon the reare . a so pyrrhus being entred the citie argos with a few , and ouerpressed with multitude , retired by little and little , and defended himselfe , often turning his and his souldiers faces against the enemy . b so the armie of cyrus the elder retiring from the walles of babylon , often turned about their faces to the left hand , and waited their enemie ▪ who were reported to be on foote , and ready to come and charge them . and if the enemy assault both the front , and reare , it hath beene the manner to continue halfe the souldiers in each file with their faces to the front , and command the other halfe to turne their faces to the reare against the enemie behind . and this forme is called phalanx amphistomos discribed by aelian cap. . and sometimes it is vsed to speed our march , and preuent the enemie , as was said before of clisis . c agesilaus made an incursion into the territory of the thebans , and finding a trench , and ramper cast vp by the thebanes for defence of their countrey , and onely two narrow waies betwixt , he cast his armie into a hollow plinthium , or square , and led it against the left hand passage , whither all the thebans flocked for defence . but hee turning about faces from the reare , hasted away , and gained the other passage , where no man was present to resist , and entring spoiled the countrey ; and returned without impeachment . there are two kinde of metaboles ] before were rehearsed two kinde of turnings of faces about , one to the pike , the other to the target , here is added two more , one from the enemy and the other against the enemie ; which are all one indeed , and differ onely in name . what the true meaning of these turnings should be , i am in doubt , aelian expounding them one way , suidas an other . aelian esteemes them by the right , and left hand , suidas , albeit he haue that signification also , esteemeth them by the front and reare . therefore suidas defines the turning from the enemie to bee a turning about , toward the reare : that against the enemie , a turning about toward the front . aelian would haue the first to containe two turnings toward the right hand , the second two turnings toward the left . i for my part assent rather to aelian . for touching the turnings of suidas , i cannot yet vnderstand , why turning toward the reare should be a turning from the enemie ; or toward the front a turning to the enemie : considering that whether soeuer you turne faces , the enemie is imagined to be there ; faces and weapons being to bee opposed alwaies against the enemie , which is the onely end of turning . aelians opinion seemeth to haue more probability in it , at least if i conceiue the right reason . for i take it thus : that seeing the graecians ( as the romans likewise ) were targetieres , and caried their targets on their left side , and in fight aduanced that side alwaies neerest the enemie , which they sought to couer with their targets , that therefore the turning about to the enemy , was called turning to the target ; as contrarily turning to the right side , on which side the pike was caried , and which being naked of such defensiue armes was called a the open side , and therefore further remoued from the enemy , might for the same cause be tearmed turning from the enemy . so that i take turning about to the enemy , and turning about to the target to be all one , as also turning about from the enemy , and turning about to the pike , howsoeuer the name differ . this is my coniecture , which i shall imagine to be true , till i finde some man , that will bee pleased to giue me a more probable reason : i only adde now the words of command in this motion . as you were . faces to the right hand . faces to the left hand . faces about , to the right or left hand . the figure sheweth the manner . of wheeling , double , and treble-wheeling of the battaile , and returning to the first posture . chap. xxvi . epistrophe ( or wheeling ) is when the battaile being so closed , that no man can turne , or twice turne his face by reason of the neerenesse of man to man , it wholy , and iointly wheeleth ( as a ship , or some other body caried about ) the order thereof remaining vndissolued . when the wheeling is to the pike , we warne the right-corner-file-leader to stand still ( as it were the hooke of a doore hinge ) and the rest of the battaile proceeding forward to turne about the same file-leader like the doore . in the same manner is wheeling to the target ; it may be thus defined : epistrophe is , when shutting the battaile by gathering close the followers , and side-men , we turne it wholy ( as the body of a man ) toward the pike , or target , it being caried about the corner-file-leader , as about a center , and , changing the place of the front , transferre the countenance of the souldier to the right , or left hand ; the followers and sidemen euery one remayning in file and ranke as before . how it is to be done i will shew hereafter . anastrophe , or returning to the first posture , is the restoring of the wheeling to the place , where the battaile first stood close , before it beganne to wheele . perispasmos , or wheeling about , is the motion of the battaile in two wheelings , so that thereby the front commeth to the place of the reare . ecperispasmos , or treble wheeling , is the motion of the battaile in three wheelings , so as , when it turneth to the pike , the front commeth about to the left flanke ; when to the target , it commeth about to the right flanke . notes . this chapter hath a diuers kinde of turning from the other mentioned in the last chapter , which for distinction sake , is called epistrophe , or wheeling . the other turned no more , then the souldiers faces , euery man yet keeping the same ground ▪ be had before . this wheeles the whole body , and changeth the place of the phalange either to the right , or left hand , or to the reare . and as there was in the turning of faces a particular motion of euery particular souldier to the right , or left hand , called clesis , and an other turning about called metabole : so is there in this a generall wheeling of the whole body to the right , or left hand , called epistrophe , and an other wheeling about to the reare called perispasmos . but let vs heare the description . epistrophe ( or wheeling ) is , when the battaile ] shortly epistrophe is no more , then the first turning of the battaile to the right or left hand . in doing whereof first the files must be closed to the hand , you meane to wheele , then the rankes . then the corner file-leader on the same hand is to stand still , then all the rest keeping their files , and rankes closed , to turne to the same hand iointly about the corner-file-leader circle-wise , who is to moue by little , and little ▪ till he haue turned his face to that side , which was intended . and when the first ranke is euen with him , and the rest wheeled enough to the same hand , they are to stand still : the words of the definition of epistrophe ( or wheeling ) are plaine enough in aelian ; i neede vse no exposition . now because in exercise we relie not vpon one forme of motion alone , but acquaint our souldiers with all the kindes ; it is necessarie to bring the body againe to the first place , to the end we may proceede in the rest . this reducing to the first posture is called anastrophe , by which the battaile returneth , but by a contrary hand , to that , to which the epistrophe was made . and but for changing the hand the wheeling backe againe is all one with the wheeling forward . wee shall see hereafter how it is done . to bring the battaile to haue the front , where the reare was , you must vse a double wheeling . and that is called perispasmos . which commeth of two epistrophes , and is made either to the right , or left hand . onely it must bee obserued , that if the perispasmos ( or wheeling about ) be to the right hand , the anastrophe ( or reducing to the first posture ) must be to the left . contrarie it is if the perispasmos were to the right hand . ecperispasmos ] i could neuer hitherto conceiue any vse of a treble wheeling ( for so aelian takes the word ) vnlesse a perispasmos were first made , and the battaile had the front already brought to the reare , and so an epistrophe added from the reare to the same hand . otherwise seeing that one wheeling is sooner made , then two , and therefore sooner then three , i see no neede of three wheelings , especially seeing we may doe that , wee desire with one . for example , let vs wheele our battaile thrice to the right hand , the front will come to be in the place of the left flanke . the same will be performed as well with one wheeling to the left hand . et frustra fit per plura , quod potest fieri per pauciora , especially in matter of warre , where the least moment of time often carieth the whole businesse . the like may be said of ecperispasmos to the left hand . the vse of the motions of wheeling , and double wheeling , is , when the battaile being closed , and the enemy comming to assault you in any other one place , then the front , you seeke to bring the best men to fight . for if you be to be charged in two places at once , or more , wheeling helpes little ; except it be to turne the front to one enemy , and in that case your onely shift is , to turne faces against them , that come to charge , on what side soeuer they come . examples of these two motions , i meane epistrophe , and perispasmos meete vs almost in euery greeke historie . of which i will represent one , or two , especially of the latter ; the rather because practise giueth both light , and life to precepts . a plutarch recounteth , that after king pyrrhus , had in vaine assaulted sparta , he was invited by an argiuan named aristaeus to receiue argos into his protection , and that hee marched thitherward with his armie . arieus the king of lacedemonia laying ambushes for him , and taking the principall streights ▪ by which he was to passe , charged his reare , wherein the galatians and molossians were . when pyrrhus heard the bruite and noise , he sent his sonne ptolomy with the band of companions to aide , himselfe with all speede marching out of the streights , led on his armie . the medly being sharpe about ptolomy , and the chosen lacedemonians commanded by eualcus standing close to their busines , oroesus a candiot of aptera , valiant of his hands , and swift of foote , running crosse against the young prince gaue him a deadly stroke and ouerthrew him . his fall made the rest to flie . and the lacedemonians hauing the victorie , and following the chase came into the champian ground still killing but not remembring they were not followed with armed foot . vpon whom pyrrhus , hauing euen then heard of , and being much mooued with the death of his sonne , wheeled about the molossian horsemen . and himselfe first aduancing vpon the spurre imbrued himselfe with the slaughter of lacedemonians . he alwaies seemed mighty , and terrible in armes ; but then he exceeded himselfe in daring and valor . for turning his horse vpon eualcus who shunning him , shifted a side , and with all strooke at his bridle hand as he passed by , and wanted but little of cutting it off . but missing the hand , he light vpon the raines , and carued them quite a sunder . pyrrhus with all strooke him thorough the body with his launce . then leaping from his horse , and fighting a foote , hee cut in pieces the chosen lacedemonians , that fought to recouer the body of eualcus . this was the fight that pyrrhus made by wheeling about his horsemen against the lacedemonians , that followed vpon his reare . another example of wheeling about is reported by polybius , and it is of amilcar annibals father , this is the history . the mercenary souldiers of the carthaginians reuolted from them , and ouerthrew some of their generalls , and shut them vp within the citie of carthage , possessing both other streights , that led into the countrey , and also a bridge laide ouer a riuer called macar , which riuer was not passable , but by that bridge . besides , they built a city for defence of that bridge . amilcar seeking to dislodge the enemie from that bridge , and hauing no way to come at them conueniently ; obserued , that when certaine windes blew , the mouth of the riuer toward the sea was commonly filled vp with sand , and would giue passage sufficient for his armie . finding then a fit time , hee put ouer his army in the night , and before day , or ere any man knew of it , made himselfe master of the passage ; and presently led against them , that held the bridge . spendius ( hee was one of the chiefe rebells ) hearing thereof , aduanced to meete amilcar in the plaine , and both ten thousand from the city at the bridge foote , and fifteen thousand more from vtica , came out one to aide another , thinking to wrappe in the carthaginians betweene them ; who were not aboue ten thousand souldiers of all sorts , and elephants . amilcar led on his armie . before were the elephants , the horse , and light armed followed next , the armed foote came last . and perceiuing the enemie , that followed his reare , pressed hard vpon him , he commanded his whole armie to turne about . those that were in the vangard of the march hee willed to returne to him with speede ; ▪ the other , that at first had the reare , hee wheeled about , and straight opposed against the enemy . the lybians and mercenaries imagining the carthaginians fled for feare , fell vpon them disorderly , and boldly came to hands . but when they saw the horsemen , being now turned about , and come vp neere to the foote , and already put in order , make a stand , they themselues , by reason they looked for nothing lesse , fell into a feare , turning their backes fled presently , as before they gaue on vnaduisedly , and straglingly . and some of them falling vpon their owne people , that were comming on , wrought both theirs , and their owne destructions : othersome were trampled vpon , and trode to death , by the horse , and elephants , that followed the chase . thus farre polybius . and thus farre of wheelings . the figure , and words of command are reserued for the chapter , where the manner of wheelings , and returning to the first posture is set downe . of filing , ranking , and restoring to the first posture . chap. xxvii . to file is , when euery particular man keeping equall distance from other standeth in his owne file lineally betwixt the file-leader and bringer-vp . to ranke is , to be in a right line euen with his sidemen in the length of the battaile . to restore to the first posture is , to bring the sight of the souldier to the same aspect , he had before the first turning . as if his face were at first towardes the enemy , being commanded to turne towards the pike , and thence to returne to his first posture , hee is againe to returne his face toward the enemy . notes . of filing , and ranking enough is spoken before . to restore to the first posture ] this motion differeth from anastrophe before specified . for anastrophe bringeth backe againe the whole body to the first place after a wheeling : this the souldiers faces particularly to the first aspect . so that this is vsed after the making of an anastrophe . for alwaies in motions it is requisite , that the souldiers faces moue forward . to moue backeward hath many inconueniences , of stumblings vpon vneuen ground , or stones , or pittes , or stubbes , or such like . which is the cause that in anastrophe after a wheeling , aelian willeth , that the souldiers turne their faces the contrarie way first , then moue on , till they haue recouered their first ground , then open rankes , and files , and lastly to restore to the first aspect . and as it differeth from anastrophe so differeth it likewise from metabole . metabole only turned faces about , this setteth the souldier in his former posture , not onely for his face , but for his armes , also , which , are ordered as at first . the wordes wherein this motion is expressed by aelian are ep orthon apodounai , and eis orthon apoca●astesai , which is interpreted by gaza in arrectum reddere , to restore vp right , by arcerius rectum reddere , to restore right , and so the words sound . aelian interpreteth it to set againe the souldiers sight in the same aspect in which it stood at first : as if being placed with his face against the enemy he be commanded to turne his face to the pike , and then againe to restore his face to his first posture , he must returne , and set his face against the enemy . aelian therefore referreth it to the sight , he first had , which if it bee the right meaning , how can it be vpright , or right , more in that , then in any other posture . for the souldier not onely in front , but in flanke , and in the reare carrieth himselfe vpright , or right . i doubt not , but that it may be applied to the vpright standing of men , as appeareth by sundry places of pausanias : who reherseth , that mineruas image set a in the temple parthenion standeth vpright , orthon esti , and in an other place , that in corinth b in the temple pantheon , there were two images of mercurie standing vpright , ortha , c and that in the temple of fortune the image of fortune was carued of parian - stone , and stood vpright ▪ orthon : and that in neptunes temple situate in the corinthian isthmus , the images of amphitrite and neptune stand in a chariot , and the boy palemon vpright vpon a dolphin , orthos . in all which places orthos designeth the site of men . but here , as i take , it cannot be so applied . because in euery motion , not onely in this , the men stand vpright . how then can they be restored to their standing vpright , when they doe it already . i take the originall of the appellation to come from another cause , and that is from the ordering of the pike . for when the battaile is first set in the field , euery souldier standes with his pike ordered , that is vpright . for to order a pike is to set the butt end on the ground before the souldier somewhat wide of his right foote , and to hold it vpright with the right hand borne euen with the shoulder . but when you beginne , or continue any motion , the manner is to aduance , or to shoulder the pike , and so to proceede . but being commanded to returne to the first posture , it must bee ordered againe . so that the first posture of an armed man is to stand with his pike vpright . and after many motions and windings , he at last returneth to the same posture , which i take the command of ep'orthon apodounai to signifie . now that i may not seeme to relie vpon a probable coniecture alone , i will bring witnesse for the confirmation of my opinion . it is reported by d diodorus siculus , that agesilaus the lacedemonian king with an armie of eighteen thousand foote , and fifteen hundred horse , inuaded boeotia . the athenians before hearing of agesilaus comming had sent fiue thousand foote , and horse to aide the thebans , who gathering their armie together seized vpon a long narrow hill distant furlongs from the city ; and making the hard accesse to the place a kinde of fortification against the enemie , they there waited his comming , fearing to hazard vpon euen ground in regard of the renowne , and glory of agesilaus . agesilaus , hauing imbattailed his troupes , led them against the boeotians ; and approching neere , sent his light armed to sound their disposition to fight , which being easily repulsed by the thebans by the aduantage of the higher ground , hee aduanced the rest of his forces being imbattailed in such manner , as might giue greatest terror . chabrias the athenian willed his souldiers to awaite the enemy contemptuously both keeping their first array , and their targets at their knees , and continuing their pikes vpright ordered ; who when they iointly as vpon a word giuen , did as they were commanded , agesilaus both wondering at the good order , and at the assured fashion of the enemy thought it not fit to striue with vnequall ground , and by forcing them to fight , to compell them to be valiant , whether they would , or no. hitherto diodor sicul. of the strategem of chabrias against agesilaus , which consisted in the contempt of agesilaus , and all his forces : first in not stirring one foote , to meete the enemy , then in keeping the array they held before ; further in sincking their targets to their knees ; lastly in continuing the former order of their pikes , that is not making readyto charge , but remaining with their pikes ordered , as they were at first . agesilaus aduancing his armie thought to strike a feare into his enemie ; chabrias trusting to the strength of the place , scorned the brouado of agesilaus , conceiuing , he would not be so hardy to aduenture the fight vpon so great an inequallity of ground . he therfore willeth the cap the macedoman countermache by file the reare the front of the first standing the countermarche in action the file leaders with their faces about standing firme the bringers vp dismarching the front after countermarche the ground taken before the front of the phalange cap the lacedemonian countermarche the countermarche in action the file-leaders aduancing in countermarche the bringers vp standing firme w th their faces turned about the front after countermarche the ground taken beyond the reareof the phalange cap ▪ the chorean countermarche the front in the first standing the bringers vp moving the fileleaders dismarching the front after countermarche cap. . countermarche by ranke the countermarche in action diers not to alter their posture , but to continue as they were . the words concerning the pike are : en ortho tò dorati menein . that is to continue their pikes vpright ( en ortho ) now whether the same be the posture , that the tacticks describe , when they speake or restoring ep ' ortho , vpright , i referre to the iudgement of the reader . a poliaenus remembring this stratagem vseth somewhat different words , and yet consenteth in meaning . chabrias saith he , commanded his souldiers not to runne out against the enemy , but quietly to stand still holding their pikes before vpright , and their targets before their knees which they were wont to doe , when they would a little ease themselues of the weight of their targets . where diodore , hath en ortho tò dorati menein , to continue their pikes vpright . polienus hath protinomenous ta dorata ortha , holding before them their pikes vpright . but both haue pikes vpright and diodorus his continue hath relation to the posture they were in , which chabrias would not haue them to alter : polienus his hold before to that they were commanded to doe . in ordering of pikes at this day i haue shewed , that the souldiers hold them vpright , the but end set on the ground before , and somewhat wide of their right foote . b aemilius probus reciting this historie peruerteth the stratagem : hee saith that chabrias forbad the phalange to giue backe , and taught his souldiers to receiue the enemies charge kneeling with one knee , the other set against the target , and with the pike abased . wherein hee quite dissenteth from diodore , and polien . diodore saith , the command was to keepe their array ; polienus not to runne forward , but quietly to stand still ; probus not to giue backe . probus saith , they should kneele with one knee , and rest against the target with the other ; diodore that they should hold their targets sunke to their knees ; polienus that they should carry their targets before at their knees . probus that they should abase , and charge their pikes ; diodore that they should continue , and order them vpright ; polien that they should hold their pikes vpright . so that diodore and polien agree , and expound one another : aemilius probus bringing in a new historie dissenteth , as i said , from the other two ; especially in making that to be a forme of fight prescribed by chabrias ( a simple forme to receiue the charge vpon their knees ) which was a contempt , to shew how little , especially in that strength of ground , he regarded agesilaus ; which contempt also made agesilaus retire , not doubting but it proceeded from a great assurance of the enemy . therfore as i said i take these words ep ' orthon apodounai , not only to appertaine to the aspect of the souldier , but also ( and that much rather ) to the erection , and ordering of pikes . of countermarches , and the diuers kindes thereof , with the manner how they are to be made . chap. xxviii . there are two sorts of countermarches , one by file , the other by ranke ; each of these againe is diuided into three kindes . the first called the macedonian : the second the lacedemonian : the third the choraean , which is also the persian , and the cretan . the macedonian is that , which leauing the ground , it first had , taketh in liew thereof the ground , which was before the front of the phalange , and turneth the aspect of the souldier backeward [ where before it was forward . ] the lacedemonian is that , which leauing likewise the ground it first had , taketh in steed thereof , the ground which was behinde the reare of the phalange , and turneth also the face of the souldier the contrary way . the persian is the cretan , and choraean : this keepeth the same ground of the phalange , euery souldier taking another place for that , he had , the file-leader the place of bringer-vp , and so the rest in order ; and turneth also the face of the souldier the contrary way . countermarches by ranke are made , when a man would transferre the winges into the place of the sections ; and the sections into the place of the wings , to the end to strengthen the middest of the battaile . likewise the right hand parts into the left hand parts , and the left hand parts into the right hand parts . they that feare to countermarch the phalange in grosse the enemy being at hand , doe it by syntagmaes . i will now set downe , in what manner countermarches ought to be made . the macedonian countermarch by file is said to be , when the file-leader turneth about his face , and all the rest with the bringer-vp go against him on the right , or left hand , and passing on to the ground before the front of the phalange place themselues in order one after an other , according as the file-leader himselfe hath turned his face . therefore it maketh shew to the enemy appearing in the reare , of running away : or it is when the file-leader turneth about his face , and the rest passing by him on the right or left hand place themselues orderly one behinde another . but the lacedemonian is , when the bringer-vp turneth his face about , and all the rest turning also their faces , and proceeding forward together with their file-leader order themselues proportionably in the ground , which was behinde the reare of the phalange . wherefore to the enemy appearing behinde , it makes a semblance of falling on . againe the lacedemonian is , when the file-leader turning his face about to the pike , or target transferreth the whole file to another place equall to the first ; and the rest following stand , as before , behinde ▪ him . or else , when the bringer-vp turneth his face about , and hee , that stood next before him , passing by on the right or left hand , is placed againe next before him , and the rest following are placed one before another in their former order till the file-leader be the first . the choraean is , when the file-leader turning about toward the pike , or target , precedeth the file , and the rest follow , till the file-leader haue the place of the bringer-vp , and the bringer-vp the place of the file-leader . and these are the countermarches by file . in the same manner are countermarches made by ranke in case a man would countermarch by ranke . for euery ranke countermarching either keepeth the same ground , or changeth the right hand place , or else the left hand place , of the battaile , one of which must needes fall out , and neuer faileth . notes . the two former motions are performed , one in close order , the other in all orders ; epistrophe when the battaile is shut so close , that ( as aelian saith ) a man can turne his face neither the one way , nor the other . clisis in open order , order , and close order . the two ● following motions , countermarch , and doubling , one is done in open order , the other for the most part in open order too ; and yet sometimes in order , and close order ; as we shall see in due place . this chapter handleth countermarches , the next doublings . countermarch is a motion , whereby euery souldier marching after other , changeth his front for the reare , or one flancke for the other . for there are two kindes of countermarches , one by file , and the other by ranke . and each of these is againe diuided into three ; the first called the macedonian ; the second , the lacedemonian ; the third the choraean , or cretan . a countermarch by file is , when euery souldier followeth his leader of the same file ; by ranke , when euery souldier followeth his sideman of the same ranke in the countermarch . the macedonian countermarch ] in this countermarch , the purpose of the commander is to turne the front of his battaile against the enemy that sheweth himselfe in the reare ; and withall to take the ground that lyeth before the front of the phalange . it is called the macedonian countermarch ( saith aelian ) because the macedonians were the inventers of it . which of the macedonians he telleth not , but excludeth philip , and alexander , who both vsed the lacedemonian countermarch . and before their times i haue not read of any warlike kings of macedonia the manner of it is this ; first all the file-leaders turne their faces about either to the right or left hand ; then the next ranke passeth thorough by them on the same hand ; and being come to their distances , place themselues directly behind their file-leaders , and then turne about their faces the same way . and so the third ranke after them , and the fourth , and all the rest , till the bringers-vp be last , and haue taken the reare of the battaile againe , and turned about their faces . the figure expresseth not well the action . for in it the bringers-vp begin first to countermarch , which according to aelian should moue last . yet may this countermarch be done , as the figure is . but i take aelians way to be easier , and readier . and it may be also , that the countermarch expressed in the figure is lost in the text . for one of the lacedemonian countermarches , which proceedeth the contrary way , beginneth the motion with the file-leaders , as this doth with the bringers-vp , as wee shall straight see . the lacedemonian countermarch ] in this countermarch the proceeding is contrary to that of the former ; that tooke the ground before the phalange , this takes the ground after . in that the mouing was from the reare to the front , in this from the front to the reare . this is the invention of the lacedemonians . aelian describeth it to be done in two manners : one , when the bringers-vp first turne about their faces , and the next ranke likewise turning faces beginneth the countermarch , and euery man thereof placeth himselfe directly before his bringer-vp , and the third doe the like ; and so the rest , till the ranke of the file-leaders come to be first : the other , when the file-leaders begin the countermarch , and euery one in their files follow them orderly . the figure expresseth this last . aelian preferreth the lacedemonian countermarch before the macedonian : because in it the souldiers seeme to fall on , and goe to the charge ; where in the macedonian they seeme to flie . there are notwithstanding times , when it is better to vse the macedonian . as in case you meane to march on , and not to fight with the enemy , except you be compelled : or else you seeke to gaine some ground of aduantage . for the macedonian continueth still the march , and stayeth not ; the lacedemonian returneth vpon the enemy , and so looseth ground in marching . agesilaus after victorie gotten against the argives , against whom he stood in the right winge , hearing that the thebans had beaten the orchomenians in the left winge , vsed the lacedemonian countermarch against them . the words of x xenophon sound thus : here the strangers were about to crowne agesilaus ( thinking he had got the victory ) when newes was brought that the thebans , after they had broken the orchomenians , had forced a passage as farre as the baggage . then agesilaus , countermarching his phalange ▪ led against them . the thebans perceiuing their confederates were fied vp to the mount helicon , closed their troupes together , as neare as they could , seeking to open a way by force , and to get vp vnto them . agesilaus albeit he might by giuing way to the formost haue followed them at heeles , and charged the reare , yet did he it not , but met the thebans front to front . thus encountring , and clashing their targets together they fought , thrust on , killed , and were killed . in fine some of the thebans broke thorough to helicon ; other some , as they sought to escape , were left dead on the place . agesilaus here followed the chase vpon the argives toward the mount helicon : the thebans vpon the orchomenians the contrary way towards the enemies campe. the thebans seing their confederates fled to the mount helicon , returned toward them , agesilaus countermarched to meete them , met them , and fought with them . for the countermarch he vsed , i make account it was the lacedemonian , himselfe being a lacedemonian . and he vsed it to meet the thebans brauely in front . the same agesilaus , after he had by night incamped in a peece of ground behind mantinaea incompassed about with mountaines , perceiuing the next morning , that the mantinaeans gathered together vpon the toppes , that lay right ouer the head of his rearegard , determined to lead his armie out of the place with all speed . now if himselfe should lead , he feared the enemy would giue vpon his reare . therefore standing still , and turning his armes against the enemy , he commanded the last of the phalange to march backe againe from the reare , and come vp to him ; and so at once he brought his armie out of the streights , and made it by little , and little stronger . when the phalange was thus doubled , he proceeded in that order into the champeigne , & there againe reduced the depth of the armed foote to or men in euery file . this place of xenophon , if it be not corrupted , is very obscure . and i cannot tell whether to take it for doubling of the front , or the macedonian countermarch . the words make for a doubling . for xenophon saith plainely , the phalange was doubled . besides he addeth , it was made by little and little stronger ; which could not be done with a countermarch . and that a deepe phalange , or hearse , ( such as this by the euenings march , and the straights it entred , seemeth to be ) is made stronger by doubling the front , there is no question . on the other side , the streights , thorough which it was to passe , perswade me , it should be a macedonian countermarch . for in doubling the front the length still increaseth ; & the manner is not to inlarge , but to extenuate the front , when an armie is to be conveighed thorough a narrow place . and xenophon saith expresly , that agesilaus led it thorough the streights into the champeigne in that order , to which it was reduced last ; & that in the champion the depth of the armed was lessened , and brought to or ; for there agesilaus imbattailed his phalange to receiue the enemy , if he would charge . and in a march through straight waies the front is commonly narrowed , and proportioned to the way ; but in open ground the phalange is againe brought to the iust length . so that it seemeth the depth was much , before it come into the plaine ; because in the plaine it was brought to or men , and therefore no doubling . lastly agesilaus , ( and the front i doubt not of the phalange with him ) turned face to the enemy , before the reare came vp to him . which is done in no other motion , than the macedonian countermarch . in which all the file-leaders first turne about their faces toward the enemy , and then the whole battaile marcheth against the file-leaders , and placing themselues orderly behind them , turne their faces the same way , that they haue done before . now where it is in xenophon , that agesilaus hauing gained the champeigne , extended his armie to or targeteres , i suspect a fault to be in the number of ; and that it ought to be read or . to extend a phalange is to draw it out in length . the length is the space betwixt the point of both wings . when he saith he extended it to , the meaning is he drew it out so farre in length that he left but in depth . ten is the decas , whereof i spoke before , and i haue likewise noted , that the lacedemonians for the most part , made the depth of their battaile . the number of , as all other vneuen numbers , was reiected by the tacticks , as vnfit for doublings . so that mine opinion is that xenophon at the first wrote or , not or , howsoeuer be crept into the place of . but to returne to agesilaus , admit he vsed doubling of ranks , or of the front in retiring out of the mantinaean straights , yet giue me leaue to be of opinion , that the macedonian countermarch had beene the fittest motion for that purpose . for himselfe being thereby cast in the reare , he had both preuented the charge of the enemie ( which he feared ) and yet wounde better out of the straights , the long herse , which still remained in the macedonian countermarch , being more proportionable to issue out of a narrow place , then a broad-fronted phalange , which ariseth out of doubling the front . the persian is the cretan or choraean ] this countermarch is called the persian , and cretan , because it was vsed amongst the persians and cretans . and it was termed the choraean also , of the similitude it had with the solemne graecian dances vpon stages ; the company , that shewed themselues in such dances being called chorus . who in their daunces ordered themselues into files , and ranks , as souldiers doe in battaile , and mouing forward to the brinke of the stage , when being straightned by the place , they could passe no further , they retired one through the ranks of the other , exceeding not the bounds of the place , as is done in this countermarch . the other two kinds of countermarch changed the ground , they had before . the macedonian tooke the ground before the front ; the lacedemonian the ground after the reare . the choraean holdeth the same ground , & beginneth the motion with the file-leaders , who notwithstanding proceede no further , then thither , where the bringers-vp stood , their files following them , & euery souldier keeping the same distance , he had before the mouing . the figure shewes the manner of it . h these countermarches by file , are to be made , when the enemy appeares in the reare , and commeth to charge vs. and they are made to the end , to bring our best men , that is the file-leaders , to the incounter . wherein notwithstanding there is a caution to be held , that if the enemy be very neare , or so neare , that we cannot conueniently countermarch , before he come vp to vs , we forbeare , lest we fall into disorder , and in disorder be easily defeated . in which case the best remedy is to turne faces about , and so receiue him . hitherto of countermarches by file . countermarches by ranke are made ] the ends of countermarches by ranke are two in aelian : one to strengthen the middest of the battaile ; the other to strengthen the wings . if the strength of the enemies battaile , lie most in the middest , reason of warre would , that we should oppose our greatest strength against the middest . if in the wings against the winges . there is an other cause of strengthning the winges , namely if the enemy be ready to charge either of them : and this strength aelian would haue giuen by the countermarch of our best men into the winges . it shall not be from the purpose to make all plaine by an example or two . i herodotus reporteth , that before the battaile of plataea betwixt the graecians , and the persians , it was agreed betwixt the athenians , and lacedemonians , that where the athenians had vanquished the persians in the battaile of marathon , and had lately slaine masistius the generall of the persian horse ; and by those incounters had good experience of the persian manner of fight ; and where the lacedemonians were imbattailed in the right wing against the persians , the athenians in the left wing against the thebans , and other graecians , that tooke part with the persians : they should change , and the athenians haue the right wing , the lacedemonians the left . these newes were caried to mardonius the generall of the persians ; who whether fearing the athenians , or desirous to fight with the lacedemonians , changed his place from the left into his right wing , to the intent to oppose against them ; which when pausanias saw , he returned to his right wing , and mardonius to his left , the place , which he had at the beginning . here are changing wings on both parts ; the one coueting to fight in the left wing , the other desirous to fight in the right . the countermarch by ranke from the right wing would haue fitted pausanias : as the contrary countermarch would haue fitted mardonius . yet am i led to thinke that pausanias vsed a wheeling of his battaile , and so conveighed it from one wing to an other behind the battaile of the other graecians , to the end , that being shadowed by them , hee might the better hide his purpose from mardonius . an other example i finde in livy and polybius both . it is this : k pub : scipio , who was afterward called africanus , and asdruball the sonne of gisgo , being incamped neare together in spaine brought daily out of their campes their armies one against an other . and after they had long stood waiting , who should begin the fight , which was done at neither hand , they conveighed them backe againe . the manner of their imbattailing was this . the romans , and likewise the carthagineans mingled with the africans , had the middle , their confederates the wings . the opinion was they should fight in that order . scipio when he perceiued this to be firmely beleeued , the day before he ment to fight , made an alteration of all . when night came , he gaue the word thorough the whole campe , that horse , and men should dine , before it was light day , and that the horsemen in armes should keepe their horses bridled , and sadled . the day was scarse sprunge , when he sent his horse , and light-armed to beat in the carthaginean gardes , himselfe streight followed with the armed legions ; disposing the romans ( contrary to the setled opinion of his owne people , and of the enemy ) in the wings , and receiuing the allies into the middest . asdrubal raised out of his bed with the cry of his horsemen , had no sooner leaped out of his tent , and seing the tumult before the trench of his campe , and the amazednes of his people , and the ensignes of the legions shining a farre of , and the field full of enemies , presently sent out his whole power of horse to vndertake the roman horse . himselfe issued out of the campe with his foote , not changing any thing of his wonted manner of imbattailing . the fight of the horsemen had now a long time beene doubtfull , and could not bee tried , because still , as they were beaten ( which hapned a like to both ) they found a safe retreat within the battailes of foote . but when the armies were come within paces one of an other , scipio giuing a signall of retreat , and opening his battaile , receiued all the horse , and light-armed into the middest , and diuiding them into two parts , placed them as seconds , behind the wings . now when time was come to begin the fight , he commanded the spaniards , who had the middle ward , to march on leasurely , and sent a messenger from the right winge ( for hee commanded there ) to syllanus and martius , willing them to stretch out the left winge , as they saw him stretch out the right ; and to charge the enemy with the light-armed , and horse , before the middle wards might be able to come vp , and ioyne . the winges being thus stretched out , they led with all possible speed three cohorts of foote , and three troupes of horse a peece , against the enemy , besides the light-armed , and those that were receiued into the reare , who followed a thwart . there was a great empty space in the middest , because the ensignes of the spaniards came slowly on . and now the wings were in fight , when the old souldiers carthaginians and africans , the strength of the armie , were not yet come to vse their darts , neither durst they runne into the wings to helpe them , that fought for feare of opening the middest of the battaile to the enemy , who was comming on against them . the winges were pressed with a double medley . the horse , light-armed , & velites , wheeling about their troupes , charge their flanks . the cohorts pushed on in front , to the end , to breake of the wings from the body of the battaile . and the conflict was vnequall both in all other respects , and especially because a rable , as it were of drudges , and vntrained spaniards , were opposed against the roman and latin souldiers . the day being now farre spent , the armie of asdruball oppressed with the mornings tumult , and compelled to take the field , before they had strengthned their bodies with meat , began to faint , and faile in strength ; which was the reason that scipio lingered out the day , & made the fight somewhat late . for it was past the seuenth houre , before the winges of foote attached one an other : and yet the fight came later to the middle wards . so that the scorching heat of the south-sunne , and the labour of standing armed , and hunger , and thirst , first afflicted their bodies , before they came to hands with the enemy . therefore they stood leaning vpon their targets , and being weary both in body , and minde , they gaue backe at last ; keeping notwithstanding their array no otherwise , than as if the battaile being yet entire , had retreated at the commandement of the generall . but when the victors , perceiuing them to shrinke , so much the more eagerly pressed on , the brunt could hardly be indured any longer . and although asdrubal restrained , and stopped them , that gaue ground , crying that hills and a safe place of retreat was at their backs , if they could be but intreated , to retire easily ; yet feare ouercomming shame , and the enemy killing them that were next to hand , they forthwith turned their backs , and vniuersally powred out themselues into flight . this stratagem of scipio resteth principally in shifting his best men ( the romans ) into the winges ; the spaniards his worst into the middest , and in keeping the spaniards aloofe from ioyning ; and in hasting to try the day with the romans against the weakest of the enemy . asdrubals way to meete with this stratagem had beene to countermarch by ranke halfe his carthaginians , and africans into one winge , and halfe into the other . and by that meanes his spaniards should haue had the middest against the roman-spaniards , and his old souldiers carthaginians and africans beene opposed in the wings against the romans , and latins , and the advantage eluded , that scipio sought . as the countermarches by file were of three kindes , so are the countermarches by ranke ; namely the macedonian , the lacedemonian , and the choraean . the macedonian beginneth to moue at the corner of the wing , which is nearest to the enemy , the enemy appearing to either flanke . and therefore inc●rreth the same imputation , that was laid vpon the macedonian countermarch by file ; as seeming to runne away , because it dismarcheth from the enemy . yet is there vse of it , as well as of that by file . for by this countermarch you may set the strongest part of your armie against the enemy , and apply the weakest to some riuer , lake , hill , or such like , so that the enemy can not come to incompasse it . it taketh the ground that lyeth on the side of the contrary wing . the lacedemonian taketh the ground that lieth on the side of that wing , which is toward the enemy , and bringeth the best men to be formost against the enemy : and therefore beginneth the moving on the contrary side . the vse of it is , when your forces are such as are able to incounter the enemy , and you desire to bring your best men to fight . the choraean keepeth the same ground , the battaile had at first , & bringeth one wing to possesse the place of the other ; or else the sections to possesse the place of the wings , as might haue beene done in the last example cited concerning scipio and asdrubal . the manner of countermarch by ranke is contrary to the countermarch by file . in countermarch by file the motion was in the depth of the battaile , and either the front remoued toward the reare , or the reare toward the front , and tooke one an others place . in this the motion is in length of the battaile flanke-wise ; the wing either marching into the middest , or else cleane thorow to the other wing . in doing it the souldiers , that stand vttermost in the flanke of the wing , must moue first to the contrary wing , and the rest of euery ranke seuerally follow them in order , the figure will shew the manner of the motion . patritius vtterly mistaketh the countermarch by ranke ; and groundeth himselfe vpon a wrong principle , namely that in all countermarches the file-leaders must march toward the reare , and the bringers-vp towards the front . and therefore in changing the winges into sections , he makes the winges to fall of behind in the reare ( the file-leaders wheeling about ) and there to ioyne themselues as neare , as the middle section will giue leaue , and the sections falling backe likewise , to ioyne themselues to the flanks of them , that were the wings . whereas the nature of this euolution is clearely to leaue the file-leaders in front , and bringers-vp in reare , as they were at first . and albeit the file-leaders then change their places , yet change they their place with none , but with file leaders , and the change is , but a change of hands , the right hand for the left , or the left hand for the right . for whereas the file-leaders of the right wing had before the right hand , now in countermarch by ranke , being transposed to the left wing , they haue the left hand of all the rest of the file-leaders ; as likewise the bringers-vp of the other bringers-vp . the words of command may be these , for the macedonian countermarch by file . file-leaders turne your faces about ( to the right or left hand ) . the rest of euery file passe thorow in order one after another , and place your selues at your distances after your leaders , turning your faces about ; and so stand . for the lacedemonian countermarch by file . the first manner . bringers-vp , turne your faces about ( to the right or left hand . ) the rest turne your faces about and beginning at them , that are next to the bringers-vp , countermarch and place your selues in your distances before the bringers-vp , and one before an other till the file-leaders be first . the second manner . file-leaders , countermarch to the right , or left hand , and let euery mans file follow him , and keepe true distance . for the choraean countermarch by file . file-leaders , countermarch to the place of the bringers-vp , and stand , and let your files follow you keeping their distance . for the macedonian countermarch by ranke . the right or left hand corner file , turne your faces to the right , or left hand . the rest of each ranke , passe thorough to the right , or left hand ; and place your selues orderly behind your side-men keeping your distance . cap dobling of rankes the front before dobling of rankes dobling of rankes in action the front after dobling of rankes for the lacedemonian countermarch by ranke . the first manner . the corner file , where the enemy appeareth , turne your faces to the right or left hand ; the rest of ech rankes turne your faces , and passe thorough , ( to the right or left hand ) and place your selues before your side-men orderly keeping your distances . the second manner . the right or left wing , where the enemy appeareth not , countermarch to the contrary wing , and all in the ranks follow euery man his side-man ; keeping your distance . for the choraean countermarch by ranke . the vttermost corner file of the right , or left wing , countermarch into the place of the left or right winge , and stand . and the rest follow ranke-wise keeping their distance . of doubling , and the kindes thereof . chap. xxix . there are two kinds of doubling , one of rankes , the other of depth , or files : and either of these double the number , or the place . the length is doubled in number when of a front of files we make a front ( keeping the same ground ) of files , by inserting in the spaces betwixt file and file , some of the followers , that stood in the depth . this is done to the end to thicken the length of the battaile . if we lift to recall them to their first posture , we are to command those , that were inserted , to countermarch to the place , they had before . there are , that mislike these doublings , especially the enemy being at hand ; and would haue a shew of doubling made , without indeed doubling the phalange already ordered , by stretching out the light-armed , and the horse , on both sides of the wings of the battaile . the vse of doubling the length is , when either we would ouer-wing the enemy , or else our selues feare to be ouer-winged . the depth is doubled by inserting the second file into the first ; so that the leader of the second file be placed next behind the leader of the first file , and the second man of the second file be the fourth man of the first file , and the third man of the second file be the sixt in the first file , and so forth the rest , till the whole second file be ingrossed into the first ; and likewise the fourth file into the third , and all the euen files into the odde . doub●ing of the depth by countermarch is made , either when the next side-files in seuerall [ as in the former example the second , and the fourth , and the rest of the euen files ] countermarch to the reare , and place themselues behind the bringers-vp of the odde files ; or else the files remayning in their first place , and number , halfe of them , diuiding themselues from the other halfe , countermarch likewise to the reare , and conveying themselues behind the other , there order themselues , and so double the depth of the phalange . if we would returne them to the first posture , we must recall those , that were conveyed to stand behind , to the place they had before the countermarch . notes . the former three motions alter not the forme of the phalange . for whether you turned faces , wheeled , or countermarched the phalange , the depth and length remained one . the motion to be expressed in this chapter induceth an other shape to the phalange ; and maketh it seeme a different body from that it was before , being by doubling extended either in length or in depth . for doubling the number of men , or the place of the phalange in front , maketh the length twise as much , and doubling the same in flanke maketh the depth double to that it was before . for doubling is nothing else , then making a military body twise as long , or twise as deepe , as it was before . there are two kindes of doubling ] the doublings are either of length or depth ; or ( which is all one as n suidas saith ) of ranks or files . for ranks stretch out in length , files in depth . and these againe are diuided into two other kinds , the body being doubled in number or place ] that which is here called number , is called elsewhere persons ; or o ( by suidas ) men . it is called persons in the insertion which is made to aelian , i know not by whom , in the precedent chapter of countermarches . which because it lay thrust in betwixt the description of countermarches , and nothing perteined to that argument , i neuer made doubt , was crept into the text . and i am rather confirmed in my opinion , because i saw it note● with an asteriske in that aelian ( being of robortellus edition ) which the learned isaack casaubon had quoted , and purposed to set forth , if vntimely d●ath had not pr●vented him . i will here set downe the words , because they differ not much from aelian , and may giue some light to the manner of doubling . it is to be vnderstood ( so are the words ) ●hat a phalange is doubled in persons , or place . when we therefore take halfe the souldiers from the depth , and making files of them , place them euen with the rest in length of the front , so that of files we make , this is doubling of persons . in like sort we double the place with files ( not increasing the number ) but onely commanding some to turne to the pike , some to the target , till the phalange be stretched out to a convenient length , as from furlongs to . in the same manner is the depth doubled . for either one file is inserted into an other , man for man , so that the second file-leader becomes the follower of the first , and the second man in the second file , the follower of the second in the first file , and so the rest : or else men are so extended , that they hold as much ground in length , as vsuallydoe . so farre the insertion . it followeth in aelian . the length is doubled in number ] when the front hath twise as many files , as it had before , this is doubling in number , or in men , or in persons . for the persons , or men , make the number in the files . and the files carrying an euen depth of men , and being doubled , double the number of the front , or length . aelian speaketh but of one kinde of doubling , namely of number , and that must be done in open order , as i said before . for the files of standing in open order , if you command the middlemen ( as we terme them at this day , they were called in the macedoman files the third enomotarchs ) to double their ranks : these middle men with the hinder halfe file march vp to the front , & so doubling the front in number leaue yet the same measure of length . the figure sheweth how it is done . yet are there two other waies , when the phalange standeth in close order ▪ both which double the number , and place . one is when the middlemen diuide themselues , and one halfe with their followers turning their faces march out of the right flanke : the other of the left flanke of the phalange . and then turning their faces againe , sleeue vp and ioyne themselues in an euen line with the file leaders in front ; the other when all the middle turne their faces one way and march out with their followers beyond one flanke right or left ; and turning faces againe sleeue vp to the front , and stand euen with the file-leaders . one of these is done , when we desire to enlarge both the wings of the phalange ; the other , when but one wing . of these two last waies , i haue set downe no figure , because i finde them not expressed in aelian . cleandridas the lacedemonian , vsed yet an other kinde not spoken of by aelian . n polienus telleth the story thus : cleandridas making warre vpon the thurians , hauing halfe as many men againe , as they , conceiuing if they had intelligence hereof , they would hardly bee brought to fight , imbattailing his phalange , stretched it out in depth . the lucans therefore , contemning the small number , drew out their forces in length , with intent to ouer-front the enemy ; which cleandridas perceiuing , commanded the followers to march vp , and ranke with their leaders ; and by that meanes increased the length of his phalange , and ouer-fronted the enemy ; who being incompassed , and assailed with missiue weapons on all hands perished intirely , excepting a few , that saued themselues by shamefull flight . the words seeme obscure to a man not acquainted with the tacticks . there are two kinde of soldiers saith aelian in a file , leaders , and followers . all the leaders are the odde of the file ; as the first , the . the , the , and so forth : the followers are the euen , as the ▪ , , . those that are in the same ranke , are called side-men . now , saith polien , cleandridas willed the followers to step forward , and to ranke , and become side-men with their leaders : that is , he willed the euen files to double their ranks with the odde ; and so extenuated the depth , but increased the length of his phalange ; by which art he ouerfronted , & inclosed the enemy on all sides . this way then to double ranks , or the length of the battaile , is to insert the euen ranks man by man into the odde . all the doublings that haue beene rehearsed , were doublings either in number alone , or else both in number , and place . for doubling of place alone nothing is said in aelian . the insertion i recited , supplyeth this defect : saying , the place is doubled with files , onely by commanding halfe to turne to the pike , halfe to the target , till the phalange be stretched to a convenient length ; as from furlongs to ten ; which is as much to say in few words , as to open the phalange ; or to bring it from order , to open order . for so the front possesseth double ground , to that it had before . the vse of doubling the length is ] two causes are assigned for the doubling of the length : o one to ouerwing the enemy , the other to auoide ouerwinging our selues . cleandridas in the example aboue , performed both : for he both disappointed the lucans that sought to incompasse him , and besides incompassed , and inclosed them . the narrower the front is , it is the more in danger of ouer-fronting ; p being drawne out in length it is freer from enclosing , because a greater compasse must be fetched , before it can be inclosed . yet are we to take heed , that in doubling of the front , we giue it not so much length that it faile in depth . the want of length , or depth is alike dangerous , and giueth advantage to the enemy . i haue touched before , and quoted leo glancing onely at his words . now i will set them downe as they lye : q when the thicknes or depth of the phalange ( saith he ) is gathered vp and made more thinne , it behoueth not so to lengthen it , that it become altogether weake and without depth . for it will so come to passe , that the enemy shall easily cut it in peeces , and make a passage thorough it , and not onely seeke to incompasse it before , but passing thorough the middest , bee found behinde , and there indamage it . and this it behooueth a generall , not onely to take heede , hee suffer not himselfe , but also indeuour to put vpon his enemy . hitherto are the words of leo : shewing the disadvantage of a battaile too much thinned by doubling the length . but i leo elsewhere a●deth an other cause of doubling , namely to make shew a faire sight of the armie . for the more ground it taketh in front , the more will the number appeare , and the bravery of euery man in particular discouered . further antigonus vsed also this doubling for a polic●e to beguile his enemy . k polien reporteth the fact thus : antigonus incamped against eumenes with an armie inferior in number . and when messengers were sent often from one to an other , antigonus at the receit of a messenger of the enemy , commanded one of his souldiers to come running in , as it were out of breath , and all to be-sullied with dust , and to bring newes that his confederates were come . antigonus hearing the newes , leaped for ioy , and sent away the messenger . the next day he led his armie out of his trench , doubling the length of his front . when the enemy heard of their messenger the newes , that was brought to antigonus concerning his confederates , and saw the length of his battaile doubled , they imagined that the depth was answerable to the front . and therefore they dislodged being afraid to ioyne with him . there are that mislike ] countermarches , and aelians doublings of number , are dangerous the enemy being ready to charge . because the files of the battaile must be kept in open order ●ill the motions be ended ; which posture is not fit to receiue the charge of the enemy , as we saw out of the eleuenth chapter . the other two doublings are done in close order , whereof i made mention a little before ; the one diuiding the middle men in halfe , an● sleeuing them vp by the battaile on both sides ; the other sleeuing them vpon one side which you will , may be vsed without danger , as well when the enemy is neare , as when the fight is : in as much , as they disturbe not the battaile , but advance fresh aides against the enemy on the flanks of it . by inserting the second file ] there are two manner of doublings of the depth or of files ; one in number , the other in place . in number , when one file is inserted into another , the leader or first man of the second file standing behind the leader of the first ; the second behind the second , the third behind the third , and so forth of the rest : or when the euen files countermarch , and their leaders place themselues behind the bringers-vp of the odde , their files following them ; or ( which commeth all to one ) the files being whole , they diuide themselues into two parts in the front , and halfe countermarch , and place themselues in the reare of the other file to file : albeit the two last are doublings both in number and place , and not in place alone . the true doubling of the place alone is not aelian . the insertion whereof i spake , remedieth this defect also . there it is said , that when men ( that is a file ) are so extended , that they possesse as much length as should doe , ( that is , as files ) it is doubling of place . which is nothing else but changing of the souldiers order into open order . for in their order they haue foote in depth ; in their open order foote in depth . in this doubling of depth we must take heed that we make not the front of our armie to narrow ; lest we giue oportunitie to the enemy to incircle , and incompasse it . polybius noteth this a great faul● in marcus atilius regulus , at such time as he fought with the carthaginians , and was taken prisoner . his words haue this effect : k the romans seing the enemy order his battaile marched out against him fu●l of courage . being notwithstanding somewhat appalled at , and foreseing the elephants violence in comming on , they set their darters before , and placed many maniples of armed behind , one after an other , and diuided the horse halfe into one wing , halfe into the other . then making the whole battaile shorter , but deeper , then they were wont , they prouided well against the elephants , but not against the horse , that farre exceeded theirs in number . being now come to hands the roman horse ouerpressed with multitude of the carthaginians quickly fled from either wing . but the foote of the left wing , partly auoyding the elephants , partly contemning the mercenaries , fell on , and charged the right wing of the carthaginians , and putting it to flight , followed hard , and gaue chase euen to the trench . but of those , that were placed against the elephants , the first sinking vnder the violence of the beasts , perished being ouerturned , and troden to death by heapes . the body of the battaile remained a while vnbroken by reason of the depth of them , that were after placed . but when the reare of all , incompassed by the horse , was forced to turne about , and fight with them ; and the other that had by force made way thorough the middest of the elephants , and were now behind their backs , came vp to the fresh phalange of the carthaginians , standing in good order , they were by them slaine . thus fortune being contrary on all sides , the romans for the most part were troden to death by the excessiue might of the beasts , and the rest died with the darts of the horsemen in the place , where they fought . the error of attilius regulus was in ordering his battaile too deepe ; by meanes whereof it was easily incompassed , and distressed by the carthaginian horse . m appian likewise blameth antiochus for ordering his phalange men in depth , where the macedonian phalange ought to but deepe , shewing that by that ouersight it was incompassed by the romans , and ouerthrowne . i haue touched the historie in my notes before . many other examples might be alledged , but these two are sufficient for our purpose . the words of command in doubling of the length by number . middle men double your rankes to the right , or left hand . by this command the middle men with their halfe files march vp to the front , in the spaces betwixt the files , and stand euen with the file-leaders , and the rest euen with the rest of the ranks . doubling of the length in place . stand in your open order . one halfe openeth their files to the right hand , the other to the left , and stand six foote one from another . doubling of the depth in number . double your files to the right or left hand . the euen files fall into the spaces of the odde files . double your files by countermarch to the right or left hand . the euen files countermarch , and fall behind the reare of the odde , and place thems●lues lineally after them , obseruing their first distances . diuide your files and double them by countermarch to the right , or left hand . halfe the files diuide themselues from the other halfe , and countermarch out behind the reare , then turne their faces towards the place behind the reare of the standing files , which remoued not ; then march on , and place themselues orderly behind them file to file , then turne their faces , as at first . doubling the depth in place . ranks open behind to your open order . the broad-fronted phalange , the deep phalange , or herse , and the vneuen-fronted phalange . chap. xxx . plagiophalanx , or the broad-fronted phalange , is that , which hath the length much exceeding the depth . orthiophalanx , or the deep phalange ( commonly called the herse ) is that , which procedeth by wing hauing the depth much exceeding the length . in generall speach euery thing is called paramekes , which hath length more then the depth ; and that which hath the depth more , then the length , orthion : and so likewise a phalange . the phalange loxe , or vneuen fronted , is that , which putteth forth one of the wings ( which is thought fittest ) toward the enemy , and with it beginning the fight , holdeth off the other in a convenient distance , till oportunitie bee to advance of parembole , protaxis , epitaxis , prostaxis , eutaxis , & hypotaxis . chap. xxxi . parembole , or insertion is , when placing souldiers before we take off the hindmost , and ranke them within the distances of the first . protaxis , or fore-fronting , is when we place the light-armed before the front of the armed , and make them fore-standers , as the file-leaders are . when we place the light-armed behind , it is called epitaxis , as it were an after-placing . prostaxis , or adioyning is , when to both flanks of the battaile , or to one flanke , some part of the hindmost is added , the front of them , that are added , lying euen with the front of the battaile ; such addition is called prostaxis . entaxis , or insition , is when it seemeth good to set the light-armed within the spaces of the files of the phalange man to man. hypotaxis , or double-winging , is when you bestow the light-armed vnder the wings of the phalange , placing them in an embowed forme ; so that the whole figure resembleth a three-fold gate , or doore . how the motions of wheeling , double , and treble wheeling of the battaile are to be made . chap. xxxii . it followeth to shew how a battaile may be turned or wheeled , and how after reduced to the first posture , or station . cap. . plagiophalanx or the brode-fronted phalange orthiophalanx or the herse protaxis , or forefronting the front l●●halanx or the vneven fronted phalange cap. . hypotaxis , or double-winging entaxis , or insertion protaxis , or forefronting cap. . the manner of wheeling the first posture closing of files closing of rankes forward the front but in case we desire to wheele to the left hand , we command the left-hand-file to stand still , and all the rest to turne their faces to the left hand , and mooue forward close vp to the left hand file ; then to turne their faces as they were ; then to gather vp the hinder rankes ; then to wheele the battaile to the left hand , and stand ; and so is it done , that was commanded . but if restitution to the first posture be needfull , we must doe , as we did in returning from the right . for euery man must turne about his face to the pike ; then the whole battaile wheeling about the left-hand-corner-file-leader must returne to the place , it had ; then all the file-leaders stand firme , and turne about their faces , and the rest open their rankes in mouing forward and make alte ; then the left hand file is to stand firme ( for it hath the place it first had ) and the rest turning their faces to the right hand to open their files , and moue forward , till they haue recouered their first distances ; then to turne their faces as at first ; and so shall euery man be in his first posture . now if we would wheele the battaile about , to the pike we are to make wheelings to the same side , so will it come to passe that the file-leaders shall in the change haue their faces turned to the reare , where before they had them looking out from the front . but in restoring to the first posture we command it to wheele about to the right hand ; that is , we giue it two wheelings more the same way ; so the file-leaders will haue their faces set , as at first . then we command the file-leaders to stand firme , and the rest to open their rankes behind ; then to turne their faces about ; then the right hand file to stand still ( for it hath the right place ) and the rest turning their faces to the right hand to march on , till the former distances are regained ; then to make alte. so is the battaile reduced to the first station . if you would haue the battaile turne about to the target , you are to giue contrarie directions ; that is , in stead of commanding a double wheeling to the pike , to command a double wheeling to the target ; then by making two turnes the contrary way , to vse the like changes , we spake of before . there is likewise a treble wheeling of the battaile , when it turneth thrice to the same hand , namely to the pike , or target . the double wheeling to the pike transferreth the souldiers face from the front to the backe of the battaile : the treble wheeling to the pike bringeth his face to the left flanke . the treble wheeling to the target contrariwise to the right flank . notes . before in the chapter aelian discoursed of wheeling , and the kindes thereof . the manner , how it is to be done , is reserued for this place , i neede not therefore remember any thing else , besides the words of command . the words of command in epistrophe . the vttermost file on the right or left hand stand firme the rest turne faces ( to the side purposed ) and march vp to the file standing firme . faces as you were . close your rankes forward : wheele the body ( to the hand appointed ) and when you haue your ground , stand . returning to the first posture , or anastrophe . faces to the right or left hand wheele backe the body to the ground , it first had . file-leaders stand firme : the other rankes open to their first place . faces about ( to which hand you will ) the corner file ( to which the turning was ) stand firme , the rest open to their first ground . faces as you were , and order your pikes . perispasmos , or wheeling about . in wheeling about , the same wordes to close the files , and rankes , are to bee vsed , which were vsed in epistrophe , there remaineth no more , then to say wheele about your body , to the right , or left hand . anastrophe or returning to the first posture . returne to your first posture . the same forme is vsed , that was held in the former returning vnto the first posture for opening rankes and files . ecperispasmos , or treble wheeling . in this motion the same course is held , that was in the wheeling ; but only that you command a treble wheeling . and the returning to the first posture , or anastrophe is all one , but for the same difference . of closing the battaile to the right , or left hand , or to the middest . chap. xxxiii . cap ●● of changes the front after closing closing to the right hand in action closing to the left hand closing to the middell closing to the right hand the front before closing the front of the 〈◊〉 before closing if the phalange be to be closed in the middest , the diphalange on the right hand must turne their faces toward the target , and the diphalange on the left hand their faces toward the pike ; then moue forward toward the middest of the phalange ; then , after their true distance gained , to set their faces , as they were , and to gather vp the rankes behind . when we would reduce the phalange to the first posture , wee command to turne faces about ; then to open the rankes , and all to moue on , but the first ranke ; then to turne their faces againe , and the right diphalange turning to the pike , and the left diphalange to the target to follow their leaders , till they haue recouered their first distances . then to set their faces , as they were . this rule is to be obserued in all turnings about of faces , when they are made out of closings , that the pikes be aduanced , least they hinder the souldier in making his turning . the light-armed are to be taught , and exercised after the same manner . notes . in the chapter the distances , that ought to bee betwixt souldier and souldier , are particularly treated of . this chapter sheweth , how they are to be gained , that is , how we are to proceede out of one distance into another . and because the open order is it , that is commonly begunne withall , it is here taught how from thence to passe to the rest , and to returne to it againe . the end of closings is spoken of before . in regard of place they are said to be of two kindes : one to the wing ( right or left ) the other to the middest of the phalange . i cannot expresse the manner better , then by setting downe the wordes of command , or direction , which are these in closing to the right wing . the right-wing-corner-file stand firme the rest turne faces to the pike , and moue ( according to the distance required ) to the right hand . faces , as you were . close your hinder ranks forward , and order your pikes . restoring to the first posture . file-leaders stand firme . the other rankes , turne faces about , and open behinde to the first distance . faces as you were . the right-wing-corner-file stand firme ; the rest turne faces to the target , and proceede to your first distance . faces as you were ; and order your pikes . closing to the left wing . it differeth not from the other , but that the mouing is to the contrarie hand . closing to the middest of the battaile . the right-wing turne faces to the target , the left to the pike . each moue vp to the middest of the phalange , and stand at the distance named . faces as you were . close the hinder rankes forward , and order your pikes . restoring to the first posture . the first ranke stand firme . the rest turne faces about , and open the rankes to the first distance . faces as you were . the files next the middle section stand fast , and the right wing turne faces to the target , the left to the pike , and moue on till the first distance recouered . faces as you were , and order the pikes . we may not forget aelians generall rule for turning of faces out of closings , that the pikes be alwaies aduanced . for when you come vp to the closenesse required , the pike vpon the shoulder will hardly admit turning of the face . the like falleth out when you would open from the closing . the vse , and aduantage of these exercises of armes . chap. xxxiv . these precepts of turning about of faces , of wheeling , and double wheeling of the battaile , and of reducing it to the first posture , are of great vse in suddaine approches of the enemy , whether hee shew himselfe on the right , or left hand , or in front , or in the reare of our march . the like may bee said of countermarches ; of which , the macedonians are held to bee the inuentors of the macedonian ; the lacedemonians of the lacedemonian ; and for this cause either to haue name accordingly . the histories witnesse , that philip ( who much enlarged the macedonian kingdome , and ouercame the graecians in battaile at cheronea , and made himselfe generall of greece ) and likewise his sonne alexander ( that in short time conquered all asia ) made small account of the macedonian countermarch , vnlesse necessitie forced it ; and that they both by the vse of the lacedemonian became victorious ouer their enemies . for the macedonian countermarch the enemy falling vpon the reare , is cause of great confusion ; in as much as the hindermost dismarching toward the front , and making a shew of running away , it more encourageth , and emboldneth the enemy to follow . for feare , and pursuit of the enemy [ ordinarily ] accompanieth that kinde of countermarch . but the lacedemonian is of contrarie effect . for when the enemy sheweth himselfe in the reare , the leaders with their followers brauely aduancing , and opposing themselues , it striketh no small feare , and terror into their mindes . cap. the file-leaders a deduction to the left hand a right induction the front a deduction to the right hand cap. . the coelembolos , or hollow fronted wedge the front the right induction cap. . the coelembolos the left wing the right wing the front the phalange set against the left wing of the coelembolos the phalange set against the right wing of the coelmebolos the forbearing phalange of the signes of direction , that are to be giuen to the armie , and their souerall kindes . chap. xxxv . wee are to acquaint our forces both foote , and horse , partly with the voice , and partly with visible signes , that whatsoeuer is fitting be executed , and done , as occasion shall require . some things also are to be denounced by the trumpet , for so all directions will be fully accomplished , and sort to a desired effect . the signes therefore , which are deliuered by voice , are most euident , and cleere , if they haue no impediment . but the most certaine , and least tumultuous , are such , as are presented to the eye , if they bee not obscured . the voice sometime can hardly be heard by reason of the clashing of armour , or trampling , and neighing of horses , or tumult of cariage , or noyse , and confused sounds of the multitude . the visible signes also become many waies incertain , by thicknes of aire , and dust , or raine , or snow , or sun-shine , or else thorow ground , that is vneuen , or full of trees , or of turnings . and sometimes it will not be easie to find out signes for all vses , occasions eftsoones presenting new matter , to the which a man is not accustomed . yet can it not fall out , that either by voice , or by signal , we should not giue certaine and sure direction . of marching , and of diuers kindes of battailes fit for a march : and first of the right-induction , of the coelembolos , and the triphalange to be opposed against it , chap. xxxvi . being now to speake of marching i will first giue to vnderstand , that some kind of march is a right-induction , other some a deduction on the right , or left hand ; and that in a single , or double , or treble , or quadruple-sided-battaile . in a single , when one enemy is feared ; in a double , when two ; in a treble , when three ; in a quadruple , when the enemy purposeth to giue on on all sides . therefore the march is vndertaken sometimes in a single phalange , sometimes in a twofold phalange , or else in a threefold phalange , or in a fourefold phalange . a right-induction is , when one body of the same kinde followeth another ; as if a xenagy lead , and the rest follow xenage-wise . or a tetrarchy lead , and the rest follow according to that forme . it is so called , when the march stretcheth it selfe out into a wing hauing the depth much exceeding the length . against it is opposed the * coelembolos , which is framed , when the antistomos * diphalange disioyneth the leading-wings , closing the reare in manner of the letter v : as the figure after placed doth teach , in which the front is disseuered , & the reare ioyned , and knit together . for the right-induction pointing at the middest of the enemies battaile , the coelembolos quickly opening before serueth both to frustrate the charge of the front , and to claspe in , and circumuent the flankes of the right-induction . furthermore a * triphalange is to be set against the coelembolos , one phalange fighting against one winge of the coelembolos ; the second against the other , and the middle , and third forbearing , and expecting a time fit to charge . of paragoge , or deduction . chap. xxxvii . paragoge , or deduction is , when the phalange proceedeth in a wing not by file , but by ranke , hauing the commanders , or file-leaders , either on the right hand , which is called a right-hand-deduction , or on the left hand , which is called a left-hand - deduction . for the phalange marcheth in a double , treble , or quadruple-side accor̄ding to the place , and part , it is suspected , the enemy will giue on . and both the paragogies beginning the fight in flanke doe make the length double to the depth . this forme of fight was deuised to teach a souldier to receiue heedfully the charge of the enemy not onely in front , but also in flanke . of the phalange amphistomus . chap. xxxviii . the phalange * amphistomus ( for it is so called , because it hath two fronts , and that part of the battaile , that is set , and aduanced against the enemie , is called a front ) seeing then in this forme the middlemost are ordered backe to backe , and those in front and reare make head against the enemy , the one being commanders of the front , the other of the reare , therefore it is called amphistomus . it is of great vse against an enemy strong in horse , and able to giue a hot , and dangerous charge ; and principally practised against those barbarians , that inhabit about the riuer ister , whom they also call * amphippi because they change horses in fight . the horse battaile to encounter this forme hath a tetragonall shape , being for the purpose diuided into two broad-squares ( they are broad-squares , that haue the front twice as much as the depth ) and these squares are opposed seuerally against the diuisions of the foot-battaile . of the phalange antistomus . chap. xxxix . the phalange * antistomus is like the amphistomus the forme being a little altered ; so that it accustometh the souldier to resist the seuerall kindes of incursions of horse . all that hath beene spoken concerning the former phalange both for foote , and horse agreeth with this figure also . herein they differ , that cap. . a foure fronted phalange against all allemptes of the enemy the front of the reare the front of the right flank the front of the march the front of the left flank cap. . the phalange amphistomus cap the phalange antistomus front cap. . the horsmans wedge front a diphalange antistomus the amphistomus receiueth the charge in front , and reare , the antistomus in flanke but aswell in the one , as the other , they fight with long pikes , as doe the alans , and sauromatans . and the one halfe of the souldiers in the files turne their faces forward , the other halfe backward ; so that they stand back to backe . this forme hath two fronts , the one before , where the file-leaders , the other behind , where the back-commanders stand . and being also diuided into a diphalange it maketh the fore-front with the one , and the after-front with the other phalange . of the diphalange antistomus ▪ chap. xl. a diphalange antistomus is that , which hath the file-leaders placed not in deduction outwardly , but inwardly face to face one against-an other , and the reare-commanders without , one halfe in a right , the other in a left-hand deduction . this forme is vsed when the horse giue on and charge wedge-wise . for the * wedge shooting foorth into a point , and hauing the commanders following in flanke , and endeauouring to disseuer , and breake the front of the foote , the leaders of the foote , foreseeing their purpose , place themselues in the middest with intent either to repulse them , or else to giue them a thorough passage without losse . for the wedge flieth vpon the foote in hope to charge the multitude in the middest , and to disorder the whole battaile : and the foote commanders conceiuing well the fury of that kinde of forme , leaue a little space betwixt either front , and stand like walles on both sides , and iointly turning their faces toward the middest , giue them a fruitlesse , and empty passage . this forme of horse-battaile is called a wedge by tacticks , which was inuented by philip king of macedon , who placed his best men before , that by them the weaker sort might be held in , and enabled to the charge : as we see in a speare , or in a sword , the point whereof by reason of the sharpnesse quickely piercing maketh way for , and letteth in the middle blunt iron . of the diphalange called peristomus . chap. xli . the phalange of the diphalange * peristomus proceedeth by deduction in a wing , the oblique deduction on the right hand hauing the file-leaders without , the left hand oblique deduction the reare-commanders within . the figure sheweth the intent of them that fight so ordered . for the battaile going to charge , hauing beene at first tetragonall , diuideth it selfe into two oblique wings ( the right , and the left ) of purpose to enclose the aduerse square-battaile . and they fearing to bee inclosed transforme themselues into two seuerall marching-phalanges directing one against the right , the other against the left wing . therefore it is called peristomus , as hauing the front bent against the enemy both waies . of the diphalange called homoiostomos , and of the plinthium . chap. xlii . a diphalange * homoiostomus is so named because a whole file ( that is men ) mouing by it selfe , another file followeth it . and it is therefore called homoiostomus , because they that follow , follow in a like figure . this kinde is opposed against the plinthium . * plinthium is a forme of battaile , that hath the sides equall both in figure and number . in figure because the distances are euery where equall ; in number because there are as many men in length , as in depth . in this foure-sided-battaile are none in the flankes , but armed , without archer , or slinger to helpe . when therefore two phalanges march together , one by another , and both haue their leaders either in a right-hand , or left-hand deduction it is called a diphalange homoiostomus . of the diphalange heterostomus . chap. xliii . a diphalange * heterostomus is that , which proceedeth by deduction , hauing the leaders of the former phalange in a right-hand-deduction , and of the following phalange in a left-hand-deduction : so that the battailes march counterchangeably , one hauing the leaders in one flanke , and the other in the other : and so the rest . againe of the battaile called a rhombe , and of the foote-halfe moone to encounter it . chap. xliv . the battaile framed in forme of a rhombe , was first inuented by ileon the thessalian , and was called i le after his name ; and to this forme he exercised and accustomed the thessalians . it is of good vse , in that it hath a leader at euery corner , at the point the captaine , of the troupe , the reare-commander behinde , and on either side the flanke-commanders . the foote battaile , fittest to affront this , is the menoides , or cressant , hauing both the wings stretched out , and in them the leaders , and the middest imbowed to inuiron and wrap in the horsemen in their giuing on . whereupon the horsemen ply the foot a farre off with flying weapons , after the manner of the tarentines , seeking thereby to dissolue , and disorder their circled frame of marching . tarentum is a city of italy , the horsemen whereof are called acrobolists , because in charging they first cast little darts , and after come to hands with the enemy . cap. . the battaile called plinthium the front the diphalange homoiostomus cap. . the diphalange heterostomus the file-leaders the bringers up cap. . heteromekes or the herse of horse the front plagiophalanx , or the broad fronted battaile of foote cap. epicampios emprosthia the front of the horse-battaile heteromekes , and of the plagiophalange to be opposed against it . chap. xlv . the horse battaile * heteromekes is that , which hath the depth double to the length . it is profitable in many respects . for seeming to cary but few in so small a bredth it deceiueth the enemy , and it easily breaketh his forces with the thicknesse , and strength of the embattailing , and may without perceiuing , bee lead thorough straight , and narrow passages . the foot-battaile to encounter it is called the plagiophalange , or broad-fronted battaile . for being but slender in depth it beareth foorth and extendeth it selfe in length ; so that , albeit it be broken in the middest with the charge of the horse ; yet is nothing broken , but a little of the depth ; and the fury of the horse is carried not vpon the multitude of the foote , but straight , and immediately , into the open field . and for that cause is the length thereof much exceeding the depth . of another kinde of rhombe for horsemen , and of the foote-battaile epicampios emprosthia to encounter it . chap. xlvi . another sort of rhomboides there is , whereof i need say no more , but that it fileth , and ranketh not . for i haue before shewed the vse , and that ileon the thessalian was the inuentor , and that iason medeas husband most put it in practise . the vse thereof is great being directed , and lead , in the foure corners by the captaine , the lieutenant , and the two flanke-commanders . it is commonly fashioned of archers on horsebacke , as the armenian , and persian manner is . against it is opposed the foote-battaile called * epicampios emprosthia , because the circumduction of the front is like an embowing . the end of this forme is to deceiue and ouer-reach the archers on horsebacke either by wrapping them in the voide space of the front , as they charge , and giue on vpon the spurre , or else disordering them first with their wings , and breaking their fury , by ouerthrowing them finally with their rankes about the middle ensignes . this kinde of battaile was deuised to entrappe and beguile . for opening the middle hollownesse it maketh shew but of a few , that march in the wings , hauing notwithstanding thrice as many following , and seconding , in the reare . so that , if the wings bee of power sufficient for the encounter , there needeth no more ; if not , retiring easily on either fide , they are to ioyne themselues to the bulke of the battaile . of the foot-battaile called cyrte , which is to be set against the epicampios . chap. xlvii . the battaile to be opposed against the epicampios is called * cyrte of the circumferent forme . this also maketh semblance of small forces by reason of the conuexitie of the figure . for all round things appeare little in compasse ; and yet stretched out in length , and singled , they proue twice as much , as they appeared to be : as is euident in pillars , which are round ; and therefore in sight shew the one halfe , and conceale the other . the greatest piece of skill in embattailing , is to make a shew of few men to the enemy , and indeed to bring twice as many to fight . of the tetragonall horse-battaile and of the wedge of foote to be opposed against it . chap. xlviii . the * tetragonall horsebattaile is square in figure , but not in number of men for in squares the number is not alwaies the same : and the generall for his aduantage may double the length to the depth . the persians , sicilians , and most of the graecians doe affect this forme , and take it to bee easie in framing , and better in vse . against it is opposed the phalange called * embolos , or wedge of foote , all the sides consisting of armed men . this kinde is borrowed of the horse-mans wedge . and yet in the horse-wedge , one sufficeth to lead in front , where the footewedge must haue three , one being vnable to beare the sway of the encounter . so epaminondas the theban fighting with the lacedemonians at mantinea , ouerthrew a mightie power of theirs by casting his armie into a wedge . it is fashioned if the antistomus diphalangy in marching ioyne the front of the wings together , holding them open behind like vnto the letter a. of the foot-battaile called ploesium , and of the winding , or saw-fronted foot-battaile to encounter it . chap. xlix . the battaile ploesium hath the length much exceeding the depth . and it is called ploesium , when armed foote are placed on all sides , the archers , and slingers , being throwne into the middest . against this kinde of battaile is set the winding-fronted-battaile , to the end that with the vnequall figure , they may cap. . the cyrte or convex half moone the front the epicampios the front cap. . the foote wedge the front the horsbattaile square in figure , not in horse the front cap. . the peplegmene the front the plesium cap. . the aduerse battaile the overfrontnig battaile cap. . the aduerse battail the overwinging battail traine out those of the ploesium to cope with the foremost of the winding-fronted-battaile , and by that meanes dissolue , and disorder the thicknesse o● the same . and the file-leaders of the winding-battaile are to obserue , and marke the file-leaders ▪ of the ploesium , that if they still maintaine their closenesse , and fight serred , they also incounter them in the like forme ; if the ploesium file-leaders seuer themselues , and spring out from their maine force , then they likewise bee ready , to meet them man to man. of hyperphalangesis , and hyperkerasis , and of attenuation . chap. l. hyperphalangesis , or ouer-fronting is , when both wings of the phalange ouer-reach the enemies front . hyperkerasis , or ouerwinging is , when with one of the wings we ouer-reach the front of the enemy . so that hee , that ouerfronteth , ouerwingeth , but hee , that ouerwingeth , ouerfronteth not . for they , that match not the enemy in multitude , may yet ouerwing them . attenuation or lessening is , when the depth of the battaile is gathered vp , and instead of men a smaller number is set . of conueying the cariage of the army . chap. li. the leading of the cariage , if any thing else , is of great importance , and requireth a speciall commander . it may bee conueyed in fiue manners , either before the armie , or behinde , or on the one flanke , or the other , or in the middest . before the army , when you feare to bee charged behind . behind the army , when you would leade toward the enemy . when you feare to bee charged in flanke on the contrary side . in the middest , when a hollow-battaile is needfull and fit . of the words of command , and certaine obseruations about them . chap. lii . last of all wee will briefly repeate the words of direction , if we admonish , first that they ought to be short , then that they ought to be without double-signification . for the souldiers , that in hast receiue direction , had neede to take heede of doubtfull words , least one doe one thing , and another the contrarie . as for the purpose : if i say turne your face , some it may be , that heare mee , will turne to the right , some to the left hand , and so no small confusion follow . seeing therefore these words turne your face import a generall signification , and comprehend turning to the right , or left hand , we ought in stead of saying turne your face to the pike , to pronounce it thus : to your pike turne your face , that is , we ought to set the particular before , and then inferre the generall . like reason is , if you say , turne about your face , or countermarch . for these are also generall words ; and therefore wee should do well to set the particular before . as to the pike turne your face about , or to the target turne your face about . likewise the lacedemonian countermarch , not the countermarch lacedemonian . for if you place the word countermarch first , some of the souldiers will happily fall to one kind , other to another kinde of countermarch . for which cause words of double sense are to be auoided , and the speciall to be set before the generall . of silence to be vsed by souldiers . chap. liii . bvt aboue all things silence is to bee commanded , and that beed be giuen to directions : as homere specially signifieth in his discriptions of the graecian and troian fights . the skilfull cheef-taines pressed on , guiding with carefull eie their armed troupes , who followed their leaders silently . you surely would haue deem'd , each one of all that mighty thronge had been bereft of speach , so bride led he his heedfull tongue , fearing the dread commanders checke , and awfull hest's among . thus march't the greekes in silence , breathing flames of high desire , and feruent zeale , to backe their friends , on foes to wreake their ire . as for the disorder of the barbarians he resembleth it to birdes saying . as sholes of fowle , geese , cranes , and swannes with necks far stretched out , which in the slimy fennes caïsters winding streames about sheare here , and there , the liquid skie , sporting on wanton wing . then fall to ground with clanging noise , the fennes all ouer ring : none otherwise the troians fill the field with heaped sounds of broken , and confused cries , each where tumult abounds . and againe : the captaines marshall out their troupes ranged in goodly guise ; and fo●rth the troians pace like birds , which lade the aire with cries . not so the greekes , whose silence breathed flames of high desire , fernent in zeale to back their friends , on foes to wreake their ire . the words of command . chap. liiii . thus then are we to command . to your armes . stand by your armes . cariage away from the battaile . marke your directions . seperate your selues . aduance your pikes . file and ranke your selues . looke to your leader . reare commander order your file . a keepe your first distances . b faces to the pike , moue a little further , stand so , as you were . b faces to the target , moue a little further , stand so . b faces about to the pike , moue a little further , stand so . c double your depth . to your first posture . c double your length . to your first posture . d the lacedemonian countermarch . to your first posture . d the macedonian countermarch . to your first posture . d the choraan countermarch . to your first posture . e battaile wheele to the pike . to your first posture . e battaile wheele about to the pike . to your first posture . these precepts of the art tacticke ( most inuincible caesar ) i haue laide out to your matie , which will be a meanes of safety to such , as shall vse them , and of ●he ouerthrow of their enemies . the exercise of the english in the seruice of the high and mighty lords , the lords the estates of the vnited provinces in the low covntries . the soldiers are diuided into two kindes , foote and horse . the foote againe are of two kindes ; pikemen and musketiers . pikemen are armed with a head-peece , a curace and tases defensiue , and with a pike of fifteene foote long , and a rapier offen siue . the armour is all yron ; the pike of ashen wood for the steale , and at the vpper end an yron head of about a handfull long with cheekes about the length of two foote , and at the butt-end a round strong socket of yron ending in a pike , that is blunt , yet sharpe enough to fixe to the ground . the forme thereof is expressed in the grauen figure . the musketier hath a head-peece for defence , a musket , the barrell of the length of foote , the bore of bullets to the pound ; a bandelier , to which are fastned a convenient number of charges for powder ( sometimes as many as or ) a lether bagge for bullets , with a pruning yron ; a rest for the musket with an yron forke on the vpper end to support it in discharging , and a pike on the nether end to sticke into the ground ▪ lastly , a rapier . the figure of this armour also is here inserted . these soldiors , both pike-men , and musketiers , are diuided into companies ; and euery company consisteth , halfe of pikes , halfe musketiers . the companies are some more in number , some lesse . some reach to men , some , some , some , some , some . euery company hath these officers of the field : a captaine , a lieutenant , an ensigne , serieants , corporalls , two drommes ; and for other vses a clerke , a surgion , and a prouost . companies are compacted into regiments ; and the regiments commanded by coronells . regiments conteine not alwaies a like number of companies , some hauing , some , , , , , some companies and aboue . in euery regiment are a coronell , a lieutenant coronell , a serieant maior , all officers of the field ; a quarter-master , and a prouost-martiall for other imployments . it shall not be greatly to the purpose to mention higher officers , then coronells , my principall intent being no other , then to set downe the armes and exercise of our nation in the said vnited provinces . their armes are spoken of . their exercise followes . first both pikes and muskets are ordered into files of deepe . the musketiers are sometime placed before , sometime in flanke , sometimes in the reare of the pikes . to exercise the motions , there are two distances to be obserued . the first is when euery one is distant from his fellow foote square , that is in file and ranke . the second is when euery souldier is foote distant one from the other aswell in file , as in ranke . and because the measure of such distances cannot be taken so iustly by the eye , the distance of foot betwixt the files is measured , when the souldiers stretching out their armes doe touch one an others hands : and betwixt the rankes , when the ends of their pikes come well nigh to the heeles of them , that march before . and the measure of foote betwixt the files is , when their elbowes touch one another ; betwixt the rankes , when they come to touch the ends of one anothers rapiers . for to march in the field , the distance of foote from file to file is kept , and of foote from ranke to ranke . to order themselues in battaile , as also to goe towards the enemy , the distance of foote in file , and ranke , is obserued ; and likewise to conversion or wheeling . the musquettiers also going for to shoote by rankes keep the same distance of foot , but going to skirmish they goe a la disbandade , which is out of order . there is yet another sort of distance , which is not vsed , but for to receiue the enemy with a firme stand , and serueth for the pikes onely ( for the musquettiers cannot be so close in files , because they must haue their armes at liberty ) & that is , when euery one is distant from file to file a foote and a halfe , and foote from ranke to ranke . and this last distance is thus commanded , close your selues throughly . but it is not to be taught the souldiers , for that , when necessitie shall require it , they will close themselues but too much , of their owne accord without command . to begin therefore to doe the exercises , the company is set in the first distance , to wit of foote in file , and ranke , and thus is said these are the generall words of command which are often to be vsed . stand right in your files . stand right in your rankes . silence . to the right hand . as you were . to the left hand . as you were . to the right hand about . to the left hand as you were . to the left hand about . to the right hand as you were . you must note , that when they are commanded to be as they were , they must returne thither , from whence they parted ; and if they turned to the right hand , they must returne to the left , and so in countermarch . the headpiece . the forepart the headpiece close . the backe the right gantlet the left vambrace the left cuishe the brest the backe the gard the left ●●●●let the armour of the pikman the gorget the brest the tales the hedpiece the back the pike to the right double your rankes . rankes as you were . to the left hand double your rankes . rankes as you were . to the right hand double your files . files as you were . to the left hand double your files . files as you were . with halfe files to the right hand double your rankes . halfe files as you were . with halfe files to the left hand double your rankes . halfe files as you were . files to the right hand countermarch . files to the left hand countermarch . to the right hand or left at discretion as you were . rankes to the right hand countermarch . rankes to the left hand countermarch . to the right or left hand as you were . close your files to foote distance . close your rankes to foote distance . vnderstand that in closing from the outsides to the middle the soldier is ●stand in his distance of foote in file , and not closer . to the right hand wheele . to the left hand wheele . open your rankes backwards in your double distance to wit at foote , and this for a single company . rankes as you were , sc. at the first . in opening rankes or files , you must keepe them closed vntill the second ranke or file beginning from the outsides haue taken their distances , and so shall the rest remaine close vntill euery ranke or file haue taken their distance● in order . open your files , to wit to the first distance of foote . if you will command to close files to the right hand or left hand , the outmost file standeth still , and the rest close to that file . for the pike with a firme stand . advance your pikes . order your pikes . slope your pikes . charge your pikes . order your pikes . traile your pikes . cheeeke your pikes . more for the pikes first with a firme stand and then marching . charge your pikes . slope your pikes . to the right hand charge your pikes . slope your pikes . to the left hand charge your pikes . slope your pikes . charge your pikes to the reare . slope your pikes . order your pikes . this must be obserued charging your pikes with a firme stand to set the right foote behind , and charging the pikes marching to set the left foote before . for the musquet . the postures in his excellencies booke are to be obserued ; but in exercisin● you must onely vse these three termes of direction . make ready . present . giue fire . your musquettiers must obserue in all their motions to turne to the right hand , and that they carry the mouth of their peeces high , aswell when they are shouldred , as in pruning , and also when they hold their pannes garded , and come vp to giue fire . in advancing towards an enemy , when they doe not skirmish loose and disbanded , they must giue fire by rankes after this manner . two rankes must alwaies make ready together , and aduance ten paces forward before the body , at which distance , a sergeant ( or when the body is great some other officer ) must stand , to whom the musquettiers are to come vp before they present , and giue fire , first the firstranke . and whilest the first giues fire , the second ranke keepe their musquets close to their rests , and their pannes garded , and assoone , as the first are fallen away , the second presently present , and giue fire , and fall after them . now assoone as the first two rankes doe moue from their places in the front : the two rankes next them must vnshoulder their musquets , and make ready , so as they may aduance forward ten paces as before assoone as euer the two first rankes are fallen away ; and are to doe in all points as the former . and all the other rankes through the whole diuision must doe the same by twoes , one after another . a manner there is to giue fire retyring from an enemy , which is performed after this sor●t . as the troope marcheth the hindermost ranke of all keeping still with the troope is to make ready , and being ready , the souldiers in that ranke turne altogether to the right hand and giue fire , marching presently away a good round pace to the front , and there place themselues in ranke together iust before the front : as soone as the first ranke turne to giue fire , the ranke next makes ready , and doth as the former , and so the rest . we giue fire by the flanks thus . the vppermost file next the enemy must be commanded to make ready , keeping still along with the body , till such time , as they be ready , and then they turne to the right , or left hand ( according to the sight of their enemies either vpon the right , or left flanke ) and giue fire altogether . when they haue discharged they stirre not , but keepe their ground , and charge their peeces againe in the same place , they stand . now as soone as the foresaid file doth turne to giue fire , the vttermost next it makes ready alwaies keeping along with the troope till the bringer-vp be past a little beyond the leader of that file , that gaue fire last ; and then the whole file must turne , and giue fire , and doe in all points as the first did , and so the rest one after the other . a sergeant , or if the troope be great some other better qualified officer must stand at the head of the first file , and assoone as the second file hath giuen fire , and hath charged , he is to lead forward the first file vp to the second file , and so to the rest one after another , till he hath gathered vp againe the whole wing , and then he is to ioyne them againe in equall front with the pikes . last of all the troope or whole wing of musquettiers makes ready altogether , and the first ranke without advancing giues fire in the place they stand in , and speedily , as may be , yet orderly falls away , all the rankes doing the same successiuely one after another . thus much of the armes and exercise of the foote . the horse ensue . the order and discipline holden in horse-troopes , or in the cavalry . the caualry hath for his cheife the generall , the lieutenant generall , and the comissary generall . to the cavalry there is a quarter-master generall , and a prouost generall belonging ; the iustice resorteth to the councell generall of warre of the army . the cavalry is of two sorts . har quebusiers , and curassiers . the first haue for defensiue armes , the curace pistoll proofe , and a light head-peece . for offensiue the carbine of foote , inches length , and the bore of bullets in the pound , and pistolls like vnto the curassiers . the curassiers haue for defensiue armes a compleat armour , the curace pistoll proofe . for offen siue two pistolls hauing the barrell of inches in length , and the bore of bullets in the pound . see the figure of armes . for the order in regiments the companies entertained by the states doe make eleuen regiments . the regiment of the generall hath alwaies the vantgard , the others alternatiuely and by turnes , and he that hath it this day , the next day after hath the reare , the rest following in the same sort . those which command the regiments are called coronells . the regiments are compounded of , or companies ( of at the least ) and the coronells company marcheth alwaies on the left wing of the regiment . the captaines receiue orders from their coronells , as these from the commissary generall . all the companies are diuided in equall parts , which are called squadrons , and distributed to the three chiefe officers ; captaine , cornett , and lieutenant , hauing each of them adioyned an old souldier , which they doe know to bee of more desert , called a corporall . marching in the field , euery officer marcheth at the head of his squadron , the lieutenant excepted , which marcheth behind with the quartermaster ; and the third corporall at the head of the lieutenants squadron . the companies are diuided by files , and rankes , the file deepe , and no more , how strong soeuer the company be . they obserue that in marching in battaile they must be close together , and to doe the motions there must be foote distance from one horseman to another . the companies being in battaile , there must be paces distance left between euery company , and betwixt euery regiment at the least . the exercise of armes for the cavalry . to open the squadron you must first open the rankes and after the files . to close the squadron , you must first close the files , and after the rankes . there be two sorts of distances betwixt the files ; the one close , and the other open . in the close there must be no distance or intervalls betwixt the files , to the open there must be foote betwixt euery file . likewise there must be two sorts of distances betwixt the rankes ; the close , which must be without intervall or streete ; and the open , which must be six foote distance . in a march it must be vnderstood , that the rankes must neuer be more opened , then the open distance of foote . and to the end that the troope may march in good order , and obserue well their distance betwixt the rankes , without that the last may be forced to runne or goe to fast , there must be heed taken , that so soone , as the first rankes begin to march , all the troope , and the reare also at one time march . the words of command are open your rankes . open your files . stand right in your rankes . stand right in your files . to the right hand . as you were . so the left hand . as you were . to the right hand about . to the left hand as you were . to the left hand about . to the right hand as you were . files to the right hand countermarch . files to the left hand countermarch . to the right or left hand as you were . rankes to the right hand countermarch . rankes to the left hand countermarch . close your files . close your rankes . to the right hand wheele . to the left hand wheele . faults escaped in the booke . pag. . in the margent beneath , for spartionem read spartianus . pag. ▪ lin . . for was , were . & lin . . for bircanna , bircenna ; and in the marg . lin . . for dipnoseph , dipnosoph . pag. . lin . . in marg . for adrian , arrian . p. . l. . in marg . for dipnoseph , dipnosoph . p. l. . for marsilians , massilians . p . l. . for pluimes , plumes . p. . l for conceited by , conceitedly . p. . l. . for thureo , thureoi . lin . . dele full . p. . l. for those , these . l. . for ochanes , ochane . l. . dele then. p. . l. . for divarates , divarates . p. . l. for immitation , imitation . p. ● . l. . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. . dele that . p. . l. . for quiety , quietly . l. . slinges , slingers . p. . l. . in marg . analast . analact . p. . l. . put in , it . p. . l . & . for bellys , bellies . p. . l. . . . for sotridas , soteridas . p l. . for forceble , forcible . l . popana , popana . . vnfailable , vnfailible l. dele once , & , for all . p. . l. . reduct , reduce . p . l. . in marg . de bett , de bell . p. . l. . strok , strooke . p. . l. . in marg . enometis , enom●tis . . enomotarches , enomotarches . . . prucestes , peucestes . lin . . after patricius , a full point . p. . l. . bathera , batheia . ▪ liptismos , leptismos . p. ▪ l. . after supported , a full point . . easily , easily . p. l. . prataxis , protaxis ▪ pag. . l. . for hauing , giuing . pag. . l. . sure , safe . lin , . ansetaus , ansetaus . . then , they. . a full point after through . p. . l. . betwixt the , and examples , put former . p. . l. . pharnabarus , pharnabazus . l. . after m●nomachy , a full point . . the , ●hem . . after number , a full point . p . l. . speedely , speedily . . motion , motions . . . your , you . . after forme , a full point . p l. . fi●th , fifth . . after may be , set the figure . . after sort , dele as , and for read . p. . l. . never , neither . p. . l. . after lydians , a full point . p. . l. . for , . lin . . for , . p . l. . for , . lin . . read , when it is greatest in xenophon hath no more , then . pag. . l. . besides , to preter●it . p. . l. . fight , read marching . p. . l. . after sunne . set , read , and. l. . for , of . p. . l. . & . lochagie , lochagi . l. . pempedarches , pempadarchs . p. . l. . & . of , on . p. . l. . for fourth , third . p. . l. . insert after , an army , that &c. ●oreth disorderly . & lin . ▪ after . insert , foote . pag. . lin . target , targets . lin . . for . read . pag . l. . philopomen , philopoemen . p. . l. . quintus , quintius . l after , himselfe with , insert , in . p. . l. . fought , sought . p. . l. . they , those . p . l. . twenty six , sixteene . pag. ● l. . after men , insert two systremm●s an epinen●gy of ● men . p. ▪ l. . after , flankes , insert , and front p . l. . after , amb●shes are , insert , or may be . p. . l. . for flights , flight . p. . l. . nea●er , nearer . p. . lin . . read episyzygy . harmatarchy . p. . l. . greater , great . p. . l. . lacedemon . lin . . a comma , after , cutting it of . another comma , after a sunder . p. . l. after proceed , put out , but. p. . l. . for and , but. p. . lin . middle , middlemen . pag. l. . after , particular , insert , be . lin . . after doublings , insert , which . p. l . read entaxis . the folio's are false pag . . pag. . l. for chap. . read . pag. . l. . after rapier , insert for offence . pag. . l. . after , adde foote . lin . ● . after , thus , insert , it . pag. . lin . . after right , insert , hand . the contents of the notes . chap. ii. of armes in generall . pag. . defensiue armes of old time . pag. ibid. offensiue armes . pag. ibid. strength of armes ; therein of the matter . pag. . fitnesse for the body . pag. . fitnesse for the field . pag. . comelinesse . pag. . three kindes of footemen . pag. . . armes of the armed . pag. . the forme of the macedonian target . pag. . the matter . pag. . the macedonian pike . pag. . the wood it was made of . pag. ibid. target and pike both vsed together . pag. ibid. how the target was caried . pag. . . . the light-armed and their appellations . pag. . . arrowes and the nations that were archers . pag. . the estimation of archers of ancient time . pag. ibid. that good seruice might be drawne from our bowes euen at this day . pag. ibid. . dartes , and the diuers names giuen them . pag. . the matter , fashion , and force of darts . pag. . . slingers . pag. . the best slingers . pag. ibid. how farre a sling will reach . pag. ibid. . targetiers . pag. . the forme of their target . pag. ibid. their pikes . pag. ibid. their other armes . pag. ibid. the hypaspists in the historie of alexander . pag. ibid. horsemen . pag. . cataphractes . pag. ibid. their , and their horses armor . pag. ibid. their launce . pag. . their manner in charging . pag. ibid. launciers . pag. ibid. their , and their horses armour . tarentines . pag. . their armes , and manner of fight . pag. ibid. archers on horsebacke . pag. . chap. iii. levies of souldiers . pag. . confiderations in levies . pag. ibid. what number . pag. ibid. the heads of the art of warre . pag. . the effect of exercise in soldiors . pag. ibid. chap. iv. files , and the diuers significations of lochos , a file . pag. . the number of aelians file . pag. ibid. other files more or lesse . pag. ibid. the reason of aelians number in a file . pag. ibid. chap. v. disposing of files . pag. . the best man the leader , and why . pag. ibid. the difference betwixt the romans , and graecians in bringing their best men to fight . pag. . an enomoty . pag. . the place of enomotarchs . pag. ibid. the dimeritt , or commander of the halfe file . pag. . the worth of the file-leader . pag. ibid. leo his disposing of a file . pag. ibid. chap. vii . a phalange . pag. . the etymology of the name . pag. ibid. the phalange not alwaies of one number . pag. ibid. the inventor of the phalange . pag. . the length of it . pag. ibid. the depth . pag. ibid. the thicknes . pag. ibid. the breadth . pag. . the winges . pag. ibid. the middle section . pag. ibid. whether there ought to be more , then one section . pag. ibid. the place of the light-armed . pag. . the place of the horse . pag. . in the winges . pag. . in the reare . pag. . in the front . pag. ibid. chap. viii . what motions transfigure the phalange into another shape . pag. . the number fit for motion of the phalange . pag. . the number of the macedonian phalange . pag. . the number of the light-armed . of horse the number . chap. ix . the commander of the phalange . pag. . the number of them . pag. ibid. the double signification of the word tetrarchy . pag. ibid. the manifold signification of taxis . pag. ibid. and of syntagma . pag. . the officers of the syntagma . pag. . the ensigne . pag. ibid. the beginning of ensignes . pag. ibid. why they are borne . pag. ibid. the forme of the ensigne . pag. . the matter of the ensigne . pag. ibid. the place of the ensigne-bearer in fight . pag. . the trumpet , and vse thereof amongst foote . pag. . it was the signall instrument of the graecians . pag. ibid. the drumme . pag. ibid. how it came into europe . pag. ibid. the lacedemonians vsed both flute , and trumpet . pag. . the place of the trumpet in battaile . pag. ibid. a sergeants duty . pag. ibid. qualities requisite in a sergeant . pag. ibid. his dignity . pag. ibid. his place in fight . pag. ibid. a cryers office . pag. ibid. his place in fight . pag. . the tetragonall forme of a syntagma . pag. . the number of the chiliarchy . pag. ibid. the roman tribuneship and it differ . pag. ibid. our coronells come neerer the chiliarch . pag. ibid. whether it were first instituted by alexander at babilon . pag. ibid. the persian chiliarch . pag. . the merarchy . pag. ibid. the phalangarchy . pag. ibid. the bodies military of the lacedemonians . pag. . of the athenians . pag. ibid. of cyrus in xenophon . pag. ibid. of vrbicius . pag. ibid. of iulius pollux . pag. ibid. the number of the officers of aelians phalange . pag. . chap. x. the places of the officers of the phalange . all the commanders in front . pag. . alternatiue commanders . pag. ibid. the place of the generall . pag. ibid. of the phalangarches . pag. ibid. of the merarches . pag. . of the rest . pag. . chap. xi . distances . pag. . open order . pag. ibid. order . pag. . close order . pag. ibid. the ground a phalange possesseth in eche order . pag. . chap. xii . the matter of the macedonian target . pag. . the hollownesse . pag. ibid. the breadth . pag. ibid. the length of the shortest pike . pag. ibid. advantage of long pikes . pag. ibid. chap. xiiii . the strength of the macedonian phalange . pag. the conquests of king philip , and alexander his sonne . pag. ibid. battailes wherein the romans beate the macedonians . pag. . proofe of the macedonian imbattailing against the romans . pag. . distance betwixt soldior , and soldior in fight . pag. . how much of the length of the pike is lost in charging . pag. . how the pikes of the sixth ranke , and the other after them are to be held in fight . pag. ibid. the pikes of the reare longer , than those in front . pag. ibid. chap. xv. the place of the light-armed . pag. . the place of targetiers . pag. . the file of the light-armed . pag. ibid. chap. xvi . the names of the light-armed . pag. ibid. the cause of impropriety of names . pag. ibid. the curiosity of the graecians in their names . pag. . whether there were captaines of the centuries of the light-armed . pag. ibid. the bodies of the armed and light-armed compared . pag. ibid. chap. xvii . the vse of light armed . pag. . light-armed ioyned with the armed . pag. ibid. the light-armed good — to prouoke the enemy , pag. . to wound a farre of , pag. ibid. to disarray , pag. . to repulse horse , pag. . to beate in the enemies light-armed , pag. ibid. to discouer suspected places , pag. ibid. for farre and speedy attempts . pag. . chap. xviii . the forme of horse-battailes . pag. ibid. the seruice of horse . pag. . the thessalian horsemen . pag. . the fable of centaures . pag. ibid. the rhombe . pag. . whether the rhombe or square be better in horse . pag. ibid. the wedge . pag. . whether the rhombe or wedge be better . pag. ibid. diuers kindes of squares . pag. . the square in figure . pag. ibid. the depth in the square . pag. . the square in number . pag. . chap. xix . diuers formes of rhombes . pag. ibid. a rhombe filing and ranking . pag. . a rhombe neither filing nor ranking . pag. . a rhombe filing not ranking . pag. . a rhombe ranking not filing . pag. ibid. chap. xx. the horse-troupe of the macedonians . pag. . the number , and manner of framing it . pag. ibid. the place of the cornett . pag. ibid. the distance betwixt horse , and horse . pag. . the distance betwixt troupe , and troupe . pag. . chap. xxv . turning of soldiors faces . pag. . the end of this motion . pag. . two turnings , or metabole . pag. . turning to the pike , or target . pag. ibid. turning to the enemy , or from the enemy . pag. ibid. the words of direction in this motion . pag. . chap. xxvi . wheeling the battaile . pag. . how it is done . pag. . a treble wheeling . pag. ibid. the end of this motion . pag. ibid. examples of double wheeling . pag. . chap. xxvii . to restore to the first posture . pag. . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth . pag. ibid. chap. xxviii . countermarches . pag. . the macedonian countermarch by file . pag. . the lacedemonian . pag. ibid. the choraean . pag. . countermarches by ranke . pag. . the words of direction . pag. ibid. chap. xxix . doubling . pag. . the length doubled in number . pag. . the vse of it . pag. . the danger of it the enemy being nigh . pag. . the depth doubled . pag. ibid. the words of command in this motion . pag. . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a veget. prolog . lib. . b xenoph. cyrop●d . lib. . b. c xenophon cyrop . lib c. . d pl●t . in philopaement . ● infra cap. . f leo. cap. . g dio & ●pat tionem in vit●adriani . a veget lib. . 〈◊〉 . ● . b tacit. in vita ag●colae . c dio in vita ne●vae . d spartian . in vita adriani . notes for div a -e a vegetius lib. ● . cap ● . b polyb. lib. . pag . ● . c plutarch in pyrrho . a cicero . epist. 〈◊〉 . lib. 〈◊〉 . ● . b epistel . ad qf●at lib. . epi. . c tuscul. questi . lib. . . d livv . decad . . lib. . ● . e plut. in pyrrho . f plutarch . in pyrrho . g plutarch . in pyrrho . h iust lib , . a. i lib. , . d k plut. in pyrrho . l iustin. lib. ● . . c. athenaeus dipnoseph . lib. . . b. m plutarch in philopaement . n ibid. a emilius probus ●n vita iphicratis . xenoph. histor graec . lib. . . b. c ▪ diod sicul . lib. . polyaen . lib ● . in iphicrate . iustin. lib . . b. c. b adrian . lib ▪ . , c. c tuscul. question lib. . . d plin. natural ▪ hist. lib , cap ● pag ▪ , e cicero . de natura deor lib , , ● , a plutarch , in agesilao . b plin. natural histor . lib. . ● . c 〈◊〉 . paral ● . pag. . a plut. in 〈◊〉 . b plutarch . in agesilao . c drachma hath i● it oboles that is about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sterling iul poll. x. lib. ● . cap. ● ● . c vegetius lib. ● cap. . a cataphract is the iust and full armour of the fonte . heereafter wee shall see what that armour is . d stewechius in veget●um pag. ● e notitia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c occident . in fine . ● samuel cap. vers . ● . a homer iliad . b pausan. in lacon●cis ● c athen d●pnoseph lib . a d pausan. 〈◊〉 e livy lib , c f xeno in re● . 〈◊〉 e g homer ● iliad h 〈◊〉 prob. in iphicrate . i xenoph. cy●o . lib , . k plutarch . in alexandro . l patrie paral. m plutarch . in deme●io . n iust. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● dial . ad poly o plin. na●al . lib. . caq. . a cesar de bell ▪ ciui● lib. b xenoph. de ex ped . cyr. l. . ● b these winges came down from theire showlders toward theire el● bowes . c cesar de belle ciuil . lib. ● d xenop . de exp ▪ cyri. l. ▪ a e sam. c. . v. f cap. . v : g xenoph hist. brec . li. , d h cicer● tuscul ▪ quest . lib , a 〈◊〉 cap. b aemil prob in iphicra & diod. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . , c xenoph. hist. 〈◊〉 . l 〈◊〉 . ● d d 〈◊〉 . in philopoly● ▪ l. in phi lo●m § ● pau●an ▪ in a● 〈◊〉 e polyb li . c & c & lib ● . ● e & lib. ● 〈◊〉 ● . c. f suidas in mac● a xenoph. cyr. lib copides were swordes a litle bending at the pointes , like fi●hes curt. l. ●● b polyb lib pag c c plutarch in lu cu●o d plut ▪ in alex. e xenoph. cyrop lib , c f xenoph cyrop lib ● , ● b g xenop . cyrop lib , b h curtius lib ● silver-targetiers . i plutarch in caesare . k plinius histornat lib cap polyb lib ● , 〈◊〉 b , c a herod . li. . b polyen . li. in psammench . § . c plu in philop. poly● li. . ● . ● . d plutarch . in 〈◊〉 . a plutarch in pelonida . polyen . l. in iphier § leo ca. §. ● b thucyd. lib. . . . b. c. c arrian . li. ● . ● . ● . d arrian . li. . ● e. e plutarch . in pyrr●o . f polyb li. ● ●● g appion in syriac . d. * a●milius probus in vita iphicrat . a xenoph cyr. lib -●● b 〈◊〉 . in pho cicis c pausan in pho cic gya●othorax . d polyen li in philipp . § e ad ephes. cap v f diod sicul. lib , & g leo cap § & h plut. in timol. i veget. ● ca. k xenoph. cyr. c l veget. li. cap m diod sicul. lib n livy lib . c o livy lib . c p cap. a polyen . li. in philopoe . §. ● & p●ut . in philopoe . b pausan. in ar. cad ● . c pausan. in corinthiacis ● & pli●nat hi● . l. ● cap. d cap. e polyb. l , 〈◊〉 b & lib. , ● & c f plu● in aemili● g polyb. l. . b & d lib. h xenop de rep . laced ▪ ● i pausan in boeotici● ● k pausan. in corinth . l xenoph. de x● . cyri a m xenoph. cyr. lib , b n xenop . de xpe . cyr lib. . b o xenoph. cyr● . lib. , e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a suidas in ochano . b hesychius 〈◊〉 ocha●o . c 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 . d suidas in porpax . e herodotus 〈◊〉 ● , f pausan. in 〈◊〉 ● g plutarch . in vi ta cleome● h xenoph de exped . cyr lib. ● 〈◊〉 , c i plut in 〈◊〉 . k pl● . in philo. l xenop . de exp . cy● . a arrian . lib. 〈◊〉 , ● b pliny natur . hist. li. . cap. ● c aurel. cicut● de disciplina mil. lib. ▪ ● d plutarch . in aemilio . a polyb , b. athen. dipnosoph . li , , d. xenop● . de exp●d . cyri. lib. ● , , b. c 〈◊〉 . in 〈◊〉 . ● . d xenoph. de exped . lib. . ● , b & lib. , 〈◊〉 , c e xenoph. cyro . lib. . , c. g appian in par. , h xenoph. cyr. lib. , , , i xenoph de exped . lib. b , & lib , , a k arrian . lib , , ● , e. l plutarch . in py rho m 〈◊〉 fan , in ph●cicis . n thucyd. lib. , ● , b , o pausan. in at - 〈◊〉 . , p xenoh de exped cyri. lib. . , c. q diodor. sicul. lib. , . r plutarch . in crosso . s curtius lib. . t plutarch in alexand diod. ficul . lib ● v arr. e x veget. lib. ● . c. 〈◊〉 . a a●rel . cicuta de disciplin . mili . lib. . . b patrie . parall . parte secuqda li. pag. . c veget. lib. 〈◊〉 . . d leo 〈◊〉 . ● . . ● e leo cap. . . . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a patric ▪ 〈◊〉 mil. part . ● . 〈◊〉 b xenop . de 〈◊〉 ▪ cy : . lib. . . c c arr. lib , f d xenoph cyrlib . d. lib. . . b & c e diod sicul. lib. & lib. ● ● v. iul poll. . c. ● . pag. 〈◊〉 f xenoph. de exped cyri ● . . ● a. lib de ●ne ● g xenoph. de exped . cyri lib. . ● . c h diod. sic●l li. ▪ & . i xenoph. hist. gr●c . li d. k veget. li. ● ca. . l lips. ad polyb. lib. . dialogo ● . a c● lib ● b 〈◊〉 li● . . a d. & 〈◊〉 d. & lib ● . . c polyb. li ▪ . . e c xenoph de exped cyr● lib. ● d. & died 〈◊〉 . lib ● . ● d xenoph de exped . cyr● . lib. . 〈◊〉 a. e xenoph. hist. graec li● ● f xenoph. de exped ▪ cyri. lib. ● . ● . b a xenoph. de exped . cyri lib. . c b i d ▪ ● v c l●v d●ad . ● . d veget l. ● . c. e veget. lib. . c. . in ●ine . f veget. l. cap. g veget. l ● . c. h onesand . ca. i veget. i . c. k thucy i . ● c & l . , d l li● a● po●yb l. . dialogo . in ●ne . a scholiast . thu cyd . lib , b su●as in pel●e c hesychius in pel●e . d thucyd. lib. . c e xenoph. de ex● . cyri. lib. . b f xenoph. hist. graec li ● b g suidas in in●ce . h diod. sicul . lib. . . aemilius prob. in iphicrat i aemil u● prob● in iphicrate . k xenop . de exped cyri. lib. , c l xenop . ibid lib . ● . a & lib. c & li. . d. e m xenoph histo . g●aec li. ● . e n ●psius ana●est in ● . comment . in polyb. o polyb. lib. . . c p suidas in popana . q aemil. prob , in iphicrat . r xenoph de ex . pe● cyri. lib. . d s xenoph ibid . ● , , b a xenoph. histo . graec . lib. . b leo cap . c arr. lib. ● . ● d arr. lib . a. e arr. lib. , ● , ● f liv. decad . , lib. . a xeno●h cyro . lib. . a b xenoph de exped cyro . lib. . 〈◊〉 d. c appi in parth. d d appian in par 〈◊〉 d. & plut. in crasso . e 〈◊〉 . in 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stewechius in comment . ad . . capu● lib. . vege● . a appian in parthicis ● . a. b xenoph . de ex● 〈◊〉 . cyr. ● . . . e plutarch in 〈◊〉 lop●m . a polyb. lib. . . ● b art. counfo●deth xyston and doru . ●b . . f. a diordor . sicul. lib . b xenop . de exp . cyri lib. ●● . c c liv. decad . . lib. . c. d xenoph hist. graec . li. . c e liv. decad . 〈◊〉 lib . . b. a polyb. lib. . . b. b liv. decad . . li. ● . c. & polyb . ●b . . b. c cesar de be●t . 〈◊〉 african . d arcer in no●is ●d a●ian . pag. . e plutar. in cras. & app●an in 〈◊〉 c. c. f xenoph de exp ● . cyri. lib. . ● . d. see leo cap. . § & cap. §. . a polyb li. . 〈◊〉 b. polyb. lib. . . c. polyb lib. . c. b diod. sical . lib. . . c veget. li. . c ● a 〈◊〉 . lib. . cap. ● . b xenop . in agesilao . c veget. lib. . ca. ● . d plut. in pelop. e plut in lycur . f veget. li. . ca g cicet . in bruto ● . a diodor. sicul . lib. . . . b diodor. sicul● lib. . . a polyaen lib. . in iphicrat . § & lib. . in alex. § . b polyaen . lib. . in gorgida . c athen dipnos. lib. . . d plut in pelop. e xenoph. de exped cyri lib. . . d f xenoph. de exped . cyri lib. ● . . b g xenoph. de exped . cyri li. ● ● e. . h arrian lib. . ● d. i polyb. lib. . d k xenoph. hist graec . li. . ● . e. l thucyd. lib. . 〈◊〉 . b m thucyd lib. pag . a n xenoph histo graec . . d o xenoph histo . graec . li. . g a polyaen . lib . in clearch● . §. . b xen● . hist. grae ▪ l ▪ c. d c xenoph hist. graec . lib. . . c. d. d xenoph. hist. graec . li . . c e air. lib. . . d f xenoph de exped . cyri lib. . . d g thucyd. lib. . . c h thucyd. lib. ● . a i xenoph cyro● lib. . . a ▪ & lib ▪ . a , c k veget. lib. 〈◊〉 cap. 〈◊〉 l lips ●d polyb. lib. . . a plutarch in pçlopida . b aelian cap. c leo ca. ▪ §. d liv. decad . ▪ a caesar de bell . ciuili lib . b salust . de coniur . catilinae . c livius decad . lib. . pag. . a d xenop . in occo●om . ● . c. e eustat in iliad f iul. pollux . lib. . cap . g suidas . in verbo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a xenop cyrop b e●y melogico● magn in strat . c arrian . lib. . . c. d leo cap. §. . . patricius paralle ▪ m●t . part . & part . . e suidas in enomotia . f etymol magnu● in enometis g hesye . i● enomotia . h i●l pollux lib . cap. . i arr. l. . : c a xenop . cyro● lib. . d b leo. cap. . §. . . c leo ●a . . §. ● d leo ca §. a plutarch in pe lep●da . b plutarch . ibib . c diod. sicul. lib. . . d cicer. ad a●icum li. . epist. a xenop ▪ cyrop . lib. ● . b etymol . magn . in the word stratos . a caesar de bell . gall lib. . b xenoh . de exp . cyri. lib . . e c xenoph. hist. graec . li. . . ● d arrian lib. ● . ●● e xenoph. histor . g●aec . lib. . ● . a f polyc● . l b. . in pan §. . a polyb. lib. . a. b polyb lib. . c. c polyaen lib. . in cle●rcho . §. . d caesar. de bell . gall . lib. . e suidas in mechos . f di●d . sicul. ● . g arrian lib. . c. h polyb. lib. . a. i leo cap. . §. ● & cap. . §. . & cap . § . cap. §. . . . k after cap. . l polyen . lib. . in alexand. §. m polyb. lib. ● . d. a leo ca. . §. ● b onosander e● . ●o . ●o . ca. § ● c leo ca. . §. a leo ca. . §. 〈◊〉 b suidas in the word phalangarchia . c polyb. lib. ● 〈◊〉 ▪ . d. d plut. in philopaemen . a aelian before cap. ● . b leo exp . §. . . . . a aelian cap. ● b aelian cap. ● . c xenop cyrop . lid . . b. ● a xenop . cyrop . lib. . c. & pag . c. b xeno● . cyrop . lib. . ● . c xenoph. hist. 〈◊〉 . li. ● . . d d xenoph hist. 〈◊〉 . li. ● . . c a plut. in sylla . b leo cap. §. ● ▪ c arrian lib. . ● f & d d arrian li. ● . ● curt. lib. . ● e arri li. . . ● f diod. sicul. lib. . ● . g diod. sicul. lib. ● . h xenop cyrop . lib. . . c. & . c. i ar●ian lib. . ● ▪ d. e. a arrian lib. . ● . b curtius lib. ● . b xenoph. hist. graec . lib ● . c. c livy ce●b . lib. . a. the like was done by m. valerius the dictator against the hetr●●cans . liv decad . ● . lib. ▪ . c. and by l papyri● cor against the ●ammit 〈◊〉 decad . lib. ● . ● . c. and by sylla against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . li. . ca. ● a livy de●ad . 〈◊〉 lib. ● . c. b xenoph. hist ▪ graec . li . . a. c 〈◊〉 in v●ta alexand arrian lib. . . f. d plutar●h in v●ta 〈◊〉 d●od . sicul. lib. ● . ● a xenop . cyrop . lib. . . b. a appian . in syriacis . . b. b liv : decad. lib. . . a. a xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . b. b xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . c. c polyb lib . b. c. d polyb lib 〈◊〉 . e livy decad. . lib. ● . pag . b a diodor. sicul . lib. . . b iustin. lib. . . c diod. sicul. lib. . . d diod. sicul. lib. . . e diod. sicul. lib. . . f diod. sicul. lib. . . g diod sicul. lib. . . h diod. sicul. lib. . . i polyb. lib. . . c. k diod. sicul. lib. . . a xenoph. cyroped . lib. . . a. b xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . c. c leo cap. . § . * leo cap. . dilochia . d cicero in orat . pro deitaro . e luc. f polyb lib. . . b. & lib. . e. g xenoph. d ▪ exped . lib. . b ex cyrop lib. ● . . c. h arrian lib. . . f. i xenoph. cyrop . lib. . d. h polyb. lib. ● . ● b. k poly● . lib. . § in l● hicrat . l polyb. lib. . . c. m polybius calleth a cohort syntagma , lib. . c. n diod sicul lib. . * cap. . o suidas in m●cos . p suidas in xenagos & iul. poll. lib. . cap . q polyb. lib. . . b. r suidas in ectâctos . s xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . a. t diodor. sicul . lib. . . u caesar. de bell . gall . lib. ● ▪ w veget lib cap. . x leo cap . § . y xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . d. z lipsius ad polyb. lib. . d● . log . . f patric . parall . p●rt . . lib. . cap. . g leo cap. . §. . & cap. . §. . h leo cap. . § . i lipsius ad polyb. lib. . dial. . k postea c. . l suidas in ectâctos . m xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . e. n postea cap. . a suidas in e●os . b polyen . lib. . in b●ccho §. . c curtius lib. ● . . d plutarch . in crasso e app. in parthicis . c. d. f leo cap. . §. . g plutarch in lyt●rgo . h for this measure s●e iul. pollux lib . cap. § . i pae●n ● a hymne pr● to apollo . ●l . pollux . lib. . cap . §. . k t● . lib. . ● a. l poly● . lib. . in procle . §. . m athenaeus dipnosoph . lib. . a. n pausan in laco●s . . o polyb lib. . . e. p plutarch in lycurgo . q diod. sicul. lib. . . r polyen . lib ● in procle § . pausan in lacom●s . . s thucyd. lib. . t polyen . lib . in procie . §. . u leo cap. ● . § ● . x suidas in ectactos . y xenophon . cyrop . lib. . . a. z xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . d. a see suidas in the word kerux . b leo. cap. . §. . c xenoph de exped . cyri lib. . . ● . a about a pounds ●arling i●l . poll ▪ lib. . cap. . . . b xenoph. ●istor . g●aec . lib. . . c diodor. si● : lib. . . aelian . cap. . a plutarch . in romulo . b salust . in iugurtha . c veget. lib. . cap. . d quint. curt. lib. . . e xenoph. cyro● . lib. . . f xenoph. cyrop . lib. . b. g xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . c. d. h polyen . lib. . in iphicrate § . a arrian . lib. . . c. b diod. si●ul . lib. . . c thucyd. lib. . . d arrian . lib. . . ● ▪ & . e & . a. a diod. sicul. lib. . . b arrian . lib. . . d. c arrian . lib. . . e. d arrian . lib. . . b. e xenoph. de rep . lacedem . . a. f thucyd. lib. c. g plutarch . in pelopida . h diod. sicul. lib. . . i xenoph. hist. graec. lib. . . c. k scholiast . in thucyd. lib. . . l polyen lib. . in iphicrat . § . m xenophon cyroped . lib. . . a. n e●ymologic : magn : in voc● strat●s . a xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . c. b xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . a. c vegetius lib. . cap. . d xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . b. e platarch . in timol. f diod. sicul : lib. . . g arrian . lib. . . c. h leo cap. . § . & . & cap. . § . the whole wing . the right w. the left ● ▪ the merarchs alone . a caesar d● bel . gall . lib. b plutarch . in philopoemene . c d●dor s●c : lib ● . d pol●b lib c. leo cap . § . e pol ● . lib. a. f leo cap . §. . g xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . a. it is called by thucydides , synciifis , thucyd . lib. . . b. h appian . in parthicis . . a. . d. c. i diod. sicul. lib. . . * synaspisantes a polyb. lib. . . a. b aelian . c. . c see polyb. lib. . . c. leo cap. . § . d suidas in pl●thro . e suidas ibid. & leo cap. . § . a xenophon de rep . laced . . a. b plutarch . in crasso . c xenoph. in agesilao . . b. d leo cap. . § . e iul. pollux lib. . cap. . § . calleth it a spanne . f patricius parel . part . secun : lib. . cap. . g polyen . lib. in cleonym . § . a appian . in syriacis . . e. b polyb. lib. . . e. c diod. sicul. lib. . . d 〈…〉 c 〈…〉 . f 〈…〉 . g 〈…〉 . h 〈…〉 i 〈…〉 k 〈…〉 l 〈…〉 m 〈…〉 o 〈…〉 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 p 〈…〉 r plutarch . in aemilio . s polyb. lib. . . a. t livy decad. . lib. . c. u livy decad . . lib. . . x livy decad . . lib. . . c. plutarch . in 〈◊〉 . appian ▪ in syr●cis . . b. see leo cap. . §. . & cap. . ● . ● . b po●yen . lib 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 〈◊〉 . ● . d 〈◊〉 . l. . a. e polyb. . . a. f l●o ●ap . ● . g pol●b l. . 〈◊〉 a. h 〈◊〉 . pollu● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . § ● . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 di●noso ● . lib . ● . a. k polyb. l. . . d a leo cap. . § . a 〈◊〉 ●ap . b xenoph. de exp●d 〈◊〉 . lib. . . d c xenoph de exped . lib. . d d arrian . lib. ● . . c. e arrian . lib. . . f arrian . lib. . b. g polyb. lib. . . b. h arri●n . lib. ● . c. 〈◊〉 cap. ● . a xenoph. cyro● . lib. . . c. b leo cap. . § . c arrian lib. d leo cap. . § ● 〈◊〉 . ●ecad . . l●b . . b. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . . l●b . . ● . b. e xenoph hist. graec. lib . . d. e xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . f appian . in 〈◊〉 . ● . 〈…〉 . c plut in ant. d l●u . decad . . lib. . . a. b. e 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f xenoph. cyrop . lib. . . e. g l●u de●ad . lib. . . b. a arrian . lib. . . d. b arrian . lib. . . e. c arrian . lib. . . f. d arrian l. . e. e arrian . lib. . . d. f arrian . lib. . . g polyen . lib. . in iphicrate § . h xenoph. de exped . cyr. lib. . . b. lib. . . a. b. a p●n natural . histor . lib. . cap . a diod. sicul. lib. . . pol. lib. . a. b. b hirtius de bell . af●ican . xenoph. de exped . cyr. lib ▪ . . ● . plut in anton. appian in par. . c xenoph ▪ de exped . cyr. lib. . . b. c. d diod ▪ sicul. lib. . . e xenoph. hist. graec. lib. . . d. f iust. lib. . . c. g diod. sicul. lib. . . & . plutarch . in alexand. h plut. in pyrth . e plutarch . in agesilao . xenoph. h●st . graec lib . ▪ a. b euclyd . lib. . definit . . a polyb. lib. . . b. c. b diodor. sic : lib. . . c xenoph. hist. graea . lib. ● . b. d diod. sicul. lib. pag . h xenoph. h●st . graec ▪ lib. . . d. i plutarch . in lycurgo . k leo cap. . . . l leo cap. . §. . . m leo cap . § . & cap. . § ▪ . t after cap. . u polyen . lib. . . ● . n polyb. lib. . . a. o leo cap. . §. . o cap. . m liv. decad . . lib. . . b. d liu. decad . . lib. . . poly● . lib. . . c. d. c polyb. lib. . . b. d diod. sicul. lib. . e polyb. lib. . . f plutarch . in alexand. a polyen . lib. . in alexand. § . b polyb lib. . . a plut. in pyrrh . b polyen . lib. in agesilao . c xenoph. cyrop . lib. . ▪ d. a latus ape●ū a plut. in pyrrh . a pausan. in articis . b pausan. in corinth . c pausan. in corinth . . d diod. sicul. lib. . . b polyen . lib. ● ▪ in agesilao . b aemil. prob. in chabria . . see leo cap. . § . . see leo cap. . § ▪ . x xenoph. hist. graec . lib. . . c. xenoph. hist. graec lib. . . d. h xenoph. de rep . lacedem . . e. see leo cap. . §. . i herodot . in calliop● . & plutarch . in aristide . k liv. decad . . lib. . . b. polyb. lib. . . b. n suidas in the word dip●asiasai . o suidas in the word dip●asiasai . n polyen . lib . in cleandrida . § . o see leo cap. . §. . & . p xenoph cyrop lib. . . b. q leo cap. ▪ §. . i leo cap. . . k poly●n l●b . in 〈◊〉 . ● . . ● po●yb . l. b . m appian in syriacis ● . b. * hollow wedge . * double phalange . * treble phalange . * double fronted phalange . * horsemen that vse two horses , one spare , the other being vidden vpon . * doulbe flanked phalange . * a h●rse . * the hollow fronted battaile . * the conuexebattaile . * foure-square . * wedge . a before cap. ▪ b before cap. . b before cap. . b before cap. . c before cap. . c before cap. . d before cap. . d before cap. . d before cap. . e before cap. . e before cap. . notes for div a -e the enemy before the vantgard . advancing . the enemy in the reare . the enemy in flanke . the enemy in front . without advancing . observations upon military & political affairs written by the most honourable george, duke of albemarle, &c. ... albemarle, george monck, duke of, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) observations upon military & political affairs written by the most honourable george, duke of albemarle, &c. ... albemarle, george monck, duke of, - . heath, john, th cent. [ ], , [ ] p. : ill. printed by a.c. for henry mortlocke ... and james collins ..., london : . "to the most sacred majesty of charles ii" signed: john heath. errata: p. [ ] at beginning. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations upon military & political affairs . written by the most honourable george duke of albemarle , &c. published by authority . london , printed by a. c. for henry mortlocke , at the white-hart in westminster-hall , and iames collins , at the kings arms in ludgate-street , . to the most sacred majesty of charles the ii. by the grace of god king of great britain , france , and ireland , &c. dread sovereign , this book humbly addresseth it self unto your royal patronage , upon accompt both of the work , and the author . mines of gold and silver bear a value , which appropriates them to the crown , wheresoever they be found . here is a treatise of warfare and state-policy , brought ex umbra in solem ; and bearing a special reference to your sovereign majesty , from whom both the sword , and the gown derive their lawful power and authority . the great instrument of your majesty's most memorable restauration fitly appeareth author of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherein he hath left his important observations , for preparing others after him to serve your majesty domi militiaeque . singular success following long exercise in martial offices advanced this person : that it may reasonably be doubted of him , fortiorne an felicior esset . valour and sufferance he is pleased to call the two chief parts of a souldier . both these signally concurring in himself , were wrought up at length to that just composition , imperator bonus , idemque robustus miles . neither may i omit , that in fighting he came nearest the way of the antient romans , presso gradu , ac stabili pugna cominus rem gerere . and when he had leasure from arms , his pen was busied in compiling this platform of military conduct , being a collection of his reading and experience together . it was written five and twenty years since , and sent from the author then prisoner in the tower , unto the lord viscount lisle . so that it will admit almost the same epilogue , that ammianus marcellinus makes to his history , haec ut miles quondam — pro virium explicavi mensura , &c. after the duke of albemarle's decease , i had the honour to be publisher of his manuscript , conferr'd upon me by the favour of my lord lisle . in whose hands it hath been faithfully preserved , as a true picture of the author drawn by himself : whereof let me only say , ex pede herculem . and so i leave him inter ingentes bellorum animas . god almighty multiply his manifold blessings upon your majesty's royal person , family , and government , unto the attaining of all happiness ; which is the fervent prayer of your sacred majesties most humble , loyal , and obedient subject , john heath . errata . page . line . dele the , p. . l. . for sl . r. slit , p. . l. . r. set down , p. . l. . r. carthrages , p. . l. ● . dele kt. kt. ● . . l. . for possessed r. passed , p. . & . for circumvolation r. circumvallation , toties quoties . p. . l. . after with them , make a period . observations upon military & political affairs . chap. i. some observations concerning a souldiers profession and his duty . the profession of a souldier is allowed to be lawful by the word of god ; and so famous and honourable amongst men , that emperours and kings do account it a great honour to be of the profession , and to have experience in it ; and next under god , the profession of a souldier doth rule or over rule the greatest part of the world. he that chooseth the profession of a souldier , ought to know withal , honour must be his greatest wages , and his enemy his surest pay-master . there are two things that cause men to be desirous of this profession ; the first is , emulation of honour ; the next is , the hopes they have by licence to do evil. as the aims of the first are virtuous , so will they do good service : the other by strict discipline , may be brought to do good service , and to be obedient souldiers ; but if that discipline be neglected , then they prove the ruine of an army . let a souldiers resolution be never so great , and his courage invincible in the day of battel , yet if he faint under the burthen of such tediousness as usually attendeth upon warlike designments , he is no way fit for enterprise : because the two chief parts of a souldier are valour and sufferance ; and there is as much honour gained by suffering wants patiently in the war , as by fighting valiantly ; and as great atchievements effected by the one , as by the other . it is no virtue , but a weakness of the mind , not to be able to endure want a little while : and yet it is an easier matter to find men that will offer themselves willingly to death , than such as will endure labour with patience . the greatest virtue which is required in a souldier is obedience , as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth . a souldier must be always ready to confront extremity of danger , with extremity of valour , and overtop fury with an higher resolution . a souldier should always respect courses of honour , and the publick good , above his own safety : and ought to fear nothing but god and dishonour . let every souldier arm his mind with hopes , and put on courage : whatsoever disaster falleth , let not his heart sink . the passage of providence lieth through many crooked ways . a despairing heart , is the true prophet of approaching evil . chap. ii. some observations upon war , which is the profession of a souldier . peace , fulness , pride , and war , are the four fellies , which being let into one another ; make the wheel , that the times turn on ; and after a long scene of peace , war ever entreth the stage . the causes of all wars may be reduced to six heads ; ambition , avarice , religion , revenge , providence , and desence . war , the profession of a souldier , is that of all others , which as it conferreth most honour upon a man who therein acquitteth himself well ; so it draweth the greatest infamy upon him who demeaneth himself ill . for one fault committed can never be repaired , and one hour causeth the loss of that reputation , which hath been thirty years acquiring . in matter of war , there is such a medly , and interlacing of material circumstances with the body of the action , that commonly one business begetteth another . no science , or faculty whatsoever in multitude of parts may any way be comparable to the art military ; wherein every small , and unrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the action , and amongst the variable events of war , many unexpected occasions arise , which give present victory to him that is ready to take it : and many strange chances so alter the course of things , that no foresight can discern what may happen . war beginneth when one party listeth , but it endeth when the adverse party pleaseth . war is in the same nature with offences , necesse est ut veniant , they must be , but they are mightily in fault that cause them . yet in those wars whose ends are to defend your own possessions , or to recover them being lost , or where necessity striketh up her hard alarms , or wronged religion beateth her zealous marches , go on and prosper . chap. iii. some observations of an offensive vvar , and conquering of countries . an offensive war will keep you from civil war at home , and make you feared of your enemies , and beloved of your friends , and keepeth your gentry , and commons from laziness , and all sorts of luxury . but here you must note , to entertain a forein war , is not good to be observed , but by such kingdoms and states that are able to go thorough with their designs they undertake . because as a foreign war is necessary for rich and potent kingdoms and states ; so it is hurtful to petty kingdoms and states : for being too weak to gain by it , they will in the end , but lose their design , their honours , and monies , and impoverish themselves , and increase their enemies . it is not for kings and states to undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon an humour , or any other slender motion : but diligently weighing the circumstances thereof , and measuring the peril and hazard with the good consequents , to inform their judgments of the action , and so try whether the benefit would answer their labour . they ought likewise to be well informed of the greatness and riches of the countrey , the quality and strength of the people , their use of war , and the opportunity of their havens . and he that maketh an offensive war , must so proceed therewith , that he be sure to keep what he getteth , and to enrich , not impoverish his own countrey . for he that doth increase his dominions , and yet groweth not in strength , must needs go to wrack . now those grow not strong who grow poor in the wars , although they prove victorious : because their conquests do cost them more than they get by them . this errour many run into by not knowing how to limit their hopes ; and so grounded on their own vast conceits , without weighing their strength , they are utterly ruined . for conquests , not having power answerable to their greatness , invite new conquerours to the ruine of the old . that prince who putteth himself upon an offensive war , ought to be master of his enemy in shiping , purse , and men ; or at least in shipping and purse : or else he must see some garboils in the state which he assaileth . and he ought to be called thither by a party ; otherwise it would be a rash enterprise . if you make any attempt upon any forein countrey , the first thing you ought to do , is to take some sea. town that hath a convenient harbour , and that lieth nearest the greatest city in that countrey , in which you make your war. this town you ought to secure and harbour very well with good works : and take care that it be very well victualled , before you advance further into the countrey with your army . so this town will serve to keep your provisions for your magazines : and being well provided of victual , will serve upon occasion to make good your retreat . for having once gotten possession of a sea. town , and having well fortified and victualled the same , you have one foot on land , and the other on sea. having fortified a place for your magazine , and your retreat , advance with your army unto the chief city in the countrey . by which means you will soon force your enemy to battel ; and if you win the battel , and follow your victory close , you may gain the chief city of the countrey , either by composition , or assault , if it be not fortified ; or before your enemy be able to relieve it , you may be able to starve it . but in case you do not prevail to be master of the chief city , either by composition , or assault ; then ought you strongly to intrench two thousand foot , and five hundred horse in a quarter : and so fortifying one quarter after another with your army , until you have intrenched so many several quarters , as you think may be sufficient to keep the city from provisions . and then , if you think fit , you may run lines from one quarter to another . and having strongly intrenched that part of your army that is quartered about the city , draw the rest of your army into a body , and intrench them in some place near the town , where you think it most convenient to meet with any enemy , that may come to the relief of it . you ought likewise to use the best means you can for intelligence , and continually to send out parties of horse several ways , that when any enemy approacheth near you , you may be in a readiness to fight with him . if you come to be master of the chief city of a kingdom , or country , i account that kingdom , or country more then half won . the surest way to keep that country you conquer in obedience to you , will be to oppress them as little as may be ( especially at first ) either in their purses , consciences , or laws . he that obtaineth a kingdom with the rupture of his faith , hath gained the glory of a conquest , but lost the honour of a conquerour . but you ought to disarm them , and take pledges of them for their obedience , the which must be kept in your own country . you ought also to employ in your garrisons all the gun-smiths , and all the salt-petre-men that you find in the country you have conquered ; and to take into your hands all the powder and brimstone you find ; and destroy all the powder-mills that are out of your own garrisons . when it shall happen that you are to conquer a country that doth afford covert , and protection to an enemy , who is more malicious than valorous , and through the fastness of the place refuseth to shew himself , unless it be upon advantages ; the war doubtless is likely to prove tedious , and the victory less honourable . in such cases there is no other way , than so to harrass and waste the country , that the enemy may be famished out of his holds , and brought to subjection by scarcity , and necessity : which is a means so powerful as well to supplant the greatest strengths , as to meet with subterfuges and delays , that of it self it subdueth all opposition , and needeth no other help for atchieving of victory . it is much better for a prince to invade an enemy in his own country , than to attend him at home in his own kingdom ; if so be that he hath competent forces to give him hopes of doing good upon his enemy . for the seat of war is always miserable . chap. iv. some observations upon a defensive vvar. the best way to prevent any attempts of any foreign enemy , is to be able and ready to resist their designs ; and the best way to do that , is to have a good rich publick treasure before-hand , and your people continually well trained up in martial discipline . when you foresee that an enemy is resolved to set upon your country to conquer it , and if your enemy be so much master of you at sea , that you fear the shutting up of your havens by his shipping , then ought you to provide your magazines extraordinarily well with ammunition , arms , and salt , and great store of brimstone , salt-petre , and salt-petre-men , and to have powder-mills in all your chief towns in the beginning of a defensive war , if you meet with a powerful enemy , and foresee that the war is likely to last long , then it will be wisdom in you to entertain some forein nation : but you must be careful to entertain none of those nations who serve in your enemies army , unless they be such as are of a contrary religion to your enemy ; to the end that you may spare your own nation as much as may be : provided always you have mony to pay them punctually ; otherwise they may prove dangerous to you . and i would wish you by no means to keep them longer than you have mony to pay them : for if you do , you will find they will prove more your enemies than your friends . likewise you must be careful to entertain no more strangers , than you are well able to master ; and that you garrison them not in any of your sea-towns , or forts , or where your chief magazines are . and in what towns you do garrison your strangers in the winter , where you place one company of strangers in a garrison , you ought to place two of your own nation . it is a very dangerous thing to entertain a forein friend to gain your own country : but there is no danger in entertaining a forein friend to help to keep your country , so long as you have mony to pay them . you may with good fortresses , and a good army so tye up your enemy in hindring him from victuals , and by intrenching always so near him , that you may now and then fall upon some of his quarters , and so hinder him from making any siege of importance . and when a conquerour advanceth not forward , he recoileth . but here you must note , that such places as you fortifie are to be well fortified , well manned , and well provided of all necessaries , and that you do not fortifie any place , which will require many men for the defence of it in a siege . if you be assailed by a power altogether disproportionable to your forces , and are in this case forced to leave some part of your country to the enemy , then you ought to burn all the victual which you cannot contain wiehin your fortresses , and also all the towns and villages which you cannot guard . for it is better to preserve your self in a ruined country , than to keep it for your enemy . it is a maxim , that no publick good can be without some prejudice to some particular men : so a prince cannot dis-entangle himself from a perilous enterprise , if he will please every man : and the greatest and most usual faults which we commit in matters of state , and war , proceed from suffering our selves to be carried away with this complacency , whereof we repent when there is no remedy left . a kingdom or state , though they have received many overthrows , should never cowardly yield themselves up to be slaves to their enemies , but endeavour to look fortune again in the face , and to be ready to overcome or lose more gloriously , or get honourable terms of agreement . because by yielding they can hope for nothing but the saving of their lives , and it will be in their enemies hands to deprive them of that at their pleasures : and peace is more grievous to men in subjection , than the war is to them that enjoy their liberties ; and they are hopeful in their arms , who have no other hope but in their arms. a just cause is good defence against a strong enemy . chap. v. some observations for those that undertake a vvar. a sovereign prince is more capable to make great and ready conquests than a commonwealth , and especially if he goeth in person into the field . for never any prince hath founded a great empire , but by making war in person : nor hath lost any , but when he made war by his lieutenants . those that undertake a war , ought to make their levies according to the war which they undertake ; carefully foreseeing that they undertake no offensive war , but such as they be able to go through with their purses and their honours : and if their purses will bear it , to make their wars great and short . it is an excellent property of a good and wise prince to use war , as he doth physick , carefully , unwillingly , and seasonably ; either to prevent approaching dangers , or to correct a present mischief , or to recover a former loss . he that declineth physick till he is accosted with the danger , or weakened with the disease , is bold too long , and wise too late . that peace is too precise , that limiteth the justness of a war to a sword drawn , or a blow given . the next thing they who undertake a war ought to observe , is secresie and expedition in their designs : it is a perilous weakness in a state to be slow of resolution in the time of war : such affairs attend not time . let the wise statesman therefore abhor delays , and resolve rather what to do than what to say . slow deliberations are symptoms either of faint spirits , or weak forces , or false hearts . in war more than any other profession the command ought to be single . for though you have many armies in the field , yet ought you to appoint one general to have the absolute command over the rest of your generals . and there ought to be a special care in making choice of an able general . for an able general will make choice of good officers , and such as are fit for vvar : but a general that is not experienced in the wars , if he meet with good commanders , it is by hazard . this advantage also you will find by having an experienced and well reputed man to your general , that the officers and souldiers of your army will fight with much the more resolution , and confidence of victory ; and your enemy will fight with the less resolution and hopes of victory . for good officers will make good souldiers , and good souldiers are as necessary to a vvar as good store of gold. and therefore those that undertake a vvar , must not always measure their power by their treasure , but they must put the goodness of their souldiers in the balance with their treasure . before you undertake a vvar , cast an impartial eye upon the cause . if it be just , prepare your army , and let them all know they fight for god. this addeth fire to the spirit of a souldier , to be assured that he shall either prosper in a fair vvar , or perish in a just cause . you must be most vigilant and careful to have all your magazines doubly provided , that if any disaster befal your armies , you may soon supply them again . he that would be in vvar victorious , must be in peace laborious . you must likewise be very punctual in sending supplies of mony , men , and all other necessaries to your army . for the want of any one supply many times coming too late proveth the loss of the whole design ; and in no profession the loss of time proveth so dangerous as in martial affairs . you must not be apt to judge of your generals actions according to the event , but according to reason ; and not to lay the fault of your armies ill success upon your general , when it lieth in your selves , either for want of necessaries , or timely supplies , or by bridling the authority of your general too much . besides , if a general be never so wise , and diligent , he cannot foresee every thing that may break , and cross all that which he had purposed . for it is a piece of divine power to direct a path free from the crookedness which might lead the straight way to happy ends : and it were as great a madness to believe that a man were able to give directions to meet with all chances , as to think no foresight can prevent any casualty . if you intend to have a well-commanded army , you must pay them punctually , and then your general can with justice punish them severely . you must foresee that your frontier towns be well fortified , well manned , and well victualled before your army taketh the field . you ought not to neglect rewarding those , that do you eminent service ; for by it you bind them to be faithful to you , and you encourage them to do the like service upon another occasion , and encourage others to be ambitious of the same honour . you must likewise be careful that the honour of such as have done brave actions and great services be not diminished nor blemished . because the most generous spirits ( which will easily excuse all want of other recompence for their services ) will never endure this , to be robbed of the honour due to their brave actions , and will sooner stomach such a want of due honour , than any other thing whatsoever ; whereupon very often great mischiefs have followed . you must not be too confident in the arm of flesh , and in your victories ; give not too much honour to your armies , and too little praise to god. use all the lawful means you can for the executing of your designs , and by your prayers recommend he success to god , and the good conduct of your general the senate of the romans reserved nothing else to themselves , but a power to make new wars , and to confirm peace : every thing else they referred to the arbitrement , and power of the consul . notwithstanding that there were in the senate men exceedingly well experienced in the wars ; yet forasmuch as they were not upon the place , and therefore ignorant of very many particulars , which were needful for them to know that will advise well , and by interposing their counsels they would have committed many errors : for this cause they suffered the consul to do all of himself , and that the glory thereof should be entirely his ; the love of which they thought would provoke and encourage him to do well . it is a great vanity and indiscretion in a prince , or state in matter of war to undertake many enterprizes at once . it is better for two weak kingdoms rather to compound with an enemy to some loss , than seek for satisfaction by the sword ; lest while they two weaken themselves by mutual blows , a third decide the controversie to both their ruines . when the frog and the mouse could not take up the quarrel , the kite was umpire . you ought to be careful you have no officer in chief that is covetous , or given to pillaging . for such men are good to no body , but themselves and the enemy ; and are most commonly easily corrupted with mony . such men ought by no means to be made governours of towns. no prince or state ought to doubt but that they may be able to make good souldiers , when they want not men . for if they have many men , and want souldiers , they should rather complain of their own sloth , and small wisdom , than of the peoples cowardize . chap. vi. some observations , and considerations to be observed , and thought on by a general , that taketh upon him the command of an army . he that undertaketh the command of an army ought seriously to consider the hazards of this charge , and the difficulties , and examine his own abilities well before he adventureth on it : because if he groweth rich , he is traduced ; if he fail , or prove unfortunate , he is calumniated , scandalized : and if the whole success answereth not their opinions who imploy him , they will repine , although the fault most often is caused by their own neglect , or wilfulness , or by curbing the authority of their chief commander too much . and people are always apt to judge of their generals actions rather by the event than reason . so that it is a very hard thing for a man to take the command of an army upon him , and to keep his reputation unto the end . therefore no general ought to undertake any design timorously , or rashly ; but such actions as he foreseeth by his wisdom , and experience , that his master , or masters purse , or purses , and his own abilities be sufficient to go through with victory and honour . the first thing that a general ought to do , is to desire god to assist him in all his councils and actions , and to beseech him to give him and his souldiers courage in the day of battel : for it is he who maketh our enemies flee before us . it is he setteth up kings , and kingdoms , and pulleth them down at his pleasure . a general of an army must make it his principal aim to begin well : and then not to omit any thing for the preserving of what he hath gotten . he ought to be provident in taking care for mony , men , arms , victuals , ammunition , a good train of artillery , with all things necessary belonging to it ; cloaths , shoes , stockings , and shirts : he must foresee and provide that none of all these things fail him in the execution of his designs . and he must be careful to make choice of knowing , and valiant officers for his army . for you may observe in all the roman wars , that they conquered more nations by their expert knowledge in martial affairs , than they did either by their number or valour . it hath been the manner of all famous generals to bring their souldiers to perfection by exercise . a general ought carefully to observe these three things in his martial discipline , to recompence commendable actions , to punish the bad , and constantly to use the exact exercise of military discipline . he must never suffer his souldiers in any place to be idle , especially when the army is brought together in a body : for if he employ them not in that which is good , they will busie themselves in that which is naught . it is the height of a provident commander not only to keep his own designs undiscoverable to his enemy , but likewise to be studious in discovering his . he that can best do the one , and nearest guess at the other , 〈◊〉 the next step to a conquerour : but he that failed in both , must either ascribe his overthrow to his own folly , or his victory to the hand of fortune . he that is a chief commander ought to know that if he will be secure in war , he must be watchful and valiant : and that expedition and secresie crowneth all warlike exploits with success and glory : and that the opportunity of time is the mother of all worthy exploits . in the course of war a general shall meet with some occasions , wherein he is not only to contend with men , but with chances and things , which are to be overcome with less difficulty , than an enemy , and are more dangerous , as hunger , discontents , and labour . things well and happily atchieved do get the commander great good-will from the souldier , and things ill carried as much hatred . wherefore a general should always prefer courses of security before those of hazzard , and trust fortune no farther , than necessity constraineth him . caesar thought it not best to tempt the waywardness of fortune , when by other means he might obtain his desires : and a wise general should always rather follow reason than fortune . war is not capable of a second error ; one fault being enough to ruine an army : and therefore a general ought to be careful even of possibilities , accounting always that which may happen , to be as certain as any thing which he doth most expect . a generals counsels should not pass approbation through his own judgment alone , neither should they be communicated to more than is needful , neither are they to be hastned forwards with passion , but ought oft to be maturated with staid deliberation . likewise he is to take special care that no humorous respect do hinder that resolution which true judgment approveth . for oftentimes it falleth out that either particular profit , delightful pleasures , desire of revenge , or some other unseasonable affection doth so intangle them in their proceedings , as they never attain to the main drift of the action : and this is called stumbling by the way . a general must be careful not to measure the humour of his poor , needy , and undisciplined souldiers by the garb of his own ambitious thoughts ; and so lay such projects of difficulty as were very unsuitable in the particularity of occurrences , to that which his souldiers were fit to execute : neither should he be so prodigal of his souldiers blood , as though men were made only to fill ditches , and to be the woful executioners of his rashness . of all victories a general should think that best , which is least stained with blood. it is requisite in a general to mingle love with the severity of his discipline . they that cannot be induced to serve for love , will never be forced to love for fear : because love openeth the heart , fear shutteth it ; that encourageth , this compelleth : and victory meeteth encouragement , but flieth compulsion . if thou art called to the dignity of a commander , dignifie thy place by thy commands : and that thou mayest be the more perfect in commanding others , practise upon thy self . a chief commander ought to know that that command is best , and most sure , when the souldier rejoyceth in his obedience . what souldiers earn with the hazard of their lives , if not enjoyed , prophesieth an overthrow to the next battel . a general shall rule much , if reason rule him . a general ought to use his best endeavours , to buy good success with extraordinary labour . for industry commandeth fortune , saith caesar. and there is no doubt but diligence , and laboursome industry by circumspect and heedful carriage seldom fail , either by hap or cunning , to make good that part , wherein the main point of the matter dependeth . and where the lions skin will not serve his turn , there let him take part of the foxes to piece it out . it is a dangerous thing for a general to make himself chief in perswading a prince , or state to any weighty and important resolution , so that the counsel thereof be wholly imputed to him , which belongs to many . for inasmuch as men judge of things by their events , of all the evils that rise thereupon , the blame will be wholly laid upon him as author : and if good come of it , he is commended for it ; but the reward cometh much short of the loss which is hazarded . the sultan selimus , termed the great turk , having made preparation ( as some report ) for the conquest of syria , and egypt , was encouraged by one of his bashaws , who was then upon the confines of persia , to undertake rather an expedition against the sophy : by whose counsel the sultan was perswaded , and went to that enterprize with an exceeding great army . but coming into a very vast country , where a great part of it is desert , and very few rivers , and finding there those difficulties which long since had ruined many roman armies , was so distressed , that he lost most of his army by famine and plague . wherefore ( however in the war he was vanquisher ) he caused the bashaw , author of that counsel , to be put to death . chap. vii . some observations what is the fittest strength for armies to be of ; and what proportion of horse and foot , dragooners , and pioners , there ought to be in an army . and likewise shewing the proportion of pikemen , and musqueteers , according to the service that they shall be most imployed upon . an army of thirty or forty thousand men trained , well disciplined , carefully conducted , and still recruited upon all occasions , may destroy an army four times as great . because great armies for want of victuals oftentimes destroy themselves . and an army of thirty or forty thousand may fight with an army three or four times as big , and beat them ; provided that by the advantage of their ground they avoid being surrounded : and the disorder and confusion that commonly is in a great army , will likewise be apt to break them . where your service lieth in campagnia , the proportion of your army ought to be two footmen to one horseman , besides your dragooners . but where the service of your army shall be most in sieges , there you ought to have three footmen unto one horseman ; and sometimes four footmen to one horseman , besides your dragoons ; provided your enemy be not able to over-master you in horse . but for your body of foot , when your service shall chiefly consist in the campagnia , then you ought to have as many pikemen as musqueteers amongst your foot , besides your dragooners . but where your service lieth most in sieges , there you ought to have in your body of foot besides your dragoons two musqueteers to one pikeman : and to every eight hundred horse you ought to have an hundred and fifty dragooners . and always to an army of twenty thousand , or thirty thousand men , you ought to have a thousand pioners ; whereof an hundred ought to have horses , as a necessary part of the army upon a march , a retreat , drawing off cannon in a battel , and at sieges . i do not mean that these pioners shall be entertained to make the souldiers lazy : for each souldier ought to know what belongeth to his labour for his ordinary pay , that is , to pass upon his duty punctually , and willingly , namely to march , watch , fight , and intrench himself , and to be ready to endure with obedience and patience , labour , hunger , cold , and heat . chap. viii . some observations concerning the arming of an army , and how each souldier ought to be armed . one of the greatest advantages that i know which can be taken in war by a chief commander , is to endeavour to have his army better armed than his enemies army , both with offensive arms , and defensive arms. arms are the security of your own souldiers , the terror of the enemy , and the assured ordinary means of victory . and this is certain , that the most warlike nations , and most victorious , have always sought to get advantage of their enemies by advantage of arms. the end of arms is either to assault , or defend ; and hence are arms divided into two kinds , offensive and defensive . offensive arms are to do execution upon your enemy ; and defensive arms raise the spirits , stirre up desire to fight , make the souldier bold , and chearful to perils . and whereas the defensive arms of horse-men and pike-men are much slighted by some in these times , i would have such to know , that souldiers ought to go into the field to conquer , and not to be killed . and i would have our young gallants to take notice , that men wear not arms because they are afraid of danger , but because they would not fear it . and i am confident , that one army well armed with defensive arms , may very well expect without any great difficulty to win twenty battels one after another of armies equal in strength , equally conducted , and fighting upon equal advantage of ground , but not armed with defensive arms. so much advantage do i suppose to be between armies that are armed , and armies that are not armed with defensive arms. i will now shew you how horsemen , footmen , and dragooners ought to be armed with offensive and defensive arms. an horsemans offensive arms are these . a carbine , or a musquet-barrel of the length of a carbine-barrel , well stockt with a snapance : the which i hold to be much better then a carbine for service . also a case of pistols , and a good stiff long tuck , and a belt. an horsemans defensive arms are , an head-piece with three small iron bars to defend the face , back , and breast ; all three pistol-proof : a gauntlet for his left hand , or a good long buff glove . a girdle of double buff about eight inches broad , which is to be worn under the skirts of his doublet , and to be hooked unto his doublet , and made so that it may be fastned together before . if you find buff to be scarce and dear , you may make those girdles of buff before spoken of with bull hides , or good oxes hides , dressed like buff. the furniture that belongeth to an horsemans horse is as followeth . he ought to have a very good horse , and a good pad-saddle made , so that it may very well carry a case of pistols , three good girts , a pair of good stirrups , and stirrup-leathers ; with a crupper , and a fore-pattern : also a good bitt , rains , and head-stall , with a good leathern halter . i have omitted here to speak any thing of the armour of a good cuirassier , because there are not many countries that do afford horses fit for the service of cuirassiers : but where horses are to be had fit for that service , there a general ought to have two thousand of them in his army . the offensive arms of a musqueteer are these . a musquet and rest , and a good stiff tuck not very long , a belt , a pair of bandaliers ; but you must be careful that the charges be not made too big , which is a great and common fault now adays . also every musqueteer ought to have a scourer to make clean his musquet : for he must be very careful in keeping his musquet clean , or else it will be very apt to break upon service , by means of which neglect i have known many souldiers spoiled . the defensive arms of a musqueteer is a good courage . but in case you have more musqueteers than you have pikes , so many musqueteers as you have more than pikemen in your army ought to have swine-feathers with heads of rests fastned to them . my reason for it is this , your pikemen will be able with ease to shelter from the violence of the horse so many musqueteers as they are in number : and these musqueteers which have the swine-feathers being imployed by themselves , will be able likewise to defend themselves from the horse , with the help of their swine-feathers . the offensive arms of a pike-man are these . a good long pike of eighteen foot in length with a small steel head , and a good stiff tuck not very long , with a belt : for if you arm your men with swords , half the swords you have in your army amongst your common men , will upon the first march you make be broken with cutting of boughs . the defensive arms of a pike-man are these . an head-piece with back and breast ; a buff girdle of double buff eight inches broad , the which is to be worn under the skirts of his doublet instead of taces . the same buff girdle is to be hooked up to his doublet , and to be fastned before . a good long buff glove for the left hand . i am well assured that a girdle of buff will be much safer , and much more serviceable , and easier for a pike-man to wear than taces . the offensive arms of a dragoon are these . a musquet , or a good snapance to a musquet barrel ; the which i hold much better for dragoon-service , being upon occasion they may be able to make use of their snapances on horseback , and upon any service in the night they may go undiscovered . he must have also a belt to hang his musquet in , with a pair of bandaliers , and a good long tuck , with a belt. and all your dragoons ought to have swine-feathers . of a dragoon horse and furniture . he ought to have a good ordinary horse , sl . saddle , snaffle , rains , stirrups , and stirrup-leathers , an halter , and two girts . there are some other necessaries that souldiers ought to be furnished withal ; the which i do think fit to be spoken of in this place , and they are these . each two foot-souldiers ought to have a little hatchet between them for the cutting of wood for firing , and wood for hutting : also each two dragoons ought to have an hatchet between them for the aforesaid purpose . each souldier ought to have a knap-sack , each company of foot , and dragoons to have a powder-bag . chap. ix . a list of the chief officers that belong to an army , and what strength each regiment ought to have of horse , foot , and dragoons . a general , a marshal of the field , a lieutenant general of the horse , a general of the ordnance , or master of the ordnance ; a serjeant-major-general of the horse ; a serjeant-major-general of the foot : colonels of brigades both of horse and foot : the treasurer of the army ; colonels of regiments both of horse and foot ; a lieutenant general of the ordnance ; serjeant majors of brigades both of horse and foot ; a commissary general of the victuals ; lieutenant-colonels of regiments of foot ; serjeant-majors of regiments both of horse and foot ; a quarter-master general of the foot ; a quarter-master general of the horse ; an engineer general ; a scout-master general ; a waggon-master-general ; captains both of horse and foot ; and corporals of the field . the marshal of the field receiveth orders from the general ; the major-general of the horse , and the major-general of the foot receive their orders from the marshal of the field ; the serjeant-majors of the brigades from their serjeant-major-general ; the serjeant-majors of regiments from the serjeant-major of their brigade ; the quarter-masters of horse-troops , and the serjeants of foot companies receive their orders from the serjeant-majors of their regiments ; the quarter-masters of horse-troops , and serjeants of foot companies give the word , and such orders as they do receive from the serjeant-majors of their regiment to all the officers of their companies : the quarter-master of the artillery , and the quarter-master of the victuals receive their orders from the marshal of the field , the marshal of the field speaking with the serjeant-major-general of the horse , and the serjeant-major general of the foot , the quarter-master of the artillery , and the quarter-master of the victuals , so giveth orders to all the army . all orders and commands ought to be given in writing , if there be time for the same . thus much more i do think fit to add in this place , that my opinion is , each troop of horse ought to be an hundred in strength , besides officers , and each troop ought to have two quarter-masters . each foot company in my opinion should be an hundred and fifty strong , besides officers , and each company ought to have six serjeants . each regiment of horse in my opinion ought to be eight hundred in strength , besides officers ; and so many regiments of horse as there is in an army , so many troops of dragooners there ought to be of an hundred and fifty in strength , besides officers , and each troop of dragooners ought to have six serjeants . each regiment of foot ought to be a thousand five hundred in strength , besides officers . each regiment of dragooners must be in strength according unto the number of the regiments of horse that there is in an army . chap. x. some observations shewing how necessary it is to have souldiers well disciplined , and well exercised before they are brought to fight . it cannot be denied but warlike discipline , and good fortune were the raisers of the roman empire . and it is not length of life , or number of years that teacheth the art of war , but continual discipline , and meditation of arms , till a man hath with care and diligence imployed his study and labour therein . for upon the foundation of practice is grounded the frame of sound and perfect skill . plutarch speaketh this of the victory which the thebans had against the lacedemonians ; the thebans till that day had no reputation for valour , but afterward by exercise , and use of arms under epaminondas and pelopidas became the bravest souldiers in greece : not unlike was the saying of pyrrhus to his muster-master , choose you , said he , good bodies , and i will make them good souldiers . this sheweth how necessary discipline , and exercise is for the making of good souldiers . chap. xi . some observations concerning a train of artillery , and him that commandeth it . the general of the ordnance ought to be a man generally experienced in all parts of martial discipline , especially in all parts of the mathematicks , and in gunnery . it is a place of great honour , and much trouble , and requireth much experience , and a great deal of care , and foresight for executing the place well . the general of the ordnance ought to choose an able man to be a lieutenant of the ordnance , and to take care that the chief engineer be an able man , and also the inferiour engineers . the master gunner ought to be a very able man , and the inferiour gunners very good . the general of the ordnance must likewise foresee that there be a skilful fire-work-master ; and that he be not only skilful , but valiant , and able to put his skill in execution . likewise there ought to be provided good battery-masters , and works basis's . to setd own every particular thing , and the officers that belong to a train of artillery , would require the labour of writing a book by it self . wherefore i will but touch on some particular things , and places , and leave the rest to the care of the general of the ordnance , to make choice of such officers as a train of artillery requireth , and he will have need of ; and to provide for every thing in particular , according unto the designs that he shall take in hand . the general of the ordnance ought to give special order to his master-gunner , that such guns as he maketh choice of for his train , be diligently tried by him , whether they be true boared , or whether they have their full metal : and that all the field-pieces that are made choice of for the train be ten or twelve foot long . the which you will find to be of great advantage in fighting a battel with your enemy , whose field-pieces are not so long . all your pieces of battery ought to have block-carriages , besides their other carriages ; and to each piece of battery two thick planks three inches thick , and sixteen or eighteen inches broad , and fourteen foot in length . the which planks may be easily carried upon your spare carriages : and these planks will be always ready at hand , and save planking of your batteries . you ought to have the powder for your cannon to be made up into carthrages for all your cannon ; and this way you will find less dangerous , and much quicker for service , than the charging of them with ladles . the waggons that carry your powder , ought to be planked with thin planks on the sides , and over at top . then you may have locks set on them , and keep them locked ; by which means a rogue will not be able easily to fire your powder upon a march. it were very fit the lieutenant of the ordnance , the commissary of the victuals , and the master of the fireworks should have companies of fire-locks , or snapances of an hundred and fifty apiece ; the which companies will serve to guard the train upon a march , and at night in their quarters , and free the army from that duty , and be very serviceable upon divers other occasions . cannon is a great clog to an army upon a march , but an army which hath none , can do no great service : and therefore in these times the artillery is an essential part of an army . it is very fit a general of the ordnance should have belonging to his train some certain number of boats , or punts with carriages to carry them on , for to make a bridge over unpassable rivers . chap. xii . some observations , and preparations to be observed by a general in field-service : also concerning intelligences and spies . as soon as a general can get provisions for his horse , it will be most advantageous for him to have all things in a readiness to take the field . for if he take the field before his enemy , he preventeth the enemy of his designs . a general ought to be careful before he taketh the field with his army , that he provide for the punctual supplying of his army with mony , ammunition , victuals , arms , men , shoes , stockings , shirts : and seeing it is impossible for an army upon a march to carry with them sufficient of all these necessaries ; therefore a general ought carefully to foresee , as he advanceth any way with his army , that his magazines for his army be always so near him , and so well stored with such things as he shall have occasion to use , that his designs fail not for want of any of the aforesaid things . and he must be careful that his enemy be never able to cut off his provisions at any time , or his retreat . a general or chief commander ought to see that he doth not ruine his army upon disadvantages , either by engaging them unadvisedly in battels , or by assaulting towns , and breaches rashly , or by long sieges , or long winter services , without good probability , and assurance in the judgment of men to prevail . and he must take care always to joyn judgment with valour in all his actions . a general ought carefully to lay hold on such occasions as offer themselves to defeat his enemy ; and judiciously observe to know when to fight , and when not . a good commander ought wholly to avoid doing any thing , which being but of small moment may only produce evil effects in his army . for to begin a skirmish , or a combate , wherein the whole forces are not imployed , and yet the whole fortune is there laid to stake , is a thing savouring too much of rashness : and yet i hold it fit that wise and experienced commanders when they meet with a new enemy that is of reputation , before they come to joyn ▪ battel , should cause their souldiers to make trial of them by some light skirmishes ; to the end , that beginning to know them , and to have to deal with them , they may be rid of that terror which the report and reputation of these men have put them in . and this part in a general is of exceeding great importance ; for these small experiences made by the souldiers will cause them to cast off that terror , which by means of the enemies reputation had possessed them . thus livy saith , that valerius corvinus was sent by the romans to make some small skirmishes with the samnites , that a new war , and a new enemy might not affright them : but a good commander must be very careful that nothing arise , which upon any accident may take away the courage , and hearts of his souldiers . now that which may be of force to take away their courage , is to begin with loss . and therefore a commander should be very careful how he engageth any of his troops in small skirmishes ; and that he send no parties out of his army upon any occasion , without taking care that they be commanded by good commanders : and that the officers that command such parties have order not to engage themselves with the enemy , unless they have some certain hopes of victory . nor ought he to undertake to guard any passages , where he cannot bring his whole army together . nor should he keep any towns , unless it be those , upon loss whereof his utter ruine followeth . and those that he guardeth , he should take such care both for their defences , and also with his army , that when-ever the enemy hath any design to assail them , he may make use of all his forces to the rescue of them . if you have any certain hopes of starving your enemy , or putting him to a retreat for want of provisions , your securest way then will be not to fight with him , especially if your enemy be of equal strength with you , or stronger than you are . if a commander in chief discovereth his enemies foot to be lodged in their night quarters in a campagnia with their carriages , it were good then to charge them in the night with so many horse , as you shall think fit in several places ; and leave part of your horse and dragoons to make good their retreat upon occasion . if it falleth so out that your horse cannot totally rout your enemies foot , let them have order to fire their ammunition , and so retreat . it is very fit a general should often command his horse and dragoons to fall upon his enemies outermost horse-quarters . the which is one of the readiest , easiest , and securest ways that i know of to break an enemies army . a general is not so much blamed for making trial of an ill-digested project , as he will be for the obstinate continuing in the same . therefore the speediest leaving of any such enterprise doth excuse the rashness , which might be imputed to the beginning . difficulties of extremity are never better cleared , than by adventurous and desperate undertaking . and hence groweth the difference between true valour , and fool-hardy rashness , being but one and the same thing , if they were not distinguished by the subject , wherein they are shewed . for to run headlong into strange adventures upon no just occasion , were to shew more levity , than discretion : and again , to use the like boldness in cases of extremity , deserveth the opinion of vertuous endeavours . a general should always be careful so soon as he cometh out of the field to visit his frontier towns , and take with him some of his best commanders , and some of his choice engineers , and to see what fortifications his frontier towns want , and to give order for the repairing of such wants : and likewise to take care that the magazines be furnished with a years provision , and that he give especial command to the governours of his frontier towns to be careful by their vigilance and good itnelligence to prevent sudden surprises , and valiantly to defend their towns , and providently to dispose of their provisions in case they should be besieged . concerning spies you must be always suspitious of them ; because as it is a dangerous task for him that undertaketh , so it is also for him that imployeth them : and that spies may not agree to give false advice , they should be examined severally , that by the agreement or disagreement of their advices , you may judge whether they be good : and by the verification of those which speak true or false , you shall know who betrayeth you , or doth you true service . but this is not all , to beware of your own spies ; you must also take heed of those of the enemy , which you must pre-suppose you have in your camp for this reason , besides the secresie which must be used in all enterprises , it is good to give a charge by publishing ( in a still way ) that you have a quite contrary design to that which you purpose to put in execution ; that so these spies may report it to the enemy . but the most effectual means to be well served by these kind of men , is to be very liberal to them ; for they are faithful to those who give them most . a general must take care that he have continually spies in the enemies army , to know when his enemy moveth , and what condition his enemies army is in ; and he ought to have in every frontier town of his enemy some correspondence with some town-dweller , or souldier of the garrison , that by them he may understand from time to time what condition his enemies garrisons are in . and if the enemy draweth any forces to an head at any of his frontier towns , let the aforesaid people give the governour of your next garrisons notice of it . you ought to know that intelligence is the most powerful means to undertake brave designs , and to avoid great ruines : and it is the chiefest foundation upon which all generals do ground their actions . a general that commandeth an army , and seeth that for want of mony he cannot keep them long together , is unwise if he ventureth not his fortune before his army falleth asunder : for by delaying he certainly loseth ; whereas hazarding he might overcome . another thing there is yet much to be accounted of , which is , that a man ought ( even in his losing ) seek to gain glory by being overcome by force , than by any other inconvenience . the principal heads of war for field-service , are the art of marching , incamping , imbatteling , and to know the ways how to procure good intelligence , and providently and skilfully to get provisions fit for his army , and his designs , and not to ground his foundations upon vain imagination . in matter of war the motions ought to be quick , where the least moment of time oft carrieth the whole business . it is necessary in war oftentimes to change counsels according to the variety of the accidents . in execution of designs of war , good judgment ought to ground them , and diligent expedition put them into act on for the least fault or stay that a man commiteth may give leasure , and occasion for the enemy to provide , that all the plots , and counsels how good soever shall serve to no purpose . chap. xiii . what strength divisions of horse ought to be from four thousand to ten thousand , when they are to march in an army , and when they are to fight a battel ; or if foot be to fight on the flanks of each division of horse , or when they come to be embattelled to fight on the flanks of an army . that small divisions both of horse and foot are much better than great divisions for service either in campagnia , or within enclosures ; because they are not so apt to fall into disorder , and are much more ready to be commanded upon all occasions . an army which is imbattelled in small divisions of horse and foot , is not so easily routed as that army which is imbattelled in great divisions . and small divisions are much more ready than great divisions : for besides seconding one another , and wheeling upon all occasions , they will likewise out-front an army which is imbattelled in great divisions : the which is one of the greatest advantages that can be taken in the imbattelling of an army . also small divisions of horse and foot are much readier for service , where you cannot imbattel them according to the rules of art , by the nature of the place , or within inclosures , or where the brevity of the time will not give you leave . to conclude , an army that is imbattelled in small divisions is much more troublesome for an enemy to deal withal , than an army that is imbattelled in great divisions . it is most convenient , and ready to have your divisions of horse and foot , to march at the same strength , or some ten or twelve men more in a division , than you intend to fight them in a battel : by this means your army will be much readier , and sooner imbattelled upon all occasions . if you fight your horse in a day of battel on the flanks of your body of foot ( which is the usual way of placing the horse : ) and if you intend to skirmish in the day of battel with a small division of foot on each flank of each division of horse ( which i hold to be the best and strongest way of imbattelling your wings of horse ) provide always that your musqueteers in each division of foot , that are to skirmish on the flanks of each division of horse in a day of battel , be so ordered that they may be sheltred by pikes from the force of the enemies horse . and in what order the two divisions of foot shall fight in a day of battel on the flanks of each division of horse , so as to have the musqueteers sheltered by the pikes from the force of the enemies horse , shall be demonstrated unto you in the following figures . if your strength of horse be four thousand , and if they be to fight on the flanks of a body of foot , and each division of horse to have a division of foot fighting on each flank , then each division of horse ought to be forty in front , and three deep ; and so the strength of each division of horse will be an hundred and twenty . if your strength of horse be five thousand , then each division of horse ought to be an hundred and fifty strong , fifty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be six thousand , or ten thousand , then ought you to have an hundred and eighty in a division , sixty in front , and three deep . and of this strength ( as is aforesaid ) ought your divisions of horse to be . if you intend to fight foot on the flanks of each division of horse in a battel , the divisions of foot that shall fight on each flank of each division of horse , shall be in strength twelve files of pikes , and twelve files of musqueteers , which in all make a body , or a division of an hundred forty four men . and on the flanks of each division of horse , when you come to imbattel them to fight , you must place a division of foot of an hundred forty four men , half pikes and half musqueteers . the order how the divisions of horse and foot shall march together when they come near an enemy , and how they shall imbattel , and skirmish , shall be demonstrated in the following figures . the divisions of foot before spoken of , will serve to fight on the flanks of any division of horse of what strength you please to have them . in the first place , for your better understanding of this new way of discipline ( the which i am well assured you will find very serviceable and advantageous against an enemy , if you make use of it ) i will demonstrate unto you in the following figure , in what order a division of horse , and two divisions of foot shall stand ready to march , to be imbattelled when occasion shall serve . the which order must be observed by all the rest of the divisions . by this means you may understand how all the rest of the divisions of horse and foot that are to fight on the flanks of an army in a day of battel may be ordered for a march , and to be in readiness to be imbattelled , when an army cometh near the enemy . these figures following lettered with a b c d e f g , shew you the order of the divisions of horse and foot ( i mean those divisions of horse and foot that are to be imbattelled together in a day of battel on the flanks of the body of foot ) to be ready to march when occasion shall serve , or to be imbattelled . and this order which shall be here set down for this one division of horse figured with the letter a in the following figure , and the two divisions of foot figured with the letters b c d e f g , the same order ought to be observed after the same manner for a march when you come near an enemy . by this means your army will be much the sooner imbattelled upon any occasion , and always in a readiness to receive your enemy : if so be your divisions of horse and foot , when they march , be of the same strength as you desire to have them when they are imbattelled to fight , and that you march your divisions of horse and foot by brigades as you do intend to fight them . the figure before , figured with the letter a , standeth for a division of horse ; the order that they are in , in rank and file , is their order . the figures figured with b c d e f g , are small divisions of foot , the which shall be at large demonstrated in this following observation : the order that they stand at in rank and file , is their order , viz. three foot in file , and six in rank . the distance of ground between the divisions of musqueeteers d f and the division of horse a , is thirty paces , three feet to the pace . and this distance of ground of thirty paces between the two divisions of musqueeters d f , and the division of horse marked with the letter a ought to be when the divisions of horse and foot are imbattelled to fight . the distance of ground between the division of musqueteers , and the divisions of pikes is twelve footmen . which are pikes , and which are musqueteers this following demonstration will declare unto you . the figure before , figured with the letter a , is a division of horse of threescore in front , and three deep ; and in the strength of the division is an hundred and eighty horse . the figure with six files , and six ranks of small pricks figured with the letter c , is a division of musqueteers , in strength six and thirty , each small prick standing for a musqueteer . the figure figured with the letter b with cross strokes , is a division of pikes of twelve files and six deep . the strength of the division is seventy two pikemen , and each stroke standing in way of a rank standeth for a rank of pikes being twelve in rank ; and each stroke standing in way of a file is to be accounted for a file six deep . the figure figured with the letter d is a division of ▪ musqueteers of the same strength that the figure c is . the figures figured with the letters e f g , are the same that b c d , and the little small strokes in the front , reer , and flanks of the divisions of horse and foot stand for officers . when these two divisions of foot , and one of horse are to march away by small sub-divisions , as the way will give leave ; then the right-hand division of foot figured with b c d is first to march away : next , the division of horse signified by the letter a , then the left-hand division of foot figured with the letters e f g is to follow the division of horse figured with the letter a. you are to appoint to every division of horse two divisions of foot , like as you see in this former figure of a b c d e f g , if your foot will hold out to do it . if you have not so many as to do it , you ought not to fail to flank each division of horse in the van-guard of your army with two divisions of foot , as is set down in the former figure . and each musqueteer of those divisions of foot which are to be imbattelled on the flanks of each division of horse ought to have , when they come to encounter with the enemy , two pair of bandaliers , or a pair of bandaliers , and a dozen of charrages in each musqueteers pocket . likewise each musqueteer ought to have twelve spare botlets besides his bandaliers furnished with powder and bullet : and each two divisions of foot ought to have a powder-bag full of powder carried along with them . all the divisions of horse and foot that are to be imbattelled together on the flanks of your army in a day of battel , for the wings of your battel being divided into brigades , are to march after this order as is here set down for the marching of this one division of horse , and two of foot when you are near an enemy and marching towards him . this way of fighting foot amongst horse is much the stronger way of imbattelling an army in my judgment then any other that i have either seen or read of : and hereafter in a fit place i shall shew sufficient reason for to prove it so to be . the following figure marked with the letters hiklmno , shall shew you in what manner the musqueteers in the two divisions of foot that are imbattelled on the flanks of each division of horse , as you see them in the foregoing figure marked with the letters abcdefg , how , i say , the aforesaid musqueteers shall be drawn into a fit order to give fire on the enemies horse or foot upon any occasion . the words of command that you are to give to the musqueteers to bring them into the order of the following figures klno , from the order of the foregoing figures cdfg , are these words of command which follow . command the two first ranks of the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c and d to march forwards till the two last ranks of the aforesaid two ranks of both the divisions be twelve foot beyond the front of the pikes , then command them to stand ; then command the two ranks of musqueteers that belong to the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their left hands , and the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter d , to turn to their right hands : then command these four ranks of musqueteers , the which are now files , to march forwards till they meet . then command those musqueteers which before did turn to their right hands , to turn to their left hands , and those musqueteers which did turn to their left hands , to turn to their right hands , and file even with the pikes . then command the two last ranks of musqueteers of the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters cd , to turn to their right hands about , and march forward , till the two reer ranks of both the divisions be twelve feet beyond the reer rank of pikes in the division of pikes marked with the letter b. then command the four ranks of musqueteers to stand , commanding the two ranks of musqueteers that belong to the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their right hands , and the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter d , to turn to their left hands . then command the four ranks of musqueteers , which are now files , to march forwards , and meet in the reer of the pikes . then command those musqueteers which did before turn to their right hands , to turn to their right hands again , and those musqueteers which did turn to their left hands , to turn to their left hands again , and file even with the pikes . then command the two middlemost ranks of musqueteers , which are left of both the divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c and d to march forward , and front even with the musqueteers in the front of the pikes . then command the division of horse marked with the letter h to close their ranks and files to their close order : and the division of pikes marked with the letter b , and the two ranks of musqueteers , which are now in the reer of the pikes , to close their ranks and files to their close order . the same words of command and order must be observed by the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters gf , as is here set down , and observed by the two divisions of musqueteers c and d. and these words of command which are here set down , will bring the former figure marked with the letters abcdefg , into the form and order of this following figure marked with the letters hiklmnopqrs . by the words of command which are before set down , the musqueteers in the former figure marked with the letters abcdefg are brought into this order and form , as you see them in the figure marked with the letters hiklmnopqrs . now what order this figure marked with the foregoing letters is in , i will here declare unto you . the division of horse marked with the letter h is threescore in front , and three deep , who are now at their close order in rank and file , the which is a foot and half in file , and six in rank . likewise the two divisions of pikes marked with the letters i and o on the flanks , and the four ranks of musqueteers in the reer of the pikes marked with the letters l and q are at their close order in rank and file , the which is one foot and an half in file , and three in rank . also the three ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters mknrps are at their order in rank and file ; the which is three foot in file , and six in rank . these twelve ranks of musqueteers , which are in the front stand ready to advance with the rest of the horse and foot against an enemy , and to be commanded to make ready , and give fire on the enemies horse or foot , as occasion shall serve , as you see them in the figures marked with the letters m k n r p s. when these twelve ranks of musqueteers which are in the front , are commanded to give fire upon the enemy , you must command them to do it in this manner : command the twelve ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters m k n r p s to make ready : being ready , command them to present , the which you must command them to do after this manner . let the first six ranks of musqueteers before spoken of present , kneeling upon their right knees ; then let the six last ranks of the former twelve ranks of musqueteers move up close to the first six ranks of musqueteers which are presenting and kneeling on their right knees . then command all the musqueteers in the six last ranks to step forward with their right legs within the in-side of their leaders right legs , and step forward with their left legs close up to their leaders left legs without-side of their leaders left legs , presenting their musquet over their leaders heads in the first ranks . the twelve ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters m k n r p s being thus presented as is here set down , command them to give fire together ; and when they have given fire , command them to advance easily with the rest of the foot and horse , and make ready again , and give fire after the same manner again , as is before spoken of , and so often as you please . the four ranks of musqueteers , which are in the reer of the two divisions of pikes marked with the letters l and q will serve , if any of your musqueteers in the front shall be hurt or slain . now i have shewed you how the musqueteers in the divisions of foot , which are to fight on the flanks of each division of horse in a day of battel , are to give fire on the enemies horse . i will now shew you in the next figure marked with the figures of , how the musqueteers shall be sheltered by the pikes from the enemies horse , when they shall charge the divisions of foot , which are on the flanks of each division of horse . but first i will set down the way how you shall bring the musqueteers in the former figure marked with the letters m n r s to the order as you shall see them in this following figure marked with the figures . you must command the two ranks of musqueteers , six in front , and two deep on the right hand division of foot marked with the letter m , to turn to their left hands , and command an officer to lead them down on the right hand flank of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , keeping one foot and an half distance from the right hand file of the aforesaid division of pikes , until he bring the two men that were the left hand men of the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter m , even with the bringers up of the right hand file of the division of pikes marked with the letter i. then command them to turn to their right hands about , and close their ranks and files to their close order . after that , command the two ranks of musqueteers six in front , and two deep on the left hand of the aforesaid division of pikes marked with the letter n , command , i say , those two ranks of musqueteers to turn to their right hands , and command an officer to lead them down on the left hand , on the left hand flank of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , keeping one foot and an half distance from the left hand file of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , until he bringeth the two men that were the right hand men of the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter n even with the bringers up of the left hand file of the division of pikes marked with the letter i. then command the two files of musqueteers ( the which were before ranks ) which you have drawn down on the left hand flank of the division of pikes marked with the letter i , to turn to their right hands about : then command them to close their ranks and files to their close order . the same order must be observed with the four ranks of musqueteers , six in front and two deep , marked with the letters r and s on the right and left hand of the left hand division of pikes marked with the letter o , as is here before set down for the four ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters m and n. then command the four ranks of musqueteers marked with the letters k and p to close their ranks and files to their close order . and these words of command before set down will bring the former figure marked with the letters i k l m n o p q r s to the order of this figure marked with the figures of . by these words of command before set down , you see the musqueteers marked with the letters m n r s p k in the figure before this former figure , are now brought into this order , as you see them in this figure before marked with the figures of under shelter of the pikes : the musqueteers and pikes being at their close order standing in a readiness to receive a charge from horse , and the pikes to shelter the musqueteers every way upon occasion from the force of the horse . the figure marked with the figure , is a division of horse , threescore in front and three deep , being at their close order . the way how the musqueteers shall be sheltred by the pikes from horse , i will here declare unto you : command the two right hand files , and the two left hand files of the division of pikes marked with the figure ( the which division of pikes is twelve files of pikes , and six deep ) to charge to their right , and left hands : the two right hand files to the right hand , and the two left hand files of pikes to the left hand over the shoulders of the musqueteers on the right and left hand marked with the figures and : commanding these four files of musqueteers marked with the aforesaid two figures to turn to their right and left hands . when the two right hand files , and the two left hand files of pikes of the figure marked with the figure , are commanded to charge to the right and left hands , then command the other eight files of pikes of the figure , which have not as yet charged their pikes , i say , command the three first ranks of those eight files to charge their pikes to the front over the shoulders of the musqueteers marked with the figure . then command the three last ranks of pikes of the eight files of pikes to charge to the reer over the shoulders of the two ranks of musqueteers marked with the figure . and these two ranks of musqueteers in the reer marked with the figure must observe to turn to their right hands about , when the pikes are commanded to charge to the reer . the same order and words of command , the which are here set down for the right hand division of foot , marked with the figures must be observed by the officers of the left hand division of foot , marked with the figures . the musqueteers which are placed without-side of the pikes marked with the figures must stand ready with their matches , cocks , and pans guarded , and ready to give fire either by one rank at a time , or two ranks , as the officers shall see occasion to command them , which must be done after this manner : if you command only the outermost ranks to give fire , then must you command them to present kneeling on their right knees , and command them to level so low , that they shoot at the horse legs , and by that means they will shoot clear under the tops of your pikes being charged . if you please to command two ranks of musqueteers to give fire at one time , the musqueteers being ready to present command your pikemen to port their pikes : then command all your musqueteers to present , the first rank of musqueteers kneeling on their right knees , the second rank of musqueteers must move up close to the first rank of musqueteers , every musqueteer in the second rank stepping forward with his right leg within the inside of their leaders right legs , and step forwards with their left legs close up by their leaders left legs without-side of their leaders left legs , and so present their musquets over their leaders heads . after the musqueteers in the first rank have thus presented , command them to give fire ; then may you , if occasion serve , command your pikemen to charge their pikes again , and your musqueteers to make ready again . but here some may object , that if any one of these two divisions of foot marked with the figures should be charged by horse several ways at once , then the four corners of the division of foot will be ill defended , by reason that the two outermost files of pikes to the right and left hand are charging to their right and left hands ; so by this means they conceive the four corners of the division of foot will be left naked for want of pikes to defend them . to prevent this objection , the captains , lieutenants , and serjeants ought to be placed on the four corners of a division of foot with the musqueteers , as you see them in this foregoing figure , marked with the figure . for you must understand , that each little long stroke at the corners of the division of foot standeth for an officer . now all the captains that command the foot on the flanks of each division of horse in a day of battel ought to have pikes , and the lieutenants and serjeants ought to have partizans and halberts of eleven foot in length . in this service against the horse , are two chief things that the commanders of the foot who command any foot amongst the horse in a day of battel ought to give their souldiers a strict charge to observe : the first is , that the musqueteers when they are to give fire should always take aim at the horses legs . the second observation is , that your pikemen charge their pikes against the horses , and not against the horsemen , when the foot are charged by horse , and that your pikemen charge not their pikes , until the enemies horses are come within forty paces of your foot. if you fight foot among your horse on the flank of your army , as you see them placed in these two figures before marked with the letters hiklmnopqrs , and the figures . then you must observe when your enemies horse come to charge your horse , or the foot on the flanks of your division of horse , that your divisions of horse move not from the two divisions of foot on their flanks ( unless your enemies horse be put to the retreat ) but to keep an even front , with the two divisions of foot on their flanks , and receive their enemies charge , keeping the aforesaid order . but in case your enemies horse rout any one of the divisions of foot on the flanks of any one division of horse , then the commander of the division of horse , that is to march between two divisions of foot , must be in a readiness to charge the enemies horse that hath routed his foot , either with part of his division of horse , or the whole , as he seeth occasion , or as he may with convenience . that your intention of fighting foot amongst the horse may not be discovered by your enemy , who hath not been used to the like discipline ; or at least that he may not know the way and order that you intend to fight your foot in , let your divisions of foot , which are to fight on the flanks of your horse in a day of battel , as you see them in the two former figures : let , i say , the two divisions of foot which belong to each division of horse , march in the reer of the divisions of horse , as you see them in the foregoing figure , till they come within musquet-shot of their enemies horse : then draw up the two divisions of foot , the one on the one flank of a division of horse , and the other on the other flank of the same division of horse in the same order as you see them in this foregoing figure . chap. xiv . vvhat strength each division of horse ought to be from three thousand to ten thousand , to fight on the flanks of a body of foot in a day of battel , if you will have no foot to fight amongst the horse . if your strength of horse be three thousand , and if they be to fight on the flanks of a body of foot in a day of battel without foot to fight amongst them , then each division of horse ought to be thirty in front , three deep , and ninety in a division . if your strength of horse be four thousand , then the strength of each division of horse ought to be an hundred and twenty , forty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be five thousand , then each division of horse ought to be an hundred and fifty strong , fifty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be six thousand , or seven thousand , then they ought to be an hundred and eighty in a division , sixty in front , and three deep . if your strength of horse be eight thousand , nine thousand , or ten thousand , then ought each division of horse to be an hundred in front , and three deep , and three hundred in a division . your divisions of horse from ninety to an hundred and eighty ( if you have no foot to fight amongst your horse ) ought to charge their enemies horse after this manner . each division of horse from ninety to an hundred and eighty in strength ought to be sub-divided into three subdivisions , as is here set down , and shall be declared unto you by this following figure , marked with the letters a b c. the three sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters a b c are a division of horse of ninety , sub-divided into three equal sub-divisions , being thirty in a division , ten in front , and three deep . the distance of ground between the subdivision marked with the letter a , and the subdivision marked with the letter b , is twenty paces , three feet to the pace . the like distance of ground is between the sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters b and c : the little strokes that stand in the fronts , flanks , and reer of the three sub-divisions , stand for officers . now when the van-guard of your horse cometh within fifty paces of the enemies horse , let the two sub divisions of horse marked with the letters a and c advance towards their enemies division of horse upon an easie trot : and the officers of the two divisions of horse must be careful that they charge all together the division of the enemies horse which they meet with . and when the two sub-divisions on the right and left hand marked with the letters a and c do advance towards their enemy to charge them , then let the middle sub-division of horse marked with the letter b follow after easily upon a walking pace . and when the officer in chief that commandeth the middle sub-division of horse marked with the letter d , seeth the other two sub-divisions of horses marked with the letters a and c to be mingled with the enemy ; then let him command his sub-division of horse to advance upon a round trot , and charge his enemy . the same order must be observed by all the divisions of horses that are but ninety in strength , when they come to charge an enemy . and the divisions of horse from ninety to an hundred and eighty in strength must observe the same order in charging their enemy , as is here set down in this division of horse of ninety , marked with the letters a b c , if no divisions of foot be to fight amongst the horse . if you be eight thousand , nine thousand , or ten thousand strong in horse , then each division of horse , when you come to fight in battel , ought to be three hundred in strength : and each division of horse ought to be sub-divided into five equal sub-divisions , as you see them in this following figure marked with the letters d e f g h. in these five sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters d e f g h , there are sixty horses in each sub-division , twenty in front , and three deep . so that the five sub-divisions marked with the letters d e f g h are a division of horse of three hundred in strength , sub-divided into five equal parts , and being at their close order in rank and file : and the little small strokes that you see in the flank , reer , and front , stand for officers . the distance of ground that is left between the sub-divisions marked with the letters d and e is twenty paces , three feet to the pace . and the distance of ground between the sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters e and f is twenty paces . the same distance of ground is between the sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters f and g , and g and h. if you intend to have your divisions of horse to be three hundred in strength , my opinion is , that each division of horse ought to be sub-divided into five equal parts , as you see them in this figure marked with the letters d e f g h. for these reasons a division of horse for three hundred in strength being divided into five equal parts , as you see them in this foregoing figure , will take up much more ground in front , than a division of horse that is but three hundred in strength , and not sub-divided . now it is one of the chiefest advantages that can be taken in a day of battel , by your divisions of horse to out-front your enemies divisions of horse . besides , a division of horse of three hundred in strength being sub-divided , as is before set down , will be better commanded , and not so subject to fall into a disorder upon any occasion , as a division of horse of three hundred in strength , all in a body . moreover , you may charge an enemy three several ways with a division of horse of three hundred in strength , being sub-divided as you see them in this foregoing figure ; whereas you can charge an enemy but one way with a division of horse of three hundred in strength , being all in one body . the first of the three ways to charge your enemy with a division of horse of three hundred in strength , and sub-divided , is in this manner ; when a division of horse thus sub-divided into five equal parts cometh within forty paces of your enemies division of horse which they are to charge ; then let the two sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters d and h advance , and charge their enemies division of horse on the flanks ; and then let the other three sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters e f g advance , and charge their enemy in the front of their division at the same time . the second way is this , when you come within forty paces of your enemies division of horse , then command the three sub-divisions of horse marked with the letters d ● h , to advance upon a trot , and charge their enemy : then command the other two sub-divisions marked with the letters e and g to follow upon an easie pace , until they see that the three sub-divisions marked with the letters d f h be mingled with their enemy . then let the two sub-divisions marked with the letters e and g have order to advance upon a good round trot , and charge their enemy . the third way of charging your enemy , is , to command the five sub-divisions of horse marked the letters d e f g h to charge the enemy together in an even front . and i account either of these three ways better to charge a division of the enemies horse to rout them , than to charge a division of the enemies horse with a division of three hundred horse in one body together , without being sub-divided . chap. xv. by the following figures are declared what strength each division of foot ought to be to fight a battel , and encounter with foot : and the order that must be observed for doing the same ; and how they shall easily , and readily be in order to defend themselves against the charge of any horse . for field-service you must observe to have as many pikes as musqueteers amongst your foot ; and each division of foot ought to be two hundred eighty eight in strength , half pikemen , and half musqueteers ; and you must rank your men but six deep : so that in the division of two hundred eighty eight men , there will be four and twenty files of pikes , and four and twenty files of musqueteers , six deep . the order that they must be drawn into , to be in readiness to fight with foot , and to defend themselves against horse , shall be declared unto you by the following figures . but in the first place i will shew you the order that these four and twenty files of pikes , and four and twenty files of musqueteers must be drawn into ▪ the first order that the aforesaid two hundred eighty eight men must be drawn into , is , as you shall see them in this following figure , marked with the figures ; and the distance that they are at in rank and file is their order . the figure marked with the figure is a division of pikes of four and twenty files , six deep . the six ranks of small pricks marked with the figure are a division of musqueteers consisting of twelve files , six deep : and the like are six ranks of pricks on the left hand of the division of pikes figured with the figure . now the way that you must observe to bring these four and twenty files of pikes , and four and twenty files of musqueteers into the order , as you see them in the following figure marked with the letters a b c , is by these words of command . command the three first ranks of musqueteers of the two divisions of musqueteers marked with the figures and to march forward , till the last ranks of musqueteers of both the divisions of musqueteers have marched twelve feet beyond the first ranks of pikes . then command them to stand , and cause the three ranks of musqueteers at the left hand to turn to their right hands , and the three ranks of musqueteers on the right hand to turn to their left hands . then command them to march forward , and joyn together before the division marked with the letter a. then command the musqueteers , which before you commanded to turn to their left hands , now to turn to their right hands ; and those musqueteers that you commanded before to turn to their right hands , command them to turn to their left hands . then file the musqueteers that you have brought before the front of the pikes , even with the files of pikes . then command the other six ranks of musqueteers on the right and left hand of the division of pikes to advance forwards , and front with the musqueteers , which are in the front of the pikes , leaving eighteen foot distance between the divisions of musqueteers , marked with the letters c and b , and b and d , as you see them in this following figure , marked with the letters a b c d ; and the distance that they are at in rank and file is their order . the figure marked with the letter a is a division of pikes consisting of four and twenty files , six deep . the three ranks of small pricks marked with the letter b are four and twenty files of musqueteers , three deep . the three ranks of small pricks marked with the letter c , are twelve files of musqueteers , three deep : the like are the three ranks of musqueteers marked with the letter d. and the musqueteers standing in this order as you see them in this foregoing figure , marked with the letters b c d are now in a readiness to give fire on an enemy . now the way that the musqueteers must observe in firing on their enemy is thus : command both your pikemen and musqueteers to shoulder their arms , and march together in the same order as you see them in the foregoing figure , marked with the letters a b c d , commanding the three divisions of musqueteers , marked with the letters b c d to make ready ; and when the musqueteers are all ready , command the two first ranks of musqueteers in the aforesaid three divisions of musqueteers to present . the three first ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d must present kneeling upon their right knees . the second ranks of the aforesaid divisions of musqueteers must march up close to the three first ranks of musqueteers which are presenting on their right knees ; every musqueteer in the second rank stepping forwards with their right legs within the in side of their leaders right legs , and then step forwards with their left legs close up to their leaders left legs , without-side of their legs , and present their musquets over their leaders heads in their first ranks . and after the two first ranks of musqueteers of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d have thus presented , command them to give fire together and when these musqueteers before spoken of have fired , let the three first ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d remain kneeling on their right knees . then command the second ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers to kneel upon their right knees , as close to their leaders right knees as they can . then command the last ranks of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d to march up to their leaders , stepping with their right legs within side of their leaders right knees , and step forwards with their left legs without side their leaders left legs , and present their musquets over their leaders heads , and then command them to give fire . after the last rank of the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d have fired , command the two first ranks of musqueteers of the aforesaid three divisions of musqueteers which are kneeling , to stand up ; commanding your division of musqueteers marked with the letter a , and the three divisions of musqueteers marked with the letters c b d to march on easily , and make ready again , and when they are ready , let them give fire in the same order as they did before . this order of marching and giving fire must be observed by all the other divisions of foot , that are to fight in the body of an army . or if you approve not of the way of musqueteers firing , as is here set down , you may subdivide them after the old manner , and so command them to give fire . the order that this division of foot marked with the letters a b c d must observe to defend themselves , against horse is after this manner , as you shall see them placed in the next figure , marked with the figures ▪ and the way to bring the three divisions of musqueteers , and one of pikes marked with the letters a b c d to the order of the figure following , marked with the figures is done after this manner . you must command the last rank of musqueteers , of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter b , to turn to their right hands ; then command an officer to draw them away on one side of the right hand file of the pikes , and draw them in between the third and fourth ranks of pikes marked with the letter a. then command your pikemen to advance their pikes , and close their files , and ranks to their close order . then command the division of pikes to advance forward , till they come within three feet of the last rank of musqueteers which are in the front of the pikes . then command the two last ranks of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their left hands . then command the two last ranks of the divisions of musqueteers marked with the letter d to turn to their right hands . then command two officers to lead these four files of musqueteers ( which were before four ranks ) into the reer of the pikes marked with the letter a ; the which four files are there to meet and joyn together in the reer of the pikes . then command those musqueteers which did before turn to their left hands , to turn to their right hands ; and those musqueteers which before turned to their right hands , to turn to their left hands . then command the first rank of musqueteers , which is only left of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter c , to turn to their left hands . then command an officer to lead them down close on the out-side of the right hand file of the pikes ; and when the officer hath brought the leader of the file of musqueteers right against the bringer up of the right hand file of pikes , command the file of musqueteers to stand . then command the half file of that file of musqueteers to double his front to the left hand . then command those two files of musqueteers to turn to their right hands about . then command the first rank which is left of the division of musqueteers marked with the letter d , to turn to their right hands , commanding an officer to lead them down close on the out-side of the left hand file of the pikes : and when the officer hath brought the leader of the file of musqueteers right against the bringer up of the left hand file of the pikes , command the file of musqueteers to stand . then command the half file of that file of musqueteers to double his front to the right hand . then command those two files of musqueteers to turn to their right hands about . then command the musqueteers which have not as yet closed their ranks and files , to close their ranks and files to their close order , and file and rank even with the pikes . this which is here set down is the readiest , and easiest way to bring the former figure marked with the letters a b c d unto the order of this figure following , marked with the figures . and this division of foot is now in a readiness to withstand the charge of any horse . the figure marked with the figure , is a division of pikes , consisting of four and twenty files , and three deep . the figure marked with the figure , is a division of pikes of the like number that the figure is . the two ranks of small pricks in the front of the pikes , figured with the figure , are two ranks of musqueteers , having four and twenty in a rank . the two ranks of small pricks in the reer of the pikes marked with the figure , are two ranks of musqueteers , having four and twenty in a rank . the two files of pricks on the right hand of the division of pikes , marked with the figure , are two files of musqueteers , six deep : and the like are the two files of pricks on the left hand of the division of pikes , marked with the figure . the little strokes at the corner of the division of foot , marked with the figure , stand for officers . and the rank of small pricks between the two divisions of pikes marked with the figures and , are one rank of musqueteers consisting of four and twenty musqueteers in number . you see in this figure marked with the figures , the musqueteers standing under the shelter of the pikes , the pikes and the musqueteers being all at their close order , and in a readiness to receive a charge from horse ; and the pikes sheltering the musqueteers every way upon occasion from the force of the horse . now the way how these musqueteers and pikemen shall defend themselves against horse , i will here declare unto you . if you perceive your enemies horse to divide themselves into four parts to charge any one division of foot which is placed in this manner as you see them in this foregoing figure : then command the two right hand files of pikes , and the two left hand files of pikes of the six ranks of pikes marked with the figures and , to charge to their right and left hands over the shoulders of the musqueteers on the right and left hand , marked with the figures and . command also the four files of musqueteers , marked with the aforesaid two figures , to turn to their right and left hands . when the two right hand files of pikes are commanded to charge to their right and left hands , then command the other twenty files of pikes in the first three ranks of pikes , marked with the figure , to charge to the front over the shoulders of the musqueteers , marked with the figure . then command the twenty files of pikes marked with the figure to charge to the reer over the shoulders of the two ranks of musqueteers in the reer marked with the figure . and the aforesaid musqueteers must observe to turn to their right hands about , when the pikes are commanded to charge to the reer . the musqueteers which are placed without-side of the pikes , marked with the figures and , must stand ready with their matches , cock , and pans guarded , and to be ready to give fire either by one rank at a time , or two ranks , as the officers shall see occasion to command them ; the which must be done after this manner . if you command only the outermost ranks of musqueteers to give fire , then must you command them to present kneeling on their right knees , and command them to level so low with their musquets , that they may shoot at the horses legs ; by that means they will shoot clear under the tops of your pikes being charged . if you please to command two ranks of musqueteers to give fire at one time , then as soon as the musqueteers are ready to present , command your pikemen to port their pikes : then command all the musqueteers without-side of the pikes to present , where the first ranks of musqueteers are to kneel on their right knees ; then the second tanks of musqueteers must move up close to the first ranks of musqueteers , every musqueteer in the second ranks stepping forwards with their right legs within the in-side of their leaders right legs ; then they must step forwards with their left legs close up by their leaders left legs , without-side of their leaders legs , and present their musquets over their leaders heads in the first rank . when the musqueteers have thus presented , command them to give fire . and if horse charge a division of foot which stand in the same order that this division of horse doth , marked with the figures , you must command your pikemen to charge again , and be careful to place the captains , lieutenants , and serjeants of the division on the four corners of the division , as you see them in the foregoing figure marked with the figure . chap. xvi . some observations concerning the marching of an army . you must be careful before you march with your army into the field , to see your souldiers well cloathed , well armed , and well disciplined ; and that you be stored with shooes and stockings for the march , and also with ammunition , bread , and mony. if you be not careful of this , you will soon bring your army to ruine . you must also have a great care of those souldiers which fall sick , or are hurt , upon a march ; for this alone will not only encourage souldiers to undergo any danger , or labour , but by it you will win their affections so , that they will never forsake you . you ought to know the nature of the country , the quality of the ways , the compendiousness of turning , the nature of hills , and the course of rivers , through which you are to march . and the best way to know these things is by good guides , and good maps : for he that leadeth an army by an unknown and undiscovered way , and marching blindfold upon uncertain adventures , is subject to many casualties , and disadvantages : let every commander therefore perswade himself that good discoverers are as the eye of an army , and serve for lights in the darkness of ignorance , to direct the resolutions of good providence , and to make the path of safety so manifest , that he need not stumble upon casualties : for that which a general should chiefly observe upon a march , is first safety , and next convenience . if you march into a country which is hard to enter , and which hath but few passages , whereby to enter into it , you must force one ; and before you go farther , you must there fortifie , as well to assure your way for your necessaries , as for your retreat . for a general must be careful never to march into any such place , where his enemy may be able to cut off his provisions , or his retreat . it is most convenient and ready to have your divisions of horse and foot to march at the same strength , or some ten or twelve men more in a division , than you intend to fight them ; by which means your army will be much more ready upon any occasion to be imbattelled : and your officers and souldiers being used to march with their divisions in the same strength and order as you intend to fight them , will not be so apt to be in a disorder , as that army that doth not use to march with their divisions of horse and foot at the same strength as they intend to fight them . your regiments of horse and foot ought to be divided into brigades , your foot into three brigades , and your horse into six brigades , if you be twelve regiments of horse strong , or above . it is most necessary to use your brigades , and your divisions of horse and foot to march in battalia when time and ground will give leave ; for otherwise you will not be able to march three hundred paces in the view of an enemy with your brigades imbattelled , but your divisions of horse and foot will be apt to lose their distances , and by consequence will be most apt to fall into a confusion . you must be careful to be furnished at the least at every quarter with three guides : if you be to march in the night , you ought to have six . before you set forwards , your guides must be agreed upon the way which they will take : there must also be a captain of the guides , a man of spirit , and vigilance , and one that may take care to get guides from place to place . you must be careful to carry with you the maps of the country , through which you are to march . the best way to keep your men from straggling upon a march , when they pretend to go out of their ranks and files to drink , or to ease themselves , is this ; let them have command to leave their pikes or musquets with their camerades ; and the lieutenant and serjeant ought to see this order observed . you ought upon a march to send out some parties of horse or foot , according as the situation of the country , and the strength of the enemy requireth , in the van-guard and flanks of your army , to discover and search for ambushments , and parties of the enemy , which will be always apt to attend upon an army for booties . when you come to march with your army through any woody country , then you ought to have loose wings of musqueteers to march on the flanks of your army , some musquet-shot off from the body of your foot , to keep small , or great parties from firing on your main body . and in such places you ought to have a special care that your baggage be well guarded on the flanks ; and that your scout-master and spies do bring you intelligence daily . it is most necessary when you march , to make an halt once in a day for the ease of your souldiers , and relief and ease of your carriage-horses , in some convenient place where is both horse-meat and water . it is very fit you give orders to your pioners to make you three ways on each side of your carriage way , that is , six ways besides your carriage-way , or as many as conveniently the ground and places through which you are to march with your army will give way . so by this means the one half of your army may march on one side of your carriages , and the other half on the other side of your carriages . by marching in this order your train will be the shorter , and a less guard will serve to guard the reer of your waggons , by reason the main body of your army will be so near the reer of your waggons . and also your army will march much the nearer together , whereby you will the sooner draw them into order to fight upon any occasion . likewise you will be able to march safer and farther in a day , than you can when your army marcheth but in one or two ways . if it fall out so that you must be constrained to march with your army and baggage in one high-way , or over one bridge , the conductor that hath the conducting of the van-guard of your train , ought to know upon such an occasion what regiment his train of artillery is to follow ; and that he have a special care not to march into any narrow passage before those troops he is to follow . if you have any occasion to send out any parties to provide provisions for your army against night , you ought to give order unto those officers to keep their souldiers from stragling ; for such oversights do many times bring great inconvenncies to an army . therefore officers ought not at any time to suffer their souldiers to straggle , nor slacken the severity of military discipline , though they believe themselves far from an enemy , and in great security . for souldiers are commonly least secure when they think themselves most secure . security is commonly the fore-runner of misery . in marching with an army to fight with your enemy , you ought to carry with you as much bread , cheese , or cattel and salt as you may conveniently ; for it is impossible that souldiers should find bread to be bought every where : and if it be possible to be done with safety , lie with your army between your enemy and his provisions , being better furnished with provisions than your enemy : for lying near your enemy with safety , and without fighting , will in the end surely discourage your enemies souldiers by their necessities , or force them to fight upon disadvantages , or at last put them to a retreat : and then the victory is more then half won , if any of these things happen unto your enemy . an army may be divided into four parts , namely , the cavalry , the infantry , the artillery , and the victuals . if you march with cannon , and suffer an enemy to approach too near you without intrenching , it is impossible for you to avoid fighting or losing your cannon . therefore a general ought to know how to make use of it at his advantage , and avoid the inconveniences of it by his foresight , either by intrenching , or retreating in time , if he hath no mind to hazard a battel . there is nothing that bringeth so much disorder to an army upon the march as the baggage : and therefore it is highly necessary to reduce it to the smallest proportion that may be : and the waggon-master-general ought to make a review of it every morning when the army marcheth , for otherwise it will daily increase . your marshal-general ought not to suffer many women , or boys to march with an army , whereby sickness and famine get into the army . if your army be of any great strength , then may you march with it in two parts , each part about two or three miles distant from the other ▪ if you have no enemy near you that is able to affront you . and if you can march in this order with safety , you will march much the farther in a day , and your souldiers will be much better provided for at night . if you are to march with an army into a country where you think the inhabitants will flie before you , then ought you to carry hand-mills , and baking-pans along with you , that each company upon occasion may be able to grind their own corn , and provide themselves bread. it is very fit and necessary , if you have any occasion to pass over any rivers that are not fordable , in your march , to carry with you boats or punts to make a bridge of . it is most necessary likewise to carry with you caltrops into the field , the which are very convenient at times to be thrown in places , as either into fords or narrow passages , where horses are to pass to spoil them : and they are of especial use in a night upon a retreat , to be thrown into narrow passages , or by day into dirty or watry passages . those caltrops that are made for fords , must be made somewhat more weighty than those that are made for other passages , that the water may not be able to carry them away . chap. xvii . some observations for the quartering of an army at night upon a march , and for the setting out of their guards to secure their quarters . you ought to give a strict charge to the quarter-master-general of the foot , to have a special care ( if it be possible ) to quarter your infantry upon a march , and your train of artillery in places that are naturally , or casually well fortified , as with inclosures , or in places compassed with rivers , or moors ; and where there may be provisions for your carriage-horses , or where provisions may conveniently be brought in by the country-people for them . this way of quartering your army must be carefully observed , if any enemy of strength be near you that may be able to do you any affront upon any of your quarters . if any enemy of strength be near you , you ought to quarter your army as near together as possibly you can ; but by all means if it be possible , avoid quartering your infantry in the campagnia . the time of lodging an army is a dangerous time to be assaulted in , because the army is then tired , and every man ( desirous to be lodged ) hastneth to the quarter in disorder , which is a thing hard to avoid : and therefore the general and the officers ought to have a special care to avoid this danger . the which i conceive to be done best this way . those horse and dragoons that you send before for a guard with the quarter-master-general , and his attendants for the providing of quarters , as soon as those troops shall come to the place where the army shall quarter , they ought to send out small parties , and scouts several ways to discover , and to search for ambushments ; and the remainder of the horse and dragoons ought to keep guards in some convenient places about the quarters till night : and such foot souldiers as you send before to preserve the foot quarters from being pillaged , ought to be two out of every company , a pikeman , and a musqueteer ; and a serjeant out of each regiment to command them : and two lieutenants and a captain out of the three brigades of foot , to command all the men that are appointed to preserve the foot quarters from being pillaged by their camerades . these souldiers and officers ought to have their orders over night for the same , that they may be in a readiness in the morning to march with the pioners as a guard for them : for the aforesaid souldiers may most conveniently do these two services under one . the carriages that belong to the horse officers ( especially the carriages for such officers as shall be lodged in out-quarters with the foot carriages ) the marshal of the field , the general of the artillery , the treasurer of the army , the commissary of the victuals , the quarter-master-general , the secretary of the council of war , the provost-general ; all these ought to be lodged within the general quarter . the marshal of the field , the major-generals of the horse and foot , and the majors of the brigades both of horse and foot , ought to go before to the quarters to view the most convenient places for guards for the security of their quarters . the serjeant major of the regiments both of horse and foot that are assured to have out-watches at night , ought to go somewhat before their regiments to know of the major of the brigade where the places are that the companies of their regiments should guard that night , with their orders for the same . then the serjeant-majors of these regiments , that are to have the out-watches for the night , knowing what guards the companies of the regiments should have that night , and having received all their orders for the same , ought to meet their regiments before they come to the quarters , that they may conduct the companies of their regiments that are to watch at night , the nearest way to their guards ; seeing it is a great trouble for companies that are tired , to remove from their regiments to their guards , having laid down their arms , and setled themselves for rest . after the marshal of the field , or the major-general of the foot , or both , have had a special care of securing the quarters of the infantry from all danger of any sudden surprises , by placing good guards in convenient places ; then if the infantry be quartered all together , the general or the marshal of the field , or the serjeant-major-general of the infantry , one of them ought to go every night one round or two : besides , there ought to be appointed a colonel to go the grand round every night , and he ought not to fail to go two rounds . and in my opinion it is fitter for all grand rounds , or any other rounds , to give the word , than to receive it . but if it falleth out so , that you quarter your brigades of foot one from another , then the major-general of the foot must trust to the care and judgment of the colonels and majors of the brigades for the setting out of their guards , and going the rounds , unless it be that brigade with which he lodgeth himself . the major-general ought always in such a case to give order to the colonels of the brigades , that they appoint an officer of the field for the grand round , and that he fail not to go two rounds at the least : there must be likewise appointed a captain of the watch to every regiment that lieth within the quarters , to see that the corporals and sentries at each colours keep good watch ; and that the souldiers of each company of his regiment within the quarter keep good order , and that the souldiers within his quarters make no fires in any places , where they may endanger the firing of the quarters . i will now say something concerning the quartering of the horse , which you ought always to quarter without-side of the foot. the horse-quarters ought to be as near together as conveniently you may lay them , that upon all occasions they may be able to assist one the other upon any sudden falling on their quarters in the night . and that you may quarter your horse the nearer together , you may by sending out parties of horse before , cause the country people to bring in provisions both for your horse-men , and their horses into the chief villages or towns where you are to quarter your horse ; the which the country people will most willingly do , rather than to be troubled with the quartering of any horsemen ; and by this means your troops will lodge much the safer . it is one of the hardest things that i do know that belongs to horse-service , for a commander of horse judiciously to order his horse guards for the securing of his quarters at night . and the best way for doing the same , as i conceive , is this , you ought to lodge in your outermost quarters of horse which lie next your enemy . and before you draw your horse into their quarters , you ought to set out your guards , and send out of your guards some small parties several ways ; and when those that you have sent out are returned , you ought to send out more , to discover any parties of your enemies , and to search for ambushments . your dragooners that are quartered in your out-quarters of horse , ought to guard the high-ways that come into your quarters . and against such guards of the dragoons as you keep upon the high-ways , you ought to barricado your high-ways up with something or other that may not easily be removed ; and let the pioners make you another way for the relief of your guards from your quarters . and therefore i hold it most convenient to have an hundred pioners to be horsed , which always should be lodged in the outermost horse-quarters next the enemy , for the stopping up of some passages , and for the making of others that may be unknown to the enemy : likewise upon the ways which are made by the pioners you ought to have a guard of dragooners : and all your dragooners ought to have swine-feathers , the which the dragooners ought to stick up without side of the avenues ; and in the avenues that the pioners have made for the relief of the out guards of horse . one guard is not sufficient to give the alarm at that distance , whereby you may have leisure to put your self in order to fight : wherefore you ought always to have half your horsemen to watch on horse-back one half of the night , and the other the other half of the night : and when the one half of your horsemen watcheth , the other half of your horsemen must be saddled , and the officers and horsemen be in their cloaths . your innermost horse-quarters ( which lie safer than your outermost horse-quarters ) when the one half of your horsemen watcheth , the other half may be unsaddled ; but your officers and horsemen must not lie out of their cloaths . and the officers in each quarter ought to have order upon any alarm , that as soon as they are drawn in arms they should make all the haste they can to assist their camerades that are assaulted in their quarters ; and that an officer in chief in each quarter go two or three rounds in a night . and this order of watching ought to be observed in your horse-quarters , if you lie within twenty miles of any garrison of your enemy that is able to affront any of your quarters . the general of an army ought always upon a march to give out two words at night , the one for a watch-word , and the other for a field-word . the officers ought to receive both , but the souldiers only the field-word ; the which ought not to be given to the souldiers , unless there be an alarm . towns and villages that lie in a champaign country are most fit for horse-quarters : the towns and villages that lie in an inclosed country are most fit for foot-quarters . chap. xviii . some certain observations to be kept in the fighting of battels , and some directions for the imbattelling of an army . we may observe two especial ends which the great commanders of the world have ever striven to atchieve , victory , and over mastering their enemies . the latter by cunning , and wisely carrying of a matter before it come to trial by blows : the former by forceable means , and fighting a battel : the one proceeding from wisdom , and the better faculties of the soul ; the other depending upon the strength and abilities of the body . the latter end is principally to be embraced , as the safest course in these uncertain and casual events . for that which resteth upon corporal strength , and maketh execution the way to a conclusion , is full of hazard , and little certainty . and yet of all the actions of war , the most glorious and most important is to know how to give battel : for the art of imbattelling an army hath always been esteemed the chiefest point of skill in a general ( for skill and practice do more towards the victory than multitude ) seeing the gaining of one or two battels acquireth , or subverteth whole empires , kingdoms , or countrys : and therefore a general of an army ought to know all the advantages which may be taken in a day of battel ; and how to prepare against disadvantages which may happen . concerning both which i will here give you my opinion . advantages bring hope of victory , and hope conceiveth such spirits as usually follow when the thing which is hoped for is effected ; whereby the courage becometh hardy , and resolute in victory ; and where the souldiers fear no overthrow , they are more than half conquerours . so on the other side , disadvantages and danger breed fear , and fear so checketh valour , and controuleth the spirits , that vertue and honour give place to distrust , and yield up their interest to such directors as can afford nothing but diffidence and irresolutions . it is most necessary for a general in the first place to approve his cause , and settle an opinion of right in the minds of his officers and souldiers : the which can be no way better done , than by the chaplains of an army . also a general ought to speak to the colonels of his army to encourage their officers with a desire to fight with the enemy ; and all the officers to do the like to their souldiers . and the better to raise the common souldiers spirits , let their officers tell them that their general doth promise them , if they will fight courageously with their enemy , and do get the day , that they shall have , besides the pillage of the field , twelve-pence apiece to drink , to refresh their spirits when the business is done . the which i am confident will make the common men fight better , than the best oration in the world . it is very fit a general should use his best endeavour to understand the strength of his enemies horse and foot , and how they are armed both with offensive and defensive arms , and what proportion of pikes they have to their musqueteers . also he must endeavour to know by name and place the chief officers of his enemies army , and their abilities in martial affairs ; by the which means he may guess where the chief commanders do command in a day of battel : so he may easily know how to place his army best for his own advantage . this if carefully observed will be of very great use . you ought to know that novelties , and unexpected adventures are very successful in battels , and in all martial designs . a general must be careful never to hazard a battel with his enemy , when he findeth him imbattelled in a ground of advantage , although he do out-number him much with men : the safest way then will be to fight with him by famine : for although a generals fortune should be generally subject to his will , yet by his wisdom he should rather follow reason than fortune in such cases . a general ought to be careful when an enemy approacheth near him , to send out some two or three knowing officers with a good strong party of horse and dragooners to make good the horsemens retreat upon occasion ) whereby to discover the enemies strength , and order of his march : and that they take notice of what advantages may be taken of the ground which lieth between them . and the party that is sent ought to have order , if it be possible to take some stragglers , that the general may the better understand the strength , and condition of his enemies army . if you intend to give battel , you must have regard to these principal things that follow : you must never suffer your self to be forced to fight against your will ; and never to fight your souldiers when their spirits are either dismayed , or cast down . if you resolve to fight with your enemy , then you ought to choose a place for the battel fit for the quality , and number of your souldiers . for if you fear to be inclosed by a great number , you ought to shelter your flanks , or at least one of them , by the nature of the place , as by a river , wood , or some other thing equivalent : if you be weak in your cavalry , you must avoid the plains , or fight with foot amongst your horse , as is shewed in the three next battels : if you be strong in horse , you must avoid strait passages , or inclosed places . you ought to know that directions are the life of action , and the sinews and strength of martial discipline ; and therefore you must give punctual orders to your marshal of the field , and your major-generals , and colonels of the brigades both of horse and foot before they begin to fight : and your orders ought to be written , if you have time : for after the battel is once begun , is is impossible for a general to give orders , more than in that part where he is present at the same time . that you may know how to place your divisions of horse and foot at their true distances , you ought to allow unto every horseman in the front of the divisions of the van-guard , and battel six foot of ground in breadth ; and to every foot souldier in the divisions in the van-guard , and battel you ought to allow five foot. also you must observe , that between every two divisions of horse and foot in the van-guard of your army to allow an hundred paces of ground in breadth , three feet to the pace : besides what you allow for the division in the battel , which is for the reserve . you ought likewise to allow between the vanguard of your horse-troops an hundred paces ; and between the van-guard of your foot an hundred and fifty paces , three feet to the pace . this order must be observed both in placing the divisions of horse and foot , and the van-guards , battel , and reer-guard of your army ; that the formost troops being put to recoil , may not fall upon those which should come up to relieve them , nor the battel upon the reer . you must always be careful to place the best regiments either of horse or foot on the wings of your army . the officers that lead the divisions in the vanguard of a battel ought to have special care to see that the divisions both of horse and foot keep their distances ; but especially the officers that lead the divisions in the van-guard of your army on the flanks of your horse or foot , they must be extraordinarily careful that they close not with their divisions in upon the main body . i know no one thing that officers care is more required about , in fighting a battel , than to see that such divisions as they command keep their distances : for let a man consider how hard a thing it is for an army that is imbattelled in a campagnia to march a mile together without losing their order . and questionless it is much harder for an army to march a mile together in the face of an enemy , and the van-guard of the army continually skirmishing to keep their distances : and unless the officers of an army are punctual in observing their orders of keeping their distances in marching , it is impossible but some part of your army , if not the whole , will be in a confusion before the battel be half fought . it is seldom or never seen that two armies that are of any equal strength , and that use one kind of discipline , being imbattelled one against the other , but the one army out-fronteth the other upon one of the wings , and the other army out-fronteth the other upon the contrary wing , when both armies come to encounter . therefore you ought to give punctual orders , before the battel beginneth , to those chief commanders that command on the outermost flanks of the van-guards of the horse , that in case either of the wings of horse doth out-front his enemies wing of horse , they should advance easily , keeping their order with that wing of horse which they command ( as soon as their cannon begin to play , and not before ) and charge that wing of horse which they do out-front . command also those divisions of horse that out-flank your enemies horse on the flanks , when they come within a near distance of your enemies troops , to wheel with their divisions so , that they may be able to charge the wing of their enemies horse on the flank , at the same time when the rest of the horse chargeth them in the front. and in case you do out-front your enemies army on both flanks , either by the advantage of the number of your men , or by the well-ordering of them , then both your wings of horse must observe the aforesaid order . here you must note , that if you fight foot among your horse , your foot must advance with your horse , and your horse by no means to advance before your foot , until your enemies horse be put to flight . but if it falleth out so ( as most commonly it doth ) that the one army be out-flanked upon one wing , and the same army doth out flank the other army on the other wing : if it fortune so , that you be out-flanked in one of your wings of horse , then ought the general to give an especial order to the officers , that that wing of horse which is out-flanked do not advance from the main body of the foot , but keep an even front with the foot , until their enemies horse come up close to them to charge them . and in the mean time so soon as the officers of either of your wings of horse discover that they shall be out-flanked , they ought to have order to draw up on the outermost flank of that wing of horse that is out-flanked , the reer-guard of horse of the same wing of horse with all the expedition that may be . for i am confident it is far less dangerous to want a reer-guard in a wing of horse , than to be out-flanked by his enemies horse . likewise those officers that do perceive they shall be out-flanked by the enemies horse , ought to have order that if any of their divisions of horse ( which doth most often fall out , when they are out-flanked by the enemies wing of horse ) do front against the enemies foot , and not against their horse , that then they shall draw all those divisions of horse on the outermost flanks of the same wing of horse . but in the imbattelling of two armies , if it prove so that your armies are equally fronted ( the which seldom or never doth happen ) then if you have one wing of horse that are more confident in their valour and resolution , than you are of the other , let that wing of horse charge first ( for as many hands make light work , so the best hands make surest work : ) and the other wing of horse keep in even front with the main body of foot , until the enemies horse come up to charge them . you ought to use your best judgment , and skill to charge your enemy first in that place where you are surest to overcome him : for so favourable are mens judgments to that which is already happened , that the sequel of every action dependeth for the most part upon the beginning . if it fortune so , that either of your wings of horse do put to flight either of your enemies wings of horse , then ought the chief commander of that wing of horse to have order upon the flight of his enemies wing of horse , to send but three divisions of horse after them ; the which three divisions of horse ought to have their orders before-hand for the same , and their directions what to do . one of the three divisions of horse that is appointed to follow the routed wing of the enemies horse , should be commanded to be sub-divided into small sub-divisions when they are to follow the execution , about fifteen horsemen in a division ; and the other two divisions of horse ought to follow after in order ; and keeping their men together without being sub-divided , that they may make good the retreat of the other division of horse , which is upon the execution of those horse of the enemy which are fled : and all the three divisions of horse ought to have order not to follow the enemy above a mile , and then to return to the army again , with all the expedition that they may . and all your other horse that have put the enemies wing of horse to flight , ought to charge the enemies foot with as much speed as they can . having spoken of some advantages that may be taken by the horse on the flanks of an army in a day of battel ( the which are the chiefest advantages in winning of a battel ) and how they are to prepare against disadvantages that may happen : i will now speak something concerning some advantages , and some disadvantages that may happen in foot service in a day of battel . and first of the advantages that may be taken by foot in a day of battel ; the greatest advantage that can be made use of , is by ordering the musqueteers so , that they may be able readily to skirmish with foot , and to be suddenly put in order upon any occasion to be sheltered by the pikes from the enemies horse . each division of foot that fight in the body of your army ( if you intend to use this kind of discipline which is set down in this book ) ought to be in strength two hundred eighty eight men , half pikes , and half musqueteers . and each division of foot that is to fight amongst your horse , ought to be an hundred forty four men in strength , half pikes and half musqueteers . the way how to order these divisions of foot in a day of battel is shewn you in these three following battels . by this way of ordering your foot , the success of a battel will not wholly rely upon the success of the horse , as it doth now adays , as we do order our infantry . your foot being ordered this way as is before spoken of , the success of a battel will lie more upon the success of the foot , then upon the horse . and i account them ( being thus ordered as is here set down , and as you shall see them in these three following battels ) a more firm body to trust to for victory , than the horse . the horse likewise by fighting of foot among them become a firmer body , than by fighting horse alone . and such as shall make trial of this way of imbattelling their troops , shall find it very advantageous unto them in fighting a battel , and no hinderance at all , but a great furtherance to the horse-service . if your field-pieces be of ten or twelve foot in length , and having their full metal , and if you meet with an enemy whose field-pieces are not so long , you will find that you have by it a great advantage of your enemy . the advantage is this , when you come with your army and artillery within shot of your enemies body of foot , your artillery being placed in the van-guard of your army , command your army to stand , and your cannoneers to play with your artillery upon the enemy . if your enemies field-pieces be no longer than are usually carried into the field , you will be able to shoot upon your enemies body of foot , a quarter of a mile before your enemies artillery will be able to shoot at your body of foot with any certainty . the which will prove a great advantage to those that shall make use of it , to be able to out-shoot your enemy a quarter of a mile with your artillery ; and your enemy to recover that disadvantage must be constrained to march a quarter of a mile in battalia with his army before he can bring his artillery to shoot to any purpose at your army ; the which will prove ( if you have good cannoneers ) a great dis-heartening , if not a total overthrow to your enemy . all the musqueteers that march in the van-guard of an army in a day of battel ought to have two pair of bandaliers furnished with powder and bullet ; and in case you have no bandaliers , let there be provided for each musqueteer in the van-guard of the army twelve carthrages , which they ought to carry in their right-hand pockets , and twelve bullets apiece in their pockets besides : and each company to carry with them , for the re-furnishing their musqueteers upon occasion , a powder-bag full of powder . thus ought the musqueteers in the van-guard of an army to be furnished : all the rest of the musqueteers ought to have their bandaliers furnished with powder , and bullet ; and each musqueteer ought to have twelve bullets apiece in their pockets ; and each company must carry with them a powder-bag full of powder . it is very fit likewise that you have in each company six good fouling-pieces , of such a length as a souldier may well be able to take aim , and to shoot off at ease ; twelve of them being placed in a day of battel , when you bring a division of foot to skirmish with an enemy on the flanks of a division of foot ; six fowling-pieces on the one flank of a division of foot , and six on the other flank , as you shall see them placed in these three battels following . those souldiers that carry the fowling-pieces , ought to have command when they come within distance of shot of that division of the enemy that they are to encounter with , that they shoot not at any , but at the officers of that division . likewise you ought to have on the flanks of each division of pikes , a souldier with hand-granadoes , that if you bring your men to push of pike , they are to fire the granadoes , and to throw them in amongst the enemies pikemen ; which will prove a great advantage , if they be boldly and well thrown . unto every division of foot in the battail of your army you ought to have two divisions of horse , of forty in a division , ten in front , and four deep on each flank of each division of foot in the battail of your army , as you shall see them in these three following battels . these divisions of horse will be always in a readiness to charge the enemies foot at all times when the general shall think fit . if you out-flank your enemies foot with your foot , either on the one flank , or both the flanks , let so many of your divisions of foot as do out-flank your enemies foot , be drawn up on the enemies flank , and give fire on them : and the officers in chief that command on the flanks of the van-guard of the foot , ought to have particular orders for the same , in case any such thing should happen : and likewise they are to have a special order for the keeping of their true distances in their advance towards an enemy . if you perceive you have more pikemen in your army than your enemy , or if your pikemen be better armed with defensive arms , or with longer pikes , and that you have no advantage of him in your artillery , nor the enemy in the ground upon which you are to advance ; then make what orderly hast you can , ( continually skirmishing with your enemy with the van-guard of your foot ) to bring your men to push of pike with your enemy . when you have done that , you must give order to the officers in chief that command the battel of your army , that they be careful to advance so with the battel to front with the van-guard of the enemy , some little while before your men come to push of pike , that at that time you may bring as many men to fight as you can . the disadvantages that may happen to the foot in a day of battel are these . the greatest is to be beaten by the horse , either on the one flank , or both flanks : and therefore the foot officers ought to imbattel their foot so , that they may be able to shelter their musqueteers by their pikes from the charge of any horse . the way how it may be done is shewed plainly in the three next battels . another disadvantage is to be out-flanked by your enemies foot ; to prevent which , your chief officers that command on the flanks of the foot ought to have order , that as soon as they perceive they are or shall be out-flanked upon one , or both the flanks , they should draw up the reer-guard of their foot unto one , or both flanks of the van-guard of their foot , as they shall see cause . another disadvantage that the foot may have is to be out-shot by the enemies artillery : in case it falleth out so , then , when you once come within shot of your enemies artillery , your horse ought to have order to advance as orderly , and speedily as they may , until they come to encounter with the enemies horse . if you fight with foot amongst your horse , your horse and your foot must advance together . likewise you must advance with your foot and artillery as orderly and speedily as may be , until you come within shot of your enemy with your artillery , without shooting either with your cannon or musquets . if you understand that your enemy hath more pikemen in his army than you have , or his pikemen better armed with defensive arms , or their pikes to be longer than yours ; then ought you to avoid , as much as you can , the bringing of your souldiers to push of pike . in case the musqueteers in the van guard of your foot do come to want powder , or your divisions of foot in the van-guard of your army have lost so many men , that they need relief from their reserves in the battel ; then let the officers in the van-guard of the foot have special command not to retreat with the van-guard of foot by no means , but to advance skirmishing easily towards the enemy , until their reserves be marched by them . then let their officers command them to stand , and see that their bandaliers be furnished with powder , and bullet , and set them in order with as much expedition as may be ; and then let them march up within an hundred and fifty paces of the reer-guard of foot , and to be in a readiness to second them upon any occasion . a general ought to give particular orders to all the officers in chief of his army before the battel begins , in writing , if he have time , that the officers in chief may know how to command their souldiers to make use of all the advantages , that he conceiveth may happen unto them in a day of battel : that upon any neglect of his officers for not making use of any such opportunities , the excuse of not having order for the same may be taken away . likewise it should be written in their orders how they ought to prevent any disadvantages that a general conceiveth may befal them . the which will not only prevent excuses , but according to the old saying , he that is forewarned is fore-armed . set upon your enemy when he is affrighted and distracted ; for there is nothing then to be expected of your enemy but despair and confusion . a general must be careful to give a very strict order to his officers , and souldiers , that not a man of them offer to pillage before the field be clear of the enemy ; and that such officers as do suffer their souldiers to pillage before the field be clear of the enemy , shall suffer for the same as the souldiers for pillaging . before the battel begins , you ought to give out a field-word both to your officers and souldiers ; and besides your word , that your souldiers and officers may the better be able to know one the other , being mixt with the enemy : they ought to wear something or other about them to be known from the enemy . after the winning of a battel , a general should follow his victory with all the expedition that he may , either by keeping his enemy from gathering an head again , or presently falling upon some countries or towns , where he thinks he may do his enemy the most hurt : for the yieldings after a victory , if well prosecuted , are better than the victory it self : because when people are in suspence , and great fear , and confusion , as it happeneth in sudden things , it is a singular time to obtain victories , or some honourable composition . the fruit of victory consisteth in the well using of it , which whosoever doth not , incurreth an infamy so much the greater , than not to know how to overcome , by how much it is a greater fault to be deceived by the things that are in a mans power , than by those that depend upon fortune . likewise a general is to take care for recruiting of his army upon all occasions , but especially after a battel . although those things which are here before set down seem easie to understand , and very easie to practise ; yet are they so often neglected by commanders in chief , either in neglecting to make use of advantages , or not giving out punctual orders before a battel for the aforesaid things , or through the neglect of such as should put their directions in execution , that one or more of the aforesaid neglects are always the loss of battels . and the loss of two or three battels proveth the loss of countries and kingdoms . he that desireth either that a city defend it self obstinately , or that an army in the field fight it out resolutely , must try his wits to make an impression in the breasts of them that are to fight , that such a necessity lieth upon them . and it much helpeth an army towards the winning of a battel , to make them confident that in any case they cannot doubt of victory . the things that give them this confidence , are , that they be well armed , and well ordered . for when valour is accompanied with good order , and good discipline , it makes good use of the fury in such manner , and at such times , that no difficulty abateth it , nor ever quaileth the courage : because those good orders re-inforce the spirit , and the fury , both being still maintained by the hope of overcoming , which never faileth while good orders and good discipline hold firm . you ought not to despise , and think too meanly of your enemy ; for that will not only beget negligence in your own army , but care and diligence in your enemies army . and it is most sure , the valour of a few may surmount the number of many : and if you be broken by your enemy that you despise , you double your own disgrace by your rash and indiscreet arrogance . but to speak of chances , and to touch some particularities , thereby to shew evidently the weakness of mans wit , and power , and the casualty of warlike attempts : let a man consider by how many accidents the mightiest armies are many times dispersed , and dissipated , and the greatest enterprises overthrown . as sometimes by the death of one man ; sometimes by the dissention of officers , or souldiers ; sometimes by tempests , or unseasonable weather : sometimes again by plagues , or diseases in the camp : otherwhiles by sudden fears that fall upon the souldiers without cause ; sometimes ( as guicciardine noteth ) by a commandment either not well understood , or ill executed , by a little temerity of disorder , by some vain word or speech of the meanest souldier : and lastly ( saith he ) by infinite changes which happen at unawares , unpossible to be foreseen and prevented by the wit or counsel of any man. which sheweth that no humane wit is able of it self sufficiently to govern an army , and that god reserveth to himself the success of battels , and disposeth of victories at his pleasure . chap. xix . some certain observations concerning the retreat of an army . to know how to make an honourable retreat , is one of the principal points of military art , and worthiest the knowledge of a general , to be able upon occasion to make a safe and sure retreat : for those that can do nothing else can easily put themselves into a war , but to return home again in safety is that which concerneth the honour of a leader . when a general intendeth to retreat with his army , he must be careful that ( if it be possible ) his retreat be not through any places , but such as his pioners may be able to make him , where three or four may march in breast , besides the way for the carriages : for there is no greater danger of receiving a defeat than when a retreat is made at a narrow passage . but if you be forced to make a retreat through a narrow passage , there is no better way to prevent danger , than to raise some works near this passage in the most advantageous places you can find . if you retreat in the night with your army , and have pass'd any narrow passage with your troops , it were very good for you to give command that some caltraps be thrown into those narrow passages to spoil your enemies horse , if they follow your troops ; and if you retreat in the day-time with your army , the aforesaid caltraps will be very useful to be thrown into dirty and watry passages . a retreat in view of the enemy is the most dangerous action that can be undertaken by any commander . and therefore it is held in the opinion of most commanders better to retreat in the night , than in the day : because it is very dangerous to pursue an army in the night ; and if he that retreateth be careful to lay his ambushes well , he may sooner do a mischief to his enemy than his enemy to him . likewise it is better to retreat with part of an army , than with the whole ; and it is best to march as far at first as possibly you may , to the end you might have some advantage of space before the enemy that followeth you : for so the enemy durst not follow you with small troops , and with great forces they will never be able to reach you ; besides the scarcity and want of victuals that they will find by following you , will much discourage them some commanders now adays , whose skill reacheth not so far as to know the abc in the art military , that is to say , the use of their arms , they think it a blemish to their honours to make a private retreat in the night . but this is that that i will say of such gallants , presumption and ignorance are two bad counsellors in war. chap. xx. some observations concerning the stopping of an army upon passages either over rivers , or difficult and mountainous places . in the first place i will speak something of stopping the passage of an army upon a river , if your army be to pass a river that is not passable , but upon two or three places , without making a bridge : i conceive this to be the best way . upon the chiefest passage over the river there you ought to attend your enemy with all your forces , if you may find there sufficient provisions for your army to subsist . and upon the other two fords , or passable places , if they may be commanded each of them by one sconce , i think it convenient then for you to give order for the raising of two sconces , and to see them well furnished with cannon , men , ammunition , and victuals . but here you must note , if your enemy do bring with him punts , or boats for to make a bridge , or if he be able to procure boats out of the country for the aforesaid purpose , then i conceive the raising of the sconces is a needless labour : therefore then the best way will be to march with your whole army on the one side of the river , as your enemy marcheth on the other ( if the country in your march be able to afford you provisions for your army ) and so to fight with your enemy as he passeth the river ; or after your enemy hath possessed the river , if you think you have forces sufficient to encounter him . i hold it a most dangerous , and un-souldier-like action for any commander to divide his forces for the keeping of passages against an army , whether it be upon a river , or any other strait and difficult passages : for you ought not to put all your fortune in danger , and not all your forces : to do so is a manifest folly . he is never thought a good gamester that would hazard his whole rest upon less than the strength of his whole game . my reasons for it are these : if your enemy forceth one of those passages that you endeavour to keep , or find out some other passage that is not guarded , you will find much trouble and pains before you can draw your forces together . and very likely the enemy may prevent you from doing it , either by forcing you to fight before your forces are come to you , or by keeping you from joyning your forces together again . and when it cometh to pass that your forces must leave the passage which they are to guard , or lose it by some occasion , there is a fear and terror stricken into the hearts of the people and souldiers which trusted in that place ; that being unable to make experience of their valour , you lose , or are in danger to lose your enterprise . thus it came to pass at the coming of the french into italy in the year one thousand five hundred and fifteen , in the time of francis the first , king of france , where it manifestly appeared to what pass it came to hold difficult places ill to be kept , and to stop passages , as you may see in guicciard . lib. . for the reasons aforesaid the romans never held nor guarded the passages against hannibal , but rather would that their armies should fight in open places where they might overcome him than to send them to the mountains to be consumed with cold , or other discommodities of those places . chap. xxi . some certain observations touching the profitableness of intrenching , and some directions for the same . the intrenchment incloseth your army as a walled city , from whence you may march privately with such designs , leaving your baggage in safety . the intrenchment hindereth the enemy from constraining you to fight , unless when you please . the intrenchment causeth you to take strong cities in the face of a more puissant army than your own . briefly , the intrenchment is less subject to infection , than the villages are . in effect , an army intrenched and hutted , will rather subsist three months in health in a camp ( in the summer-time ) than a fortnight in the best villages . one of the most necessary parts of war is to know how well to incamp , and intrench . when you come to besiege a town before which you intend to intrench your army , you ought to place your line of circumvolation so near the town , that you may be able to quarter your army within it safely from your enemies shot ; allowing an hundred and fifty foot for an alarm-place between the breast work and the front of the quarters . the trench without your breast-work must be twelve foot in breadth , and six foot in depth , and three foot in breadth at the bottom . and the earth that cometh out of the trench will raise you a breast-work , or rampier of twelve foot in breadth at the bottom , six foot in height , and three foot in breadth at the top , with one foot bank . upon your line of circumvolation at the distance of every two hundred paces , you ought to have a spur upon your line to flank it . and before the quarters of every regiment upon your line of circumvolation you must leave a small avenue , that one single man and no more may be able to pass through at a time . you must likewise have in your line of circumvolation four great avenues for carriages to pass through : and upon the great avenues you must set up turn-pikes , and without every turn-pike there must be an half-moon . here note , your army must be divided into as many quarters as you intend to have approaches against the town . and you must raise some batteries close within the line of circumvolation , there where you think the most advantageous places may be for the same , for the annoying of any enemy that may come to trouble you . if you suppose your enemy may come so strong as to attempt the forcing of your quarters , then ought the trench of your line of circumvolation to be in breadth sixteen foot , and in depth eight , and in breadth at bottom six foot . you ought likewise to have some out-works , both half-moons , and horn-works , within musquet-shot of your rampier or breast-work . and if there be any hills somewhat above musquet-shot off from your line of circumvolation , that may be advantageous to your enemy for the planting of his ordnance to play upon your breast-work , or any part of your quarters , you ought upon such an hill to raise a sconce . thus you ought to observe and do , if you intend to fortifie your leaguer strongly for to prevent a powerful army from forcing your quarters . if you have a desire upon any occasion to intrench your army in the field for their better safety , your best way then will be to draw your army into as little a compass of ground as you may with convenience . for the less compass your rampier is , the easier it will be to defend : and if you have any occasion to send out any part , or parts of your army upon any design , those which are left , the less compass of ground they have to desend , the better they will be able to do it . the sod or turf which you are to face your intrenchment withal , if you are likely to have any winter-siege , or any long siege , must be four or five inches long , or thereabouts , and in length fourteen or fifteen inches diminished inwards . chap. xxii . some certain observations about the taking of towns and strong places . there are seven ways to win castles , strong holds , and fortified towns. first , by treachery . secondly , by surprise , as by petarring the ports , and by assaults . thirdly , by approaches , batteries , and assaults . fourthly , by approaches , mining , batteries , and assaults . fifthly , by intrenching , approaches , mining , battery , and assaults . sixthly , by composition . seventhly , by starving . philip of macedon esteemed no place strong , where his ass loaden with gold might enter . for the attempting , or taking of towns by surprise is very commendable in officers , and sometimes very successful where the officers have good intelligence , and carry their business secretly , carefully , orderly , and valiantly . and there is no adventure for surprising a place more safe in war , than that which is farthest from suspicion of being undertaken : and by such sudden designs one may gain that in one hour , the which may not be gotten any other way under a years service of an army , or two . in the besieging of all towns a commander must be careful that his enemy be not able to cut off his victual , or his retreat ; and that he besiege no town but such as he is able to cut off all relief from the besieged . a commander in chief ought likewise to be careful how he adventureth upon winter-sieges , and long winter-services , or long sieges at any time , unless the consequence of the place requireth it , and that he be sure to take it in the end . long sieges ruine armies , empty the purse , and most commonly it falleth out so , that it hindreth armies from better imployments ; and after a long siege , though things fall out according to a commanders desire , he will have little reason to brag of his victory , when he vieweth his expences , his time , and his army . the malice of a great army is broken , and the force of it spent in a great siege . hannibal entring into italy with his army to make war upon the romans , would not be drawn to besiege any of their towns : all his war was to weaken them in force and reputation , knowing that when he was absolute master of the field , it would not be long e're the walled cities would open their gates , without expecting any engineer or battery . if a general besiegeth any town in which his intelligence , or his opinion hath deceived him so much , that he hath little hope of taking it , the speedy leaving off any such enterprise doth excuse the rashness which might be imputed to the beginning : and a chief commander is not so much blamed for making trial of an ill-digested project , as he is for the obstinate continuing in the same : and if he refuseth to be led by reason in such a case , as being the best means to guide him to convenient ends , he is commonly constrained by the commanding warrant of necessity to undergo the same thing upon harder conditions . it is most difficult to accomplish the design of a siege , especially of any in land town , so long as you have a good army incamped near you , or likely to attend you speedily , the which army will be able to cut off your victuals , or constrain you to fight , unless you have two bodies of armies , that so with the one you may hold your enemy in play , and with the other you may actuate without impeachment : or , unless you be master at sea of your enemy , and then you may besiege any sea town of your enemy with one army , without any hazard at all , if you can have time to intrench your self strongly , before your enemy be able to inforce you to fight . the surest , safest , and speediest way of taking any town , if it requireth above three weeks siege , and if your enemy be able to bring any force to put relief into it , or to force you to fight , is , by intrenching your self before them . and when you are intrenched before a town , where your enemies hopes in making you to quit it do consist in nothing else , but in cutting off your victuals , you ought to have that foresight to bring with you , or cause to be brought into your leaguer out of the country so much victuals as you judge to be necessary to serve your turn for the taking of the town . this way you may take a town with one army , though your enemy speedily attendeth you with another army . if you make a siege with a small army , with an intent to starve a strong garrison , you must fortifie your quarters one after another with the whole body of your army ; and then if you think fit you may run lines from one quarter to another . every commander knoweth that mans flesh is the best fortification that belongs to a town ; and where a town is well manned , the best way of taking it is by starving ; and when a town is weakly manned , the best way of taking it is by battery and assaults , or by approaches , mining , battery , and assaults . one thing more i could advise a commander in chief to be careful of , and that is , not to assault any town , or place without great probability of obtaining that which he desireth ; and never to assault a town , but when he may assault it at divers places at once . there is nothing so suddenly ruineth armies as assaults when they miscarry . for a general is certain to have his best men killed and spoiled upon such designs , and the rest so much discouraged , that it would prove very dangerous unto an army if they should suddenly after it fight . mines , where you may come to make them , are much better than batteries for the taking of towns or castles : because they always prove much more dangerous , and terrible to an enemy by means of their sudden , and unexpected operations : and all sudden and unexpected actions are very successful in all martial affairs . a commander cannot take any place of strength with any certainty or safety , without the use both of batteries and mines . a chief commander when he marcheth to besiege a town , ought to carry with him as much mony , ammunition , victuals , and all other necessaries , as is possible to be carried for the siege : and those necessaries that he cannot carry with him , he must be careful to furnish himself withal with as much expedition as may be , for fear his enemy may find out some way that he doth not think of to prevent him of his necessaries , or at least cause them to be brought to him with much danger and trouble . the first thing you are to do when you are marching towards a town to besiege it , is to send the most of your horse and dragooners , and with them likewise near as many musqueteers as you send horse , about three or four days before the body of your army ; that you may thereby keep all supplies from coming to the town : and command your horsemen to take up the musqueteers now and then behind them upon the march , that they may be able to make the more expedition . you ought also to send along with the horse your quarter-master general , and some two or three of your chief engineers , that they may , by that time your army cometh up , have pricked out the line of circumvolation , and the quarters for your army ; and to view how many approaches you may conveniently make towards the town : for so many approaches as you make , so many quarters ought you to divide your army into . after your engineers , and quarter master-general have pricked out the line of circumvolation , and the quarters , then so soon as your army cometh to the quarters , draw them into their quarters , and command them to hut with all the expedition they can . likewise the line of circumvolation ought to be divided into as many parts as there are quarters , according to the strength of the regiments in each quarter . then the quarter-masters of the regiments of foot ought to divide the ground equally amongst their regiments ; and each quarter-master of a regiment is to measure out to each company of his regiment their ground : and the officers are presently to set the souldiers their work , for the raising of the line of circumvolation . and the souldiers ought to know when occasion requireth them to intrench themselves , that it doth as properly belong to their duty to intrench themselves , as to stand centry , or to carry their arms. as soon as the earth is out of the ditch for the raising of your rampier , then may you begin your approaches . and you must always be careful to break ground at the first , as near the town as possibly you may with convenience : and that you may break ground the nearer , and your men be the more bold , set your pioners and some others to work as you come to your quarters , for the making of great store of cannon-baskets , which may serve you in good stead for this use : at the beginning of every night set them up before those which are to break ground ; and on each hand of those cannon-baskets which you set up before the souldiers that are to break ground , you ought to set some cannon-baskets for the safeguard of the guards . your approaches ought always to be well flanked with redoubts and batteries . if a general come before a town , where is but a weak garrison , and many out-works to the town more than the garrison is well able to defend , it will be good then for a general to attempt taking of some of the out-works ; and if he take any , he ought to begin his approaches from thence . the best time to assault the out-works will be in the night . through all dry motes you are to approach the rampier of a town by galleries under ground , under the dry mote of the town . and through all wet motes you are to approach to the rampier of a town by galleries above ground . but in running your gallery under a dry mote you must have a care that it be not discovered to the enemy by carrying the earth out of your gallery . the next thing you must have a care of , is , that you do inform your self rightly , before you begin your gallery , of what depth the mote is , that you may begin to make your gallery so far back , as to be sure to run your gallery under the bottom of your enemies mote . for if your enemy once discovereth against what part of the wall you are running your gallery , it is ten to one but your enemy may prevent you , either by hindering you from advancing your gallery to the rampier , or by rubbing your mines . when you have advanced your galleries to the rampier , let those that are appointed to assault the breaches , and the ports , have souldiers appointed to throw hand-granadoes , and to fall on with them : and give order to those that are appointed to assault the breaches , and scale the walls , that as soon as they are gotten within the wall , or rampier of the town with a reasonable number of men , they march unto that port that is next them , and open it to let in the foot , and horse that do there attend . and for this purpose there ought to be some souldiers appointed to carry fit instruments for the breaking open the gates of a town . when a port is opened , let the officers have order presently to repair to the market place with their souldiers for clearing of the enemy from that place . and you ought to command the officers and souldiers that no man offer to pillage upon pain of death , until all the enemy within the town that carry arms be either killed or disarmed . besides the word you give to your souldiers , to know one the other by , you should command them to wear something about them that they may know one the other from the enemy . if your officers when they assault a town do find the town to be cut off by the enemy by raising any works within the rampier , or wall of the town , then a chief commander should give orders to the officers appointed for the assault , that in case they find any such thing , then they should do their best to plant themselves with their souldiers on the top of the rampier only ; which must be done by help of the engineers work-basis , and pioners , who must be appointed to be in a readiness with saccots in their hands , when they shall be called upon to fortifie any place that the souldiers may possess themselves of , if occasion require . the like order must be observed in assaulting of out-works , as is here set down in this last observation concerning the assaulting of a town . you ought likewise to have in a readiness ovens to heat cannon-bullets red-hot upon all such batteries whereby you can conveniently come to shoot them into the town . likewise your mortar-pieces must be so conveniently placed , that you may shoot mortar-granadoes into the town , and wait a little to see the effect of your fire-bullets , and granadoes . here note , that you must not shoot any fire-bullets , nor mortar-granadoes into the town , until one , half hour before you begin to assault : for if you do use the fire-bullets , and mortar-granadoes before the aforesaid time , you will teach your enemy to find out a way to prevent you for doing any mischief with them at your assault : and likewise your enemy being used to them , the fear of the danger of them will by use be taken away , 〈…〉 upon your assault . 〈…〉 and your men drawn out , and 〈…〉 for the assault of the breaches , and your ordnance playing with fire-bullets , and your mortar-pieces with their granadoes , then spring your mines , and give a general assault . one thing more i think fit to add to this discourse . there are two ways for blocking up of an haven , or a river . the first is , you must make of iron a thing in form of a frisrutter ; the beams through which the cross-bars go must be twelve foot in length , and the cross-bars that go through the beam must be of that length , that when one of these iron frisrutters is set down into an haven , or river , the cross-bars of the iron frisrutter must be of that length as to reach upon an high-water within six foot of the top of the water . this is one of the best inventions that i know for the blocking up of an haven , or river . there is no way that i know to remove these frisrutters out of an haven or river , which is blockt up with them , and having so many of these frisrutters made in a readiness before-hand as will block up an haven or river upon which you have a design , and having all other necessaries in a readiness for the letting of those frisrutters down into the haven , or river , you may block up an haven or river in four and twenty hours time . there is another way of blocking up an haven or river , by throwing great stones into them , and leaving small passages for the water to pass through . by this invention the king of france won rochel . chap. xxiii . some directions for the removing of an army that is intrenched before a town . if an enemy be intrenched before a town , it most often proveth hard to remove him , if he hath men enough to defend his line of circumvolation , and keep his approaches . the most usual ways to remove an enemy which is intrenched before a town , are these four . the first is , to attempt the cutting off your enemies provisions from him . the second is , if your enemy hath by over-sight left some hills near the town without his line of circumvolation unfortified : and if the hills be so , that ordnance being planted upon them , they will command the ground between them and the town ; then you may by possessing your self of these hills force your way to the town either by a forceable assault under the shelter of your cannon , or by approaches : or if any hills lie so that you may command the ground close within your enemies line of circumvolation , planting ordnance on them , that your men may under succour of your ordnance be able to force your enemies line of circumvolation ; then you may beat him off his line of circumvolation , and so force his quarter . the third way is to march into some of your enemies countries . the fourth and last way is to besiege some of his chief towns , that you have certain intelligence do want either men , victual , or ammunition . such horses as he intendeth to keep in his garrison in a siege . if a garrison lieth so , that it cannot easily be relieved with ammunition , then the governour ought to have a powder-mill in his town ; and in his magazine good store of brimstone , and one that is skilful in making of powder , and another that hath skill in making match : and he must be careful to sow at a fit time of the year a competent quantity of hemp-seed for the making of match . if the corn-mills about a town lie so , that the enemy may be able to spoil , and destroy them , then the governour ought to see his town furnished with hand-mills . he must also have a special care that his walls be out of danger of scaling ; the gates of his town not subject to be petarred . now the best way to prevent petarring the ports , is to have draw-bridges , and half-moons , without the ports , and port-cullices at the ports , and turn-pikes upon the high-ways right against your half-moons . the ways for the rounds ought to be easie , and convenient ; the sentinels well set : the guards very exact ; and the companies that are to watch should always draw lots for their guards . and if you suspect any officers , or souldiers for betraying your town ( as in civil wars souldiers are apt to do , or when they are ill paid ) then must you order your guards after this manner . let your companies that watch draw lots , for their guards upon the parrado place every night : when they have drawn lots for their guards , let those companies whose lot falleth to watch at the ports be ordered after this manner . that company whose lot falleth to watch at a port , let the one half of that company watch at the port that is appointed them by lot , and the other half at one of the half-moons at one of the other ports next adjoyning . and all the companies that are to watch at the ports are to be ordered in the like manner . now here you must note , that if a governour will have his town secured from sudden surprises , he must have always without the ports of his town half-moons , and turn-pikes upon the high-ways right against the half-moons , and port-cullices at his ports . the gentlemen that are to watch at each port-cullis ought to be four , which must be drawn , and relieved from the main-guard . these gentlemen ought to be lock'd up in the place where the port-cullices stand , until they be relieved : and the captain of the main-guard ought always to keep the key . all the other companies appointed for the watch , are to watch according unto their lots . all means must be used to hinder intelligences , and treacheries ; the guards doubled always upon market-days , and fair-days : and upon any alarm those souldiers that have not the guard ought to repair with their arms speedily to their colours ; and from thence the companies are to make all the haste possible to attain to the place that is appointed them to defend upon any alarm . thus much every company that hath not the watch ought to know , and have order for the same before-hand . if you mistrust the fidelity of the towns-men , you ought to keep a good main-guard upon the market-place , and small guards at all the cross-streets , and then make it death for any townsman to come out of his house upon any alarm . and if the towns-men have any meeting together at any time without the governours consent , they ought to be imprisoned . the like must be observed if they are found out of their houses after nine of the clock at night . likewise if you mistrust the fidelity of the towns-men , it is very necessary that there be a work raised against the rampier of the town , the which must face the town , and command part of it , and one of the ports . in this work you ought to build places for to keep your magazine in . and at the entrance of this work without the port of the aforesaid work , there ought to be a draw-bridge and a port cullis ; and the draw-bridge ought never to be down , or let down but at relief time . the ports of your town ought to be shut at sun-setting , and to be opened a little after sun-rising . before you open your ports in a morning , you ought to send out small parties to search all the suspicious places about the town for ambushes . after these parties are returned , finding no danger , you may open your ports , and set out your day-guards for the security of your cattel : and then the towns-men may drive forth their cattel . you ought likewise to have a trumpeter to watch continually on the highest steeple in your town , to give you notice of the approach of any enemy by day , or of any alarm , or fire by night . a governour of a town should be careful always to have parties abroad , that he may the better secure his own quarters , and trouble the enemy . and especial care must be taken for getting constant intelligence from the next frontier towns of his enemy . a governour of a town ought to see that he have as many out-works raised about his town as is necessary , and not more ; and that all his out-works be commanded by the rampier of the town . if the consequence of the town requireth it , and if a governour may by raising a sconce or two secure his town , and the relief of it the better , it were very fit to do it . but he must have a care that the sconces which he raiseth for the security of the town be raised in such convenient places , that an enemy when he cometh to besiege the town , may not be able to plant himself between the sconces and the town . in the fortifying of a town if the governour lay many elms , or oak-trees , in the bulwarks which he raiseth about the town , he will find it a good prevention to hinder the enemy from mining his bulwarks : and likewise it doth strengthen his bulwarks very much against batteries . if a governour of a town hath certain intelligence that he shall be besieged , and findeth that he hath not horse meat sufficient for the horse that are in the garrison answerable to the rest of his provisions in the town ; and in case he hath not time to provide more , then the governour ought to send away so many of his horse as he hath not meat sufficient for to hold out with the rest of his provisions , or such as he supposeth he shall not have occasion to use , unto one of the next towns that belong to his party . likewise if a governour of a town find that he hath more out-works than his souldiers are well able to defend , it will be safest for him then to slight those out-works that he thinketh he shall have less occasion to use . a governour must be careful of using his best endeavours and skill valiantly to defend his out-works . for next mans flesh , out-works are the best strength that belongeth to a town . and upon all occasions he must be careful to cut off the out-works of the town ; and the town , as often as the enemy shall inforce him to it . the greatest part of the cannon of the town ought to be planted against the enemies approaches ; and the governour ought to give command that they play upon his enemies approaches as often as his ammunition will give leave . a governour should be careful to sally no oftner with strong parties than necessity requireth , or the advantages that the enemy by his carelesness , or boldness shall give him occasion . at the beginning of every night you ought to make sallies with small parties upon the enemies workmen that do then approach , and break ground , and now and then to sally with a strong party . at the beginning of the night you ought to make some fires so near the enemies approaches as you can conveniently , that you may be able to see by the light of the fire where your enemies break ground , that so you may the better hinder them by shooting at them with the more certainty . for which occasion your town ought to be the better provided of wood , and pitch-barrels . and there must be care taken to lay some souldiers with fowling-pieces or fire-locks , behind little small breast works not far from the fires , to spoil those that may come to put out the fires . if a governour of a town be sure he hath more powder than is answerable to the rest of his provisions ( the which he ought always to have ) then may a governour undermine his enemies corps de guards , when they are advanced very near unto his out-works . and always when he springeth a mine , he ought to sally strong on his enemies trenches , and to command those officers , if it be possible , to nail the enemies ordnances ; and for that purpose some souldiers ought to be appointed to carry fit instruments with them . and whensoever you sally strong on your enemy , you must likewise have in a readiness some spademen to slight such of the enemies works as your souldiers shall possess themselves of also you must have a care to appoint many souldiers for the throwing in of hand-granadoes into your enemies corps de guards ; the which will be a special means to help your souldiers for the beating your enemy out of their corps de guards . if your town be fortified with a dry mote , and if your town be well manned , it is much stronger then a wet mote : and as soon as you see upon what parts of the town your enemy doth make his approaches , then dig a trench in the bottom of your dry mote , so far as you see your enemies approaches are in breadth against your town , about eight or ten foot in breadth , and so deep , until you come either to water or rock . but if you are fain to dig deep before you find either , then make a gallery under ground under the bottom of your dry mote , so far as your enemies approaches go . for which purpose your town ought to be furnished with good store of timber . and if you observe the aforesaid directions , it will be impossible for your enemy to run his galleries to the rampier of the town without being discovered : and then you may easily prevent him from doing you any hurt , either by his galleries , or his mines . if your town be fortified with a wet mote , then the best and strongest fortifications that belong to a wet mote is a false bray of some twenty foot in breadth ; and when you perceive where your enemy will make over his gallery to your rampier , then must you plant two of the best pieces of cannon that you have in your false bray just against the mouth of your enemies galleries ; the which two pieces must be sunk so deep , that they may play almost level with the water : by this means you will be able to do your enemy the more mischief , and secure your ordnance the better from your enemy . for the more security of your ordnance and cannoneers from your enemies batteries , you ought to raise the traverses close to your cannons cross your false bray . in desending the out-works of a town that is fortified with a wet mote , there must be a special care , and resolution shewed : for the out works being once lost , you can sally no more on your enemy . i will conclude with this advice to all governours that are to defend a besieged town , that they have a special care of these three things . the first is , that from the beginning to the end of a siege , their care be such , that their garrisons spend no more victuals daily , than necessity requireth . the second thing is , that they do not vainly waste their men , ammunition , and firing , but that they do so order the expence of these things , that they may be able to hold out with their victuals : for many governours do either cowardly , or ignorantly make a waste of the aforesaid things , that they may give over towns the sooner to their enemy , and that , as they conceive with honour enough ; whereas their own cowardliness hath brought them to want necessaries for the defence of their towns , more than the pressing service of their enemies . but if such governours had their deserts , they ought to die for such carelesness and cowardliness . the third and last thing is , that they carefully defend their out-works , and their town with all the skill , judgment , and valour that they and their garrisons can afford ; and that they so order their sallies , and the cutting off their out-works and towns , that their garrisons and towns may be able to hold out so long as the provisions of the town shall last . one thing more i think fit to adde in this place , a way to break a bome , or a bridge that shall be made over a river for hindering provisions from coming to the town that is besieged . take a great ship , and let it be made with mason-work within in the manner of a vaulted cave , and upon the hatches lay mill-stones , and other stones of great weight , and within lay many barrels of powder in the vault . by means of the danger you will hardly get any man to conduct it ; therefore you must tye a great beam at the end of the ship to make it keep a straight course in the midst of the stream ; and when you have a fair wind , lay your train and set it going . if the corn you keep in store for your garrison be now and then dusted , it will keep good in a garner seven years ; but if your corn by chance grow musty , then make bisket of it ; for then it will make as good bisket as the best corn in the world . chap. xxv . some observations concerning fortifications . touching the art it self in respect of the matter , and the manner , it is a member of architecture ; but the end is military : for to fortifie is nothing else but to raise works answerable to necessity , and the occurrences of war. neither is it the end of fortification to make a place impregnable , or impossible to be taken ; for so it were ars artium . but to reduce it to a strong defence : concerning which art , seeing there are so many books written , i will here set down only thus much in brief of it , that in fortifications you must observe five principal things , namely , that the line of defence be within musquet-shot ; that the flanked angle do not exceed ninety degrees , nor be less than sixty : that the gorge of the bulwark be not too narrow : that the flank be as great as may be : that all out-works ( if it be possible ) must be commanded by the body of the fortifications . chap. xxvi . some observations of mines . concerning mines thus much i may say without prejudice to that art , that the chiefest things to be respected are these ; first the true distance to a designed place ; which is best gotten by instruments , and help of geometry , where other marks of certainty are wanting . secondly , the direction of the mine , that you may not erre in your course , which the compass affordeth . thirdly , the strengthening of the mine with timber-work , if need requireth ; and stopping of your mine well , and laying your train well . lastly , the counter-mining , and cross meeting : all which parts have very many circumstances , and require a larger discourse than may be thought pertinent for this place : and being at large discoursed of by many several men , i will omit to speak any further of it here : only thus much more , that i hold mines much better than batteries , where you may come to make use of them with any expedition , because of their sudden and unexpected operations . chap. xxvii . some observations for the keeping of conquered countries . a conquerour ought to know that an imperfect victory is the seed of a new war. if thou hast made a conquest with thy sword , think not to maintain it with thy scepter ; neither conceive that new favours can cancel old injuries . no conquerour sitteth secure upon his new-gotten throne , so long as they subsist in power that were dispossessed of their possessions by his conquest . if thou hast conquered a land , whose laws and language differ not from thine , change not their laws and taxes ; and so the two kingdoms will in a short time incorporate , and make one body . but if the laws and language differ , it is difficult to maintain thy conquest ; which that thou mayest the more easily do , observe three things : first , to live there in person ( or rather send colonies ) secondly , to assist the weak inhabitants , and weaken the mighty . thirdly , to admit no powerful foreigner to reside there . remember lewis the xiii . of france , how suddenly he took millan , and how soon he lost it . here you must note , if you conquer a free people , to assure your conquest you must do these two things ; first , to take away the desire of revolting from those whom you have conquered . to do this , you must not take away ( at least during the life of those who have lived so ) their hopes of recovering their liberties by their good obedience , either to them or their children : and therefore you must always begin by a fair way , and establish a condition for them whom you have conquered , which may be sure both for their life , their wives , and their goods . there is another means , whereof the antients made a profitable use , and is now wholly left , the which i have spoken of before , and do marvellously approve of , which is to establish colonies , and to transport the people from one country to another . the conquered people will have much the better of it by their change ; for they shall enjoy such liberties as the people do amongst whom they live ; whereas in their own country they will be kept so much under , that they can hope for nothing but their lives . and the conquerour by this means will be much the more assured of keeping the people in obedience . chap. xxviii . some directions for the preventing of civil wars . a kingdom , or state , in preventing civil war ought to observe these four principal things . the first is , that a kingdom or state ought to have fortresses , but good ones , and few in number , and none within the heart of the country . and you ought not to perpetuate any government , neither to families , nor yet for life . the second thing is ( if it be possible to be done without the endangering of a kingdom or state ) that there be but one religion in a kingdom or state. the third is ; that kingdom or state that will live secure from civil wars must be provident to compass a rich publick treasure ; that when a kingdom or state come to be over-populous , they may be able to imploy their people in plantations , or in a foreign war. but the principal and able remedy against civil war is to entertain a foreign war. this chaseth away idleness , setteth all on work ; and particularly this giveth satisfaction to ambitious and stirring spirits ; it banisheth luxury , maketh your people warlike , and maintaineth you in such reputation amongst your neighbours , that you are the arbitrator of all their differences . but this maxim is not good to be observed except by such kingdoms , and states that are able to go through with the designs they undertake . for as i find it necessary to rich and potent kingdoms and states ; so i find it hurtful to petty kingdoms and states ; because being too weak to gain by it , they will in the end but lose their honours , and moneys , and impoverish themselves , and increase their enemies . the fourth and last thing is , whereas the poorer and meaner people , that have no interest in the common-weal , but the use of breath , these are always dangerous to the peace of a kingdom , and having nothing to lose , willingly embrace all means of innovation , in hope of gaining something by other mens ruine : there are these three means left for a state to ease it self of this sort of people , either to imploy them abroad in plantations , or in a war , or to interess them in the quiet of the common-weal by learning them such trades and occupations as may give them a taste of the sweetness of peace , and the benefit of a civil life . chap. xxix . some observations shewing how necessary it is for england , or any other state , or kingdom , providently to prepare a rich publick treasure before-hand , either for the defence of themselves , or offending their enemies . and how necessary it is to train up their people to martial affairs . let us first consider what danger a country , prince , or state is in , that is not so provident to provide a rich publick treasure before-hand , either for a defensive war , or an offensive war : for in the wars you must upon all occasions , have your hands in your purses : and having not a rich publick treasure before-hand , no kingdom , or state , is able to make an offensive war , to gain countries , or honour , unless they be drawn into a country by a party . nor is such a kingdom or state well able to defend it self in a defensive war. for if an enemy landeth in a country , the obedience which at other times is willingly given to princes , or states , is greatly weakned at such times , and all necessary means to maintain a war , is hardly drawn from the subject ; and the common people will be easily drawn to change masters , when their oppression shall be more frequent from their friends , than their enemies : and such great oppressions at such a time upon the commons ( which of necessity there must be , when a rich treasure is not providently provided before-hand ) will prove very dangerous to any kingdom or state in a defensive war. therefore that kingdom or state that will live securely from an enemy , must have a special care to provide a rich publick treasure before-hand against unusual , and extraordinary casualties , which are not to be removed but by speedy and effectual remedies . and no expedition can be made to avoid the dangers and ruine of a kingdom or state , either in an offensive , or a defensive war , without a rich publick treasure provided before-hand . and it is an easie thing for governours of a kingdom or state to raise a rich publick treasure out of the extravagant expences of the people , without giving any discontent at all ; as having an excise upon all the beer , ale , and wine that is sold in all ale-houses , and taverns in a kingdom or state , and likewise upon all the tobacco that is brought into a kingdom or state , and upon all kinds of laces , cards , and dice . now to conclude , and speak something how necessary it is for a kingdom , or state to train up their people to the use of arms. such kingdoms where the men are trained up in academies of vertuous actuality , do always keep their honours at an high price , affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage , both for designment and performance . i account a rich publick treasure providently provided before hand , and a people well trained in martial affairs , to be two of the only pillars ( next under god ) that will preserve a kingdom or state from ruine and danger . chap. xxx . that reading , and discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the art military , how great soever his knowledge may be , which long experience and much practice of arms hath gained . men have two ways to come by wisdom , either by their own harms , or other mens miscasualties : and wise men are wont to say ( not by chance , nor without reason ) that he who will see what shall be , let him consider what hath been : for all things in the world at all times have their very counterpane with the times of old . but here i would have a prudent souldier note , that it is a matter very dangerous to follow wholly the examples of another , if a man in general or in particular have not the same reason , the same wit , and the same fortune . for albeit humane actions seem to be so joyned and coupled together , that that which now is present and hath been , ought to be again : yet notwithstanding the accidents which are so different , and diverse , that no man whosoever he be ( except very prudent ) can always govern himself in matters present by the example of that which is past . i take the office of a chief commander to be a subject capable of the greatest wisdom that may be apprehended by natural means , being to manage a multitude of disagreeing minds , as a fit instrument to execute a design of much consequence , and great expectation , and to qualifie both their apprehensions and affections according to the accidents which rise in the course of his directions ; besides the true judgment which he ought to have of such circumstances as are most important to a fortunate end ; wherein our providence can not have enough either from learning or experience , to prevent disadvantages , or to take hold of opportunities . and therefore that souldier that is only trained up in the school of practice , and taught his rudiments under a few years experience , which serveth to interpret no other author but it self , nor can prove his maxims but by his own authority ; my opinion is , his meer practical knowledge cannot make him a perfect souldier , nor fit to be a general . experience joyned with reading and discourse , do feast the mind with much variety , and choice of matter , or entertain it with novelties incident to expeditions , and use of arms. and therefore it is not only experience , and practice which maketh a souldier worthy of his name ; but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions is best , and most speedily learned by reading history : for upon the variety of chances that you shall meet withal in history , you meditate on the effects of other mens adventures , that their harms may be your warnings , and their happy proceedings your fortunate directions in the art military . these examples which are taken from history , are but a plain kind of principles , on which the mind worketh to her best advantage , and useth reason with such dexterity , that of inequalities she concludeth an equality , and of dissimilitudes most sweet resemblances ; and so she worketh her own perfection by discourse , and in time groweth so absolute in knowledge , that her sufficiency needeth no further directions . it is most requisite likewise for a commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling , and to weigh the nature thereof , that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion . finis . the contents of the chapters . chap. i. some observations concerning a souldiers profession and his duty . page chap. ii. some observations upon war , which is the profession of a souldier . chap. iii. some observations of an offensive war , and conquering of countries . chap. iv. some observations upon a defensive war. chap. v. some observations for those that undertake a vvar. chap. vi. some observations , and considerations to be observed , and thought on by a general , that taketh upon him the command of an army . chap. vii . some observations , what is the fittest strength for armies to be of , and what proportion of horse and foot , dragooners , and pioners there ought to be in an army . and likewise shewing the proportion of pikemen , and musqueteers , according to the service that they shall be most imployed upon . chap. viii . some observations concerning the arming of an army , and how each souldier ought to be armed . an horsemans offensive arms. an horsemans defensive arms. ibid. the furniture that belongeth to an horsemans horse . the offensive arms of a musqueteer . ib. the defensive arms of a musqueteer is a good courage . the offensive arms of a pikeman . ib. the defensive arms of a pikeman . the offensive arms of a dragoon . ib. a dragoon horse and furniture . chap. ix . a list of the chief officers that belong to an army , and what strength each regiment ought to have of horse , foot , and dragoons . chap. x. some observations shewing how necessary it is to have souldiers well disciplined , and well exercised before they are brought to fight . chap. xi . some observations concerning a train of artillery , and him that commandeth it . chap. xii . some observations and preparations to be observed by a general in field-service : also concerning intelligences and spies . chap. xiii . what strength divisions of horse ought to be from four thousand to ten thousand , when they are to march in an army , and when they are to fight a battel ; or if foot be to fight on the flanks of each division of horse , or when they come to be embattelled to fight on the flanks of an army . that small divisions both of horse and foot are much better than great divisions for service either in campagnia , or within enclosures ; because they are not so apt to fall into disorder , and are much more ready to be commanded upon all occasions . chap. xiv . vvhat strength each division of horse ought to be from three thousand to ten thousand , to fight on the flanks of a body of foot in a day of battel , if you will have no foot to fight amongst the horse . chap. xv. by the following figures are declared what strength each division of foot ought to be to fight a battel , and encounter with foot : and the order that must be observed for doing the same ; and how they shall easily , and readily be in order to defend themselves against the charge of any horse . chap. xvi . some observations concerning the marching of an army . chap. xvii . some observations for the quartering of an army at night upon a march , and for the setting out of their guards to secure their quarters . chap. xviii . some certain observations to be kept in the fighting of battels , and some directions for the imbattelling of an army . chap. xix . some certain observations concerning the retreat of an army . chap. xx. some observations concerning the stopping of an army upon passages either over rivers , or difficult and mountainous places . chap. xxi . some certain observations touching the profitableness of intrenching , and some directions for the same . chap. xxii . some certain observations about the taking of towns and strong places . chap. xxiii . some directions for the removing of an army that is intrenched before a town . chap. xxiv . some directions and observations to be observed and followed by a governour of a frontier town , for the furnishing of it with necessary provisions against a siege , and for the defence of it in a siege . chap. xxv . some observations concerning fortifications . chap. xxvi . some observations of mines . chap. xxvii . some observations for the keeping of conquered countries . chap. xxviii . some directions for the preventing of civil wars . chap. xxix . some observations shewing how necessary it is for england , or any other state , or kingdom , providently to prepare a rich publick treasure before-hand , either for the defence of themselves , or offending their enemies . and how necessary it is to train up their people to martial affairs . chap. xxx . that reading , and discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the art military , how great soever his knowledge may be , which long experience and much practice of arms hath gained . finis . the examination of joshua hill, taken at northampton, in the presence of the earle of essex, generall of the army, the th of september. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) the examination of joshua hill, taken at northampton, in the presence of the earle of essex, generall of the army, the th of september. hill, joshua, th cent. essex, robert devereux, earl of, - . harper, augustin. sheet ([ ] p.) printed for edward husbands, and john franke, london : . order of the house to reprint the examination of joshua hill, describing the exactions of the cavaliers at nottingham, and the deposition of augustine harper of market harborough on september , plundered by cavaliers. -- steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military offenses -- early works to . great britain -- history -- civil war, - -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no the examination of joshua hill, taken at northampton, in the presence of the earle of essex, generall of the army, the th of september. hill, joshua a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the examination of iosvah hill , taken at northampton , in the presence of the earle of essex , generall of the army , the th of september . the king sent a letter to master major of nottingham , requiring one thousand pound : and particular warrants to divers private men for two hundred pounds a man , and other severall summes . if this was not paid , the cavaliers threatened to plunder . after , his majesty was pleased to send the lord newarke to master major to double the thousand pound . captaine legg said , that he thought nettingham men were a generation of devils : and said , if he knew a round-head , he would knocke him over the pate . the house of one mistresse piggot was plundred by warrant from his majesty . the trained bands of the county of nottingham being summoned in by warrant from the lord newarke , were all disarmed by cavaliers : threatening any one that refused , to pistoll him . serjeant bowne , and alderman toplady , have used all possible endeavours to have taken away the life of one master hooper , steward to the countesse of clare , in charging of him with high treason , for not delivering up the armes of his lady . there were in and about nottingham near irish , very many commanders , irish and papists , and increased daily . september th iosvah hill . september th . these are to certifie all those whom it may concerne , that i augustine harper of market harborow , being taken by the cavaliers , who tooke away my mare , saddle and bridle , and all the money in my purse , and being brought before the lord of carnarvan to be examined . notwithstanding , they had no just occasion against me , did abuse me with ill language , calling me round-headed rogue , and that i was an enemy to the king , to which i answered , that i was as good a subject to his majesty or his lordship , he called for a booke , and said , he would try that , and did tender me an oath , whether i would fight for the king against the parliament , which i refusing to take , was committed to the custody of the cavaliers . augustine harper . witnesse to the same , andrew gill. ordered to be printed , together with the examination of augustine harper taken at northampton , th september . london , printed for edward husbands , and john franke . . the second part of the principles of art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces consisting of the severall formes of battels, represented by the illustrious maurice prince of orange of famous memorie, and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange, that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the states generall of the united provinces : together with the order and forme of quartering, encamping, and approaching, in a warre offensive and defensive. principles of the art militarie. part hexham, henry, ?- ? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the second part of the principles of art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces consisting of the severall formes of battels, represented by the illustrious maurice prince of orange of famous memorie, and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange, that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the states generall of the united provinces : together with the order and forme of quartering, encamping, and approaching, in a warre offensive and defensive. principles of the art militarie. part hexham, henry, ?- ? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [ ], p. - , - , - p., leaves of plates ( folded) : ill., plans. by antony of heusden, printed at delf in holeand : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng maurice, -- prince of orange, - . frederick henry, -- prince of orange, - . united provinces of the netherlands. -- staten generaal. military art and science -- early works to . netherlands -- history, military. a r (wing h ). civilwar no the second part of the principles of the art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces. consisting of the severall formes of hexham, henry c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the principles of the art military , practised in the warres of the united provinces . consisting of the severall formes of battels , represented by the illustrious mavrice prince of orange of famous memorie . and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange , that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the stales generall of the vnited provinces . together with the order and forme of quartering , encamping , and approching , in a warre offensive and defensive . the second edition newly corrected and amended by captaine henry hexham , quartermaster to the regiment of the honourable colonell gorino . printed at delf in holland , by antony of heusden , anno . cum privilegio . to the trvely honorable , and his noble lord , george goring , baron of hosperpoint , vice-chamberlaine to his sacred maiestie , and one of his majsties . most honorable privie councill . my lord , according to my promisse and weake ability i had composed and finished this second part of the principles of the art militarie , for so much as consernes the duties of the officers of feild , belonging to an armie , and the diverse orders , and formes of embattailling of horse and foote represented in the feild at severall times , and in sundry places by the two famous generals of our age , maurice prince of orang of happie memorie , and frederick henry his highnesse the prince of orang that now is our victorious generall , together with the order of quartering , encamping and approching in a warre offensiue and defensive : this i vndertook with a great deale of labour and charge , and gathered it out of diverse good authours , for the instruction and informing the iudgments of such , as are lovers of this noble art militarie , & having heretofore bin dedicated to my honorable colonell your sonne , having tasted of your lo : bountie both for my atlas majours , and some other of my militarie bookes more then of any noblemans in england to shew & acknowledg a gratefull minde , therefore this second edition comes in most humble wise , to craue your lo : gratious patronage , as one to whome i acknowledg my self much bound vnto , and so praying to the almighty for your health & encrease of honor . i rest your lo : servant ever to commaund henry hexham . an index , of the contents of this second part , & how the boockbinder is to place the cards . of the provost marshall of an armie , pag. . of the marshall of a regiment , a quartermaster generall , & a quartermaster of a particular regiment , pag. . of a trench-master , an inginier & a clark of the victuals pag. . of a carriage-master , and a muster-master pag. . of the sarjant maiour to a regiment pag. . of a lieutenant colonell , and a colonel pag. . of the sariant maiour generall of an army pag. . of a sariant maiour of a brigade ▪ or a great corporall of the feild pag. . of the generall or master of the ordnance , & of the clark of the munition and matterialls pag. . of the lord marshall of the feild pag. . of the office and charge of the lord generall of an army pag. . . in what order an army ought to march over a campagny , narrow passages , woods , and rivers pag. . . . of the quartermaster generall , of a commissary generall , & of a lieutenant generall of the horse pag. . of the charge and office of the generall of the horse pag. of the ordering and forming of a devision , or a battaillon of foote or horse pag. of the forme of an armie of . thousand foote & six thousand horse ranged in battell ray as the figure demonstrates pag. . next followes the seuerall formes of battels of horse and foote , which have bin showne in the low countries since anno . till this last yeare . and are all to be placed alphabettically from a. to x. one after another betweene pages . & . of the order and forme of encamping of an army pag. . . . . of the quartering of a devision or regiment of foote according to the order of his highnesse the prince of orange pag. . note that betweene the pages . & . the figure of a regiment of foote is to be bound pag. . . betweene pages . & . is to be bound in the figure of a regiment of horse . . betweene pag. . & . which is false figured , the figure & forme of a campe quartered , that is betweene letter h. & i. pag. . . of all manner of approches and their profiles pages . . . . . . note that this sheete i. should have bin figured . . . & . note that betweene pages . & . the figure of approches is to be bound of counter-approches pag. . of all sorts of bridges pag. . of galleries and their appurtenances pag , . note that betweene pages . & . is to be bound the figure of a gallerie . . . of mines and counter-mines pag. . . . . & . of all sorts of palisadoes , barrocadoes , quadrant footnailes & beares pag. . of turne pikes pag. . . of retrenchings of inward cuttings of pag. . . & . hoe de boeck-binder sal de caerten van dit tweede deel binden . . tusschen fol : en̄ alle de caerten van slachorders , van letter a. to x. anno . . tusschen fol : . ende . de quartier van een regiment te voet . . tusschen fol : . en . de quartier van een regiment te paert . . tusschen fol : . en . de quartier van een heel legher . . tusschen fol : . en . de caert van approches . . tusschen fol : . en . de caert van een gallerye ende mynen . . tusschen fol : . en . de caert van retrenchementen ende af-snijdinge . the severall dvties of the officers of the feild belonging to an armie . and first of the provost marshall of an army . because in the nature of his office he is to execute all directions and commandements , that he shall receive from the lord generall , or marshall , he shall be injoyned to give his attendance upon the lord marshall . jt is then his office to publish all proclamations , orders and decrees of the generals , and all things else that are to be notifyed to the troupes , as the lord marshall shall command him : he shall see them published in the generals quarter , and before the head of every regiment , being attended upon , by the provosts of every regiment . he shall have the keeping of the prisoners in the army , that is to say , by himself and his men , he shall keep the chiefe prisoners which are to be brought to justice , and shall direct the provosts of everie regiment , how the prisoners in their charge shall be kept . he shall have thus far forth command over all particular provosts of the armie , and they shall give an account to him of all their prisonners , of the quality of their offences and of the informations against them , yea , as often as he shall direct and give up a note aswell of his owne prisoners , as of the rest , once every weeke to the lord marshall . he shall attend every court day at the generals , or the lord marshals , if it be held there , and shall bring his prisoners that are called thither , safely to the court , with such informations and witnesses as are to be brought in against them , and shall after they have bin heard , and proceeded withall , bring them back in safety , and so keep them till he hath attended and known the further will of the generall , or in his absence , of the lord marshall : also he shall be bound to have his executioner , a place of execution , and all things belonging unto it , whensoever , or wheresoever he shall be commanded by the generall or lord marshal , and he shal see the said executions so commanded , to be duly performed . the provost marshall shall have thus far commandement over the victuallers of the army , that he shall assigne them their quarter in every regiment , and shall appoint what victuallers are to attend every regiment . also he shall give order to the particular provosts of every regiment , that they see no victuals sold but at convenient houres , and that the prices of victuals and beere be reasonable , and every kan of beer , sold at that price as he hath marked upon the barrell-head , and as it is appointed him . it is further incident to his office , to have account brought unto him of all prises of cattle , and other victuals that comes into the army , and that the preyes , assoone as they are brought into the quarter , shall be shewed to him , and by him to the generall , or the commissary generall of the victuals , because it may be known whether those preyes be lawfull , and how they ought to be devided . he shall by the particular provosts of every regiment and his men , cause all entrailes of beasts that are killed in or near the quarter , and all other garbidge and filth to be buried without the campe , and to see in all things else , that the quarters be kept sweet from noisome smells , and the places adioyning clean , and that the places for easement be prickt out at such a convenient distance , as he shall in discretion set down , and that he himself , as often as he can conveniently , shall visit the whole quarters , and to that end , he shall cause the provosts of every regiment , and his owne men , to visit the severall parts of the quarters every day . he shall have all his fees , aswell in preyes that are taken , as for the oversight of the victuals and beer , and of all things else , which do properly belong to the provost marshall of an army . of the marshall of a regiment . the masshall of a regiment is to receive and keepe safely all such prisonners , as are committed to his charge by the chiefes , captaines , and officers of the regiment , and if they be called to iustice , shall bring his prisoners to the marshall generall , to be carryed from thence to the councell of warre . jt is also the duty of the marshall of a regiment , to take speciall care that all women , lacqueis , servants , bread , and aqua vita sellers belonging to the regiment , shall march after their owne regiment , and not before , or upon the flancks thereof . it is his office likewise to set such prizes upon beree and victuals , as the lord marshall or the serjant majour generall shall appoint him , which order he shall receive from the provost marshall of the army , and that he sees it be duely executed within the circuit of the regiment , and that the sutlars do not sell their beere and victuals above the set rate , least they should grate upon the souldiers : after the captain of the watch hath gone the first round , he is to see that the sutlars keeps no tipling or drinking , to commit any disorder in the night , but make them put out their candle light and fires : during the time of divine service he is to go the round , and see that there be no tipling or disorders committed in the quarters . the office of a quartermaster generall . first he is to be at all removes , and before the taking up of any quarter , is to attend the generall , or the marshall of the field , to receive his directions , where , and in what place the army is to be quartered , and how the avantguard , the battle , and the reere , shall be distinguished . having received then his directions , and the army drawing neare to the place assigned , he and the quartermasters of every regiment , rides before with a guard of horse and some firelocks , to view and make choise of the ground , where the army is to be quartered , and there ordaines a quarter for the generall , the chiefe officers of the field , and their trains , together with the regiments of every tercia or brigade , and gives out the ground , and houses to the quartermaster of each brigade , and they to the quartermasters of the particular regiments , who drawes out the quarters in that order and forme , as the lord generall hath prescribed , and as the figure thereof following shall demonstrate . jt is also his office to direct the quartermaster of every regiment , that in laying out their quarters , they observe that forme which the generall hath commanded , that is proportion for proportion , and to see that all places of armes , streets , sallies , and all things else , be answerable , and sees that every quarter be made according to that modell . the office of the quartermaster of a regiment . the quartermaster of a regiment in all charges is to attend the quartermaster generall to receive his directions , and takes the place , ground , and houses appointed by him for the quarter and lodging of his regiment , and then drawes out his quarter , for the companies his colonels , and the officers of the field , and for every captaine of his regiment , according to the order of their march and their seignorities in the regiment , distributing and giving to a sariant of every company of the regiment , who are to assist and attend him , the depth , length and breadth , of the quarter with the distances of the alarme place betweene the head of the quarter and the trench , and the true distance betweene devision and division of the regiments , as also when the regiment is to be quartered in villages , and houses , he is also to observe that forme and directions which the quartermaster generall shall give him . the office of a trench-master . because as quarter-master he shall know the ground that is laid out : so he is to exercise the office of the trench-master in the outworkes of the quarter , as he doth of quartermaster within , these two offices having affinity the one with the other , and therefore he must set out distance between the quarter and the trench , or rampier , with the breadth and depth of the ditch , and the height of the trench , be the quarter altogether entrenched or in part , as he shall receive his direction , either from the generall , or the marshall , as also the proportion of all outworks , as flankes , mounts , batteries , and other works that shall be appointed . as it is shown what is the duty of a trench-master in encamping : so in marching he is to give direction for the making of waies or explanadoes for the passing of the troupes , and marching of the ordnance and carriages , according as he shall receive his order , from the generall or marshall , provided that in making wayes for the artillery , he take the quartermaster along with him , assigned by the generall of the ordnance for that purpose and that the carriage master or conductor of the artillery and carriages , go also with him . in all approches he is to take charge of the trenches , and other works made in them , and after he hath received direction from the generall or marshal , he shall give directions to all those that work , and see that the works be made in such sort as they are appointed : in which service both pyonniers , workemen , and commanded men shall obey him . of an inginier . an jnginier ought to be a man very skilfull and experienced in arithmetick , geometry and the mathematicks , and before he begins to breake ground , or runs his lines of approches , he ought to consider well the scituation of the place , and to have regard to the propriety and nature of the place , whither it be high ground , low , plain or hillie . by day he viewes well the ground , that he may the better run his approches by night , in setting out his sticks and markes , that he may place his men , to get speedily into the ground with the more safety , and as he advances to make the corpses of guard , and the batteries upon the most advantagious places , for if he should mistake his ground , and not runne his line and approach well by turning and winding it , and carrying it from the bulwarks , flanks and outworkes of a towne or fort , he may endanger the lives of many men , and therefore it behooves him to be very circumspect and carefull , but of this we will speak more at large , when we come to handle approaches . the office of the commissary generall of the victuals . he is to take charge of all the victuals prepared for the army , aswell by water as by land , and to see either by himself or his ministers the proportion of victuals to be duely distributed to the souldiers , and marriners , as the generall or the admirall shall direct him . all pursers , stewards , and all other , that shall in any ship have charge , and the oversight of the victuals ( as also all under commissers and conductors of victuals by land ) shall upon the discovery of the extraordinary wasting , spoyling , or miscarrying of victuals , presently give notice thereof to the generall , or to the commissary generall of the victuals , that he may presently take order about them . wheresoever the army shall land , march , or lodge , all the victuals found in such places , shall be seized upon by him , and a proportion set out by him for the present use of the troupes , there quartered , and the rest reserved as part of the generall store and magazine of victuals , and to that end , he himselfe shall go , or send an under officer , or the clarke to attend the lord marshall , or quarter master generall , when he goes to view and appoint him his quarter . he shall keep a list of all the bakers , millers , and butchers in the army , and of all others that are used about the provisions of victuals , that he may set them on work , as the occasion , and the service may require . all ovens , and instruments of mils , for grinding , baking , or for preparing , bestowing , carrying , or for the preserving of victuals and provisions , shall be under his charge , and he shall have authority to use and dispose of them for the publick service . jf any prizes of victuals shall be taken at sea or by land , the commissarie generall of the victuals shall take a note and inventary thereof , and appoint some officer of his to take charge over them . jf any preyes be taken by land , he shall likewise keep an inventary of them , and view them himself , and shall make the devision , as the generall shall direct him , or in his absence ; the marshall of the feild . he shall give out no victuals but by speciall order and warrant from the generall , and from time to time , he shall give up unto him a perfect account of the wast , spoyling , or miscarrying of victuals , either in the armie by sea , or by land . the cariage master his office . he is with asmuch authority to order and marshall all the carriages of the army , as the serjeant majour generall is to marshall the troupes . he shall see the carriages of the munition first placed in the best and safest places , next the carriages and traine of the generall , and the chiefe officers of the field , the next by turnes : but because the incumbrances of carriages may often times disorder the whole troupes , he shall receive his directions from the seriant majour generall of the armie , where his charge shall march , though the particular disposing and ordering of the carriages be left to himself . he shall have three severall men , or officers under him called conductors , to attend upon the severall devisions of the carriages , as sometimes upon the baggage of the avantguard , the battle , and the reere : sometimes upon the carriages of the munition and ordnance ; the generals and chiefe officers carriages , so that in the order of the march , they shall be devided into three bodies , and he shall have some smiths , carpenters , and wheel-wrights attending upon every severall division : his best order in marshalling the carriages , will be to observe the same order , as the sariant maiour doth in marshalling the regiments which by the provost marshall of every regiment , he may give notice to all those that goe along with the carriages . his direction being given , he shall oversee the whole order of march for all the carriages , and shall cause the provosts of the severall regiments to keep the same order . the muster masters office . he having received his orders , he shall make a generall muster of the whole army before it be embarqued , or marches , and keep a perfect list of the number of armes , whereof he shall deliver a true list to the generall , that he may know the strength of the army . he is to make reviewes , as often as the generall , or in his absence , the marshall of the feild shall appoint him , and alter his list , as he sees it alter in strength , and to keep notes of the alteration , betwixt every muster , and of the diminishing of the strength of the troupes , that is to say , when men are slain upon service , and what are dead of sicknesse , and what men are run away , or diseharged by pasport . he shall be obeyed and respected in the execution of his office , no colonell or captain shall refuse to shew him their men , whensoever he shall require them , either from the state or the generall . of the three chiefe officers of a regiment , and first of the seriant majour . the sariant maiour of a regiment ought to be a valliant man , an old souldier , and one that is well experienced in the way of his profession : upon all occasions his place gives him accesse to the generall , to the marshall of the field , and to the sariant majour generall of the army , to know , how and in what manner his colonels regiment is to march , whether in one body alone , or else in two devisions ioyned with others . whereupon he gives order how the regiment is to be marshalled and ordered , in what forme the companies are to draw , and when upon any service they are disbanded , how to really them again , as is required . he receives his orders and commands either immediately from the generall , as is said , or from the marshall , or sarjant maiour generall , whether the regiment be to march in the avantguard , battle or reere , he ought to have some knowledge how the countrie lies , through which the army is to march , whether over a spacious campaignie in battail , or through narrow passages , woods , over rivers , or the like , by drawing out of files , as the ground and passage will afford , as also what order and forme the regiment is to keepe , if they should be charged with horse , have ordnance playing upon them , or being troubled with baggage . jn the presence of his colonel and lieutenant colonel , he is to be an assistant to them in seeing all orders and directions executed and performed , and in the absence of them both , to have the same authority and command , as the colonell or lievetenant colonell shall have . in marching or embattailing he shall keepe as neere the middest of the regiment as he can , either in the front , the reere , or upon either flank , so as he may best overlook and observe the order of their march or embattailling . the regiment being drawn up in devisions , he gives to every captain and officer his place , according to his seignority , and withall commands the drum-majour and the other drumms to beat a march , and to move all at an instant , and sees that the souldiers keeps well their rankes and files , and none to disbandie themselves , or straggle . he is to come every morning and evening to the sarjant maiour generall of the army or to the sarjant majour of that brigade or tercia , to receive the word and orders from him , if there be no extraordinary cause to hinder him , and when he hath received the word from the serjant majour generall , or from the serjant maiour of the tercia , his colonell and lieutenant colonell being present in the quarter , he gives them first the word and the orders , and afterward delivers it over to the sariant of every company of the regiment , drawn in a ring , according to the seignority of their captaines , which are to come and attend upon him for the same . as he doth receive directions for marching , embattailling , viewing of ground , and placing of guards , from the sariant maiour generall , or the sariant maiour of that brigade : so he is to deliver them over to the captaines , and officers of that regiment , and to call upon them to whom it appertaines , to see them duely executed . every night he is to visite all the guardes of that regiment , and to keep duely the turnes of their watches , and marches , ( that one captaine or company may not do more duty then an other ) as also in sending out troupes upon service , to the end that both the honor and the labour may be equally devided . it is also his duty to speak for ammunition , as powder , bullets , and match , and for victuals for the regiment if there should be any want , and to see them equally distributed to the companies , according to the proportion given out , and finally to give order and proportion for the number of workemen , or commanded men of the regiment which are to go to worke . of a lieutenant colonell . the next place above a sariant maiour is a lieutenant colonell , which is an honorable charge , when his colonell is present he is to obey him , in seeing all the commands and directions that are delivered by any publick officer , or such as shall be within the authority of a colonell himself , to be duely executed in the absence of his colonell , having as absolute command and authority over the regiment as the colonell hath himselfe , in marching or embattailling if the regiment consists but of one devision , whensoever the colonell is in the head of his regiment , his place is to bring up the reere of the regiment , but if it consists of two devisions , then the colonell leads the first , and the lieutenant colonell the second , but when his colonell shall be in the reere marching from an enemy , his place is then to be in the head of the regiment . jf the regiment consists of two battaillons his devision is to quarter and lodge on the left hand of his colonels , and himself in the reere of his owne companie . of a colonell . the colonell of a regiment hath a very honorable command , and is called in spanish maestro del campo , that is , one of the masters of the feild , and therefore ought to be a man of authority and respect , having absolute command and authority over the captaines and officers of his regiment , and all such are to respect and obey his commands , as fully as they would do the chiefest commanders , and ought to love and honour him , which his valour , wisedome and discretion will acquire him . also he is to see , that all orders , commands and directions , which are delivered him by the publick officers of the army , for guards , marches , quartering , or any thing else , as for matter of iustice , for ordering of the troupes , and furtherance of the service , be duely executed and performed within his owne troupes : further , if he himselfe do find any mutinie , or any discontented humors tending to mutinie , extreme outrage or disorder , or shall be by any of his captaines , officers or souldiers informed of any such thing , he shall forthwith advertise the lord generall or marshall of the feild : and if he find any other fault , negligence , or swarving from the directions or policy of the army set down , he shall straightway acquaint them by whom such direction came , or was to come unto him , or some other superior officer , and shall produce the party so offending with the witnesses and proofes , that order may be given forthwith , and iustice done : and if he faile to give this information of any thing he knows or heares of , he shall be thought deeply faulty , and if any such things passe without his knowledge , he shall be thought of worse government then befits a man of his place and charge . vpon marches the colonell shall be at the end of his troupes , that is , next to the enemy in the head of his regiment going towards an enemy , and in the reere comming off , and is not to go from thence , except it be for the ordering of his troups , or for some extraordinary occasion , as to attend the generall , or the chiefe officers of the field . he is also to see and command the officers of his regiment , that their men be well armed and duely exercised . a colonell being one of the chiefe officers of the feild , ought to be called to take councell and advice with the generall , especially when any peece of service is to be done , or in the day of battell , which concernes his charge , where he may freely speake his opinion , and give his advice touching matters of weight and importance , and though his opinion may be good , yet if the most voices be of the contrary opinion , and that things in the execution thereof fall out ill and contrary to his owne opinion , he ought neverthelesse to give way and yeeld to the plurality of voices , and wholy obeying his generall be readye to execute all his commands , giving thereby to understand that the contrary opinion held by him in the councell of warre , was neither for want of courage nor affection . a colonell also ought to give all respect , love , and obedience to the generall of the army , the lord marshall , and the sariant maiour generall of the field , as having charge from the generall to give out orders , as also to quarter and appoint alarme places , the place of battle , for marching , choosing of guards , and sending out of convoies . moreover the colonell once every weeke , may call together all his captaines to enquire of all offences hapned in his regiment , and examine duely the nature and quality of such offences , and to prepare the cause for a more short and easie heareing in a marshall court , for all colonels are to repair to a court of warre as often as they shall be warned , as an assistant to the lord marshall , and the president of the councill of warre , for all causes that shall be questioned there , belonging to the iustice of the army . finally in quartering , or lodging , if his regiment consists of two devisions , his quarter is in the devision , that is betweene his two battaillons assigned for his regiment , because he may give best and speedy directions to the whole , this shall be showne more particularly , when we come to draw out the quarter for a colonell and his regiment . of the sarjant majour generall of an armie . the office of a sariant maiour generall of an army is a place and charge of a high degree , whose command is full of action , and therefore he ought to be an able , a wise , a grave and able person experienced in the way of his profession . he is to come to the lord generall or lord marshall for his orders and directions for all watches and guards that are to be placed , and upon the charge of a quarter or a remove he is to march with the lord generall or marshall in the avantguard ( after he hath seen the troupes setled in the order of their march ) and to view well the places appointed him by the generall or marshall for the placing of the guards , upon the very first arrivall of the troupes . having received the word , and his orders from the generall , or the marshall , he gives them to the three sariant maiours of the tercias , called also the three corporals of the feild , and they give both the word and orders to the sariant maiours of every particular regiment . he himselfe in the beginning of the night , after the warning peece is gone off , and that all guards are setled , he is to visit them , and gives order to the three sariant maiours or grand corporals of the field , which attend upon the avantguard , the battell , and the reere , at what time they ( or some chiefe officer of the feild ) shall go the grand round , and if he or they finde any thing amisse , or any thing extraordinary discovered , either when he goeth himselfe , or one of the three sariant maiours of the brigades , or any other chiefe office , they are to give him an account of what they find amisse , and he is to advertize the lord generall or marshall therewith . in a day of battell or any kind of skirmish or fight , he is to receive his directions from the lord generall or marshall , and to see them duely executed . also in a day of battell he hath the ordering and disposing of the devisions and battaillons , according to that forme which the generall shall command him , and upon all occasions must be active and stirring up and downe , to spye out all advantages , which might offend an enemy , and wisely to foresee all disadvantages which might bring the troupes into any disorder or confusion . moreover he is to be the chiefe officer with the quartermaster generall which is to be at the randevous for the disposing of the troupes of horse and foote , as also by giving out orders for the providing them with ammunition and victuals . and being arrived first at the randevous , he is to give the lord generall and the marshall of the feild to understand the state of the army , that the lord generall thereupon may give him command and direction , how & in what manner the army is to be ordered , and afterward gives order to the sarjant maiours of the tercias , and they to the sarjant maiours of every regiment for the providing of ammunition victuals and all things necessary for the ordering of the mareh . hee ought to be well acquainted with those passages and wayes throw which the army is to march , and doth commonly march himselfe in the head of the avantgard , having some light horse and fire-locks to attend him , and to send out some troupes to discover the wayes and passages for the discovery and preventing of ambushments , having the captaine of the pyoniers and his men to waite upon him , and the quartermaster generall , for the making and explaining of wayes for the army , that they may not be surprized on a sudden , and drawing neere unto the place of quartering or encamping , he and the quartermaster generall riding afore , do view and choose out such ground and villages as may bee most commodious for the lodging and quartering of the army . to conclude , he is to have absolute command over the three sariant maiours of the brigades , otherwise called the three grand corporalls of the field , who are to be his assistants and his mouth , as he is the mouth of the lord generall , or the marshall , and therefore hath a vigelant eye over all things , and sees that the generalls commands delivered to him be strictly kept and observed . the office of the three sarjant majours of the tercias otherwise called the three corporals of the field . the states army by order from his highnesse the prince of orange is commonly devided vpon a march into three brigades or tercias . in french he is called le mareschal , or le sarjant majour de battaille , and in english one of the great corporalls of the field . a sariant maiour then of a tercia doth receive his order immediately from the lord generall himselfe , or the lord marshall , but most commonly from the sarjant majour generall aboue mentioned , to wit , in what forme the brigade or tercia is to be ordered , and how many regiments of foot and horse are to march under it , and with what ordnance and baggage . he assignes and shewes them the place , where they are to draw out in battallie , and receives order from the sarjant majour generall whether they are to march in the avantgard , the battell , or the reere , so that in marching every one of these three shall attend upon his brigade , and severall devisions , and in the absence of the sariant maiour generall see that the order of marching and embattalliing be duely kept and observed . and every one of these three sariants maiours de brigade are to be at the command of the colonoll generall or he that leads and commands that brigade or tercia , and is to be sent to the lord generall the lord marshall or sariant maiour generall upon any ocasion which belongs to the present service . these three sariant maiours of the tercias are to be lodged as neere the sariant maiour generall as conveniently may be . and these three which attends upon the avantguard the battell and the reere with the sariant maiour shal make choise of ground for the placeing of guards , and assigne them to the sariant maiours of every regiment , they are to goe the round and to visit the guard commonly every night , and at such an houre as the sariant maiour shall appoint them either by day or night . jf any of these three sariant maiours of the field shall find any want of powder munition or victualls , either in the avantgard , battle , or reere , aswell upon a march , as when the troupes are quartered or during a fight . he is presently to advertize the sariant maiour generall with the said wants , and then by his direction shall goe with an officer of every regiment of that tercia to the generall or lieutenant of the ordnance , or to the commissary generall of the amunition or victuals . to conclude , he having received his orders from the lord generall the marshall or the sariant maiour generall gives them to the sariant maiours of the particular regiments but because the word and the orders are to be sent to quarters farr distant one from another , the sariant maiour of every regiment cannot come conveniently to the sariant maiour generall . therefore the sariant maiour of the brigades are to attend every morning and evening upon the sariant maiour generall , of the army to receive their orders and to carry the word to the severall quarters , whether the sariant maiour of the regiments comes to him , and from him receiue the word and orders . of the generall , or master of the ordnance . he hath the charge of all the artillery , armes , munition , ingiens , materials , and jnstruments of work , yea of all things belonging to the ordnance , as beddings , platformes , carriages , and whatsoever else appertaines to the office of the master of the ordnance . vnder the lord generall he hath absolute command over all officers appertaining to that traine , as the lieutenant of the ordnance , the controuler , the clark , the gentlmen of the ordnance , the master-gunners , armorers , munitions , ingeniers , captaines of pyoniers , and mineurs , over all smiths , carpenters , and wheelewrights , as also over all artificers , and attendants upon the traine of the artillerie , munitions and matterials . the general of the ordnance ( after the places for batteries are chosen and assigned him by the generall of the armie ) he is to obserue , command and direct the makeing of bedds and platformes for the ordnance , he is also to give direction for the makeing of waies and explanadoes , for the bringing up of the ordnance to their batteries and to see that the batteries be made cannon-proofe , and the port-holes so that the ordnance may most annoy an enemy . and after he is once commanded by the generall to begin a battery , he is to give order to his inferiour officers to play and beat with the ordnance upon such and such places till the lord generall , giueth direction to the contrary , and as occasion and ground is gained to advance and remove the ordnance to neerer places . also in a day of battell or fight he is to choose the most advantagious places for the planting of ordnance where they may gaule or offend an enemy most , and to have a vigilent eye , that all things be done in good order . all the artillery and carriages belonging to the traine of his office upon a march o● quarter to be in the safest place of the army , and therefore are to take place before all other carriages unlesse some of the ordnance be drawne to march in the avantguard , battell , or reere , or to some other places : where the necessity of the service may require . he is to make lawes and orders for the well governing of the officers of his traine and all officers appertaning to his charge , with which he is to make the generall acquainted , that he from time to time may know the state of the ordnance , and of all things else belonging thereunto , and to take care that the service of the land be not defrauded . of the commis or clark of the munition and materials . the clarke of the munition , and materials , marches under the traine of the generall of the ordnance , he by order from the generall or sariant maiour generall is to give out all munition , as powder match , and bullets , to the regiments , and captaines according to the list or proportion commanded him by the generall , and as he receives his bullet from the sariant maiour generall , which orders being given out the sariants of every company repaires to his quarter and lodging to receive it , and to give him an acquittance under their hands for the receit thereof . likewise he is to take an account what powder , bullets , and match is shott away and spent in the approaches and trenches , and the colonell which commands there gives him a note how much was spent the night and day during his command there , because he is to give up an account to the states and general how many barrills of powder , bullets , and match was spent in the said approches . more over , for entrenching outworks and approches he is to deliver to the quartermaster of every regiment so many materials , to wit , spades , showels , axes , pickaxhes , hatchits , and bills , as there are workemen commanded out of every regiment and company which are to goe to work , which materials the quartermaster of every regiment is to passe his hand for , and to distribute them to the severall companies , and when the work is ended to deliver them up to him againe or to give him a reconing how many were broken or lost upon service that the commis may render an account to the states . of the lord marshall of the feild . the lord marshall of the feild is in command and authority next unto the lord generall , as is ( as it were ) his lievtenant and mouth , and therefore haveing so eminent a place , he ought to be acquainted with all the duties of the officers of the feild : especially with the generalls office it selfe , because there is such an affinity betwixt them , as having absolute power to command the army in the generalls absence , and may oftimes be employed to command the army himselfe , as commonly the marshals of france doe . his office is also to see that iustice be duely administred , and that the lawes , articles , and ordinances of marshall discipline be strictly kept and observed , that all banishments , and proclamations , comming either from the generall , or the councell of warre , be published , and excecuted , and by his authority , to cause malefactours , and offenders , to be punished for an example of others . and seeing that all he doth is for the generell good of the whole army , he ought to be feared , honoured , and respected of all men , and in no wise contradicted , seeing it is his proper charge to take care that the policie and discipline of the army established by the generall , bee exactly kept and maintained under his authority . all quarrels and duels hapning between officer and officer , souldier , and souldier either of horse or of foote , ought to be brought before him , seeing it is his office to right the wronged , and to punish the offender , or by his wisedome and authority to appease and compose them . the lord marshall also when the avantguard is drawn out , and are ranged in battallie while the battell and the reere are dislodging , he sees and commands that both horse and foot march orderly and in their owne place . and with some choise troupes marcheth before the avantguard , and considers the waies and passages , as valleys , rivers , marras , boggs , mountaines , hills , hedges , woods , hollow and narrow waies , throw which the army is to passe , that he may order the march accordingly as also to send out scouts , guides , spies , to discover and get inteligence from an enemy . he marches also in the head of the armie , sometimes with the sariant maiour generall , the quartermaster generall , and the quartermaster of the regiments , as men experienced to view and make choice of the ground wherein the army is to bee lodged and quartered . he obserues also the order of marching , quartering , and fighting , the three chiefe things belonging to an army , and sees and commands that the march , quartering , and fight , bee conformable to that order , which the generall hath prescribed , and the devisions , and troupes being ranged in battallie , he is full of action , and considers the place and soyle of the ground , the advantages of the sunn , winde , and dust , and how the troupes with the most advantage may be brought to encounter an enemy , takeing care that the order commanded by the generall be not changed , and when the troups are engaged in fight , he sees that they be duely seconded , and relieved , and being overlaid or charged , to cause them to retreat orderly for the avoiding of disorder and confusion , having a watchfull eye upon all casualities which may happen , for what the lord generall ordaines , the lord marshall sees performed and executed , to the end , that both their desires may take one and the same effect . for when commanders undertakes a warre , and fights with councell and iudgment , and sees all things also executed with wisedome , discretion , and valour , giving the succes to god , no man can then be blamed . the lord marshall also ought to be acquainted with the generals designe , and whether he is resolved to fight with an enemie or no . to consider whether he is to charg an enemy in the front , in the reere , or on the flankes , to hinder them from quartering , and to send out convoyes for the cutting off , of his victuals and provisions . he ought to consider likewise how an enemy lies encamped , which way he can come to attempt him , whether he is to march , and whither his dessigne tends , what order he keeps , with what troupes he may hinder or annoy an enemy , or being once ingaged in fight , where and how he may best second and relieve his owne men , either with horse or foot , to place and bring up the devisions of muskettiers , where they may most offend and gaule an enemy , and the bodies of pikes may with the most advantage be brought to give a charge , or a shock . also to understand and get intelligence of what force and strength an enemy is , what baggage , carriages , and incumbrances he hath , and from whence his victuals and provisions are to come , to know whether any more forces are to ioyne with him , and how and in what manner he may break their conjunction . he is also to have in a readinesse , an exact mapp of that country through which the army is to march , and a description of all the waies , rivers and passages , through which the army is to passe , having also by him good guides , which are well acquainted with the severall passages of that country and place . the lord marshall likewise , with the sariant maiour generall , ordaines and appoints all places for watches and guards , either of horse or foote , which they assigne to the three sariant maiours of the tercias , and they to the sariant maiours of the regiments , and the places which they are to maintain and make good , also for alarme-places , and the choice of ground to fight a battell in , for the most safety and defence of the army . in the day of battell he must be stirring and full of action to give orders and directions where need most requires ▪ and to 〈◊〉 both officers and souldiers to acquit themselves like men . vpon a march or the army being encamped , he ought to counsell tradesmen and victuallers , which bring provisions to the army , and gives command that they be not wrongd and abused by the souldiers , but that they may sell their commodities peaceably : likewise he gives order by his authority to the provost marshall generall , and to the particular marshalls of every regiment , that they set reasonable rates and prizes upon victuals and beere for the good of the poore souldier . there are divers other points appertaining to the office of the lord marshal of the field which for brevities sake i omit . the office and charge of the lord generall of an army . a generall hath absolute command over the whole armie , and is to know and understand well the severall duties and charges of every inferiour officer under his command , and ought to be a personage of great experience , wisedome and discretion , and capable to discerne and choose the best of different opinions , which may often fall out in the councils of warre . he ought also to be a personage descended of some noble house and family , which will give a lustre unto his command , and a man of undaunted courage and authority , severe and austere in his commaund , and to be greatly feared , honoured , and respected , a man full of resolution and magnanimity in the day of battell , and constant and resolute in desperate cases , happy in his dessignes and enterprises , but above all religious , fearing and invocating god to be propitious and favourable unto him , to blesse his designes , and to pray unto the lord of hoasts to give him knowledge , understanding and policy to govern his armie well , and that he may keepe it in good order , and under good discipline , whereby it may become not onely capable of vanquishing , but also victorious , which depends alone upon the almighty power of the lord of hoasts , and that neither good nor badd successe should make him change or alter his countenance , but upon the hottest services to give out his orders and directions with temperance and moderation , without impatience , choller , cruelty or emulation against those that are under his command , especially those who have gained honour , and deserved well , which he ought rather to advance and reward , which will make him to be honoured , loved , and respected of all men . a generall also ought to be qualified with these excellent vertues , as wisedome , valour experience , providence , constancy , authority , and liberality , and should well ponder and consider the occasion which might move him or engage him into a fight , or to give battell to an enemy , he ought to be sparing and a good manager of the lives of his men , and not rashly and unadvisedly to hazard his troupes , for he may aswell vanquish by policie , in putting on the lyons skinne , and foreseeing all advantages and disadvantages , as by surprising an enemy unawares , as by laying hold upon an advantage , when their troupes are in disorder , when they are dispersed , when they are dishartened , harryed and wearied out , when they are pinched with hunger , thirst and cold , and such like casualityes which may befall them . also by seeking to divert , amuze and devide their armie , while he keepes his owne in peace , concord , and unity , which is one of the chiefest points of warre . to gaine time and advantagious places , to prevent and hinder an enemy from possessing them , and to seeke by all meanes to breake an enemies dessigne , and with all expedition to put his own into execution , and to premeditate and to overweigh with a thousand things , which depends upon the warre , having a vigilant eye upon all occasions , for the art military hath many difficulties attending upon it , and one is not able to expresse the many hazards , straights and plunges which befals this profession . he ought not lightly to hazard his men either in skirmishes , or in a battell , unlesse he be forced to it , and that upon very good grounds and advantages : for having flesht his men in small occasions , it hartens and embouldens his men , and gives them the more incouragement , and assurance of good successe , for they perceiving the valliant , wise , and able carriage and conduct of their leaders and commanders , especially of their generall , this makes them fight bravely , and gives them hope of victory . a generall also ought to take the grave councell and advice of his chiefes and commanders , and ( as is said to make choice of the best , and yet not to make known his owne resolution , for many a brave attempt and enterprise hath been broken for want of secrecy , and if he should reveale it to some intimate friend : yet to do it as sparingly and reservedly as he can , by which meanes he shall gaine knowledge and experience , and in an instant will be ready to lay hold upon such and such occasions as may execute his resolution . and there by make him capable of prevailing . a generall ought to take care , that his armie be not wearied out , and fatigated overmuch , which breedes sicknesses , & causes the weakning thereof , to see & command that the regiments be well armed , & duely exercised in all the seuerall motions of warre , that iustice be readily executed , to be fauourable to good men , and seuere against euill-doers & offendours . it is also the office of a generall to giue charge , that the armie be provided with victuals , amunitions , and other things belonging to the warre . a generall ought to speake diverse languages , for hauing to doe with sundrie nations vnder his command , being able to speake vnto them in their owne language , this giues a great deale of contentment . moreouer , he ought to be learned , a good mathematician , & well seene in the points of fortification , and to haue excellent inginiers about him , that are carefull in running the lines of approches , for the preseruation of the liues of men . it is requisite also , that he should haue good guides , and spies about him , to get him intelligence of the state of an enemie , & ought to spare no mony that way , for the breaking of an enemies dessigne , and for the aduancing of his owne . a braue generall also considers , that the force of an armie consists not in the multitude of men , but in valliant & well experienced souldiers , & officers , which are well instructed , and trained vp in the vse of their armes , & knovves that victorie consists not in many troupes ; but that an enemies army being stronger then his , as hath often hapned by obseruing of good order , & dicipline choosing of aduantages of vvind , sunne , and ground together with the ready obedience of his men , in executing of his commaunds , & by experience in their profession , they become more bould & confident in fight , so that an old beaten souldier , knowes by heart , what his chiefe & generall will require of him . as a generall should be beloued : so likewise he ought to be feared , & of the two among . cammon souldiers , rather to be feared , for the most part of them , vvil be soner restrayned from doing euill for feare of punishment , then for any loue they beare to their generall . to conclude , he ought to be experienced in the beleegring of tovvnes , & forts , to vievv all places of advantages , & vvhere an enemy may most offend him , to forrifie his campe strongly with lines of circumvalation , forts and vvorkes vpon it , to know the site , and situation of a tovvne , hovv , & in what manner those vvithin are able to defend it vvith men and munition , to cause his inginiers to be very circumspect , and carefull how they run their lines , to sap forward to the vveakest part of the tovvne or fort , which he intends to become master of , vvith diverse other things requisite in a brave generall , vvhich for brevities sake i will omit . now followes in vvhat order an army ought to march in over a campaigne , narrow passages , woods , and rivers . having shovvne the severall offices of the officers of the field , it resteth novv to speak something in what order an armie ought to march . the armie then being come to the rendevous , or being to disencampe from any place , the afternoone or evening before the breakeing vp of it , orders is giuē out , that the souldiers shal be provided vvith munition , & so many dayes victuals , as the generall shall command . but an enemy being neere at hand , vvhen the generall vvill conceale thē breakeing up they dravv into armes silently , without sounding of drum , or trumpet . the generall being attended vpon before his lodging , by the sariant majour generall , the quartermaster generall , the captaine of the pionniers and some other officers . the most part of the armie , being dravvne into armes , the generall gives command to the cheife inginier . quartermaster or some other , to throvv dovvne the trench , fill vp the ditch , and to make such gappes in it , that vvhole devisions , & battaillions may march through them . after the trench is cast dovvne , the generall , or the sariant majour generall from him , gives order that the avantguards shall draw forth , and march a good distance without , and there to stand , & make a halt , till the battell , & the reere be also drawne out , in obseruing a con venient distance betweene them . in the interim the ordinance , carriages , waggons & baggage that belongs to the armie , are likewise drawne out , and put into order . and the guides , scouts , and pyonniers sent out before into the countrie , to discouver and to set out centinels of horse vpon all passages , and heigths , while the armie is a marching forwards . the master of the ordinance being present , commaundeth where the ordinance and the traine of carriages belonging to them shall march . and giveth order to the conductours , & inferiour officers , to march forward , as the nature & propriety of the waies wil permit . and if there be any rough waies , which are to be explained , he ordaines the captaine of the pioniers , and his men to make them plaine & even , likewise all the waggons of amunition , & victuals with the baggage , are put in order by the carriage master & conductours of the traine : but the waggons and carrs belonging to the horse , they are ordered by their officers , to march according to the seignority of everie regiment . how the artillerie , and the carriages are to march . the ordinance marches first with all the carriages , and the pyonniers are alwaies by them , having noe other waggons mingled among them , & so march in their order onely with one waggon before them , laden with spades , shovels , axses , hachets , hand biles , and other instruments to make the wayes , & to explaine the ground & ditches , after which is drawne an instrument , which doth make a rut vpon the waye , to show which vvay the canon is to passe . the lesser lighter pecces of ordinance layd vpon their carriages follovves the said instrument , & aftervvard the great peeces dravvne upon block-vvaggons vvhen there is no danger : but expecting to be encountred by an enemie , they dravv them vpon their carriages for feare of loosing time in mounting them , least an enemie might fall suddenly vpon some part of the armie . next after the ordinance follovves the vvaggons vvith instruments , & tooles for carpenters , and smiths , the vvaggons laden vvith bullets , povvder , and match , and after them vvaggons vvith pikes and muskets , all vvhich being passed ; then follovves the vvaggons belonging to the generall of the ordinance & his inferiour officers . and after them all the vvaggons laden vvith munition for the ordinance , & the armie , the vvaggons laden vvith victuals , provisions , & vvaggons for the sick and hurt , and last of all the baggage , belonging to the officers of the vvhole armie . but vvhen necessitie requires , some feild peeces marches before in the head of the armie vvhen an enemie is expected to fall on , vvith vvhich there marches some vvaggons laden vvith povvder , match , and bullets to be vsed vpon any occasion . all the ordinance , carriages , and baggage being thus ordered , and the armie devided into the vantguard , the battell and the reere : the sariant maiours of the foote regiments , and the commissaries of the horse troupes , having order , shevves vvhich vvay they are to leade the troupes , that they may give noc hindrance one to an other , & the generall , or the sariant maiour generall gives command , that the vantguard shall begin to march , and sends out before it guides & light horsemen , to discouver the passages : yet so , that they ride not so farre afore : but that they keepe alvvaies vvithin sight of the vantguard , that vpon the discouverie of an enemie , they may advertize and givi them vvarnin of it in time the vantguard then ( as is sayd ) hath commonly some small peeces of ordinance marching before it , vvhich likevvise may happen before the battell , & in the reere of all vvith a greater number of horse , and foote , as the necessitie may require : so that the three tercias of the armie , are all of thē provided vvith ordinance , vvhere it is thought most needeful and vvhere it is imagined an enemie may give an attempt , either vpon the front , the reere or vpon either of the flankes : for vvhich one can give noe certaine rule , but must defend themselves in that place , vvhere the occasion presenteth it selfe . when a campagnie , heath , or feild is spacious and large , then one may march in full battaile by divisios , & close by one an other in good order , vvhich an enemy perceiving , it may be he dares not offer battell , othervvise every devision , & battaeillion may march by it selfe vvith more ease and liberty , then vvhen they are ioyned close together : yet so that in case of necessity they may easely be dravvne vp together , as likevvise the ordinance , & baggage dravvne to that place , vvhere they may be safest , and best defended by the troupes , if an enemy should giue an attempt vpon them . the vvaggons ought to be dravvne vp , and ranged into eight , or ten rancks close one to an other , that they may march vvithout hindring one an other , and the ordinance may march vpon one of the flankes of the armie , and some feild peeces before if necessity should require , vvithout hindring , or putting the rest of the vvaggons into disorder , vvhich the master of the ordinance , or the carriage master , ought to consider vvell , and take a speciall care of . the chiefe officer vvhich commaundeth the reereguard , gives order that some troups of light horsemen shall march vvith in sight of the vvhole reere , especially , vvhen they are to passe over a heath , or campagnie : but the countrie having mountaines , hils , & vallies in it , then the horse may be commaunded to march sometimes in the vantguard , & sometimes in the reere of all the armie , and keepe such vvatch , and centinels vpon the highest places , that an enemy may not discouver the strength of the armie as it passeth , or in vvhat order it marches . when the armie is to march throug some narrovv passages , the vantguard is commōly strengthened vvith some foote , or ordinance dravvne vp before it , least an enemie migt surprize it , & marches thē by files , & dravves vp as the conditiō of the place vvill permit . in like manner the reereguard in places of daunger , ought to be strengthned , as also the battell to be ranged into such an order , that the ordinance , & baggage , being placed in the middest , may come best to serve , & relieve the other troups , from vvhence they may send harquebussiers ( as occasion serves ) to attend both vpon the vantguard , and che reere , and as the ground vvill best afford . in case that the vvaies and passages be so narrovv , that the ordinance , carriages , & baggage takes vp so much time , that the vantguard cannot be easely seconded by the reereguard , then there may be appointed some troupes of reserve , vvhich may march along vvith the carriages , & baggage , to be disposed of in such a sort , that they may the better relieve those troupes , vvhich should be overcharged by an enemy . vpon such an occasion , one ought to consider and observe vvell , the nature , & conditiō of that passage , throug vvhich the armie is to march , vvhether there be any vvindings and turnings in it , or other intrieate vvaies , as through vvoods , hils , and vallies , vvhere an enemy may best lay his ambuscadoes : therefore vpon every such turning , or crosse vvay , a troupe of horse , & some foote ought to be placed vpon it , to guard there , till the ordinance , carriages , & baggage be past & out of daunger . how one is to march through a wood . but in passing through a forrest , a great vvood , or a grove , there ought to be placed good store of horse vpon the vvaies that goes into it , & vvhere the armie is to passe , to round & guard it vvel , a svvel on the one side , as on the other . and if there be any plaine or open places in it , the horse are to overspread it , and to dravv there vp in battell for the seeuring of the passage , till the ordinance & baggage be al past , and that the foote , and horse follovv , vvhich are appointed as a reserve to bring vp the reere . the armie then having passed through a vvood , & come againe into a plaine campagnie , or feild , some horse are to guard the vvay that comes out of the vvood , till the horse troupes are dravvn vp in those fields , and are possessed of the heigths thereof . how , and in what manner an armie is to passe over a river . when an armie is to march through a countrie , vvherein there are rivers , & brookes ▪ the states armie carries continually along vvith thē some ten or twelue boates having plancks ▪ sparrs , beames , anckors ▪ & cables laden in them , and vpon those block-waggons that are dravvne with some tē , or twelve couple of horse , vvhich comming to a river , they presently take them dovvne , casts out their anckors ▪ & laies them over the river , as broad as it is , & as many as they have vse of ioyning them together , laying the beames , plancks , sparrs , & boards vpon them , & so in an instant , claps over a bridge , over vvhich the armie ordinance , & carriages may passe vvithout daunger sometimes also for expedition sake they lay over bundles of floate , or slag bridges bound vp in canvass , as also they make a bridge with barrels & hogsheads , in laying sparrs & planckes vpon them , being clasped & fastned hard together : so that foote & horse , and some small feild peeces may march over them . a bridge then ( having good inginiers , carpenters , and vvorkemen ) is presently made over a river , or a brook , for the securing vvhereof , there are certaine peeces of ordnance , dravvne vp , and planted by the river side , to play vpon an ennemie , if they should force the passage over it , and likevvise dravve vp some harquebussiers , lighthorsemen , firelocks , and muskettiers , to give fire vpon an enemie , vvhile the bridg is a making . as soone as the bridg is layd over , some firelocks , halfepikes , & horse marches first over it , to maintaine and make good the other side of the river , till all the armie & carriages be come over , & takes also along vvith them foure or fiue small peeces of ordnance , to scoure the passage , a vvaggon laden vvith povvder , and amunition , and some pionniers to make the vvaies , hedges , & ditches , plaines , & expecting an enemie at hand commonly cast vp a trench , or a vvorke on both sides of the bridge , having some souldiers to guard it , till the armie & al the carriages and baggage be passed ouer it . novv if an enemie should seeke to oppose , & 〈◊〉 your passage over it , the ordinance horse , and firelookes above mentioned , are 〈◊〉 ●●rposely vpon the riversside , to free the passage , and to cleare the coast . having showne the duties of the officers of the feild , touching the infanterie or foote , before j shew the severall forming & makeing of battels . it is necessary that i briefly speak some thing of the officers of the feild , which commaunds the cavallrie or horse troupes , which are these , namely . of the quartermaster generall . the quartermaster generall of the horse , hath the particular quartermasters of every troupe as his assistants to ease him , and to helpe him to discharge his place , either when the troupes are lodged in howses , or formally quartered in the feild , from him they receiue their orders , and billets for their troupes , chaulking the name of their captaines vpon the doores of every howse , where the troupe is to lodge . the further duties required in a quartermaster generall , are described in this second part , in speaking of the quartermaster generall of the foote . of the commissarie generall . the commissarie generalls place ought to be given to a souldier of great experience , who hath bin bred vp in the warres , being a man of valour wisedome & discretion : in a cōmissarie generall is required also vigelencie , dexterity and an ability to compose quarrels , and punish disorders which maye arise betweene officer , & officer , souldier , and souldier , what he cannot doe by faire meanes , he hath power & authority sufficent to punish them . jt is also his dutie to give out orders , to appoint guards vpon avenues and passages , to keepe a list of all guards , convoyes , & other actions , to receiue orders from the generall , or the lord marshall of the feild , to give it first to the generall of the horse , and afterward to the quartermasters of the troupes , that they maye giue them to their captaines and superiour officers : also to range , & embattaille the horse in that forme , and order , which his generall , or lieutenant generall shall finde good , in whose absence he commaundeth the horse . of the lieutenant generall . the charge of a lieutenant generall of the horse is of great authority , & reputation , and therefore he ought to be a man of great experience , valour , and wisedome , carefull , & diligent for the well ordering of the troupes , because he commonly marches , with them , & lodged among them . he must haue knowledge of the waies , & passages through countries , and choose the best waye , least meeting with an ennemie , lying in ambuscado , vpon a march , he maye giue him a blowe . therefore , he must alwaies haue his minde buyssied vpon the motions of his ennemie , discovering from what part they maye annoye him , be it either foote , or horse ; in how many howers they can march vnto him , by what passages they maye assault him , to send out scouts & spies to giue him true intelligence , that he maye be provided for them , against some suddaine attempt . to giue encouragement to officers and souldiers in the day of battell , to carrye themselves brauely , to charge home , and to finde out all advantages , to breake and route their ennemie . he ought not onely to carry himselfe lovingly to the souldiers in hearing them willingly : and assisting them in their necessities , but also to punish offenders seuerely , which will make him to be both feared , loved , and respected . of the generall . the generall of the horse is one of the principall chiefs of an armie , who ought to be a souldier of great experience , and valour , & for the most part a personage discended of a noble familly . yea a man of a high spirit & commaund , for vnder his charge are the sinewes of the principall forces of an armie , from whose magnanimity , valour , & wi●edome procedes many times good successe , when occasions are offred , which are for the most part executed by the horse , especially in the day of battell , who charging in good order vpon an advantage , maye happely rout an ennemie , and get the victorie , wheras contrarie wise , by the disorders of the horse , it maye breed great confusion and losse of men . the generall of the horse ought to take perticular notice , not onely of the captaines and officers , but also of every gentleman and souldier that carries themselves bravely in the face of their ennemie , and to honour and respect them in publick , which will encourage others to do the like , & when occasion presente itselfe , to advance them to military charges . contrariewise to punish delinquents . and such as doe not their endeavour , in doing whereof , he shall be honored , loued , feared , and respected of all men : last of all , by his high commaund , he giues commaund for the due exercising of his troupes , and helps in them their necessities . to conclude , the proportion , or grosse of the states horse , answerable to their foote , consists in eighty troupes of horse namely curassiers , carrabins and harquebusiers , two companies of curassiers and two companies of harquebusiers being ioyned together , according to his highnesse order make a battaillon or a devision : these also being formed & ordered into ten regiments , maye be drawne as the foote are into three brigades or tercias , making the avantgard the battle and the reere , as yow see them ranged in the first figure , by observing their true distances . what a goodly show it is , to see these troupes of horse drawne into three brigades , the generall commanding in the head of the avantgard , the commissarie generall in the battell & the lieutenant generall in the reere , being brauely mounted , well armed with their skarfes , and . trumpetters sounding tantara in honour of their prince , and countrie i leaue it to the report of those , which have seene it . also of what excellent use , & service horse maye be off in the day of battell , for the breaking of foote , as also vpon execution , for the cutting off of convoyes , gayning of passages , and the beating in of an ennemie salying out of a towne beseiged . i will leaue to the testimonie of historie , and here wil i shutt vp this second part . finis . first . of the ordering and forming of a devision , or a battalion , and then the forme of an army of thirty thousand horse , and foote raunged in battell . the ordering of a regiment , according to his highnesse the prince of orange his cōmād , hath bin showne already in the first part of this book , namely , that cōpanies being made into even files , & ten deepe , foure or fiue comapnies , ioyned together make a division , to wit , the pikes are drawne first into one bodie , and then the muskettiers into an other , standing in their true distance of three foote in file & ranke , and foote distance betweene the pikes & the muskettiers , this is the first order . the second is , whē the muskettiers are equally devided , as neere as may be , and drawne vp on the right , and left flankes of the pikes , there to giue fire by rankes , or to march away , as these two first figures marked with number and doe shew . now the fittest number of men to make a devision of , is accounted to be . pikes , & musketteires , that is , files of pikes , and files of musketteires , or more , or lesse of the one or of the other , as they fall out . this number being so embattailed makes an agile bodie , & the best to be brought to fight , and two of them being ioyned neere one an other , can best second , and releiue each other , better thē your great phalanges , which are unweeldy bodies , the experience whereof was seene in the battell of nieuport : for being once broken , & routed , they can hardly be reallyed againe , and cannot bring so many men to fight , as the lesser bodies doe . many of these devisions being drawne together make a tercia , or one of the third parts of an armie , and three of them the whole . for all the officers and souldiers of an army , are devided into three parts called brigadoes , or tercias , each of them having a severall name , to witt , the vantguard , the battell , & the reereguard . now that tercia , which is to march first , is called the vantguard , that which marches in the midst the battaille , and that which comes vp last the reere . everie one of them vpon a march every day takeing their turnes interchangeably : for the second day of the march , the battaile becomes the vantguard , and the reere the second day hath the battaile , and the third day the tercia which had the reere the first day is the vantguard . moreover , each tercia may likewise be subdivided into a vantguard a battaille & a reere , to the end each of them with the more convenience may be orderly brought to fight , and by that cheife which commaunds them . therefore , the battaill one of the tercias of the army , being placed in the midst , that of the vantguard , may be drawne on the right , and the reere on the left flanke of the battaille . now the number of the devisions , which each of these tercias haue , are ordered , and devided after this manner , two devisions before , two in the midst , and two behind , standing aboue , as you may see in some of the figures of the battells following , having six or devisions placed in everie tercia . the seventh being vneven , is placed as a reserve behind the reere , to second the others in time of neede . the first devisions of the tercias standing in a right line , are to give the first charge , according to the order of their march . the second devisions standing likewise in a right line , makes likewise the second troupes and the third part of the battaile . now these devisions are also ordered and ioyned , that if the first should be overcharged and come to give ground then the second are to come vp , and to releiue the first , yet in such a distance , as they may not hinder one an other in marching by them , but finde place to come vp betwixt the first . the third devisions are to be placed directly behind the second , in a distance twise as as the second is from the first , that if it should happen ▪ that the first division should stand behind the second , that then the third might have roome enough , to put it self into good order . the horse troupes are commonly ordered , the one halfe on the right , the other halfe on the left flanke of the divisions , and battaillons of foote , as the first figure of an armie demonstrates . and sometimes there may be battaillions of horse interlaced , and placed betwixt the intervals , and distances of the foote , as the ground and necessity may require . for , if an enemies horse should be ranged betweene his battaillions of foote , it is needefull then , that the other side should observe the fame forme likewise , and have horse to encounter horse , least they should breake in vpon the foote divisions , & so by this meanes they may with the more convenience second , and relieve one an other , otherwise the foote being overlayd with an enemies horse , having not horse at hand , to charge and second them , might be easely routed and overthrowne , and though and enemie have not placed horse betweene their battaillions of foote , yet it may easely be done , according to the discretion , and foresight of the generall . all which shal be clearly demonstrated to the eye by figure first in beginning with an army of six thousand horse , & , thowsand foote embattailed into three tercias , with their severall divisions , and afterward i will show the grounds and platformes of the battaile of nieuport in flanders , fought ( anno ) betweene prince maurice of famous memorie , & albert arch duke of austria , and then proceede on to represent vnto you the formes of battailes shown by the prince of orange abouesaid , & his highnesse brother the prince of orange that now is till anno , which may give some satisfaction to those , which are desirous to follow the profession of a souldier . the demonstration of the figures following , marked with great a. and b. the two first figures , marked with the figure and are two divisions of files of pikes a peece , and ten rankes deepe , ranged in battaille . the second two figures noted . and . are two divisions of muskettiers , consisting also of files a peece , and rankes deepe as abovesaid . now if you are desirous to alter this forme , and divide your muskettiers into two parts , then you may draw vp files on the right flanke , and files on the left flanke of the pikes , and giving them their true in tervals and distances for the muskettiers to fall away , then there are two divisions made of a regiment , and they stand as is shewed vnderneath , marked with the figure . the figure b represents the forme of an armie embattailed , consisting of regiments of foote , each regiment making two divisions of men , and divisions of horse , curassiers , and harquebusiers , each division consisting of horse , makeing six thousand horse in all ranged into three tercias , with the true number of feete , and distances betweene them , as the figures showes . note also , where the gentle reader sees a p marked within the division , that signifies pikes , and the division underneath are muskettiers marked with the letter m. to conclude , the horse are noted in french with c for cavallerie , and in english with h for horse . the figures that are coloured are distinguished thus . the pikes with a yellow , the muskettiers with a green , and the horse with a red colour . the order and forme of qvartering and encamping of an army . havings howne the figures of generall formes , and orders of embattailling , ranged in the wat 's of the vnited provinces , vnder the command of his excellency maurice prince of orange of famous memorie , and his highnesse frederick henrie prince of orange , our captaine generall that nowis : i will proceede on and shew how , and in what manner an armie ought to be encamped , with the sevetall divisions of their quarters , beginning fitst with a company of foote , and horse , then with a regiment , and afterward an armie entrenched , and last of all come to handle approches , and all things depending therevpon , for the beseiging and takeing in of a towne or fortresse : which for the most part , i have translated out of mr. adam fritach , an excellent mathematician , in his booke printed . anno . the first chapter . of three sorts of campes or leagers . there are three kindes of campes , the first is called in latine castra temporaura , that is , a campe which staies not long in a place , but removes and changes euery day : the second castra strataria a settled campe , which environeth a towne , or a fortresse with intent to take it in , and the third is called castra sustentoria , a campe lying vpon a passage , or river to stop and hinder the incursions of an enemie from getting into a countrie . the campe which dislodgeth euery moment is called castra temporanea . this campe is also called a flying leager , hiving no certaine place of abode , but at every motion , is continually to attend an enemie vpon every remove , and this armie is to encampe , when the enemies armie encampeth , and therefore is called a flying campe , because it is to hinder the enemies progresse . a campe having a trench cast vp about it , or beset with turne pikes and palissadoes . now for a campe , which is ready to remove vpon an instant , we vnderstand that , which takes vp a quarter onely for one night , which forme requires a great deale of wisedome , and circumspection , especially when it is to march , or quarter not farre from an enemies countrie . therefore , it is very necessarie , that the generall sends out before , a good number of horse , to view , and informe themselves of the nature , and condition of that place , where the armie is to quarter that night , for the accommodation where of , they ought to chuse , as neere as possibly may be , a place situated in a plaine feld , to which the armie being come ( and that in good time by day , the quarters shall be made neere vnto the a dioyning villages ) if there be any and the horse lodged about them , in places of danger most suspected . a campe may be encompassed with a trench foot high , and foote broad for their more safety against an enemie , which otherwise might give an attempt vpon some part of the armie . the moorish grounds , where is enemie is not feared , that may be beset with turne pikes , or with palissadoes , which may be taken vp againe , when the campe removes . after the thenches are in defēce , the souldiers begins to make their huts of forks , lathes , withes and straw , or for a night onely with sticks and boughes , or such things as they can get , the carriages and waggons laden with amunition , materials , and victuals are to be lodged in the middest of the campe , with a small trench cast vp round about them ; but some peeces of ordinance are to be planted vpon those avenues and passages , where an enemie may best give on vpon the campe when the watches , and the centinels are disposed of , the rest of the armie goes to take their rest , the next morning at the breake of the day and at drummes beating the armie dislodges , and every one makes ready for to march away , while the trench is a casting downe , lest an enemy , which followes the armie might lodge in the same quarter . but if the armie is not to march through an enemies countrie , and that one is assured they cannot come neere vnto the campe so soone it is not necessarie to environ the campe with trenches , but the souldiers are either quatered in houses ▪ or feilds next adioyning to them , in disposing of guards , and centinels in every place needfull , and this order of march observed everie day , till the armie is come vnto that place , which is resolved to be beseiged ; where then a formall , and a setled quarter called castra strataria is made . castra strataria and the proprieties thereof . the propriety of this campe may be observed well out of the instructions of veget in the chapter of his fust booke , as also in the castrametation of hygnius gromaticus , according to these observations following . first , that the quarter be made in safe place , that is , where there are no hils and heights , which may commaund and serve as an advantage to an enemie , when he resolves to relieve the towne , or fort beseiged , or to assault the campe ; for being lodged and fortifying himself vpon them , he may easilie overlooke the campe , and then it is subiect to be played vpon by an enemies ordinance . that it be made ( if it be possible ) neere vnto some brooke or river , which may commodiously serve , aswell , for the watering of horse , and cattell , as also for the souldiers , and by which , with shipping , or boats one may bring vp munition with provisions , and victuals to the campe , by the helpe of a running river , or the winde for the saving of excessive charges , when one is driven to bring them vp to the armie by convoyes , and waggons , which oftentimes causeth a dearth in the armie : for commonly victulars , and sutlars raises the price of their victuals , and commodities , according to the lengh of the way , if they be constrayned to bring them vp by waggon hire . besides , it is a great advantage for a quarter , to lie by a river side , because sometimes the water may be carryed round about the campe , which will make it stronger , then if it were lodged in a plaine feild , and fortifyed with some small forts , and redoubts ; so that all that charge is saved in makeing of workes , if the campe may commodiously be enclosed about with water . i say nothing of the great stinke , caused by dead horse , and beasts , as also by butchers and their shambles , which like wise is avoyded by the helpe of water , neither are men so subiect to sicknesse , and pestilence , which takes away many times a greater number of people , and weakens an armie more , then if it were assaulted by an enemie . for , the prevention of which inconvenience , the carrions , panchescand garbidges of beasts are cast into it , and carryed away with the streame , and the butchers quartered in the most remote parr of the campe . one must also have a speciall care , that there bee no thick-bussches , and woods about it , where an enemie may lie in ambuscado , or fortifie themselves without any hindrance , which would keepe a campe in continuall feare , of being assaulted by an enemie out of a wood . to make choise then of the sittest places , to encampe and quarter in , those are held the most commodious , which are situated in a plaine feild , seing an enemie may be discovered a far of , having then time to draw into armes , to oppose them , and that the canon may play vpon them , in case an enemie would attempt to assault the campe by force . as many sicknesses are engendred by stanch , end the putrifaction of the aire : so likewise many are caused by moorish grounds , marras , and bogs , in regard of the damps , and fogs , which riseth out of the waters , as also poysonable vapours , arising out of marshie grounds , where vpon the souldiers hutts are built . therefore one ought to be well informed , before a quarter or a campe be made for an armie , whether those grounds bee covered or overflowhe with water , which may often happen in autume , or winter , which were a great annoyance , and hurt to the campe , if it were driven to stay there all winter , and that one knew not the condition of the place . againe , it may serve for some vse to helpe the beseiged , or those which come to relieve the towne , when they may turne the water by some places into the campe , or can cut some dikes or seabanques , or keepe vp the water by banks , and sluces , to make it overflow the campagnie , which will bring a greater dammago to the campe , then fire would doe , therefore one ought to consider , and ponder well all these things , and to thinke vpon some remedie to prevent these inconveniences . one ought also to make choise of such a place , which yeelds good store of gràsse , and hay for cattell , and straw for the accōmodation of the souldiers ; because the want of fourrage for horse , will constraine them to fetch it farre by convoyes , which is dangerous for the souldiers , when an enemie lies vpon the snap for them , and their horses in those places , where they are driven to fetch their fourrage , which one is forced to doe with great convoyes , and excessive expenses . also there must be care taken , that there bee no want of wood for fyring , and building of souldiers buts , as also straw serving for the same vse . a campe ought not to quartered too neere the towne beseiged , lest the enemie may reach it , and doe great annoyance to it with his canon , neither ought it to be quartered too farre of , but that one quarter may with expedition relieve one another , as also those which worke in the approches , if the beseiged should sallie out vpon them , therefore the furthest , and the nearest distance for the better safety of the campe , is to lie without canon shot . the circumference , measure , greatnesse , and largnesse of a campe , ought to be answerable to the greatnesse or littlenesse , of it : for one must not take a place too little for a great armie , neither a place too great for a small armie : for the one will not be able to defend the campe , because of the smalnesse of it , and the other not able , and sufficient to defend a great place . finally , it is a point of great consequence for a campe , to have all the avenues , and passages that comes to it well guarded , so that an enemie cannot lodge neare it , to hinder the provisions and victuals which comes to it , for want where of many times an armie is forced to rise . a campe then being endowed with all these proprieties , no question but it is well settled . but seing that such places are seldome found , which answers to all these proprieties described above , one must accommodate themselves , according to the propriety of the place , and repaire that by art , which is wanting by nature . if there being any hils , or heigths in it , you must quarter , and lodge vpon them , when the nature of the place will afford it , or if there be any other commodious place neere vnto the quarter , it ought to be taken in , and environned with a trench , and a redoubt made in it , and ordinance planted vpon it . but this height being situated vpon a passage , or place of importance ▪ a fort is made vpon it in taking away , as much as possible may be all advantage from an enemie . the seige of the bosch may give vs an exsample herein , where was a height situated vpon the way , as you go to vliemen , and towards the longstrate , vpon the top of which hill , a fouresquare fort was made with foure demy-bulwarkes , and besides a crowne-worke before it , and before that as a surplus , there was made a horne-worke , all which workes were neverthelesse environned with the line of circumvalation , which encompassed the whole armie : for the enemie could hardly assault the campe on this side , because the hill lay so , that it commanded all the grounds about it . when there is no river , then all necessaries , and provisions must be brought to the campe by waggons , wherevpon care must be taken , that the waggonmen and sutlars set not too high a price vpon their provisions , and victuals , which might cause a dearth and scarcity in the army . for the avoyding of stincks and noisome smels , the dead carions of horses , and other beasts ought to be carryed and buryed farre off without the camp and quarters , to which order also the butchers are subiect , for the carrying away of the panches , and entrailes of the cattell which they kill , and to bury them in pits without the campe . the woods , thickers , and groves , which stand not farre from the campe , ought to be taken in within the trench , when it may conveniently be done with asmall charge , which wood and timber may serve for firing , and other good vses . but when they lie too farre of , and cannot have all within the compasse of the line of circumvalation , which may be dammageable to the campe , then they are cut downe , and burnt , lest an enemie might lay any ambuscadoes in them . also , having a water , or a river , which may be stopped by the beseiged : so that in time , it might overflow the campe , one ought to take a singular care by hindring it , and casting vp of some bank to stop , and carry it about the campe , to discharge it self elswhere , wich necessity , and experience will teach one . all these things then being maturely considered , and overweighed , after one is well informed of the nature , and condition of the soile , lying about the towne , or fortresse , which is to be beseiged , and being come within two or three durch miles of that place , the quartermaster generall before the armie rides out with some , , or a greater number of horse , as necessity may require , to view the towne , or fortresse to be beseiged and considers well the soile and grounds that lies about it , and draws a draught and platforme of them , that he may the better distribute , and give out the severall quarters . all quarters are not alike over all , and of one and the same forme , but one must accommodate himself many times , according to the site of the place ; for sometimes one must content himself with one quarter alone , and otherwhiles the campe may be devided into two , three , foure , or many quarters . the forme is also diverse , seing one must governe themselves according to the situasion of the place , the largnesse must be answerable to the number of the regiments , which are to be quartered , and which shal be handled in the next chapter . the second chapter . oe the devision of hvts for officiers , souldiers , and sutlers . together , with the true measure and distances of them , according to his highnesse the prince of orange his new order for a regiment , and for the quartering of the captaines in the reere , for the preventing of fire , and disorders , before wee come to the division of the ground , appointed for the quartering of a regiment of foote , it will be necessarie to discribe first , how much ground , commonly a companie of , or of a and of heades must haue , which may serue then as a generall rule in the distribution of the quartering of severall regiments , containing diverse colours , and companies vnder them . first for a colours of foote , there is ordayned three hundred foote deepe . but the bredth must be according to the number of the heades in a company , which are some more some lesse : for a company of , or heads must take vp foote inbredth , that is , two rowes of huts , and a street betwixt them , a companie of must haue foote in bredth , to wit , three rowes of huts and two streetes , and a collonels companie of heades , requires foote in breedth , that is foure rowes of huts , and three streetes , besides the back streetes , which are betweene companie and campany . as for example , the quartermaster hath giuen him a paralellogramma of ground , which is foote deepe , and foote broade for a companie of heades , which he devides thus , from the lieutenants and ensignes huts downeward to the sariants huts in the reere , of the sariants hutt , and the boughs of the captaines hutt : next the captaine hath allowed him foote in depth and some foote btoad ( because a passage for the souldiers must not be stopt vp ) for him to build in , then betweene the reere of the captaines , and the sutlars hutts , there is a large streete of foote made for the passage of men and waggons , and for feare of fyre . and last of all , there is foote allowed for the depth of the sutlars huts , to wit , ten foote for the forepart of his hutt for eating and drinking in , and foote for his kitchin , and this is the distribution for a companie , which must take vp ( according to the princes new order ) three hundred foote in depth . the bredth of a quarter , is according to the number of the heades of a company . in the depth of foote for the two rowes of huts aboue menrioned , there may be made in each row , twentie or two and twentie hutts with a distance of two or three foote betweene every cabin , for the avoyding eues-droppings and a little trench to receiue the water made betwixt thim . the doores of the lieutenants , and ensignes cabbins commonly opens towards the front , and the armes , and the alarme place , but the sariants towardes the reere . the souldiers doores open opposite one to an other , that vpon any occasion they may presently draw out into armes , all which parts shal be discribed in the figure for a regiment ( of ten companies ) following . his highnesse the prince of orange his new order , and forme for quartering of a regiment of ten companies of foote , to wit , the colonels being , the lieutenant colonels , and the captaines heads . the demonstration . a is the colonels hall , gallerie , and pavillion . b are two hutts for his servants , c the kitchin . d two hutts for the butlar , a cellar and a pantrie . e the stable . f a place for his waggons . g the captaines hutte . h the quartermasters . i the preachers hutt . k the chirurgians hut . l the lieutenants hutts . m the ensignes hutts . n the crutch for the musketts . p the crutch for the pikes . q the alarme placc , which is foot between the head of the quarter and the trench . r the provost-marshals hutt and prison . s the sariants huts . t the backstreetes betweene each companie . v is foote between the front and the furthest side of the pikes . the bredth of the whole quarter for these companies , is foote . the coronells division , foote . the forme of qvartering of a regiment of horse , consisting of five troupes , according to the prince of orange his new order , the captaines being quartered in the reere . the third chapter . for everie cornet of horse , there is ordayned ( as the foote are ) a depth of foote , the bredth is not alwais a like , but must be given according to the greatnesse , and smalnesse of the number of heads , serving vnder the said cornet . a cornet then containinge hundred horsemen , must have a place of foot deep , and foote broad , wherein they are to lodge , and content themselves . the captaines hutt of the troupe , with his boughes is foote broad , and foote deep , being a part of the foot abovesaid . betweene the reere of the rowes of the horsemens huts , and the captaines , there is a street of foote , and the two rowes of the horsemens huts ( as the foot is ) is foot deepe , to wit , from the lieutenants , and cornets , huts in the front , to the quartermasters and corporels in the reere , wich makes in all two hundred foote deepe , and foote broad , the room for the huts in each row is ten foote , after which there is a small streete of foote , in which the huts have their doores , and commings out . for the horse there is a space left of ten foote broad , seing that the cornet consists of no more then of horse , so that there are placed horse in one row , and in another , and every horse is allowed foote in bredth , and foote in depth , which is the space also appointed for his master . betweene the captaines hut , and the sutlars , there is also a streete of foote for the same reason , as wee have discribed in the quartering of foote , after which there is a place for the sutlars huts , which is answerable to the breadth of the cornet foot , and for the depth of his fore hutt foote , and for his kitchin foote more allowed him , so that the true dimension for the quartering of a troupe of horse , is foote deep , and foote broad . but a greater cernet consisting of heads , ( or it may be ) then they have given them a row of huts more , so that they must have in al three rowes , of which the last standing alone , is separated from the second by a streete of foot , which reacheth from the hutts of the second row , and the horse are set behind this new row , after which ( as before ) there is a depth of foote for a horse , and a small streete of foote , and for the huts of the horsemen likewise foot , whence followeth , that the breadth for a cornet of horse of heads takes vp foote , for the two rowes takeing vp foot , if you adde therevnto the two streets , the one of , and the other of foote , with the distance left , for the horse , and the horsemen , makeing foot , it is in all foote , vpon shall then have the breadth of foot for a cornet of heads , and the depth of foot as before . note that every horse hath his head standing towards his masters hut , that vpon any occasion his master may goe directly to his horse , without going about his hut . the space being deepe enough for the huts , they neede not build them closse one to another , but leave a little distance of a foote and a halfe , or two foote at the most betweene the hutts : but betweene every fifth and sixth hutt , there is an open space left of some or foote , for the horsemen to draw out of , if necessity should require . the hutts which the horsemen build , are built in the same manner as the foote are , saving that they take vp more roome , for the depth of the hutts for the foote , is but foote , and the horsemen must haue ten . the two first hutts in the head of the quarter is appointed for the lieutenants , & the cornets , and the two last in the reere are ordayned for the quartermasters , and the corporals . before the horse , ( between the hutts and the streets ) there are mangers made for the horse with boords , or plancks fastned and nailed together , which stand vpon posts driven into the ground , and have s●iles covered over them , from the one side to the other , and because many horse are of such a nature and condition , that they will not stand together , there are posts tyed between them , that they may not strike , and hurt one another . now if there be any likelihood , that it may prove a settled camp , or leager , then they may also build huts for their horse , to keep them from cold and sun . th●se huts are covered with straw , as the horsemens are , but are open before and behinde , ( because every horseman may have an eye to his horse ) so that they are but onely covered over head on both sides , which coverings are also made oftentimes with such sayles , as tents are commonly made of . but the horse being come to such a place , are commonly lodged and quartered first in villages , houses , and barnes , if there be any thereabouts , at leastwise till they have built them huts for themselves , and their horse . but finding no houses , stables , and barnes , or such like accommodations for them , then they will be constrained to let their horses stand uncovered , till they have built their owne cabins , which being done , then they may make their horses . the ichnographie of a quarter for a whole regiment of horse , harquebusiers and curassiers , consisting of five cornets , each of a hundred heads , shall be demonstrated in the figure following . the demonstration . adrs , is the colonels , sarjant majours , and captaines huts , being foot broad , and foot deepe . li , and cor , are the lieutenants and cornets huts in the front of the quarter . qu , and c , are the quartermasters , and corporals huts in the reere of the two rowes . r a , c g , a street of foot , between the quartermasters , corporals , and captaines huts . a b , and g i , is the depth of foote , for two rowes of huts , from the lieutenants , and cornets huts in the front , to the quartermasters and corporals in the reere . a k , b c , p g , and h i , is the breadth of ten foote for the two rowes of huts . k b , c d , o p , q h , is the streets between the huts , and the stables for the horse , being foote . m n , e f , is the great street of foot , for the whole troupe to draw out in . from b to t , is a large street of foot , for feare of fire , between the reere of the captaines hat , and the front of the suttlers . c n , is the suttlers huts , that is , foot for the forepart , and foot for the afterpart for their kitchins . note , that a colonell of horse is allowed no more ground , then a captaine of a troup is , onely this preheminencie he hath , to be quartered in the midst , and if his troupe bee stronger , then a private captaine is , then ( as is abovesaid ) he is allowed him more ground , and another row of hutts , and thus much for the quartering of a regiment of horse . of particular quarters . besides , the quarters aboue mentioned , there are also particular quarters in a campe , which ought to come into consideration , to wit , the generals , the generall of the ordinance , the quarter for the canon , carriages , and waggons , as also some other quarters , which shall be discribed as falloweth . the generall hath a square place of ground giuen him , which as a regiment is foote deepe , and foote broade , and his tents and pivillions sett vp , and disposed of as the generall , and his tent-master shall thinke fitting . also there is given to the generall of the ordinance , a depth of foote , and a bredth of foote for him , and his traine of ordinance , officers , and handie crafts men to quarter in , hauing a little trench cast round about it . in which ground also , is built a foure square redoubt with haire cloth ouer it , to laye in powder , and fireworkes , for feare of fyring , and to keepe them from wetnesse , and rayne seing they are not so combustible and will not take fire so soone , as straw , or sailes will . there is also a place ordayned of foote in bredth , and depth for some chiefe officers of the feild , which are not lodged within the regiments . the waggons also have a certaine place given them , that they may give noe hindrance to the campe . the depth is also commonly foote , but the bredth must be answerable to the nomber of waggons . the market place , where marchands , victulars , tradsmen , butchers , and bakers are lodged have a depth also of foote given them , and is some foote broad , in the midst whereof there is an open place left for the market place , and the sides are divided into rowes of hutts and streetes . they make ordinarily eight rowes of hutts , whereof foure are sett upon the one , and foure vpon the other side , every hutt being ten foote broade , and betweene every two rowes of hutts , there is a streete left some foote broade . the first two rowes of hutts next to the market plaee , are appointed for mercers wollen and linnen drapers , and some other choise wares . the tavernes , and ordinaries takes up the second , the third are for handicrafts men , and fourth for butchers , and bakers . there is likewise a vacant place left for the lodging of voluntiers and strangers , which hath noe certaine measure , but must fall out , sometimes more and sometimes lesse as occasion serves , and this is the description of a quarter , or campe , both in generall and particular , as neere as may . the ichnographie of a campe . the fovrth chapter . the quartermaster generall makes first a scale , which will serue for a sheete of paper , fitting it according to the proportion , as the said paper will beare , either greater or lesser , and then makes a draught vpon it . according to the measure of his scale , he drawes out vpon this , some parallell lines of foote deepe , which shewes the depth of every quarter , with some other parallell lines of some , , or foote , as the ground will afford , and the divisions betweene regiment and regiment . afterwards he marketh upon a paper , euery one of the said quarters , and regiments a part , according to the proportion of the same scale , as one hath drawne the lines aboue said , and then cut it of so that they haue all one depth of foote , and the bredth according to the list of the number of the companies of every regiment , and how many foote every regiment and quarter will take up . it were better to take a peece of past board paper & then make & cut out also vpon the said paper , the depth the bredth , and the name of the regiment the colonell and person to whome the quarter belongs ; doing the like in all the other quarters . these littles papers being so cut and ordered , one may put and lay them again upon the paper with the parallell lines abouesaid , euen till they he laid according to your desire , and let them be as they are fitted . one must nevertheless have a care , that the generals quarters be in the middest , and that there bee a convenient space without his quarter , aswell before , as on both sides , as the figure following will showe marked with the letter a , where the generall is lodged in the midst of the campe , and the bredth of his quarter , according to this scale is foote , and the depth as is said . the quarters are separated one from an other by streetes , and divisions some lesse some more , as the ground will give it , as somewils , otherwhils , , or foote betweene quarter and quarter , as you may see in the figure following . finally the quartermaster generall takes first the bredth and depth of the whole quarter , and campe , and draws it out ( as io taught ) upon a paper . the bredth here takes up foote and the depth . the draught of the campe being drawne upon a paper , and the whole quarter designed , it will be easie then to lay them out in the field . how one must marke and lay out the quarters in a field . to this end , the quartermaster generall hath a chaine divided into rhyn-landish foote & rodds at foot the rodd , & an instrument vsed in fortification , or at least a wodden crosse with foure right angles , and a good number of beackons with banroles vpon them , called quarter beackons , whereof the statues are painted , and are some nine , or ten foote long , and sets vp one of these angles of every quarter ▪ being come into the field , in which he is resolued to encampe the army , first he layes out the circuit of the generall quarter , with foure exteriour lines in such sort , that every corner of the quartes makes a right angle . after one hath measured out the foure lines abouesaid , he sets vp foure quarter beacons , and then begins to lay out every quarter a part , according to the proportion , which he hath marked in this paper : but to the end one may not err , he puts upon the little cut paper the number of every quarter , with which also the beacons are marked , by which meanes the same quarter is bounded in the field , and the number is painted , or cut upon the beacons . it will not be amisse , to have alwayes foure of them of one number , which may easely be known by the beacons , in case they were all of one coulour . all which is demonstrated in the figure of a campe where the beacons are set up , and noted with the figures , , , & . the duty of a quartermaster of a regiment . after all this is done , and every particular quarter drawne out in the feild , euery quartermaster distributes the ground to the companies of his regiment , according to the iehnographie of the figure of companies showne before for a regiment ; in laying out of his quarter , he vseth a line of foote long and every eight foote is marked for the depth , and bredth of the huts and streets , sticking downe into the ground at euery eighth foote a bough , or stick , aswell in the front as in the reere of the quarter , giving also to the colonell his ground in the midst of his regiment . but first the quattermasters ptikes out the ground before and behinde for the captaines , & gives there the bredth of the streete between the sarjants in the reere of the souldiers huts , and their owne as likewise the depth , betweene the captaines boughs the sutlars huts , marking out first the foure angles of his quarter , by setting into the ground his quarter staues and flaggs of his colonels colours . the duty of a sarjant . the quarter being so laid out , then the sarjant of euery companie kilspits it , and divides and makes the partition of the huts to the gentlemen and souldiers , which they prick out by line and small boughs , or sticks stock into the ground , and so divides the rowes of huts and the streets among them , euery hut having some or foote in bredth , and for vniformity sake foote deepe , and thus the ground for a whole regiment of what number so ever the companies be , is marked and drawne out in a feild , as the figure of a regiment for companies before mentioned demonstrates . the other quarters to wit , for horse , officiers , ordinance , and carriages are marked by number and letter in the campe following . the alarme place . there is left round about the circuit of the whole quarter , a parallell on all sides some , or foote betweene the front of the quarter and the trench , called an alarme place , for the souldiers to draw out into armes , into parade , or when any alarme or commotion happens , the campe or quarter being environned with a trench , and a parapet of six foote high , six foote deepe and three foote in the bottome , and the ditch foote broade . the souldiers of euery companie are commonly commanded to make this trench , parapet , and ditch before their quarter , or where it may fall on t , because it serues for their own defence , which the souldiers are to doe , for their owne safty , without giuing them any mony for it . there is assigned by the quartermasters to euery regiment , how much ground they must cast vp , according to the commission and strength of euery company , which proportionally is equally divided among the companies , that one companie do no more work then an other . in doing of which , the captaine and officers of a companie are to ouersee it , that the trench be done well and with expedition . now the whole circūference of the quarter , being measured out by line , and kilspitted , there is a generall calculation made , how many regiments there are in the campe , and how many companies each regiment hath , that one may know how many hundred companies there are in the army . and then by the rule of ( knowing the line and circumference ) and the number of companies , say , the number of all the regiments , and compagnies which are to make upe the line of circumvallation , amounts to so many feete , or rodes , how much ground then must a regiment of ten companies haue that containes so many men . this calculation being made , the companies of euery regiment draw out so many men , after the quartermaster hath furnished them with materials , which is quickly done , seing the men are relieved , and many hands ( as the proverbe is ) makes light worke , and will make hast , that they may haue time to build their own huts and cabins to keepe them vnder covert . the quarters being thus fortified , and the line of circumvallation made a double ditch for horses and strong redoubts , horne-works , crowne-works , batteries , half-moones and spurs upon the commanding places of most danger ( as yout shall see in the ichnographies of the lines of circumvallation before the siege of the bosch , mastrick and breda which shall be shown ( god willing ) in my third part of this booke , all these things then being done , after the demonstration of this campe , we come next to handle approches . the demonstration of the severall quarters in this campe . a is his excellenties quarter , which is foote in depth and in bredth . b is the lords the states quarter being foote in depth and in bredth . c the generall of the ordinance and magazin foote in depth and in bredth . d the quarter of the carriages and waggons . e the quarter for marchants , tradsman and victulars . f mons. chastillon quarter being companies making rowes of huts deepe and foote broade . g mons. bythunes being comp. making rowes foote deepe and in bredth . h the freeses being comp. making rowes foote deepe and foote broad . i sir horace veres regiment being english comp. making rowes foote deepe and broad . k mons. cicils reg. being comp. making rowes foote deepe and broad . l colonel ogles reg. being comp. making rowes foote deepe and broad . m mons. fulchs being comp. rowes foote deep , and broade . n my lord of bach-louch being comp. rowes foote deepe and broade . o colonel egmont his reg. being comp. rowes foote deep broad . p comp. wallons commanded by count iohn ernest rowes foote deepe and broad ▪ q count ernest lord marshall comp. rowos foote deep and foote broade . r comp. of hollanders rowes foote deep and broad . t prince henry generrll of the horse cornets foote deep and broad . v capt. qwicht cornets foote deepe and broad . w mons . market lieut. generall cornets foote deep and broad . x mons . ryhoven cornets foote doep and broad . y mens . bacx cornets foote deep and broad . z mons. wagheman cornets foote deepe and broad . aa mons . quaet cornets foote deep and broad . bb mons . la sale cornets foote deep and broad . cc mons . stakenbrouck cornets foote deepe and broad . dd the drost sallant cornets foote deep and broad . ee peter pany commanding the princes guard of horse corn . foote deep and broad . of all manner of approches , and their profiles , with the definition what approches are . the fifth chapter . the approch by which one approcheth safest towards a towne , or a fortresse besieged , are certaine hollow ditches ; called trenches digged into the earth , whereby one may approch neare vnto a towne , or a fortresse covertly , without any great harme , if the lines be carryed well , and kept from the sight of an enemy . in approching one ought to consider well ; . the situation of the towne or fort to be besieged . . the propriety and forme of the approach . . the beginning and distance of them , and fourthly their profile . . for the site of the place , one ought to consider well the propriety , and nature thereof , whether the ground bee high , low , hilly , or plaine . in plaine and even ground , one may finde foure kinds of earth , to wit , . a clayie & a solid earth , . sandie , . a spongie and rotten earth , & . moorish and a marchie ground which may bee covered & lie vnder water , hauing no firme foundation to work vpon . secondly , hilly places whether they have a solid foundation , . sandie , and . stonie . also one must take into consideration the forrests , woods , wayes , ditches , hills , and such like things , as may lye round about it , or go towards it . of foure wanner of approches . first , if one can not make choise of such ground as they desire , then one must take it as it fals out , whence there follows diuerse manner of approches ; for if it be good ground , then they run their lines directly from the left hand to the right , & from the right hand to the left , continuing it alternatively till you come to your distance desired , the half of which trench is digged into the earth , & the other halfe cast vp with a parapet raised vpon it , which serves as a blinde to keep your men from the sight of an enemy , and thus you continue your approch by windings and turnings , till you come to the counterscharfe , and moate of the towne besieged , and this kinde of approach you vse in good and firme earth . the second kinde of approach is that , which is made in a sandie ground , which you may run in the same manner with windings , and turnings as you did the first , saving that your parapet will not hold with sand , and therefore , because sand is not so good to work vpon , and will not lie so firme as other earth doth , but will cost more labour , and require more time then solid earth , therefore one must approch neerer and neerer by setting vp of gabions . the third way hath another difference , then those two aboue mentioned , for sometimes one may finde good earth , and sandie mingled together , yea , and somewhiles a marras on both sides , in so much that one shall haue but a narrow way , through which one is to carry his approch , and as in the former you cannot run your lines from the left hand to the right , or from the right hand to the left , so in this you are driven to run a line directly vpon the towne or fortresse besieged . now this manner of approach carried in a right line , is not so laboursome & chargeable as the others before-named , which are run with oblique lines : but the greatest labour is , such an approach must be made deeper , then the former , & do require a double trench & parapet , whereas the others haue but a single one , and ever and anon there must be blinds sett vp because this kinde is more dangerous , and in this approch the one half of the earth is sett vp with a parapet on the one side , and the other half on the other side . the approch which is made through moorish , and marchie grounds overflowne , is almost impossible , by reason of the inconstancie of the water , which riseth , and falleth according to the season , and which causeth many inconveniences : for when one expects dry season , the weather may alter and proue rainie and stormie , which may not onely hinder the approch begun , but also fill the trenches with water , therefore in such cases , one must accommodate themselves , according to the weather , and vse the wisedome , & experience of jngeniers herein , for the preuenting of these inconveniences . as the half of an ordinarie approch , is digged into the ground , so the other half is cast vpon ground : this kinde being made over water and marras , having no firme foundation , the foundation of them is layd by filling vp the water with bundles of boughs , brush , faggots , & such like things , hauing earth cast vpon them , to settle them , & make them lie fast , & the earth being brought vpon wheelebarrowes from some other place , a parapet is raised , and blinds sett vp , that the workemen , & souldiers may work and be in more safety , which guards it . the fourth difference of approch , is also made by earth brought from some other places , having fagots , brush , bavins , and planches layd vpon it , with parapets and blinds sett vp . fifthly , having want of good earth , and finding great store of sand , then the parapet must be made with gabions , and cannon baskets filled with earth . the sixth & last manner taketh its originall from the former , & is made with redoubts in ioyning the one to the other . and if your meete with a stonie place , then you must help your self with gabions , & fetch your earth from some other place , as you did in marchie grounds . these are all the severall kindes of approches , that we have mentioned here in this chapter , which one cannot make without difference and judgement , because the one is more laborious , and dangerous then the other , as we have taught . but to the end all inconveniences may be avoided , one must first informe himself well the nature of the place , through which one is resolved to run an approch , & take a speciall care , that no errour and faults be committed through ignorance , which may loose time expence and labour , and may crosse the happy successie of an armie , for it were an absurd thing , of one should make that approchin a moorish ground , which is to bee made in a plaine place , where there is good earth , where one hath elbow room , and space enough to run oblique lines , or whē one would make them above the ground , when there is earth enough to be digged out of the ground and cast vp . besides , one ought to consider well , the distance of the first breaking of ground , between it and the towne or fortresse to be approched to , that one begins not roo neere , nor too farre off , for the beginning of the approches being too farre from the fortresse , one looses both time and paines , when one begins to breake ground from a place which is in safety . on the other side , to begin an approch within the sight of an ennemie , one cannot so well defēde himself from musket shott , because the muskettiers may take a surer marke , then when they shoot at randum , and it will be hort for the workmen , before they can gett into the ground , besides the workemen cannot be so well seconded , and relieved without great danger , especially if the besieged sallies out , and gives them hort alarmes , so that they must be presently , relived , or else they will be driven to quit the approches and to retire , if they be not seconded betimes . the distances betweene the beginning of an approch , and a fortresse . hence one may clearely vnderstand , the distance of the approch to the towne or fortresse besieged , and the place where one begins to breake ground first , ought to be as farre , as a musket can well carry from the outworks of the fortresse , which may be about some , , , or rod at foote the rodd , or as the nature of the place wil afoard it . the beginning of an approch . or first breaking of ground . when one would begin an approch , there must be choise made of , , , or lusty souldiers , which are vsed to work , now besides the ordinairies armes , which they carrie , they take downe alōg with them into the approches spades , shovells , pickaxses , and others materials necessary for work , and are set in order by the ingenier in that place , where the approch begins , & to the end they may begin with the more safety , they have diverse guards of foote , and horse standing up and down , here and there to defend them , if the besieged should sally out vpon the workemen , and because they may make a good beginning , first they cast vp a redoubt or two , from whence the trench & approch is run , which are environned with a parapet , & a good ditch , & the sides of the redouts made some eigt rods square , as you may see in the profile of trenches . indeed , sometimes as occasion may serve , they make demy bulwarkes , or it may bee whole bulwarkes , for which one takes a profilie answerable to the greatnesse , for when they are litle one makes vse onely of the profile of ordinarie trenches , and when they are great thier profile must be likewise correspondent vnto them . these workes and redouts serve for a retreat to the workemen , if an enemy should make a great sallie vpon them : for being retreated into the said redouts , they may resist an enemie , and stopp them , till they are seconded , so that such redouts are very necessary . for if the workemen had not a place to retreate into , they would beforced to betake thēselves to their heeles , and to abandon and loose their worke . but the inginiers which are employed therein , ought to vse all the skill , industrie , and experience they have to run their lines in such a sort , that those which are in the trenches and approches may not be discovered and seen by an ennemy . in a word , they may runne their approches with the more safety , and as much expedition as possbile bee towards the place , or part of the fortresse , which de generall desires to become master off . there are two principall parts in a town or fortress , one of which must be battered , if one is resolved to take it in , and that is , either a curtaine , or a bulwarke . what part of a fortresse ought to be approched to . it is not good to approch to a curtaine , which is defended by the two next bulwarkes , and their flankes , when you are to expect an enemies canon continually on both sides of you , especially , when you would give an assault vpon it ; for afterward it may easely be cut off . besides that the moate is broader before the curtaine , thē in other places whence it followeth manifestly , that there is no advantage in approching vpon such a place . but a bulwarke is the safest , & best to be approched to and taken in : my reasons are these first the moate is not so broad and large , as it is before the curtaine , & a bulwarke hath but a single defence , coming from the bulwark opposite to it , which may be better beaten vpō by batteries then the curtaine can . moreover , a bulwarke hath but a little defence of it self , because on may be forced to retire from it , & to make new workes , & cuttings of behinde that part which is quitted . and because there is no so much space , as is within the curtaine , the fortification there of is more painefull , and more incommodious , & therefore it is better to approach to wards bulwarkes , then curtaines , which is found by practize , and daily experience . there are other works belonging to a town , or fortresse , as ( crown-works , hoorn-works , tenailles , ravelings , halfe-moones , and others . the manner of carrying of approches wil be cleare and easie enough , when wee come to shew an approch by figure vpon a towne or fortresse which is to be taken in . after one hath naturely resolved , whether he will run an approch vpon a curtaine , or a bulwarke . the ingenier being presēt at the breaking of the ground , is to shew & informe the workemen well , how they are to run their line , and as necessity requires , being of diverse lengths , but most commōly some , or rod long , or sometimes shorter or longer and broken and turned as often as is necessary . the line then being laid out , & marked they divide and place the workemen in order , that they may not hinder one another . now they give to every man the length of foure or fiue foote , and every one maketh as much hast as possible may bee , to gett into the ground , for the avoyding of the danger wherevnto he is exposed , while he stands vpon the open feild , therefore the earth , which he diggeth he casteth it vp before him , and with all expedition maketh a hole like a graue : it is needlesse that at the first breaking , the ditch should be any broader or deeper then three foot , for the earth being cast vp three foote aboue the ground , and the ditch likewise three foote deepe , a man then hath covert enough . the workemen then being got into the ground , they enlarge and deepen the approches as necessity requires , but those which are fardest of from the towne , they need not be soo deepe at the beginning , as when they come neerer to the fortresse . the bredth of the approches ought to be some or foote broad , as may be found necessarie : yea , sometimee one is constrayned to make them larger , least they might be to narrow , in regard waggons may be driuen through them , with materialls necessarie for the gallerie , as also canon which must be drawne downe , and mounted vpon the batteries . but by how much larger the approches are made , by so much ought the parapet of the trench to be heightned , that the enemie may not discover the souldiers that are in them . especially one ought to heighten those points , and windings , where the line turnes , otherwise it may proue very hurtfull and dangerous . while the souldiers are busied in makeing of the line , others are employed in makeing of a batterie , to hinder the enemie from sallying out . when the night is past , there are fresh workemen sent downe to relieve the first , and to enlarge , heighten and repaire that nights worke , vnlesse some of them are willing to connue their worke , and these commanded men , are to have ten stiuers a peece , which the quartermaster of every regiment , who delivers the matterials doth solicite for , and payes them . after the first nights worke ( or it may be the same ) there are corps de guard made , to putt a good number of souldiers into , where they keepe their maine guard , which are made sometimes within the lines , with which the corps de guard ought to be parallels , or else vpon the point where the line turnes , and sometimes without the approches , to which the corps of guard are ioyned to them by a line of communication : so that they lie three or rod from them . it is not alwaies needfull that these redoubts be made square , but one may make them long-wise , or else with angles , and after diverse other manners , as the ground will best afford . most commonly one workes by night , that they may receiue the lesse harme , and that the day following the worke may be repaired . when one line is finished as abouesaid , and that it must be run no further that way , the inginier turnes the line another way , ( bearing it from the towne or fortresse ) and placeth the workemen in order as abouesaid , in continuing so by windings , and turnings . till he hath gott something neere vnto the fortresse beseiged , and makeing good the line continuly with corps de guards and batteries . but the neerer they approach vnto the fortresse , the more subject they are to danger , so that their pay is encreased every day , as the approach is advanced , seing they hazard their liues for it , they haue a halfe rixdaller a night , sometimes a whole rixdaller other-whiles a rixdaller and a halfe , yea sometimes ten rixdallers for an howers worke , if it be very dangerous . finally when you are approched with your trench so farre , that you are continually in the sight of an enemy , & where you cannot get any more ground , but with great danger , they make vse then with an other manner of digging , or an approach called commonly a sapp , which is made in this mannet following . when a resolution is taken , to approach vnto a curtaine , or a bulwarke , you run a right line upon that place , which you intend to assault : as for example , suppose it were upon the demiface of a bulwark , in such sort , that it lies without the flancking blowes of the fortresse . a man then kneeling upon his knees , digs to get into the ground , and casts up the earth before him on both sides , with a short spade , towards that part of the fortresse , till he hath digged three foote into the ground , and that he is covered with the earth , casting alwaies the earth like a moald before him towards the towne , and on that side , where the most danger lies , he ought to cast up the earth so high that it may be able to shelter those , which comes to repaire and make the sapp larger . after the first man which makes the sapp is got into the ground and covered with earth , he advanceth forward and continues the sap , till he hath got some six foot , and then follows another sapper presently , who repaires and enlargeth the ditch to the bredth of six foot , while the other advances forward three foote further in bredth and got so deep , that he is alwaies covered with the earth , which he casts up before him , and the other follows him continually enlarging the dich from three foot to six . after him comes a third man , which finishes the whole sapp , and gives it the conuenient height , depth , and bredth answerable to the first approch . but one must have a singular care , that the approches and sapps bee not digged so deepe , as that water may rise in them , but that they may alwaies remain dry upon firme ground , which the condition of the ditch wil shew it : for when the water within is very deep , and the declinatiō high enough , one may make the approches as deepe as the ditch , when the water that is in it , is distant from the plain earth . touching the manner of working , an agreement is made with certaine worke-men , because a greater number of worke-men cannot worke in so narrow a passage , they take on five or six worke-men , and give them , , , yea , sometimes more as six-dallers apeece , as they can agree with them , and as the danger is little , or great . in this manner of work , being come so neer for the safeguard of the muskettiers , which are to give fire , there are musket baskets set up vpon the top of the parapet of the approches , closse one to another filled with sand or earth , between which the muskettiers puts out the noses of their muskets , to give fire upon the besieged . and because the approches , the neerer you come to the fortresse are made much deeper then at the first breaking of ground , there are one or two foote bankes made for the souldiers to mount up upon , and to discharge their muskets or firelocks . as for example , the figure following numbred , is the part of a towne or fortresse upon which wee are to run our approches , and that upon firme and good ground . the first example . for as much as the fortresse is environed with a corridor or a counterscharfe , one must not take the distance from the great rampart , but from the counterscharfe , and begin the approches some rods distance from the corridor , because one may with the more safety put the spade into the earth . therefore one beginneth the first line of approch from the letter a , and runs it to the letter b , being some rods long or thereabouts . the beginning of the line is fortified with a redoubt marked with the letter c , into which the workemen ( if the besieged should fall out ) may make their retreate , and into which also the guards for the workmen may retire . the first line turneth at b , taking its beginning neere unto the corps de guard d , and runs to e , being some rods in length , where an other redoubt is made marked with the letter f , to hold a guard in it , and because it might be dangerous to run this line any further , it turneth from f to g , and from g to h ▪ where another corps de guard is made . for the neerer you approch unto the fortresse , the more the approches must be strengthened with guards and batteries . besides the approches there ought to be made deeper , and higher , because you come neerer the enemies , canon , and his musket shott , which may shoot the surer upon you , here then you begin to set up musket baskets , and make foot-bankes to your approches , that the souldiers may gett up to them when they are commanded to give fire . when one is approched so neere by meanes of these turnings and traverses that the remainder may be run with a long traverse , then one begins to sapp from h to i , from which also one may make another line to approch unto the other side of the same bulwarke , or also the other bulwarke , as the line from i to k , shews . behinde these lines the muskettiers gets up allwaies to discover , and shoot at those that would peepe into them . there are likewise two redoubts made on both sides for guards , as the letters n and o , do show . in the interim a sapp is begun , that runneth towards the bulwark , which one is resolved to mine in , and which is made in the same manner , as we have described above , when you sapt into the counterscharfe , and that you are come to the brinke of the moate , then you are to fill and damme it up , and to make a gallerie , and blinds which wee will treate of when wee come to speak of a gallerie . while you are busied about making your approches , diverse batteries are made here and there , which serve partly to spoile the ramparts and partly to dismount and hinder the enemies canon from playing upon you , and to keepe the besieged in awe , that the workmen may worke with the more safety , as you see by these fixe batteries noted in the figure , and thus much for approches upon good ground . wee have divided the approches , which run in a right line into three sorts : the first is in a narrow way ▪ an earth which may be spitted out somewhat deepe , and yet neverthelesse without turnings and traverses : the other is when you cannot digge into the earth , but there is , or you shall have water presently , as hapneth in low and moorish grounds . the second example . when you are to approch unto a fortresse in a right line , and that the nature of the way through which you are to carrie your approches , is of such a condition , that you cannot digg into the earth with spades , then you must do as is showne in the figure , where they are covered with earth both on sides , & are made a little deeper then ordinary approches . now seeing the danger is greater in this kind , then in the first , and that a right line causeth you to be continually in the sight of an ennemy , you must prevent , and avoid that danger by making of blindes , which are either made of bundles of rise , or brush ▪ or with thick oaken planckes foure or five ynches thick , and as in this figure you may see , for what use they serve . the third example . there where one cannot digg , as in marras and moorish places , a foundation must be made with sinkers , that is bundles of boughs bound fast together , upon which ( as is said ) earth is cast . vpon this foundation one makes traverses and blinds with gabions as you may see in the figure . these gabions are also filled with earth and made so strong , that they are canon proofe , one may sett up also a double row of gabions , which sometimes have earth cast about them . the bredth of such approches is from to rod , as the place is narrow or broad ▪ and as necessity and danger requires , but the ordinarie bredth is no more but four or five rod . one must have also a care , that one traverse endeth there where another beginneth , to witt , there where an alley is left . the like manner of approches were made at the seige of the bosch on count ernest his side , to which as being a new found-worke , it got a new name , and was called the greate gallerie . this manner of approch may be used also in a stonie ground , where one cannot digg the earth because of stones . the fourth example . againe you meete sometimes with a foundatiō , which one cannot passe through dryshod , and cannot get deepe enough into the earth , but one is forced to approch in that manner as is represented in the figure in taking the neerest way , which may be to approch unto the fortresse , and the approches is made of that earth , which is digged about it , in stead of setting up of gabions , and as in the former approaches the traverses , and blinds were made of gabions , so here they are made with whole redoubts : in the midst whereof there is a gape or a sallie , made in such sort , that the one redoubt is joyned to the other ▪ the greatenesse of every redoubt , being some six or eight foote in length ▪ and as much in bredth . such traverses are oftentimes made so strong , that they are able to resist a canon-bullett when they have earth enough , for sometimes they are made sixe foote , but the heigth of them is not alwayes alike , seeing they must bee made higher there , where most danger is . the gates are made in such sort with a falling plancke , that they may bee drawne up , and shut , and are of that height , and bredth , that a waggon may come through them . it is a thing impossible to describe all the manner of approches , because they are so mixed and of such great diversity . neither is the ordinary way of approches alwayes a like , because the one are made deeper , and larger then an other : but commonly they are from to foote broad , and three or foote deep in the earth , or thereabouts : the basis of the earth layd upon it , in stead of a parapet , ought to be betweene seven and eight foote . wee have propounded as an example for them two profiles , marked with the numbers , and , whereof the greatnesse , & measure of them , is noted with letters and numbers in this table following : the demonstration .   figvre .     the profile of the figure marked .   the inferiour bredth of the approch . ab the depth of the approches . fb , ea the talud or slooping exteriour . fd , ½ the talud inferiour of the approches . ce , / ● the bredth of the approches above the earth . cd , the basis of the parapet above the earth . lc , the talud exteriour of the parapet . kl , / ● the talud interiour of the parapet . gc , ½ the height exteriour and interiour of the parapet . ik , gh the top of the parapet . hi , we have expresly omitted the foot-banks , because they are not made in the beginning of the approches , which ought to bee made in the approches after diverses maners sometimes this way , and sometimes many as occasion may serve . of counter-approches . the sixth chapter . the beseigers having approached neere unto a towne or a fort , it behoves then the beseiged to look well about them , and not to be idle , but stirring , and to doe their uttermost endeavour to hinder , and offend their enemy . the defence which is made against these approches is rightly called counter approches . this defence also is made after diverse manners , first when the beseiged are a great number , so that oftentimes they are able to fall out , and make sallies , which they ought to do as often as may be , notwithstanding that they loose men , which of necessity must happen , because the beseigers are much more stronger then the beseiged , and have farre more forces , then those which are within the fortresse . for by this meanes the enemie will be hindred , and his approaches slowly advanced , being many times beaten back , and constrayned to retyre into his workes , during which alarme , they cannot advance forward their workes , neither can they begin them againe , till the beseiged are retreated . they ought to have a singular care , when one makes a sally , that their men be not exposed to slaughter , but must be commanded to fall on with discretion , advantage , and profit , to the end that the towne or fort beseiged be not bereft of their men by foole-hardinesse , rashnesse , and imprudencie . for a fortresse which wants men , may bee compared to an empty purse which hath no money in it . it lies much upon the endevour of the horse , which are in fortresses , for making of sallies , and which ought to fall out oftner then the foote , because they can fall on and retreate with more speede , and though some be lost , yet the hurt will not be so great , as the losse of foote , which must be husbanded , and spared as much as posible may be , to repulse the assault of an enemy . the second manner of defence is made by canon , which must play continually from all places upon the workemen and approches , to doe them as much harme as possible may be , whence it comes to passe , that the workemen are amazed and frighted , when they see many of their fellow workemen fall and slaine miserably by the canon , which will abate their courage , and make them worke more faintly : in such sort , that an enemy is driven to leave of their worke , till such time as the offensive side have made batteries , against the beseiged . but when it is not feisible , they must be constrayned at last to breake up , and quit the seige , otherwise if they continue , it wil be exceeding chargeable to them , because no men will undertake the work , but such as wil be soundly payed for it . for every man hazards his life , when ordinance and musketteirs play continually upon him , and a man will not venter his life for nothing , but will sell it at as deare a rate as he can : besides in so doing , it prolongs the time for an enemy , so that a fortresse may sometimes be relieved , or when winter , or bad weather comes on , they may be forced to abandon the siege . the third manner is by makeing of all sorts of outworkes , and in takeing up the ground , whereunto an enemie approches , which may be made during the siege , and while an enemie approaches , as by makeing of ravelings , halfe-moones , horne-workes , tenailles , and traverses : for all these workes may be made , while an enemie advances his approaches towards a towne or fortresse , but it were better they had bin made before the towne was beseiged , for the gaining of time , and saving of charges , which might be employed in other works . the fourth maner is when the beseiged make counter approches , whereby they may resist an enemy that he may not get into the outworkes and counterscharfe with his approches , where to hinder him , they must cast up some traverses , and other lines running them from their outworks , as it were to meet the enemies works , and so make them get ground ( as it were by peece-meale ) till they come to the fortresse : but neverthelesse one must observe well , that they must be carryed and made so , that they may alwaies flank upon the beseigers works , and approches , and that the approchers may do them as little harme as may be , alwaies making them so , that they lie open towards the towne or fort beseiged . from whence they are to be defended , and must be so carried , that they may give no advantage to an enemy , when he takes them in , and see that they may be flanked from the town and fort both with canon and musket . at the last seige of bergen op zoom , there were many such counter approches made , wherewith the beseiged gauled the enemy shrewdly , insomuch that he was not able ( notwithstanding the losse of abundance of men ) to get a foot of ground of them , having chests in the counter-approches which played continually with muskettiers and firelocks upon the enemy , and casting fireworks among them , taking up also the ground and advantagious places before the enemy could approach unto them , which did disharten them much , for assoon as prince maurice of happy memory , came to rosendale with his army to relieve the towne , marquis spinola seeing no hopes of getting it , after the losse of twelve thousand men , was driven to rise without it , and quit the seige . of all sorts of bridges , especially , your flagg , or bulrush bridges . the seventh chapter . upon an expedition of warre , when of necessity an army is to passe over a river , or a brook , there are commonly carryed boates , or sloopes upon waggons , as hath been taught before , having beames , or boards , all necessaries laid in the boates to be used , first they take downe the beames and posts , and then the plancks , and boards , which is done in a trice , when all things lie in order , sometimes they carry onely boats , and sometimes onely plancks . to make then a bridge over a river , first these boats ( as many as you shall have use off to lay over the river ) are launced into the water , which are bound together with ropes , and fastened with cables and ankors in the bottome over , which sparres and beames are laid , and then plancks and bords layd orderly upon them , for men to march over . there are likewise such kind of bridges made with great boates in fortresses lying upon a river side , when an enemy is feared , and where one dares not make any other bridge for it is drawn up every night like a draw-bridge , that if an enemy had any enterprise upon that place , he might not passe over it . there are made likewise bridges over the moates of the outworkes of a fortresse : but an enemy being approached neere unto the fortresse having made batteries to beate them down , these bridges are broken down in the outworkes , and sally bridges made , to which they cannot do much harme , for the making of which , one takes some barrels , or hoggs-heads bound about with iron , and pitched , unto which rings of iron are made fast for to put posts into them , by which meanes these barrels are ioyned together , and lockt one to another , upon which there are laid planckes for men to passe over and repasse , and if one would take them up in the night , they do it in such a manner , that they are soon sundred one from another . an enemy cannot so easily spoile such a bridge , because it lies even with the water , and if one part of it should be shot a peeces , one may presenly help it againe , with other barrels and posts . there is an other kind of bridge , over which one may give an assault , whereof some of them are borne upon waggons , and others upon boats , and are made after the manner of draw-bridges , saving that they are lighter , and are drawn upon the waggons , or boates upon which they are laid , but when one is to use them , then they must take them downe . read the treasury of the mechanick secrets of augustine de ramely : the artillery of diego vffano , and the theater of the instruments of henry leysing , which treate of these things at large . but of all bridges none are found more necessary and usefull then those that are made of flaggs and bulrushes . for all others require great charges , especially when some ingenier takes some old invention from an ancient author , and gives it out for a new one : for it is reason such a one should be recompenced , because of his invention , and afterward becomes a directour for the making of it , as though no other could be made , but that which he hath invented , and so by this meanes makes his benefit of it , and his count and reckoning according to his desire , by making a bridge at such a high rate and charge , that makes his masters purse light , and his owne heavy . but if you looke narrowly upon it , you shall find it to be an old invention , as one cast off , and serves for no use . the like doth happen here , for when you consider well many new invented bridges , made with great skill and industry , yet neverthelesse they serve for little or no use . but your bridges made with flaggs , or bulrushes , are nothing so chargeable , and yet neverthelesse of great use : we will shew here in few words , how they are , and in what manner to be made . the matter whereof they are made , are called in dutch biesen , in french a ionc , in latine iuncus , and in english a bulrush . this rush groweth in rivers , waters , brookes , some foure , five or six ▪ foot high , and is commonly found in brook pits marras , and wet places , especially by rivers sides , whereof also many times houses are tharcht . the nature of this bulrush is to float above the water , and are used ( being bound up in a bundle ) when boyes learnes first to swimme , putting them under their arme-pits . this bridge above mentioned is made with this rush after this manner following , when they are ripe and growne to their length , then they must be plucked up , and well dried , and when you would make such a bridge , you must bind up these bullrushes in round bundles , or foure square , whereof the sides must be some ten inches broad , and about foure or five foot long . now having got good store of them , one makes a hurdle of them , enterlaced with small wit hs , ▪ foot broad , and . or . foot long : vpon this hurdle one layes and binds in order the bundles , one after an other , and afterward one takes two long stakes , a little greater then a pike , which is fastened to the hurdle , drawing and binding these bundles fast one to another , which are likewise bound with canvas , at the end of the hurdles one fastens at both ends two or three rings made with wit hs , to joyne and fasten the joynctures of this bridge together . these kind of bridges are of excellent use in seiges ▪ chiefely in places where one is resolved to take in a worke upon a suddain enterprise , and would not be at the charge of making a gallery . when one is resolved to take in such a work , those which are appointed to force it , being well armed as is requisite , being come to the brink of the moate by the meanes of the approches , which are brought thether , they send out before some venterous souldiers , which carrying this bridge launces it into the water , and joynes the peeces together withall expedition ( and while the musketteirs gives fire as fast as ever they can ) till they have laid it over the bredth of the moat , and fastened it on the other side , which being done , the souldiers goes over it , and strives to enter by all meanes to take in the work , as they are commanded . but if there be any mine made ready , they stay the putting over of the bridge , and the falling on , till the mine be sprung , for feare of breaking the bridge , and that it might spring backward . when the beseiged are resolved to make a sally , they may likewise make use of these kind of bridges , all other commodities and utilities , necessity the mother of such like inventions will shew you . now for the better understanding of all things touching these bridges above described , we have represented them in the figure . where you shall see how they are made fast , on that side which is to come into the water . but they are to weak , where you are to put over a broad moat , such as are before townes and royall forts , over which one must passe , before they can come to the wall , for these serve onely for some suddaine peece of service , and therefore it is needfull to make use of some other invention called a gallery , which is of excellent use though chargeable , and which we will handle in the next chapter following . of galleries . the seventh chapter . vegecius in the . chapter of his fourth book , describeth a certain kind of work , which the ancients called vinea , and saith it was a work made of plancks ioyned together , some eight foot high , seven foot broad , and sixteen foot long , the roofe or toppe whereof was covered with boards , and hurdles interlaced together , and the sides with boughes , in such wise that it could not be spoyled with stones , over which also was laid thick oxen hydes , newly killed , or coverlids of hair cloth , to keepe them from firing , ( whence it hapneth , that we make use of such coverings in our moderne warres , for to hinder the force and violence of gun-powder , because they are not so easily spoyled by fire ( as hath bin said above ) and these workes being in a readinesse , one makes use of them to their advantage . when they have made good store of them , then they joyne and fasten them together , and the beseigers being blinded and covered under them , begin their approches to the wal● and sapp under the foundation of them to make them fall . there is no work which resembles more rightly this invention of the ancients , then our moderne galleries : the preparation , the use , the height , the breadth , are almost all alike , and do agree so together in all things , that we must needs confesse our gallery is no new invention , but was in use among the ancients , and which of late yeares hath bin renewed again . for if one considers neerly their structure , the vinea of the ancients was made with timber and plancks , and our galleries for the most part are made with postes and plancks joyned together : that had also posts to rest upon for its foundation , and this hath also great posts to beare up the weight of the whole work : the sides of the ancients vinea was fortified against the force of the balists , because they were laid with hurdles and boughs , wreathed together , but our galleries are covered with plancks , and earth cast upon them , so that they cannot be spoyled by canon : the vineas were kept from firing by the helpe of oxehides wherewith they were covered , and the sides of our galleries have earth cast about them , that fire-works may do them no harme . these vineas served to come to the wall , to sapp it , but our galleries are brought to the basis and barme of a rampart , to make a mine in a bulwarke , and so to blow it up . the hight and breadth of the one and the other do not differ much , but it seemes the length is differing , though in effect it differs not much ; for the vinea the joynts of them being fastned one to another were reasonable long , but our galleries are set up with plancks and posts and as it were makes but one peece joyned together . whence it appeareth , that our gallery is not wholy a new invention , but hath been in use of old , though in some things it is altered and changed . we will now take it in hand , and shew after what manner it must be made ▪ with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging . when an aproach then is brought so far , where a sap is to begin not far from the town or fortresse beseiged , and that one is sapped to the counterscharfe , then one sees how a gallery may be put over the moate . for the effecting whereof , one must make provision of many things necessary thereunto , and first of all get good store of longbrush and bundles of boughs , to fill up the moate , with a great number of plancks and posts ioyned and made together like a gallowes , all of them having one height and bredth , which are so framed and made by the carpenters before they are brought down into the aproaches , tha one may either take them asunder , or pin them together without any great labour , for being brought thither , where they are to be used : jt is easily done by marking the joynts and peeces with one and the same number which they may fit , and joyne together without any great difficulty . such a gallowes hath five peeces , to wit , two posts which stand upright , one croswise over them , which ioynes the other two together , and two props or supporters of timber to bear the crosse post up , the two posts are set upright being or foot long , and are cut halfe a foote in the upper end of them , for the crosse beame , or post to rest upon the other two posts , and to ioyne them together , and a foot and a halfe at the lower end is sharpned and set fast into the ground , so that it remaines seven foot high for the top of the gallery . yo shall see the forme of it set out in the figure following , whereof the length of them from a b to c d are each of them . foot long , and the bredth . or . inches , the halfe of this breadth at the uppermost end of these two posts is cut the length of halfe a foot , to lay the crosse beame upon them , which ought to be cut in the like manner , having the length of ten foot , or thereabouts , for the longer this crosse post is , the broader will the gallery be , and the better for the souldiers to march five or fixe in front , when they are to give an assault upon the breach , the greatnesse is answerable to the two others , being marked with a c. now forasmuch as these posts are made in such a manner with joynts that they may soone be joined together or severed , they cannot be so firme as those which are joined and pinned fast together by force , without being afterwards taken asunder , especially , because of the great weight which they are to beare , therefore there are props made to support the crosse post , as you may see by e.f. and g.h. marked in the . figure , all which being done , and all the peeces joined and pinned fast together as is fitting , every peece is marked , and holes bored through them to fasten them together in a little time , when there is occasion to have them set up . of the bords and planks for a gallery . after this you must provide in a readinesse good store of fir boards and plancks , which must be as long as the two posts , or rather four or five inches longer , so that if the distance between post and post be foote broad , then these plancks must be five foote , and a halfe long : for the odd half foot is divided into two equall parts , taking up three inches on either side of the two posts , into which holes are bored , to naile the plancks and the posts fast together . the ordinary space between the posts joyned together is commonly . or . ( but seldome ) six foot in bredth , which oftentimes is changed according to the condition of the place , and as the danger is great or little . the thicknesse of the plancks is without any certain measure , because it is needlesse to make them all of one thicknesse , for it may so fall out , that somtimes you must use a thick planck , and some whiles a thinner is fitter to stop a hole withall , as occasion may serve . now for the joyning and fastening of your posts together , you must provide good store of oaken pins , and bore all the holes with a borer , to the end the holes may not cleave , now all these pins ought to be of one bignesse . also in galleries there are used nailes some greater and longer , as you shall have use for , some of them are . or . inches long for to naile the plancks with , which covers the sides : some other . or . inches long , which nailes the props into the posts , you must have good store of them of all sises for to use them , when necessity shall require . your ordinary wheel-barrowes and shovels are here of exellent use , but you must have shovels that have longer hafts then ordinary , to cast the earth a good way into the moate , which cannot be so well done with short hafts . jn this place one ought to make use of thick plank-blinds , which we have mentioned in the chapter of gabions and blinds , which serve for a very good use in galleries , as we shall show you hereafter . a gallerie raised without , being covered with earth , is represented unto you in the figure . after you have sapt through the counterscharfe , and that you are come to the edge or brinke of the moate , and resolve to lay a gallerie over it , you must first of all provide good store of these bundles of long brush before mentioned , brought downe in waggons , and abundance of wheele-barrowes , to fetch earth into the gallerie , to cast these things into the moat , and to fill it up , even to that place , where you intend to make a mine , and in so doing , you shall by degrees fill up the moate , and make a good foundation for your gallerie to rest and stand upon . but because any cannot cast and lay these bush-faggots in order , as one would , you shall meet with some venturous souldier or another , who for money will adventure in the night to goe out at the mouth of the gallerie into the moate , to lay them in order . and to the end they may not be seen by the enemy , one must observe well to make the perpendicular of the face of the bulwarke , which will be the shortest way to come unto it . the moate then being filled with these long bundles , and fagots of brush abovesaid , so that one may cast earth upon them brought from the next sap , the work-men fetches good store of earth in wheel-barrowes upon plancks laid in the gallerie , and brings it to the mouth of the gallerie , casts it upon a heape and then two or three workemen which are apointed to worke in the mouth of the gallerie , casts it into the moate to settle the fagotts . this earth cast up in the forme of a heape , serves to cover and make a blinde for the work-men onely before , but not on the sides ▪ and therefore they must be constrayned to make blinds on that side which is most dangerous , til the posts be set up , yea oftentimes they must make blinds on both sides of the gallerie , if an enemy flanks it from two places . after this one begins to set up one of the posts ▪ ioyned and pinned together as hath been taught , and as you may see in the figure . and sets some men continually to fetch earth in their wheele-barrowes , others from the top of the heape casts the earth with their tong-shovels into the moate , and gets more ground to set up the other past , for haveing got a matter of five foot or there-abouts , they sett up the other past ioyned together as is said , after they have set forward the blinds for to cover the sides of it : which two posts being set up , then they naile the plancks fast to both sides of the gallerie , and they set onely the others upon it without fastning them by covering the side onely with earth , which may be beaten downe by the enemie , till it is able to resist a canon bullett , and then casts earth above the gallerie , about a foote or a foote and a halfe high , which must be spread , and laid even , to the end , fireworks may not lie upon it , and spoile the gallerie by fyring of it . it happens sometimes , that one side of the gallerie is out of the enemies sight , and cannot be beaten downe with their canon ▪ in such sort that one needs not cover it with earth and then that time and charge is saved , unlesse it lies so , that an enemie can sett fire on it with pitch ropes and other fire workes , or spoyle it with his canon , which lies in his outworkes , which being so , then of necessity , you must cover that side , till it is able to resist the enemies canon . and because it would be very darke if the whole gallerie were covered with earth , and so very incommodious for the workmen , therefore to helpe that on the safest side , there are little windowes or holes made of a foote high , and a foot and a halfe long , betweene every three or foure postes ioyned together , to give light into the gallerie . this work is continually aduanced and the heape raised by the workemen , which cast the earth into the moate in a great quantity before them , haveing alwaies a singular care , that the heape from whence they cast their earth growes not too low , least the workemen be discovered . afterward they sett up the third posts ioyned together in the same manner as hath been said , and make fast the boards , and planks to them , this labour must be continued till the gallerie is advanced even to the very soote and barme of the rampard . all which is shown in the figure where a gallerie is made & covered , as also to show that one of the posts ioyned and sett up , which must be nailed to the other with planks , and the heape of earth behinde , which the man stands and works is also here pourtrayed out . when the gallerie is brought over almost to the very foote of the rampart , then one may come to it with more safety , for then the heape is taken away , and a blinde made of thick oaken plankes to begin a mine into the bulwarke . at the lower end of these posts abovesaid , as you may see from b to d , there is an other post besides of the same greatenesse , which cannot be seene , therefore wee have purposely omitted it , but will remember to speake of it , when we handle the makeing of the posts and palisadoes . the eighth chapter . of mines . as a gallery is an ancient invention , so likewise mines , which we make at this day have been heretofore in use amongst the ancients also : and this is the last thing wherewith the besieged are troubled . a mine then according to the definition of vegetius , is a cave by which one makes secret goings under the eearth , to come by night unawares to a fortresse , or by which one diggeth into the foundation , and bowels of a wall , or of a bulwark , underpropping the earth with posts of wood , and laying under it dry wood , for when they would make a hole in the wall , they set fire on this wood , which being burnt with the props , the wall fell down , and the besiegers being in a reddinesse attending the fall of the wall , ran presently up by that breach , to assault the fortresse ; which is understood also of our moderne mines which we make in by blowing up the powder that is laid in them , whence it appeareth clearly , that this is also an ancient invention , being a little changed , and amended at this day . this mineing ( or digging under the earth ) is called in latine cuniculus , of which name ancient writers , as iulius caesar , livius , and curtius make often mention of in the description of this stratagem , it signifieth a moole from whence the name is taken , because the mines made under rampards and bulwarks , resembles the holes and passages which mooles makes under the earth . there are others which derive this name from the latine word cuneus , because the mines are made in the fashion of a wedge , which is thick at the beginning , and diminisheth little by little , even as the mines which make a rupture in those places where they are made , may be compared to a wedge , which cleaveth a piece of timber in sunder . mines were of old called cuniculary . he that is desirous to know more thereof , let him read vegetius and vitruve , who have written of military inventions among the ancients . we will here describe in a few words , how our moderne mines are made at this day . the last meanes for the forcing of an enemy besieged , to make him yeeld , is this making of a cave or mine under the earth , which is begun and finished ( as is said ) after you have brought your gallery over to the barme , or foot of a rampard or bulwark . but before it is begun , you must have all things necessary , and in a reddinesse , for the effecting of this work , first of all ye must have spades , shovels , pickaxes , and all kinde of masons tooles , with all things requisite to pierce and break the wall , wherewith the rampart is made . afterward , one prepares props to support , and beare up the mine from falling or sinking , being two , or two inches and a halfe thick , the length of them being not alike , because the entrance into the mine is made higher then towards the end of it . one is furnished also with firre planks , for to line the mine vvithin , as above , that it may not sink and fall down , for it must be set with planks on all sides , as vvell as the foundation , especially if the earth be moulding and vvettish . but before you begin to make your mine , it vvill be necessary that you knovv the condition of the place , that is , whether the bulwark be hollow and vaulted , or whether the foundation be laid with branchages , logs , or borne up with piles : and whither water may not spoile your mine , if you should mine too low . in case that the rampard or the bulwark into which you intend to mine , were laid with logs , or supported upon great piles , which happens ordinarily in moorish and rotten places , upon which you must build your bulworks , and rampards ; or when one can get no other earth but sand : you must trie and get out all these piles with cables or ropes by winding them out with an instrument ordained for this purpose . now you must pierce and pull out these loggs by such wayes and meanes as is known unto miners , for the makeing of a way and a chamber to lay your gunpowder in . when you are assured that you cannot digge no deeper , but that shall come to water , then you must raise your mine a little higher , to the end the powder may lie drie in it . the miners then beginning to break into the wall , do carry their mine so close , and secret as possible may be , that the besieged may not heare any noise , or gather any notise , where the mine is made , and how it runs : for if they doe , without all question , they will make a counter-mine to discover and spoile your mine begun , so that you shall be driven to begin a new one in another place , as hath happened many times . the heighth , and the bredth of the mine must be made in such a manner , as you may onely lay in the barrels of powder , for it ought to be no higher , nor no broader , because your intentiō is , but onely to chamber your powder in it , and therefore it must needs be so high as a man , and no higher , but that a man may onely work in that upon his kneés , and that he stoops lower , when he goes to lay the powder into its chamber . the heighth then must be but , or foot and a half high at the most , and the bredth but and a half . or foure foot , according to vvhich measures , the props and the planks are framed , vvherevvith you are to underprop the mine . when you begin to mine into a rampard or bulwark , you take out the earth , and carry it away in a vessell , or a pall of leather , which is light , in handing it one to another , till it be brought out of the hole , or entrance out of the mine , and laid in the gallerie , to the end the enemy may not see it , and gesse where abouts your mine is . the master-miner , which hath the conducting of the mine , ought to be a man of great experience , how he ought to carry it , lest he be mistaken , and so make it in a place , where he ought not to make it . therefore he must have knowledge of a compasse , and how the needle stands , that he may carry his mine aright . he ought also to have skill in geometry , to the end he may know of what heighth he must carry his mine , according to the proportion of the rampart . the nearer he comes unto the place where he is to make his chamber , the narrower ought the way of the mine to be , in such sort , that it must be no broader or higher at the entrance into the chamber , but that a barrell of powder may scarcely passe through the way for the straighter and the narrower the passage is into the chamber , the easier the mine is stopt . the place where the chamber is , ought to be so made , that the powder doth not break neither the one , nor the other side ▪ but that it may blow the earth upward . neverthelesse sometimes the miners are commanded , to make their mine so , as it may blow the earth into the fortresse , or else without which may be done , if they make that side , which is to be blown up , not so thick as the other : for the nature of powder is such , that it maketh the greatest operation alwaies towards the weakest place , and though it blows it up ordinarily : yet commonly it searcheth most often the place , where it may break out soonest in to the ayre , which appeareth both in your canon and muskets . the bignesse of the chamber is divers , for it must be made according to the greatnesse and proportion of the wall or rampard : neverthelesse one must observe , that it be made as narrow as possible may be , and yet must have room enough to lay the barrels of powder into it : the ordinary heighth is some six or seven foot , and the bredth foure or five foot . when the chamber is ready , then you lay in your barrels , the number whereof cannot be so precisely discribed . for one rampard is greater then an other , in so much , that a greater quantity of powder is requisite more for one place then an other . the common opinion is , that a barrel of powder will blow up a rod , or twelue foot of earth . the barrels are laid in such order , that in the twinckling of an eye , they take fire all at one time , which causeth a greater operation then if one barrell should be blowne up one after another . after that your powder is chambred , the with all expedition you must stop the entrance into the chamber , with thick and strong planckes , and stopp it hard , and ramme it in with good earth , and leaue a little hole or traine , to lay some powder in it , which traine is carried to the very end of the mine , and stops up the passage of it with firkins of earth , that the aire may neither come in or out . for the stronger the mine is stopt , it will take the greater effect . all things then being in a readinesse , it is left so till one is commaunded to give fire to it . in the figure is represented unto you a myne marked , a b c d e , is the way upon the bulwark , e is the entrance into the chamber , f g h and i , is the chamber it self , wherein the powder is laid . here a question might be moued , whether mines ought to be carried with right lines , or crooked ? the answer is , that mines , which are carried in a right line are sooner made , but because they take not so good effect , the other are to be preferred before them , which are made with oblique lines . for the windings and the turnings of them , adds strength unto them , that the powder hath not so much force to break the stopping . now suppose that it should break the stopping d : e : the rest therefore is not broken , because the force of the powder is kept in by the earth marked d , and driven back to blow upwards , or finding no vent to turne back againe , where it vvas laid . but in a right line vvhen the povvder breakes the stopping , the effect thereof is hindred and deminished , for it is certaine , that the stopping , which is made nevvly is not so firme as the old setled earth , vvhich hath lain a long time in it . of covnter-mines the ninth chapter . where there is an offensiue warre , there is also a defensiue , as appeareth by mines : for the beseiged having discouvered them , vvhich one hath prepared for them , and that there is no hope left , but vvaiting for the springing of an enemies myne in their rampard , and to giue them an assault , then they are to stand upon their defence , and beginn to make mines also , vvhich they eyther doe to offend an enemy , or to defend themselues by them . therefore vvee must understand here , three kinds of mines to vvit , the vvorkes vvhich are made to finde out an enemies mine , : the countermines , vvhich are made to spoyle an enemies mine , & the cutting off of a bulvvarke or a rampard vvithin , of the tvvo former , vvee will treate in this chapter . for the first kind of countermines , vvee understand those vvorkes , and mines , vvhich are made to discover , and find out an enemies mine , and to kill the miners in it . after one hath found it out , as also for the casting dovvn of the same vvork , and the taking avvay of the povvder chambred , the enemy vvill finde himself deceived , vvhen he thinks to spring his mine , attending the operation thereof in vaine , because the povvder is stolne out of it . for to finde out an enemies mine , there are tvvo manner of vvayes , the one vvhich vvas used by the ancients , and the other practised at this day . vitruvius in the said chapter of his tenth book , describeth the maner of the ancients , and saith that the cite of apolonia , being besieged , and the besiegers having made some mines under the earth to assault the citizens , on a sudden vvithin the vvalls ; the citizens being advertised thereof , vvere extreamly affrighted thereat , and began to faint and lose their courage : because they knevv no remedy to prevent it , and could by no means finde out the place vvhere the mines vvere made . but trypho alexandrin , vvhich lived in that age , the architector of this city , caused to be made along under the vvalls a great many ditches , and vvithall some mines under the vvalls continuing them beyond the enemies , as farre as one could throvv a stone . he caused to be hanged in these ditches vessels of copper , under th●se places , vvhere the enemy vvrought , vvhich made a noise , by reason of the moving of the earth , vvhereupon he found out the enemies mines , and filled cauldrons of brasse full of boyling water , and melted pitch , to povvre it dovvn through those holes upon the heads of his enemies mines . he cast dovvn also mens dung , vvhich vvas mixed vvith hot sand and gravell , vvhich he did by night into the enemies mines , into vvhich he had made divers holes , and by this meanes slevv a great many of them . herodotus in his melpomina makes mention of a tinker , vvhich dvvelt in the city of barca , besieged by the persians , vvho discovered the enemies mines by the meanes of a buckler of brasse , vvhich he hung in divers places against the vvall , and so found out at last the place under vvhich the enemy mined . but at this day to finde out an enemies mine , they use to make counter-ditches , as hath been said , and before a mine is begun ▪ it is necessary to be informed , after the manner of the ancients of the place , vvhich may be undermined by an enemy . but mines are searched out after divers other vvayes . some are of the opinion , that round about the vvalls , and bulvvarks of a tovvn or a fortresse , ( to vvit , vvhen the fortificatiō is first begun ) one should make hiddē caves , and passages under the earth , by vvhich one might discover , and finde out an enemies mine . but this me thinks is not good , because the vvalls and bulvvarks are made thereby slender & vveake , and these caves & being made vvith posts , and planks , vaults in tract of time are subject to rot , and & the mines afterward falling dovvn , all that labour is lost . also it is dangerous to make vauts in rampards , and bulwarks , seeing it is to be feared , that such a work is not durable , sith it must bear up so great and ponderous a vveight , besides it vvill cost excessive expences . and though these counter-mines should be thus made and ordained : yet it is not certaine , but that an enemy in myning may meet iust with one of these mines , and so take his way and advantage , either over or under it , and so leatt this counter-mine alone . a second opinion is this , & some findes it good , that one should hang trees , and other bushes in them , which are found often in the rampards of the cimbri , which being stirred with the least motion , gives a sound , whereby one may finde out the place where the mine is . but this is a thing uncertain , because the least gale of wind , will easily shake these bushes , and branches of trees . and if they do so this must be done in a still and a calme vveather , vvhen there is no vvinde stirring . and therefore i ansvvere , one ought to search out an enemies mine at all times , for it vvere an absurd thing , for one to stay from finding an enemies mine out & till a calme time comes , vvho vvill advance ( as much as possible may be ) his vvork , vvithout staying for still or faire vveather . therefore this vvay serves but for little use . a third and a better vvay , and which is the ordinary way , is to set a drum in the place suspected , vvith some dice , pease , or beanes vpon the head of it , vvhich upon any stirring , will leap upon the drum , when it stands over the place vvhere one vvorks . neverthelesse you must not let it stand in one place onely , but remove it novv and then from one place to another , yea so often , till you are assured of the place , vvhich is shaken by the work vvhich is made under it . some make use of a bason of litany filled vvith water , and imagines , that the mine is there , vvhere the water moveth , but that is uncertaine as that of the cimbri is , spoken of before , but that of a drum is held to be the best and surest way . notvvithstanding one may make good use of basons , vvhen they are set upon a rampard , as a drum with peas or other things . for by such a meanes one may knovv the place , vvhich is undermined . the use of basons vvithout all question , took its originall from the invention of a kettle , vvhereof vvee haue spoken even novv . a fourth opinion besides these vvhich is in use also ; is a great long iron borer , to bore into the earth , wherevvith those which searched the earth , bores a hole with it into the rampard , & laying his eare to the hole to listen well if he can heare any noize , vvhich is practised in suspected places . many other inventions are invented by necessity the mother of practise . to resist then the mines of an enemie , one makes use of this practise following . after you haue curiously searched out the enemies mines , and that you are assured of the place under vvhich they are hid then you may find them out vvithout all question , & nothing remaynes then , but to make a counter-mine against them , vvhich is made in the same manner as vve haue discribed in the former chapter , treating of mines , to wit , by under-propping the earth vvith posts and laying planks betvveene them , that the earth may not tumble dovvn . now because one is not assured to meed iust vvith the enemies myne vvhich may be made either too high , or too low , therefore you must make many , till by one of them you haue found it out , & are come to the chamber to take avvay the powder . when an enemies myne is carryed so secret , and hidden , that one cannot finde it out , then the besieged must of necessity resolue to quit that part of the rampard or bulwarke under which they suspect there is a mine , and so cut it of invvardly . but for their advantage they make ready also their countermine made in that place , & chambers their povvder attending the effect of the enemies mine , and vvhen he springs his mine , then they retire themselues into their nevv vvorke cut off , and the enemy being lodged in that peece of the bulvvarke or rampart , vvhich they haue quitted , then they blovv up their countermine , and slay all those , vvhich they find in it . the like also is done in outvvorkes , and counterskarfes , vvhen one is driven to quitt them , and that one cannot keepe them any longer . of palisadoes , pales , tvrne-pikes ▪ barricadoes , qvadrant-tanternailes : and beares . the tenth chapter . wee haue often made mention of palisadoes and the use of them , especially vvhen they are struck into the ground about dry moates , for then they serue , in stead of vvater against the sudden assault of an enemie , so that not onely the moates before great vvalls , and rampards , ought to be set with them , but also all outvvorkes must be fortified vvith them . they are likevvise of excellent use in the field , vvhen trenches are set round vvith them , and struck in round about forts , and vvorkes , vvhich lie in the most dangerous places . they are of no lesse use also in fortresses , especially vvhen the beseiged are constrayned to make cuttings off vvithin a tovvne , or fort : moreover they are good to be struck in upon the topp of breaches , vvhereof vve vvill treat in the next chapter . these palisadoes then are made in this manner follovving , one makes choise of good and strong sparrs being some or ynches in diameter , but of severall lengths , according to the place into vvhich they are to be struck , vvhereof some of them may be , , or foote long . novv the lovver end of them must be sharpened and pointed , and the upper end flatt , that they may be driven into the ground vvith a mallet or a beetle : one bores also a hole some or ynches under the head of the palisadoe , & an other some three ynches under the first hole , and a third hole on the side through the middest of the tvvo others , in such sort , that the nailes , vvhich are driven through it , resemble as it vvere the corners . in some also they use to driue in tvvo nailes , so that they are not struck in a right angle , but rises a little tovvards the head of the palisadoe . the length of these nailes , must be some eight or tvvelue ynches , and so bigg , that they cannot be easely bowed or broken , and the head vvhich is driven into the palisadoe is some-vvhat greater , then that vvhich sticks out , vvhich ought to be very sharpe . when you are to use these sparrs , vvhereof you must haue good store , you take first of the shortest size , being but fiue foot long , and strick in a long ranke of them , as you shall finde necessarie . they are driven into the ground the depth of a foot and a half , or sometimes more , according as the earth is conditioned , and thus you shall make your first ranke : then you shall driue in an other ranke of palisadoes , being six foote long , vvhich are set behind the first ranke , to the end they may run in a right line vvith the first , but must be struck in a little sidelings , to the end , that their nailes may fill all places necessarie , and the heads of these palisadoes , ought to stand about halfe a foote higher , then the others : in the same manner you driue in the third ranke , vvhich must be half a foot higher then the second , and thus you may doe , if you vvill driue in a fourth ranke , yea as many as it pleases you . these palisadoes are represented unto you in the figure . for the palisadoes , vvhich are used against assaults there are two sorts of them . the first is that sort of palisadoes vvhich are sett upon the parapets of forts , outworks , and redoubts , for to hinder an enemy that they may not so soone assault or scale a place : these ought to be or ynches in diameter , and some or foote long , vvhereof the half past is driven into the parepett , and the other half stands upright . for the other sort , those great headed piles or pales , clasped together vvith chaines , and plates of yron , vvhich stād alwaies upon rāpards and bulvvarkes covered vvith a little roof against the time of necessity , vvhen as an enemy seekes to assault a fortresse . for by this meanes he is repulsed , vvhen he vvould scale a rampard , because these palisadoes , or logs being cast dovvne a vvall , annoyes greatly the beseigers , in regard of their vveight , vvhich they are not able to resist , though they be armed with head peeces . of palisadoes , pales , vriz-rvyters , cavalliers de frize , called in english turne-piks . the tenth chapter . wee haue observed in our declaration of originall names vvhence , the cavalleries de frize tooke their name : to witt , at the siege of groeninghen in frizeland , vvhere they served for great use , by stopping and hindring the enemies horse , when they came to relieue the tovvn , and then got this name of vrize ruyters in dutch , cavalliers de frize in french , and frize horses or turne-pikes in english , and besides the stopping of a suddaine charge of horse , they are of excellent use , to be clapt on the topp of a breach , or some vveake place of a trench , or a vvall , and good store of them ought to be carryed along vvith an army on vvaggons , to be sett up in some avenus , or passages , to stop and hinder the sudden attempt of an enemy , vvhen one hath no time to cast up a trench . in fortresses they are also of greater use then chaines or barres , vvhich crosseth the streets , for a man may skip over a chaine , and a good horse will leap over it : but being beset and crossed vvith turne-pikes , neither foot nor horse are able to passe over them , seeing they have staves and sharp points through them on all sides . they may be set up also in the streets of suburbs and other places instead of barres , and vvhere some broad places are to be kept , in joyning many of them together , vvhich is done ordinarily in the expeditions of warres . they are made in this manner following , you take a tree of firme wood , vvhich will not cleave , vvhere of the diameter is five or sixe inches , and some , or foot long , vvhich is made vvith six corners , so that it hath six sides , and in the midst of these sides , one bores three or foure inches one from another cros-wise , and thē puts through these holes round javelings , vvhereof the diameter is an inch and a half , or at the most two inches , the lengt of them is sixe or size foot , and so made , that they are all of one length , which are made of a strong and a firme piece of timber , which will not easily bend , nor will be weakned by raine , these are thrust through these holes , so that they are of a just length on both sides , and have as many javelings on the one side , as on the other : so that the turnepike is alike over all , and falleth alvvaies after one fashion , as it lies , and as one vvould have it . both the ends of these javelings are headed , and sharp pointed vvith yron , and the ends of the tree are plated about vvith rings of iron , that the tree of the turnepike may not cleave and in the middest of both ends there are rings and clasps made to tye tvvo or three of these turne-pikes together with chaines , if occasion should serve , all vvhich is represented in the figure . where there are some banks near unto a fortresse or water , vvhere shipping may passe to and again , or vvhere a water may be vvaded through , there are made pales or barricadoes , represented in the figure , which are made vvith sparres of strong vvood , squared out , being some or inches big and some nine or ten foot long , vvhich are set between great posts , about or inches one from another , as ye may see in thee figure . the fouresquare tanternailes is a very necessary thing for defence , having alvvaies one of the points standing upvvard . for they have foure points as sharp as a naile , whereof three stands upon the ground , and the fourth hovvsoever it lies , standing bolt upright . they are of divers greatnesse , for those vvhich are commonly used in this country , are lesser then those which are cast into a moate . the point whereof or , or inches long . a fortresse ought to have good store of them for to cast them into a moate , into a falsebray , or upon a breach , because they prick and hurt shrodly the souldiers feet which strives to enter . they are represented to you in the figure . your dodanes or beares made of stone or brick are set upon a banke by a river side , to keep the water from overflowing , ( or running out of a moat . the dutches cals it a beare , because it represents the shape of a beare , but the french terme it des d'asnes , and of one word corrupted dodanes , that is , an asses backe ▪ because it hath some resemblance of an asses back , upon which disobedient souldiers , who committed some notable offence must ride upon some houres one after another , which we call in english a woodden horse , and hath the fashion of an asses-backe . master symon stephens , prince maurice his old mathematician , in his new booke of fortification , and sluces , makes mention of some great faults committed in the making of these beares , because the foundation , which should sustaine and beare up this ponde●ous work , ought to be exceeding strong , and foundly laid , for otherwise the expence , and the labour which it costs wil be cast away in vaine . for the preventing whereof , he gives good councill to sinke into the bottome of the moate , piles or mast trees bound fast together and of one and the same bignes and length , which wil make a strong and a firm foundatiō , wherupon afterward you may build your beare . it must be made a good deale higher , then the water , when the tides , or the rivers are swolne up to the very bankes , and it must be made so thick , that it may be able to resist the force and violence of the water , and the stones and bricks so laid and plaistred together , that the water cannot eate or soake through it· and because these beares in moates might serve as a way to straddle over and get into the towne or fortresse by , at both ends there is two palissadoes set the one upon the banke , and the other one either side next the moate , as you may see in the . figure before which also is struck into the ground , many other small palissadoes of or foot length before mentioned . but the top of the beare is made with a sharpe edge , and in the midst of it a little round turrit to hinder , and keepe backe those that would clime over it : sometimes there are made two round turrets when it is made over a broad water or moate , the figure . will shew you the pouretrature of such a beare . of retrenchings , or inward cuttings off , and how one must resist an assavlt . the eleventh chapter . interiour . the art of fortification is not onely of perfect fortresses , provided with all kinde of outward-workes , but also hath besides an other use , seing that it teacheth also how one ough to prepare and furnish a towne or fortresse with new workes , when the others are ruinated . this part of fortification is called in french un retrenchement interieur , in latine recessus , and in english an inward cutting off : because such workes are made to no other end , but to make a retreate into , when the others are lost . for , when one cannot maintain , and defend a whole worke , or a part thereof , because an enemie striveth with all his power to become master of it one must then resolve , when he is driven out of one work , how he may retire into another , and defend himselfe againe , against the assault of an enemy , because it would be very hurtfull to defend one selfe , when he lies open to an enemy . this inward cuttings off is of two sorts , the one in outworkes , the other in a fortresse it selfe . besides , it is in generall or particular . wee wil first handle the cuttings off , which are made in outward works , which are the first , which an enemy seekes to take in , and afterwards the cuttings off , which must bee made in a towne or fortresse it selfe . touching a generall cutting off , it is only used in crown-works , horn-works , or tenailles . the same is also of two sorts ▪ regular , and irregular . a generall cutting off is , when a worke is made in all things like unto that , which is cut off , in such sort , that a crown-worke is made within a crown-work , a horn-work within a horn-worke , and a tanaille within a tanaille . irregular cuttings off of outward works , is that which is that which keeps not the form of the worke , which is cutt off within , yet neuerthelesse shutteth up the worke with a continued parapet . a perticular cutting off is , when a worke is made out of broken workes , or severed one from an other , in such wise that there is made one , two , or three reuelings , in stead of a horn-worke , or two demy bulwarkes . you must observe well , touching every kind of cutting off here set downe , that they may have a good defence , and if it be possible , that they may also be defended from some other places , and that they lie open to that side which lookes into the towne or fortresse besieged . a generall cutting off in crown-works is done as followeth , one fals backward some or foote , yea more or lesse , according as the condition of the place is , and as necessity requires , and one maks the work within it , like unto the other which is cut off . and though his work being cut off , is lesser then the other , yet it will give an enemy enough to doe when he shall attempt the taking of it in . your crown-workes are made commonly after the proportion of a small fort royall , where the proportion of the polygones are of or rodd , when you resolve to cut off a worke a little more inward , it will become narrower in a regard of the great work , yet will be great enough to defend it selfe the generall cuttings of crown-works , will cost no great labour , which may easily be showne , in regarde it is very common . an example thereof you may see in the figure : the cutting off being made , one is forced to make a ditch , between the worke quitted and the cutting off , which ought neverthelesse to be done , because one takes the earth out of the ditch , to make up the cutting off withall : one must observe also that this cutting off must be made , as strong as possible may be . the cuttings off are maide only , while an enemy is approaching towards you , but also when towns and forts are first fortified . your general cuttings off in tenailles doth not differ from that which is made in horn-works , saveing that one make a tenaile , in stead of a horn-worke . the particular cuttings off of horn-works is after so many wayes , that one cannot shew here all the kinds of them . a cutting off is represented unto you in the figure , where a horn-worke is cut off , and two revelings made in the sides of it , which are defended by a third , which are behinde the others : & though they have a sufficient defence of themselves , yet the defence of the other reveling is added to them over & above , and is defended from the tenaille , which is after it . besides this , there is another kinde of cutting of a horn-worke showne in the figure . in imitating these cuttings off one may make many others , as necessity may permit , and as an enemy attempts upon you , all which is impossible to marke out here . a generall cutting off a great wall or rampard is used very seldome , because the besiegers and the besieged will at last grow weary thereof , neverthelesse , this hapned in the seige of ostend , which lasted three yeares , three months and odd dayes : for assoone as the enemy had got into the wall by sapping and springing of mines , they presenly had an other cutting off ready to entertaine them : in so much that dureing this seige , there were many counter-approches against approches , counter mines against the enemies mines , so that the enemy could not get for a long time sarcely an inch of ground upon our men , for there were above forty mines sprung on both sides & when the earth fel out , men fought for that and turned up the earth against them , for these generall and royall cuttings off , lasted , till the enemie had got more then halfe the towne , before they gate over the whole . and though such a seige , and such a great cuttings off , happens but seldome , yet you shall see an example thereof in the figure , where is showne how one ought to quit a whole part of a towne , or fortresse , vvith the curtaine and bulvvarks , and hovv one by a cutting of a bullvvarke , or a curtaine is more usual , vvhereof vve savv an example at the seige of the bosch in the vucher bulvvarks as also the last year at the seige of breda vvhere both the ginnekeis and haghish hornvvorks , vvith both these bulvvarks , vvere most dangerously cut off novv to represent unto you some cuttings off , vvhich you may see in the figure marked vvith a , b , and c. the letter c shovvs you hovv one ought to quit a vvhole bulvvark , and hovv you ought to make your capital line after a bulvvark is cut off . likevvise other kinds of cuttings off of bulvvarks , are represented unto you in the figure , , , , and , after vvhich manner , you may make many others and change , and order them , as an enemie comes neere you , and as the commodiousnesse of the place shall require . it happens also sometimes that curtaines are cut of invvardly , vven as an enemy may assault them vvith advantage , becaus of their length . you may then cut them of as is shovvn in figure , vvhen you have time enough to cut them of royally . but if time vvil not permitt you to make a royall fortification , then you must make use of traverses . it is impossible to cut of a false-bray , because of the little space , vvhich is in it . notvvthstanding one may cast up some traverses in it , especially on that side , vvhich the enemy seeks to take in , and tovvards vvhich part he vvould advance his gallery , to the end you may not give too much to an enemy , but keep and maintaine the place as much as possible may be . for the besieged may lay hold on the same advantage , as their enemy doth , vvhen he is once got into the false-bray , and though vvhen he is in that they may cover the roof of it vvith planks one may neverthelesse set fire on it , and disaccommodate the enemy on all sides . as for other vvorks as revelings and halfmoons , you may see hovv they are cut of after the same manner , as the bullvvarks are , if the vvorke vvhich is to be cut of be great enough and have place enough in it to be cut off . but forasmuch as all this here showne , concerneth principally the defence , which ought to bee considered in ordinary fortresses , so one must have a speciall care to the materials whereof these workes are made : for in making of them , you must choose the best earth that is to be got , which will make your workes the stronger . in outworkes you may alwayes take in the earth , which is digged out of the moate· but because that sandy earth , or earth mingled with sand , is not so good , it is lyned with rise , or brush , which is layd betwixt and upon it . in great bulwarks , where there is not earth enough , and besides that is sandy , it must bee laid with rowes of brush , driving them in with stakes , and sparrs of houses shot down with canon . but when the ground is so sandy , that you cannot work it alone , then you must lay dung , and straw , and other things betwixt it to make it hold together , and you must wet the earth as many times as is needful . you may fortifie your parapets with gabions , when you cannot make them otherwise , and likewise you may set great musket baskets upon the top of the parapet , that it may be covered the better . in outworks one may make use of the ordinary profile , when you have time enough to make cuttings off , or you may make them long before hand . but the works which are made in great hast , have no certaine rule : howsoever , you must make them as strong as possible may be , and as meanes , and time will give you leave . touching the cuttings off of bulwarks and curtains , one can give likewise no certain rule , only this you must ever have a care , that all inward works and cuttings off , lie open toward the town or fortres with this proviso also , that they be not made so high , but that the great works may over-look and command them : for if the rampard of the cutting off be lower , then the high rampard of the town , then the enemies canon can do it no great harm , because they are defended from the great rampard . againe , the enemy cannot discover the place and the forme of the cutting off , according to which one may governe themselves otherwise . it is certain also , that one cannot beate an enemy from a high place , which is neer at hand because he is blinded and covered with the wall or rampard . all these things being finished , when one is assured , that an enemy is ready to spring his mine , which cannot be found out , one must then strengthen , & double the guards in every place , & bring your canon to those places , where they may most gaul and flanck the enemy . one ought to have an eye , aswell on other places , as only upon the breach , which is made by the springing of the mine . for an enemy hopeing that he may have drawn , the most of the forces in a town or fortresse to defend the breach , may attempt some other place of the fortresse , which is not thought upon & so become master of such a place , which is not provided with a sufficient defence . after that the breach is made , the besieged must expect to be presently assaulted , which they must maintaine and make good as long as possibly they can , by defending the breach couragiously , in doing whereof , they must throw downe from the top of it , abundance of these sqare tanter-nailes spoken of in the chapter before , for to annoy and prick the enemy , when he seeks to mount up and to enter it . vpon the top of the breach also , if they have time they may cast up a brest-worke , as sir francis vere did in ostend , or set up some turn-pikes , to hinder the enemy for entring , and to strike in some palissadoes upon the top of it , having clubs , flails , stones : and ashes , to offend them . it is necessary , when the enemy strives to enter it , that the souldiers fight couragiously , & that the officers should encourage them with their presence to carry themselvs like brave men , that being a place to gaine honour in , by giveing them also premisses of reward , and when they grow weary , to see that they be seconded with fresh men , which stand in readinesse behinde the rampard , to relieve them . when they are not able to maintaine and defend the breach any longer , then they must retire into the cutting off , and take a new courage , and a heart of grace , in fighting behinde a new rampard in makeing resistance as long as ever they are able , and thus much for the second part . two divisions of files of pikes standing in their order in ranke & file making men . ordre de bataille de d'infanterie , et de cavaillerie , ordonné en trois brigades , duquel le front de a. b. a pieds . ordre de bataille en flandres vers nieuport , dressée l'an . le e . iuillet . par le prince d'orange maurice . ordre de bataille de l'archeduc albert en flanders vers nieuport le e iuillet l'an . ordre de bataille d'infanterie , ordonné par le feu prince d'orange maurice , de tres boute memoire l'an ● . premiere forme de l'ordre de bataille devant rees , le e . septembre . ordre de bataille de compaignies de cavaillerie devant rees , le . septemb. . premiere forme d'ordre de bataille devant iuliers dressée l'an . e marchant depuis vorstenberg . seconde forme de lordre de bataille dressée depuis vorstenberg vers iuliers le e aoeust a forme of horse embattailed before gulick anno . ordre de bataille de cavaillerie devant iuliers l'an mille six cent et dix an other forme of embattailing horse shoune before rees by his exce ordre de bataille de cavaillerie devant rees , ordonné par son excce . en octob . ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant rees l'an duquel le front est : long pieds , et la bauteur pieds . autre ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant rees l'an duquel le front est long . pieds , et la bauteur . pieds . premiere ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant doormick l'an . seconde ordre de bataille de cavaillerie , et infanterie , ordonné par son excce . devant doornick le ●e . de septemb. infanterie en bataille . autre ordre d'infanterie en bataille . ordre d'infanterie en bataille pres nimmege . . ordre de bataille ordonné par le prince henry à walwic . ordre-de-bataille de toute l'armeé , ordonné par son altezze , devant le sort de voren le e . de iuin . the forme of the battle , which his highnesse showed before breda anno . the front is . foote . the forme of battle showne by his highnesse at maersen the e . of iune : the front is foote . quartier d'un 〈◊〉 d'infanterie de dix compaignies , selon l'ordre de son altezze : le front à pieds . quartier d'un regiment de cavaillerie de . compaignies selon l'ordre de son altezze le front à pieds . figure d'une armée en campaigne ; avec ques sa cavaillerie et infanterie , selon l'ordre du feu prince d'orange . the loyal indigent officer being a brief description of the truly loyal commissioned officers, which hath faithfully served his late majesty, of ever blessed memory, and his majesty that now is : with a discovery how to be known from the number of the pretended commission'd officers, which formerly hath appear'd, and hath participated of his majesties gracious gifts and favours and, not contented, secretly contrived for more / written by charles hammond ... hammond, charles, th cent. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the loyal indigent officer being a brief description of the truly loyal commissioned officers, which hath faithfully served his late majesty, of ever blessed memory, and his majesty that now is : with a discovery how to be known from the number of the pretended commission'd officers, which formerly hath appear'd, and hath participated of his majesties gracious gifts and favours and, not contented, secretly contrived for more / written by charles hammond ... hammond, charles, th cent. [ ], p. printed by e.c. for the truly loyal party, london : [ca. ] "presented to the kings most excellent majesty" date of publication from nuc pre- imprints. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -- ii, -- king of england, - . england and wales. -- army -- pay, allowances, etc. military pensions -- england. great britain -- history -- restoration, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - megan marion sampled and proofread - megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the loyal indigent officer . being a brief description of the truly loyal commissioned officers , which hath faithfully served his late majesty , of ever blessed memory , and his majesty that now is . with a discovery how to be known from the number of the pretended commission'd officers , which formerly hath appear'd , and hath participated of his majesties gracious gifts , and favours , and not contented , secretly contrived for more . written by charles hammond . one of the truly loyal indigent officers . presented to the kings most excellent majesty . london , printed by e.c. for the truly loyal party to the high and mighty monarch , charles the ii. king of great brittain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith. dread soveraign , true loyalty hath imboldned me to present this subject to your majesty , not out of any sinester ends of mine own , but in the behalf of the truly loyal commission'd officers ; them that can declare and prove themselves so : and the causes of all their wants , sufferings , and indigencies , since your happy restauration : we must confess your majesty and parliament hath been bountiful unto us : but the sinester self-ends and covetousness , of some that hath had the managing of your gracious favours , hath left us still indigent officers ; and hath enricht themselves by our ruines . all that we humbly beg of your majesty , is for the king of kings sake , and for your blessed fathers sake , one of the best of kings ; that you would be so gragiously pleased , as to afford that small time as to peruse this book , or refer it to some that may give your majesty an account of it . here is nothing but truth in it , though it be deckt in a mean habit of poor language , being more souldier then scholar . thirty five years we have served and suffered for your royal father , of ever blessed memory , and your sacred majesty , above half the age of most of us . twenty years before your happy restauration , we spent our youths , our bloods , and what estates we had , in imprisonment , and bondage , in the time of rebellion , and after the murther and marthirdom 〈◊〉 your blessed father ; and now almost fifteen years since your happy restauration ( in indigency and much want many of us ) we hope your majesty after so long a time , will somthing provide for us , that we may not want food and raiment in our old age we have been forc'd to make fasting days , whilst those hath made feasting days ; which hath converted your majesties bounties and favours to their one use , that was ordered to be justly and honestly deal withal by them , for the relief of some of us . some of these having received double favours from your majesty , and not satisfied , are always contriving for more : we hope your majesty hath some left for us at last who can prove our loyalty , service and deserts , equal with some of theirs if not out ballance them , and out sufferings much more . we have no ●●dy under god to make our necessities and grievances known to , but our gracious majesty . it was formerly a proverb , that a friend in court , was better then a penny in purse ; but now no penny in purse , ●●w friends in court : we may wan●er with our good service and desert ●here we will , we shall scarce find ●mployment or preferment , for an in●igent officer ; unless he can bring angels with him to open their mouths , ●nd make them speak cheerfully : pray pardon me gracious soveraign , out of the abundance of the heart ●he mouth speaketh ) if i have been ●oo bold in my expressions , i hope your majesty will think it more my igno●ance , then presumption . may it please your majesty , i have ●ere in this small treatise , drawn out ●he truly loyal commission'd officers ; what they have been , what they now are , and how to be known ; which truly qualified , are not many now to be provided for . i have cleered the aspersions laid upon them to your majesty . likewise the causes of their indigency formerly , and lately , by the pretended loyal officers : which i hope your majesty will take it into your princely consideration , to provide some subsistance , that we may live and end our days with some comfort and content after our troubles , and so long sufferings , that we may pray for your majesties long life , happy reign , and prosperity in this life , and a crown of glory in the world to come : which shall be the prayers of your ever loyal subject and souldier ; to the utmost of my strength and power ; as i am in duty bound , charles hammond . may it please your majesty there is a list ready to present , when our majesty pleases to command it , of most of the truly loyal commission'd officers , that are here about the cities of london and westminster , and not provided for : which officers will make themselves out truly qualified , according as this book expresses : and desire to be tried by an inspection or examin'd by whom your majesty shall appoint : that it may be clearly made known they are such as deserves your majesties favours from those that are secretly contriving to purchase some benefits or rewards from your majesty ; and acted by some that are no such men , nor never had the commands as they go by : which we hope your majesty will be so graciously pleased , that when god shall put it in your majesties brest to provide for us , as we hope he speedily will ; that all such may be provided for , that are as they pretend to be ; which at the most , cannot be two hundred , less it may be , when truly examined , as they desire to be ; which as then can be no complaints , neither by the loyal commission'd officers , nor the pretended officers having been cleerly made out what they have been , the great necessity of many of the loyal party , hath imboldned us to press your gracious majesty so much as we have done , which we are bound to pray the lord will bless and prosper you in all your councels , and actions . the epistle to the reader . i know not into whose hands this small book may come into by chance , i shall be censured hardly by some for speaking the truth , ( i vallue it not ) i fear god and honour the king , before whom i am commanded to speak the truth : i must confess all truths at all times ought not to be spoke ; i have more ( if commanded by authority ) to utter , till then i wave it : if i have offended his majesty ( to whom i have dedicated these papers ) by my blunt or too bold expressions here , i humbly beg his pardon , which my loyalty and faithful service i hope shall procure ; being never guilty of presumptuous actions to displease his majesty ; i may procure enemies i confess , but none that truly fears god and honours the king : such whose unjust self ended and covetous actions hath rob'd the spittle ( as i may say ) and having enough themselves , snatcheth the bread from those mouths it was given to , that their tables may be furnisht the better , though some are ready to starve the whil'st : such as these may be my enemies for declaring the truth ; if thou art one of these that reads this book or a friend , to any such , tell them i am too old to fear , and and to great a sufferer to flatter . but if these papers , or my self lights into the hands of any such magistrates ( under his majesty ) as jethro propounded to moses ( to govern the people ) men fearing god and hating govetousness : i hope i shall deserve no frowns from them , if i have no favours . can you afford but so much time or patience to read these two sheets of paper , censure of it or me what you please , i write it not for self ends , benefit , nor honour ; i wish i had but as much skill to handle my pen as a scholar , as i have as a souldier ( according to the command i had ) i nor others should not be so much slighted by gown men , as we are now by some sword men , ( being old ) age is lookt upon in a pulpit or in the courts of iudicature , according to their learning and desarts . how old souldiers are lo●kt upon now according to their deserts , i leave it to the young souldiers to judge : all that we have to comfort our selves now ( many of us ) is a good conscience , and that we have served our king loyally and faithfully , and hope for a reward ; if not here , we hope hereafter . all that i have to say to the more , reader , i wish thee as well as thou wishest the prosperity of his majesty , and the peace of the kingdome , and all his loyal subjects , that serves him faithfully and honestly . so far i remain thine to the utmost of my power , charles hammond . the truely loyal indigent officer . an honourable title ; it was given us by act of parliament , not by any way of derision , but out of pitty ; considering our condition . they little thought we should retain our indigency so long . the gift his majesty and parliament gave us , l. men of understanding did judge it to be a princely and noble gift : besides his majesty was gratiously pleased to add to it the office money , which by most mens judgments ( that had understanding in the offices ) if honestly taxt and gathered , would amount to as much more at least . sixscore thousand pound ! ( a sum of money ) had it been rightly destributed according to the intention of the act of parliament , ( that was ) to the truly loyal indigent officers , it would a raised them considerable sums to imploy'd them , or purchas'd places , as those that were our enemies have done . but the report of this money to be given , so alarm'd the counterfit officers , that they conceited , and created themselves officers , grooms , serving-men , and pedees to colonels , and field-officers , made nothing of getting certificates to certify them leiutenants , cornets , ensigns , serjants , corporalls , sentenells , and private troopers to make themselves ensigns , cornets , and quarter-masters : then there was your paper officers ( as i may call them ) that could come up and lye at little charges here in london ; one aturney would serve to lye here for the letters of aturney of two or three shires of such officers : they would venture their names and certificates with them at half snips , or as much in the pound according as they could agree for : most of them knowing it was all clear gains , if they got any . in conmming up to clam it themselves , they knew here were them that would know their faces , if ever they shew'd them with credit in his majesties army : but they thought they were not act proof if they came within shot of the truly loyal officers ; therefore they would pickeer at a distance a far off , and their aturnyes to stand the danger . i will not say but some of them may be right , and the owners truly qualified : but i beleive not the third part according to the act of parliament , for after the act came out there was them that made a good living by creating , and perswading many to be captains and officers both in city and country ; it is too tedious to relate the cheats that was in that list of officers : to my knowledge ( that was in the western army , and in one regiment from the first to the last ) a drum put in for lieutenant , a captain ( when examined ) did not know his lieutenat colonel . eleven ensigns to the regiment that i belonged too , and neer but ten colours flying at first : two quartermasters to that regiment of foot , and no such men known by the colonel , nor my self , ( that continued to the last in it ) and many officers we never knew , dead men that were comsum'd in their graves long before this act came out ; their names appear'd here by conjurations of some or other to cheat real indigent officers . these letters of aturney-marchants gain'd well enough to keep themselves from indigency , some they never paid , and thought it no deceipt to deceive the deceivers , the honestes of them ( if there were any ) took such fees of their clyants , they will scarce be trusted with any busines of consequence by any honest party since , it is the beleif of many honest gentlemen that the unlawful letters of aturney that were paid , made paid , and unpaid , hath juggled away as much money as would satisfy most of the indigent officers that are left : there was another sort of pretended officers put in for a share of this money ! that never had men , nor commissions neither , many of them ; it was an easy matter towards the latter end of the wars to gain a commission to raise a regiment , his majesty trusting them on their own words ( with little knowledge of them , may be , upon their great promises ) these colonels presently made their captains , and other officers , and so rides up and down the country to raise men and horses upon the countries charge , living upon free-quarters , and gathering contribution ; never giving accoumpt to field army , nor garison , nor never troubling them , till forc'd by the enemy to make their retreat , and so sleep in a whole skin ; these making more enemies ( rather then helping to destroy them ) by their plundering , and cowardly actions , which turned the hearts of many that wish'd his majesty , and armys well at first : these , and such like , made up this number of . and odd commissioned officers ; enough for three camp-royals of horse and foot ( besides those that had estates , imployments , and commands ( that did not put in ) which was a shame to our english nation , to have a kingdom conquered , and such a pious prince murdered before his own palace ( for want of an army ) the number of officers sufficient enough to conduct a hundred thousand foot , and forty thousand horse ; such an army of politick genera's , couragious commanders , and well disciplin'd and resolved souldiers , need not have fear'd to a marcht to the walls of constantinople , and make an honourable retreat , if not conquer'd the great turk ( had we not lost the hearts of the truly ancient brittains ) but what should i talk of so many officers , when there were not by the judgment of those that knew this list , not fifteen hundred that were truly qualified , according to the act of parliament ; yet all these officers past muster in the list and book , and past inspection for all that ever could be justly proved against them . thus have i made it appear , what a number of money hath been paid , and made paid most of it , to an unknown number of men , so according as it was ordered , this l pound , and that office money that was paid , would amount to but days pay to them that did receive it , and two years before we could get it ; so as it was given for a help for some subsistance for us , it made us more indigent than we were ; for it cast many of us in prison , running more in debt then the money would pay . what here i have declared , i know there is many gentlemen are sensible of the truth of it . his majesty likewise was graciously pleased , after this to grant a patten for six years , to those commission'd officers that were here about the city , that had no imployments , nor subsistance of a livelihood , till his majesty could make a more ample and lasting provision for them ; as is more fully exprest in the letter patten , there was trustees chosen ( thirteen , i must confess ) by some of us , but we could very well a spared half of them , for they have shuffled and cut so with the party ( which is two hundred and odd ) that they have gain'd but a very little by their dealing : there is no body can tell their gains , ( nor they cannot say themselves , they are loosers ) in a matter of fourteen or fifteen months after the setting up of the lotteryes , there was account given ( i know not whether it was upon oath , for i heard of none they took , but the oath of secrecy amongst themselves ; which one of their own party confest , when he was askt how the business went by one of us ) they having the managing and letting of all lotteryes , for that time , the plate lottery at charing cross , where his majesty and the royal family was pleased to honour it ; not only with their persons , but likewise with their purses : there was plentiful throwing into that lottery , according to the drawing out . and likewise , they had the benefit of many plate lotteryes , in divers places that year ; and the letting and setting of the other lotteryes that brought in handsom sums of money ; besides the royal oak lottery , which was more considerable then all the rest : now after your necessary and unnecessary charges was deducted , it was brought to eleven days pay a piece to the party ; which was but a very small sum , as i shall make it appear at last , there was a greater sum of money left for you thirteen , then for all the rest of the party besides : each one of you allow'd your selves more than you allow'd a whole regiment of officers , ( quarter-masters excepted ) you would let none of them come in for a share ; intending to quarter us your selves with a quarter part of the royal oak , and judged it enough for us by your bench of thirteen , your chair-man judge , and a full jury ( if you all sate ) to take his part : but now so much of the time being gone , and so little profit appeared , the party began to murmure , then to show your good intentions you had for the benefit of the party , you were contented the city and country should be devided in lots amongst us , who had the drawing of them i know not : but the city of london must be your share , ( with some others that you chose ) which was more responsable then all the countries could be ; for all the rest of the party not bearing the charges of any that should go to manage them , according as you had and did manage it ; and had it not been for the royal oak ( which you did strive to keep all for your selves too ) most of the party had had nothing of all the lotteries ever since ; at last you did allow us the fourth part of that ; but we must believe your honest words , ( i hope you did not misreckon your selves ) we cannot judge it to be an even account , it comes so just to two days and a quarter a piece each officer , twice a year paid ; them that keeps those lotteries for you , keeps a very good correspondency ; they know we are so poor , a little gain will please us , so they bring us in not loosers : ten days pay and three quarters we have had since , who you have been pleased to pay , which doth amout to a labourers hire formerly a peny a day one officer with another , it will not pay for their lodging , let them shift for meat , drink , and cloths , how they can . now ( our trustees ) thinking we were not content with this small sallery we had from them ( as well they might ) nor they satisfied for the pains and care they took for us , shuffled a third part of us off , that are left alive : the pattern being nere out , having friends and money to boot , hath got the royal oak for themselves ( which they thought the fourth part was enough for all of us before ) and left the rest of the lotteryes to some other officers which his majesty hath been pleased to give them to . i wish them happiness in the enjoyment of them , and may prove to their expectations ; but our trustees are sure of the wheat , whatsoever the rest proves . i am sure there 's none of them can say , they are indigent officers now , whatsoever some of them could before they were chosen trustees . but the number that chose them were not many more then their selves , and if to choose again , would scarce give their votes for half of you now , in a smaller business of trust . i am so charitable to think if some of the trustees had sate at the helm in your steed , that did , they would a steer'd a better course of conscience , than you that sate twice a week , and your wills a law , having the purse in your hand . out of conscience i tell you this , for dealing so unconscienceably by me and others , granting power , and authority , and receiving rent , promising to vindicate men , and make them stand tryals , to their utter ruine , and will not be at a penny charge ; yet allowing your selves such salleryes and interest , t is a shame here to relate , ( which will be proved ) by the plate lotteries , which two of you took upon you to manage , in the behalf of a party ; where their lot fell in the country : one of these persons hath iumpt ( since his name was in the printed book , amongst the . indigent officers ) from a cornet to a captain , and never headed troop nor company since , whatsoever he did before ; nor i believe will never be chronicled for his acts of piety , charity , or valour . to carry on his designs as the party knows by experinnce ; since he hath had the handling of the business , it is his policy to trust none of the party with any business of our own , where he hath had the managing of it , neither in the plate lotteries , or royal oak , but give good salleries to others , which would a been a good relief for some of us ; that i believe was as able and as honest as any were implo'd , and would a given a good satisfacton of your integrety to those that were mistrustful of you ; but you thought they were not fit for your secrecy , and therefore not fit for your service : but some of you ( say we ) are a discontented people , and never satisfied what is done for us : let all men that hath any conscience , or christian reason in them , judge , after i have as near as i can , cast up how much you have been pleased to allow us , since you have been our stewards ; whether we have not had more reason to complain than give you thanks for your pains and care you have taken for us this six years : the first payment we had a days pay from you , out of all the lotteries , and days & quarters pay since out of the royal oak ; which makes not days pay in all , cast up for the time , it amounts to about six pence a day , between a colonel of horse , and a collonel of foot ; other field-officers , on with another , not two-pence a day : a captain of horse and foot , three half-pence a day , three pence between them . leiutenant ensigns , and cornets , about a half-penny a day , one officer with another , not two-pence a day to maintain them . i would have you reason with them , how they have spent and consumed it , and not benefitted themselves by it as you have done , but murmure at your actions : the servants that you have imploy'd for the managing of our business , that you were intrusted for , hath made their saleryes many days better then a regiment of officers pay , hath been a day ( and good keeping by you besides ) i hope you have gain'd this six years sufficient enough by us ; what we have gain'd by you , i have made it appear , i hope when it is known how we have been dealt withal , since his majesties restauration , as this book relates part , we cannot be blam'd formaking our grievances so much known , and have had so little done for us yet , and long of such as have had the managing of our business . i hope you will give an account what moneys you have left in your treasury , of those that are dead since , and either pay it to the widows , children , or to them that relieved them ( when you would not ) unless they would administer , and so it may be undo themselves , for that little you would do for them . if you have not the curses of the widows and fatherless , i am afraid you have the prayers of very few ; if you have done for us as you would be done to your selves you have done like loyal subjects , and good christians ; and i wish your prosperity according , the same i wish to my self : give loosers leave to speak the truth , and not all neither , till occasion serves . if i have drawn you out here with my pen , it is not to the life , for i have shadowed you ; and it is well known to some of you your selves and to others ; for the present i shall leave you , as you have left us : if we be thrown out of your favours , which i am apt to believe you had never none for us ( unless it were for your own ends ) we hope we shall not be thrown out of his majesties favour , nor none that truly loves those that faithfully served him ; as i shall make it appear who they are , and how to be known , from those that takes the names and titles , of loyal commission'd officers . there is your truly loyal commission'd officer and your truly loyal indigent officer . two titles , but one subject ; different in habits , but all one in hearts : some it may be hath some livelihood , credit , subsistence , some friends , in hopes of somthing to be done for them . others may have imployments during pleasure ( not life ) subject to be turned out , because of their age ; but others again as i know hath neither , so indigent , and their wants so great , they are ashamed to make it known ; men fit , deserving men to be trusted in honest imployments , and as able to perform , which i believe his majesty knows not off : and there are them that knows those things , but being provided for themselves , grows forgetful of their fellow-sufferers : the pretended loyal commission officers , hath been the cause of those things , and the aspertions that hath been laid upon us besides : the truly loyal commission'd officer , is he that can make himself out so , according to the title and command he had formerly : having a real command of men answerable , and able to perform the duty of a souldier ; according to that command ; that served his prince for loyalty , not lucre ; that feared neither the complaints of the souldiers , nor the countries to rise against him , for abusing , or wronging of them , that served and suffered till the last , without deserting ; that never was a shame to his king , nor the cause he undertook by his deboist living or behaviour , that strived as much to serve god , as he did to honour and serve his king. these are brave principles ( you will say ) to be found in commanders , and souldiers : such as never wisht his majesty nor his armies well : say , there were very few then , and appears as few now , but it is well known to them that were in the armies of either side that there were many such in all parts of his majesties armies ; there is many lies now in the earth , whose memories will never dye on earth : some dyed in the field of honour ; others murthered for their loyalty . i will name none , but let truth and equity judge ; and then their actions in all parts where they were known , will sound their fame to those that are now living , and strives to imitate them , which is no disgrace to a souldier to be religious as well as valorous ; some of those men ( i mean ) though not declared here , had been brought up in other parts beyond the sea ; before they had occasion to show their valour and knowledge here in his majesties service , and were not ashamed to own they were commanded , before they came to command , and knew what belong'd to a souldier from a sentinel , to a general , and of good birth ; which if now living , would not despise age and poverty , in old deserving souldiers , ( and officers formerly ) as some do ; and lookt upon as such pittiful fellows , that deserves more disgrace or shame to be thrown upon them , for their loyalty and good service , then either charity or equity , to be done for them ; as for example , two that are now in good offices ( which i shall not name ) and are imploy'd about business that lyes in dispute , concerning the loyal indigent officers ; one of them was pleased to say , what a stir there was about a company of idle fellows ; let them go to work for pence a day : the other spoke more inveterate words , which ( i shall wave relating here ) i know not what they have been , nor what their parents were ( though now got in good imployments ) such words they spoke , savours more of the seed of rebellion than loyalty ; and like to have good proceedings from such agents , if they could bear sway : how such men ought to be honoured with preferment , i leave it to all honourable gentlemen , that belongs to the courts of england to judge of it ; they have neither law nor gospel of their side to defend themselves , to belch out that hatred they have in their hearts against souldiers , and gentlemen that had estates , and could a liv'd well without working , ( being never bred to it ) before rebellion got the upperhand . solomon the wisest king that ever was , held such as were men of war to be more honourable then to be imploy'd in servile work , such as he imployed strangers in , and the people of the land. when the souldier askt john baptist what they should do , he did not abhor them but admonisht them : do violence to no man , neither accuse any falsey , and be content with your wages . as allowing the calling , but reforming the abusers . blame me not to declare to the world how much true loyalty is look'd upon in indigency ? not only by them that were our enemies ? but likewise those that hath profest themselves our friends , and such as hath served his majesty faithfully ( it may be too ) only got the start of us ; being prefer'd , or provided for ; have they but good cloaths and money in their pockets , they will either shun ye , or look on one side , and take no notice of you , or give you a complement , with your servant sir , scorn you for your cloaths sake , fearing you should disgrace them , or put them to charge with your company ; being puft in heart , as much as in habit ; forgetting what you were , having forgot themselves , not minding what shifts they nor we have been put too in the time of rebellion , leaving our own country , and habitations ; taking any honest courses to live in remote places , where they knew not what we had bin , rather then desert the cause we fought for , or make shipwrack of our conscience and loyalty , either to serve or adheer to our enemies . there were some to my knowledge , might a had preferment , and the same commands under them , when they were in prison , at the latter end of the vvars , if they would a took up arms under them . the skill of a pilot is best known in a tempest : the worth of a souldier in the day of battel ; and the true principles of a christian , in the times of persecution . it was the words of her that was a cherisher of such , and knew the worths of them . such as hath indured the brunts of all these in their youths , and prime age , ought not to be disdained now they are old. jesus the son of sirach in ecclesiasticus , the . chap. the ver . he saith , there was two things that grieved his heart , to see a man of war suffer poverty ; and men of vnderstanding not set by . though it be in the apocraphy , it is not to be despised by any that hath any christian charity in them : i hope this book will light into the hands of some that are such as the son of sirach was ; that will grieve that our poverty hath lasted so long and will be instruments to move his majesty in our behalfs ; that some speedy course may be thought on , for those that are left alive , that we may not be made a scoff on by such as are our enemies in their hearts to us for our loyalty , and deride us to our faces , as much as they durst for our indigency ; the aspertions that hath been laid upon our party , i believe hath been the causes that we have been so long not provided for ; saying we are a discontented people , and will not be satified for what is done for us ; delighting in swearing , and drinking : domineering what they have bin , and what command they had , ( when proved to the contrary . ) i must confess t is this sort of idle , vapouring , counterfeit-officers , hath made us all fare alike ; and it is those that makes such a number , his majesty knows not who to provide for . this raiseth the discontent that is amongst us : takes upon them the titles of collonels , that c●nnot prove they had a real command of a troop or company ; and if put to the tryal , know not how to decipline either . it is as strange to hear of a leiutenant collonel now amongst us , as it was to hear of a leiutenant beyond sea , that went over after the vvars was done here , ( some majors ) captains indeed good store : that title is so common , that if you can get but a good suit of cloaths , and money in your pocket , you shall raise a company , shall adopt you captain in the first tavern you come to ; and seal your commission with a hundred damnme's : and in a vveek or fortnight ranting with you , conceit your self you are a real captain indeed ; when an indigent captain is asham'd to own himself what he hath been in his deplorable garb and countenance . he that was a real officer , will take it as a jeer to be coxt with titles of higher honour then what he hath been . i know some ( and others besides my self ) that owns themselves to be collonels , majors , and captains , that if come to the test , cannot prove themselves any such men formerly , if they prove themselves any thing at all : yet some of these hath took upon them to inspect others , and would not be inspected themselves by those that knew them . these may say we are discontented people , if we be with them we can shew very good reasons for it . i must confess these are those that hath been the cause that such odiams hath been cast upon us , by their deboistness , swearing , domineering , and drinking : some that hath vapour'd more with their words , then ever they did with their swords formerly in the army : telling what fights they have been in , and what acts they have done ( when none to contradict them ) binding it with horrid oaths . some hold themselves no souldiers , till they can gracelesly , ( as a grace to them ) thunder out bloody oaths ; common swearing maketh one apt to forswear himself , which is a fearfull sin , not left unreveng'd of god ; in great persons the abuse of gods name by horrible swearing , and dam'd oaths , the lord tells us , a curse remains upon them , and threatens to cut them off : 't is a horrid sin , ( too much used ) some out of passion , and some out of custom , makes nothing of it in their drinking : vvhich sin had made us odious in the sight of god and man. 't is that which has been cast upon the kings party formerly , though hated by many officers , and as strictly reprooved and punisht by them in their souldiers . vvell may a souldier plead priviledge to it , when he sees his officers makes a custom of it : how can parents correct their children for those sins which they may say , they learn'd of them . i wish it were not so much us'd amongst the loyal party as it is : they say , oppression will make a wise man mad ; we have had oppression enough by our enemies , and abused sufficiently , by our pretended friends . i count it not wisdom to abuse god in swearing , and cursing of them , in thinking to revenge our self thereby : for matter of deboystness , and drinking , which is laid upon the party . for my part i know there hath been them that hath walkt from morning till night , and could scarce meet with a breakfast , or mornings draught ; though they have met with them that could a reliev'd them with both , ( some of our trustees ) nor lend them a shilling if they had askt them , though they know how to pay themselves , unless you would sell your lot or part to them ; then they would find money : as wants hath made many done of late , having neither imployments , trades , nor credit ; having wearied all our friends , and relations , with promises , hoping we shall have some ways provided for us , to satisfie them , and relieve us : there are many of us i believe if they had it , would not see one another want . many times we meet and are glad we can make our selves merry with melancholly and hopes together , more than our purses are able to do in drink ! we that had little or nothing left , when his majesty was returned , cannot have that plenty now , as to waste it in superfluities of meat and drink : we have made hard shifts for food and raiment , and been content with little drink : but it is none but a never contented party that says we are a discontented party , and would have nothing done for none but themselves , unless they have a part in it , that will cast aspertions upon those they thinks will declare the truth against them ; thinking that by that favour they have got , to throw all out of favour but themselves ; and those that can flatter with them for fear , or self-ends . i hope those that can appear before his majesty , or whom he shall appoint , and make themselves cleerly out , that they have been truly loyal commissioned officers , and such as they declare themselves to be in the list , faithful subjects to his majesty , from the first to the last ; and no such persons of carriage nor behaviour , as some are pleased to render them : but such , as when examin'd , shall be found as deserving men ( according to their commands they had ) as those that hath been pleased to report us such persons , because of our poverty , and nothing done for us ; then it will be found it is more their malice , and covetousness , than any religion , or fear of god they have in them ; as shall appear between their actions and ours , e're long , when the truth is made known to those that may have the hearing of it : which is the cause i have vvrite this book . first , to acknowledg what his majesties care and love hath been for us , in providing as we thought , a subsistance for us , if it had been manag'd according to the intentions of the act of parliament , for the performing of it . secondly , to make it appear we are no such discontented persons , but content , if not abused . thirdly , how much hath been done for us , and how little it hath come to ; and long of those that hath been intrusted in the managing of it . and lastly , if his majesty be graciously pleased to do any thing for us , we desire to make it known we are such men as we report our selves to be , truly loyal commissioned officers , having had real commands according to our titles ; very indigent many of us , and not provided for ; which we shall leave it to god and his majesty , to look upon us according to our loyalty , and sufferings : knowing none will be offended , that truly fears god , and honours the king . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e chron. . . luke . . queen eli. zach. . . the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture, or fortifications read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy. gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing g ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture, or fortifications read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy. gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . [ ], p. for robert ibbitson ..., printed at london : . dedication signed: balthazar gerbier. imperfect: cropped, with print show-through and slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng fortification -- england -- early works to . military architecture -- england -- early works to . a r (wing g ). civilwar no the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture, or fortifications read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy. gerbier, balthazar, sir b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the first lecture being an introduction to the military architecture , or fortifications . read publiquely at sr. balthazar gerbiers academy . psalm . . ver. . o de davidis , benedictus fit jehova rupes mea ; qui docet manus meas praelium , digitos meos bellum . blessed be the lord my strength , which teacheth my hands to war , and my fingers to fight . imprimatur , hen : scobell , cleric : parliamenti . printed at london for robert ibbitson dwelling in smithfield neer hosier lane , . to his excellency , the lord generall thomas lord fairefax . may it please your excellency . should i not proceed methodically in the dedication of the lectures which are read in my academy , for languages , sciences , and noble exercises ( as in all affaires and sciences , seemes most requisite i should neither remaine blamelesse , nor be freed from your excellencies just censure , and dis-favour , if what concernes military architecture or fortifications , should appeare to the publique view under any other notion then your high protection . and therefore it is , that i doe now presume , to expose and submit to your excellency this first lecture concerning military architecture , with intent to proceed upon all the following parts , which as it makes its entrance by the properties belonging to a governour of a frontier town , describing how that the maine consequence is in the choyce of the person , so that he must neither be of too greaters , 〈…〉 to my academy , which 〈…〉 the glory of god , as well as the honour of this nation , the incouragement and improvement of all lovers of vertue , are interested . cannot but promise to it selfe , that so great and eminent a person ( as your selfe ) will not onely countenance and promote the same , for the compleating of all those who practice in warres , but also for the benefit of all such as strive to be endowed with any other laudable vertues . such a publick good , serving for example to ( strangers , ) and not to boast , that they only possesse , or are capable of those qualities , when the english nation is every whit as able in body and minde as they can be . and this being truth , i shall with the more confidence indeavour to continue in this undertaking , on the hopes that truth will make good what is and ever shall be my aime , by the settlement of such an academy ; so that your excellency may please to take to your selfe the due title , not only of its mars , but of its mecenas , since all the vertues in your excellency so fitly occurring , make you both in generall , and in particular , a true lover of all what is honourable , generous , usefull , and necessary : and as my selfe to remaine your excellencies most humble and most obedient servant , balthazar gerbier . from the academy this of decemb. . the first lecture touching fortifications read publiquely at sir balthazar gerbiers academy : the introduction as by the holy writ it appears that god , who is the creator of heaven and earth is likewise termed the lord of hoasts , and battels , so the royal prophet david sought him , that he might teach his hands to warre , and his fingers to fight . god permits men to finde out inventions , and engines to wage war withall : and that ever since caine brake the league of amity and brother-hood with abell . experience is onely gotten by length of time , and not by birth , nor courage : for if so bee the first rabins were wel grounded in what they affirme of caines death , lamech slew him with an arrow , which time had taught men to make . the severall pretences of waging war are various : nature warrants the first , which is selfe-defence ; religion the second , lawes and liberties the third . the germans rose against the romans , for the defence of their liberty ; the thebans against alexander ; charlemaine for religion , warred on the saxons for the space of thirty and three yeares ; pippin king of france took up armes against adolph king of lombeardy for the point of religion : king lewis the second , for pope john the third : geffery of bullon for religion warred on the turke . but it would require too long a discourse to insist on the rediculous slight pretences which have been made use of to wage war : that betweene the suisses , and the earle of burgandy , proceeded from the taking away of a cart loade of skinnes , which the lord of romond tooke from a suisse alcibiades his ambition was but a pretence to perswade the athenians for to attach sicilly . scilla and marias only warred out of an ambition to reign : and as cyrus and alexander , so did caesar and pompey . but theseus he purged the land of robbers , and hercules of monsters . abominable warriours there have been , who made their wars detestable ( as the switsers did in the romans time ; when they wasted the land by fiering ) and the campanians were no lesse to be abhorred , when agatotles fighting in cicilly being entred messina , under pretence of friendship , he caused the greatest part of the citizens to be put to death , onely to get their meanes . nor was it lesse odious in hanniball , when after he had given his word to gerion a towne neare misena , that afterwards he put all the inhabitants to the sword . my glory said a great captaine is to vanquish , and to pardon . as it is one of the most glorious and necessariest parts of a great captain to have the like hands , as the italian famous poet marino describes those of emanuel duke of savoy to have been : mani che si stringianno al ferro , e si oprano al oro , hands that cling to the iron , and open unto the gold . let a souldier fight well , and let the generalls hand distribute gold , and reward . let mee have gold said a captain to king phillip the second , and no fortresse shal hinder me its entrance . all such places into the which an asse loaden with gold can enter , are pregnable said phillip king of macedone . but marcus curtius his ambition was to command those that had gold , for thereby hee commanded all , and such a general , or commander , is like a lyon that commands an army of stagges , since nothing runnes swifter then gold . yet better is it , said a great captain , to have an army of stagges commanded by a lyon , then an army of lyons commanded by a stagge . but before we enter into the field , display colours , and draw forth our armies : as we finde god to be the lord of hoasts and battells , preservation , the first law of man ; the defence of religion , the next strong tye ; lawes and liberties the third grand interest and greatest concerment of nations . let us then take along with us the prescriptions of the scripture concerning wars , deut. . , . when thou commest nigh a city to fight against it , then proclaime a peace unto it , and it shall be , if it make thee answer of peace , and open unto thee , then it shall be , that all the people that are found therein shall be tributary unto thee , and they shall serve thee : but if they will make war against thee , then thou shalt besiege it . neither was this commandement without a restriction , as we read in the . v. of the said chapter of deut. when thou shalt besiege a city a long time , in making war against it , for to take it ; thou shalt not destroy the trees thereof by forcing an axe against them , for thou maist eat of them , and thou shalt not cut them downe , for the tree of the field is mans life , to imploy them in the siege ; onely the trees which thou knowest that they be not trees for meat , those thou shalt destroy , and cut them down . thus duty fitly appearing in the front , its most proper to begin with that duty proper to those , who are to command both in the field , and within the towns ; and so proceeding with the duty of those that are to be commanded : we shall afterwards treat of all the particulars appertaining to the military architecture , or fortifications ; as likewise of the divisions of the severall parts belonging unto the same . of the explaining of such termes and words as are proper to fortification ; of the maximes or generall rules to be observed in fortifications , what we are to consider before we begin to fortifie ; of the severall seats , or scituations of places , of the qualities , and properties of the soyle : and lastly , how to flanke , and secure ones selfe . all which consisting in demonstrations , it will bee necessary to proceed with the names and termes proper in fortifying , as well in the scenography , as orthography ; the manner to finde out the angles necessary in all fortresses , and that by foure severall wayes , according to the foure most famous authors that have written on that subject ; to wit , merolois , fritach , errard , and deville . how to divide a circumference , and therein to mark the severall polygones of all regular figures : the manner how to stake out , or trace the principall parts as well within , as without any place ; and so forth : for that it will availe but little to know what is to be don , when the maine is unknown , and the way how to performe it , which ought to be learned by any man who desires to be a perfect souldier both for his honour and use ; for as ignorance is despicable , so its prejudiciall : let not any souldier then perswade himselfe , that it can any wayes suffice him to goe but just as far as the pronunciation of the alphabet ; for that it will availe them no more , when they shall come to be put to the practicall part , then it will to any auditory when they shall onely be told , what followeth , viz. that the orthography , or purfile of a fortresse , is a section , or a perpendicular line , running eaven with the horizon , and that which representeth unto our view the severall parts of a fortresse . that the scenography , it an explaining of the names and termes properly used in the art of fortifying . that a walled place , where store of houses are seated together , whose inhabitants are governed by a civill magistrate , may properly be termed a towne . that a fort , is a place , environed with motes , ramparts , and with bulwarks , wherein a few men , may defend themselves against a greater number , and the assault of many . that a cittadell is a fortresse of foure , five , six , or more bastions , which is joyned to a town for to command , and keep it in awe . that a castle is an ancient kinde of building , with severall towers or turrets , and a mote or ditch about it , either dry , or full of water . that the hold is the block-house , or redout in a castle , unto which usually the last retreat is made . that a place of armes , is an empty space within the walls , whereunto the principall streets do lead , and where the souldiers doe assemble to receive orders for the guards or any other commands , and likewise there to be exercised . that a peculiar place of armes , is a certaine space near unto every bastion , or at the foot of the rampart whither the souldiers are sent from the maine guard , to repaire unto their severall posts , as well to relieve those on the guards , as to refresh , and relieve them that fight . that the rampart is an elevated earth , which incloses the place , and is capable to resist the canon shot . that a parapet , is a banke of earth raised on the rampart , behinde which the souldiers may give fire in safety . that the banquet , or foot-banke , is a little height of earth , on which the souldiers stand when they give fire . that the maine breadth , or walk , is that part of the rampart which is made eaven , and sollid , for the recoil of the cannon , and on which the souldiers march in a body . that the way for the rounds , or false bray , is the space between the rampart , and the list or berme , where an enemy is to be resisted when he draws near the town , and when the shot from the rampart can do no more execution on the assailants . that its parapet , is like to that of the main rampart , with its foot-banke . that the listor berme , is the support of the false-bray , next adjoyning to the mote . that the mote or ditch , is an empty depth , or full of water , environing the town , or fortresse . that the little ditch or cave , is a small overture in the midst of the great mote , deeper then the said mote . that the conidor , or covered way , is raised on the counterscarp , and secured by its parapet , its foot-bank and the sloape . that its parapet is the outmost breast-work beyond the mote ; and that it termineth it selfe , slantingly , or shelvingly with the plaine field . that cavalliers or platformes , are raised eminencies , or rather naturallones , either on the curtaine or bulwarks , over-topping the rest of the workes as a horse-man , may be said to do one on foot . that half-moons are small works advanced towards the fields , and are usually placed before the points of the bastions for their re-inforcement , having small flanks . that a ravelin is a peece of fortification consisting onely of two faces , usually placed in the mote , before the curtains , and gates . that flatformes are all kinde of fortifications built on outward angles . that horne works , are advanced towards the fields , having halfe bastions at their heads , and are usually placed on the weakest parts of a fortresse , to hinder and retard the approaches of an enemy towards the maine works of the place . that crown works are advanced into the fields , much like the horne works , broad before , and narrow behinde , with one , two , or more bastions , in the midst , and on each side a halfe bastion ; and they are placed on such eminencies as chance to over-top any fortresse . that tenalies are much like horn-works , save that they have no bulwarks . that star sconces , have onely flanking sides , either of foure , five , or six angles , and derive their name from the resemblance of a star , being usually placed on the trenches . that redouts are little square workes , placed here and there in trenches and approaches , for the strengthning of them , and are also sometimes advanced on the advenues in the fields . that trenches are works containing and inclosing the whole camp , by a continued line , called the line of circumvalation : as also they serve to environ and fortifie the whole army , or any part thereof . that approaches are lanes digged through the earth , by the which an assailant may with security advance unto a fortresse , without being endangered by the enemies shot . that counter approaches are such like lines which the besieged make , to crosse and interrupt by their sallyes the enemies approaches . that a gallery , is a covered way made over the mote , it being filled with bavens , and earth , whereon gabents are placed at certaine distances to uphold the gallery ; which being lined on the sides with good oken planks , and likewise boarded on the top , is secured from the enemies shot , and granadoes , and thereby the souldiers are safely conducted over the mote , to storme a breach , or for the miners to open a mine . that a breach is a rupture , which either by canon shot , or by the springing of a mine , is made in some one part of the bulwark or curtain , and by the which the assailants may enter the fortresse . that a mine is a trench or secret hidden alley , sunck under the face of a bastion , curtain , or any out-worke , wherein a chamber being made , and powder placed , it serves to ruine and blow up an enemies work , and so to facilitate an entrance , which art of undermining hath been made use of both in the greeks and romans time . that gabions are defences made of baskets , filled with earth , and they are of severall heights , and thicknesses , as to resist cannon shot on batteries , musket shot in approaches , or sconces . that there are other countermines or cavernes , vaulted lanes , or allies , called trenches , which are usually made under the foote bancke , running along the rampart , with many vents , reaching from the bottome to the top of the rampart , for to hinder and breake the force of the powder , and also to swallow up the ruines of the mine , which otherwayes would render the breach more large , and its accesse more easie . that re-intrenchments are fresh works , made to defend the ruined rampart , being separated from the same within the place , and such like are to be provided in time , to sustain an enemies assault , and make good the place , till the capitulations can be made . that all eminencies or places commanding each other in a fortresse , are only heights of nine foot , or there abouts , over-topping the rest of the workes , that these eminencies may be made either simple or composed , steep and precipitated , flanking the breach , either in front , sidewayes , or backwards . that candlestickes , or blindes , are high peeces of timber stakes , which serve to uphold either branches of trees , rice bushes or planks , and by the which , blinds are made to hinder the enemies viewing or discovering of the assailants , approaches , or sappings . that pallisadoes are a defence of high stakes of timber , set together like pales , shod on the top with iron forked heads , which are for the most part placed on the outsides of the fortresse , as also at the foote of the curtaines , rampart , and oftentimes of the levelled outworke , or esplanade , some two or three foote distant from the conidor or covered way . that baracadoes on turn-pikes are to be bodies of trees cut in severall squares ; and are fortified with severall staves of an halfe pikes length shod with iron , which are passed through the said bodies of trees , facing to all sides on which they were severally placed , as on passages , advenues , or breaches , both for to hinder the advance of horse or foot that there is also another kind of defence , or pallisadoe , called a ruffe , consisting of wooden stakes , shod with iron pegges , and that they are placed sloaping wise , on the middle height of the faces of any fortresse , as also on the out-workes . that these defences are very necessary to discover an enemies intended surprize , or suddaine attalke , as also to hinder any souldiers from running out of the place , or stealing away by night . and therefore to proceed methodically , we shall begin with the governour of a place , and with those qualities which he ought to possesse . of the governour . as the governour in a place , represents either the state or the sovereign , so of his fidelity , diligence , and courage , depends questionlesse the preservation of the inhabitants of the land , as well as of the place , and it is therefore one of the most importantest charges to a state , for that in effect the preservation of a shire , nay , of the whole country is often concerned in that of one particular towne , as the losse of such places prove oftentimes no lesse prejudiciable then that of an army : after a battle is fought men may be rallied , and an army may be made up againe , by a retreate unto an adjacent strong place , which when once fallen into the possession of an enemy , is neither so easie , nor so soone recovered againe , therefore great care must be taken in the election of governours , for such places of importance : and that a state may not be deceived , their persons must bee well knowne to bee men of godlinesse , and that they may possesse as much as possible can be , all the most necessary qualities requisite in a governour . men of two great power and credit must not be put into strong frontier townes , for that a soveraigne or a state would otherwayes be constrained to yeeld unto them in all that they may demand , for if they should but seem to displease them , it s then to be feared that on the least occasion , suspition , or discontent ; they would be apt to revolt . those of a low ranke , except they have some notable vertue which makes them commendable , as their long since knowne honesty , and tryed fidelity , are worse then the former ; for that being men who have little to loose , are not to bee relyed on in that they may be soone wrought upon by the proffers of an enemy . those of a meane or indifferent condition between both are the fittest for such a trust , since they are not subject to the foresaid faults ; being not powerful enough to make a party for to revolt , and though they should do so , yet can they not make their party good , besides that , divers considerations will hinder them to render themselves to an enemy : having their friends , their kindred , their familie , their meanes , their houses , in regard of which they will not so soon venture to loose all those certainties , for a doubtfull hope . when they must ( by the betraying that trust reposed in them ) submit themselves to the mercy of an enemy , who is apt enough to imbrace that treason which brings him profit , and honour , but ever dispiseth , nay hateth the traytour . king henry the fourth of france , among many great actions , is to be remembred eternally in this particular , that he sent notice to the duke of joyeuse of a traytor , who came to the said king with an offer to kil that duke , and many such like examples may be alledged to confirme that traytors are alwayes to bee had in abomination . and it is altogether necessary to consider how those persons , who are to be chosen for governours , have lived , nature cannot be forced , for a long time will scarce serve to discover mens inclinations , and those who have all their life time lived honorably , wil hardly commit a base action , when they shall be put into such a place of trust ; but such as are of an ill disposition will soon fall into relapses , and shake off that constraint which made them to disguise their vices : nature alwayes comes to its selfe , neither can dissimulations last long . such as have alwayes approved themselves true , and who have had severall imployments whereby they have given a testimony of themselves , are to be preferred unto all others . and many have been found , who at first could so well counterfeit their humours as they have made themselves to bee esteemed brave men , and by their impudence in forging lyes , have obtained the government of most important places , which they have most miserably lost so soone as they were set upon , and though their heads were taken off , yet the townes were not thereby re-gained . and if any government bee conferred by way of reward for services done by aged men , it s not fit to put them into frontier townes , for that instead of procuring rest unto them , they would be put unto turmoyles and labours . they must bee men of vigour , and such as may bestirre themselves , and are able to indure hardnesse , paines , and take care both for the preservation of the place , and of the land , and for its defence in case it bee attacht : he that will acquit himselfe well of this charge , ought not to sleepe in the nights , but must keepe both the souldiers and the inhabitants in a perpetuall feare , hee must take a continuall care of them , and often visit the walls and rounds . those that are old , are fittest for such places as are in the maine body of the land , wherein the cares and paines are not so requisite . and besides these naturall qualities they ought to have others , partly acquired by study , and partly by exercise and experience , they ought above all things to know their charge and duty , for its altogether absurd , to give government to such persons as know not what they are to govern , and how they are to command , neither is it then time to learn , since it proves of too dangerous a consequence , for that the faults then committed are of too great consequence , and cannot be redrest . neither will it justifie , that they have read or heard say : they must have seene divers sieges , and especially they must have seene how townes are set upon , whereupon they will have discovered and observed both the offence and defence of places , for that such a one who hath not been in the like occasions , findes himselfe pusled , and knows not what to resolve unto , for that all events surprize him , and all that an enemy doth affrightens him , a potent army that summons him , so many canons that incessantly batters him , trenches so suddenly comming upon him ( at least the first ) all which makes him apprehend , that his towne is set upon by some other way then ordinary , and that its impossible to hold out against such on-sets : then they easily beleeve they have done their duty , and that they may render themselves up , when they ought but to begin to defend themselves in good earnest . to the contrary , a man that hath seene divers sieges perswades himselfe , that he shall in a little space see the great part of that army perish , and all the continuall shooting of the enemies canon , can doe him but little harme , that the first workes are easily advanced , and so never is astonished at any event , for that he well knowes what an enemy can doe , and in case any thing should happen contrary to his expectation , yet his expereince and judgement affords him meanes to remedy the same . hee well knowes how the enemy must advance , what they can attempt , and how he can oppose them , as also to what extremity or passe he ought , or can hold out , so that he never yeelds untill he hath done all what a man of honor is capable of . neither shall we need to speake of courage , since to tell you , that a man pretending to a government ought to be couragious , would be as frivolous as to say , that a souldier ought to have a sword , for that the one and the other ought to be inseparable , so when one is said to be a governor , it s to be supposed that he is couragious , and consequently free from the two vices which are the two extreames of that vertue . those that are to be 〈◊〉 handed , and who must only execute , can never have too much courage , and the excesse thereof is very good in them , but such as have all the command , and are alone , must not be presumptuous , especially those who defend a place : for if they go rashly to work , and if they make daily sallies , without taking the advantages both of time and place , and if they continually hazzard themselves , they will soon cause the losse not onely of their best souldiers , but of themselves , and so consequently the place wil be taken . they must consider that they are constituted in the place , for to keep it , and to defend it as long as they can , so that if they chance to occasion the losse thereof , either out of a vanity , to manifest that they feare nothing ; or on the contrary by too much timerousnesse , they are then equally guilty , both in the one , and in the other particular , and so the state or the soveraign , chanceth to lose the place by either . a governour then ought to be prudent , of an undaunted mind , who starts at nothing ; who gives courage to others ; who when its requisite for him , to prove a bold man , must at the same time remember his owne preservation , as well as that of the place , to defend it as long as hee can , and in case will perish in the same , rather then survive its losse , that it be at the last on-set , and utmost resistance . what vices a governour ought to shunne . there are certaine vices of which all honest men ought to be free : ungodlinesse the first , since those cannot expect gods assistance , who doe not acknowledge him , and that place is guarded in vain , if god doe not guard the same . covetousnesse in a gove●our is unsupportable , for that he will racke the country , hee will not pay his souldiers , he will acquire the hatred of the inhabitants and so be odious to all men , and be abandoned of all his garrison , and moreover such a one is likewise subject to be corrupted . drunkennesse is no lesse to be abhorred , for that a drunken man is void of reason , and if in that moment a place should be set upon , it must be lost of necessity for want of orders , besides that , all other do easily follow his example ; and so give an enemy just cause to watch for , and take their advantage at their usuall times of meriments ; for that no place ought to be entrusted to a man that cannot conserve himself . a governour ought to be versed in the military lawes , for to order , and punish according to the souldiers misdemeanour ; he ought likewise to understand the civill law to order all fit establishments , and to cause them to be observed ; as likewise to decide such differences as may chance to arise between the souldiers themselves ; or between the souldiers , and the inhabitants . the first , its true , are ready framed ; to that its onely needfull to reform them according to the exegency of times , and occasions ; and for the other , a man may remit himselfe to jurists , since neither the one , nor the other do properly belong to the preservation , or defence of the place . a governour ought to esteem his place as the most dearest thing in the world to him , and whereon his honor , and life depends : and at his entrance therein , he ought to represent unto himselfe , that he deserves not to live after its losse , so that he ought to have as much care of it , as of his own preservation ; and he is bound in duty continually to thinke on the bettering of his place , how it may be best guarded , best provided ; and to thinke in peacefull times , what he might stand in need of when the wars should be renewed , and so to provide for all ; for that no man of sense , or reason will leave any thing at a venter ; nor ever say , who would have thought this , or that . the greatest honour for a governour . to conclude , i shall say , that there is no place in the wars , wherein more honour is to be gotten , then in a governour , when he is set upon , and defends himself well in a good place . for that in combats , fortune hath the greatest share ; parties are oft equall , the courses are not regular ; so he that besiegeth hath alwayes a divided command , for that divers onsets are to bee made , which are to be performed by sundry commanders ; and it is to be presupposed that the besieger comes with sufficient forces to take the place . and finally , that all besieged places must be taken ; so that he that takes it not , deserves more blame , then honour , when he shall have taken it . for that the one is directly contrary to that which was expected , and supposeth a default ; and the other was a thing which was sure to come to passe . the great advantages in standing out a siege . now he that defends a place ; first he is alone in power , and all what he doth , is attributed directly unto him , be it well or ill done ; the defence depends of his person , and of his carriage , and but very little of fortune ; so that if he defends himselfe in such a manner , as he constrains his enemies to raise the siege , it must needs be admirable ; since it was against the opinion of all men , in that he held longer then it was expected he could ; all which is attributed unto the person that commandeth in the place . lastly , it may truly be said , that he who stands out a siege , gets more honour , then he that wins a battle ; for that by his gallant resisting , he destroyes an enemies army , saves his owne men and place , and secures the state , &c. in the next ensuing lectures on the military art , there shall bee treated , of that which a governour ought to doe at his entrance into a place where he is to command . of the orders he is to give concerning the civill government , unto what duties the souldiers are to be kept ; his forecast to discover the disposition of his souldiers , and their officers . what number of men he ought to have ; how they are to be armed , and what spare arms he ought to be furnisht with , what care he ought to have for the preservation of his spare arms . of the necessary ammunitions of war , as well as those of victualls , and the like . how he may discover the defects of his places . what he ought to know of fortifications , and wherein its perfection doth consist . of its construction , and its defensive lines ; and consequently on all the necessary parts thereof ; all which by the grace of god , shall be declared at large . so that for the present , wee will close this with a short meditation fit for all good christians ; that if so be it be necessary , to have so many qualities , and to take so much care for the preservation of a small compasse and parcell of clay , loam , and of a few houses within the circumference of a wall or bulwark : what care ought we then to have ( but meer dust and ashes ) for the preservation of our soules , placed in an habitation , continually beset by an army , compassed by legions of princes of the ayre , by spirits of darknesse and destruction , who are never to be tyred , who need neither to borrow or buy any victualls , for their subsistance , who have numberlesse engines at hand , who have placed their petards and murdering peeces at all the gates of our senses , and never run any danger themselves of being surprised , though they have millions of deceits , to ensnare the onely two sentinels of our body , our eies , by giving a world of false alarm ; to surprise our hearing ; and who at the very first , strike at the maine fortresse , the heart , and the minde of men : and if so be the gaining of all the world , be nothing , in comparison unto the losse of one soule ; o what a precious task must the preservation of that soul be against the grand and common enemy to mankinde ; and what an honour is the preserving thereof ! as it ought to be mans sole blisse ; who can never miscarry therein , so long as he fixeth on his strong tower , and fortresse of defence ; and that he doth continually watch , pray , and manfully fight the good combate of faith ; hereby the greatest honour is to be acquired , for that by so doing , the grand enemy will be forc't to break up his siege , and retire . it was the servent , zealous , and most pious prayers of the royall prophet david , that gods enemies might bee confounded and be put to flight ; and what can we desire more , then that by his unspeakable mercies ( we that are the precious gems for the which christ jesus hath spilt his most precious blood ) have made the grand enemy of our souls to retire , &c. the end of the first lecture of fortification by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for his maiesties seruice. england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles i) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for his maiesties seruice. england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles i) charles i, king of england, - . leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [ ] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the fifteenth day of may, in the first yeere of the reigne of our most gracious souereigne lord king charles, of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -- army. military discipline -- great britain -- early works to . great britain -- history -- charles i, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense = royal blazon ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers , prested for his maiesties seruice . the kings most excellent maiestie , beeing informed of the great spoyles , dammages , and losses that his louing subiects lately suffered by the uiolences and disorders committed by souldiers , when they last passed through the seuerall counties of this realme to the port of douer ; and his maiestie hauing a tender care to secure his louing subiects , both in their persons and goods , against all such offences or feares , hath therefore thought fit , with the aduice of his priuie councell , for repressing and preuenting the like attempts , actes , or iniuries , by this proclamation , to giue solemne warning , and publish his royall commandement concerning the same ; wherein , to the end all pretence of disorder shall bee taken from the souldiers , his maiestie in the first place doth giue strict charge and command , to all captaines , lieutenants , corporals , conductors , and all other officers , who haue , or shall haue any charge or command of conducting any of the seuerall companies , appointed out of the seuerall counties of this realme , to plymmouth , that they doe , not onely see the souldiers of their seuerall bands and charges respectiuely , duely payd their conduct-monies , and prouided for of fit necessaries in their passage , but doe also carefully leade and conduct them from place to place , whither they are to goe , keeping alwayes with their companies , and suffering none of them vpon any pretence to wander or straggle from the rest . secondly , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , after hee or they hath , haue , or shall receiue his or their prest-money , doe presume to absent or hide himselfe when hee shall be called to goe with the companies , nor being in company , shall wander or straggle from his or their colours , or from the captaine , lieutenant , corporall , conductor , or other officer , to whom the conducting of them shal be assigned ; but that they all behaue themselues quietly and orderly , as becomes good subiects , without offering iniury or violence in their passage to any others , either in their persons , families , goods or cattell , or fall into any outrage or disorder amongst themselues . and if any of the sayd souldiers shall , notwithstanding this publique warning , and their captaines or conductors care and restraint , breake out and commit any outrage , take or spoile any mans house or goods in the townes or fields as they passe , straggle from their companies , or otherwise outragiously behaue themselues , that then euery such souldier so offending , be by vertue of this his maiesties proclamation , foorthwith committed to the constable of the place next adioyning , and by him in safe and sure maner conducted to the gaole of the countie , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , vntill hee shall be proceeded against by the strictest course of law which his fact shall deserue , for an example to others to auoid the like offences . and for the better execution of this his maiesties honourable , iust , and necessary commandement , his maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth all lieutenants , deputy-lieutenants , maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , bayliffes , headboroughs , and other officers , and all other his maiesties good and louing subiects , to take care to preuent and represse all such disorders , as aforesaid , and to be ayding and assisting to the said captaine and captaines , or other conductor or conductors of souldiers respectiuely , and to such constable and constables , as shall haue the charge of conducting any such disorderly souldiers to the gaole respectiuely , in the due execution of this his maiesties commandement concerning the premisses , as they tender their duety and allegiance to his maiesty , and the peace and good of their countrey , and will answere for the contrary at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the fifteenth day of may , in the first yeere of the reigne of our most gracious souereigne lord king charles , of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxv . by the king, a proclamation for the effectual prosecution of his majesties commission for the providing and making of salt-peter and gun-powder england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles ii) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) by the king, a proclamation for the effectual prosecution of his majesties commission for the providing and making of salt-peter and gun-powder england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, - . broadside. printed by john bill and christopher barker ..., london : . "given at our court at whitehall, the th day of july , in the eighteenth year of our reign." reproduction of the original in the society of antiquaries library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military supplies weapons industry -- law and legislation -- england. defense industries -- law and legislation -- england. arms transfers -- law and legislation -- england. military weapons -- law and legislation -- england. great britain -- history -- charles ii, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. a proclamation for the effectual prosecution of his majesties commission for the providing and making of salt-peter and gun-powder . charles r. we having more then ordinary occasion to provide good and sufficient salt-peter and powder to furnish our stores , for the defence and safety of our realms and dominions , have by commission lately issued under our great seal of england , committed the management thereof unto our right trusty and well-beloved john lord berkeley , baron of stratton , and our trusty and well-beloved sir john duncombe knight , thomas chicheley esquire , commissioners for the execution of the office of our ordnance , william legg lieutenant of our ordnance , john evelyn esquire , edward sherborn esquire , clerk of our ordnance , and jonas moor esquire ; of whose care and fidelities we are well assured : giving them power by their deputies and workmen , to work all salt-peter and gun-powder to be made of salt-peter digged within our realms and dominions , and between the hours of sun-rising and sun-setting , to search for and dig salt-peter in all convenient places , as well in our own as subjects lands ; but not in any part of dwelling-houses inhabited , or to break down walls , or hazard foundations , or dig in any threshing or maulting-floors without consent of the owners , nor in dove-houses , stables , or other out-houses , but at convenient times of the day : with power by warrant from the iustice of peace to take up such carts and carriages as shall be useful and necessary to carry on the said work , paying eight pence per mile for every lunn they shall carry , according to the late act of parliament concerning carriages , and to provide convenient houses , stables . rooms , yards , void places , water , and other necessaries , and to erect and set up furnaces and vessels fit for the making of salt-peter , agreeing with the owners ; and if they be unreasonable in their demands , the next iustice of the peace to settle the same : and the said deputies or workmen , or any beasts or carriages employed in the said works , are not to be pressed for any other service : and they are to repair and make good the places digged , or any way defaced : and if any difference arise , to be composed by the two next iustices of the peace to the place , if it be not in a city or town-corporate ; and if there , by the mayor , aldermen , or thief officer : and if they cannot determine the same , to certifie to the lords of the privy council the names of the offenders , with their offences , that such further course may be therein taken , as shall be thought fit , as by our said commission ( amongst other things ) may appear . now to the end so necessary a work may not be obstructed , and to the intent our said commission may be duely observed , we have thought fit to publish the same by this our royal proclamation . and we do hereby will , and streightly charge and command all and singular mayors , bayliffs , constables , and all other our officers , ministers and subjects whatsoever , to be aiding and assisting , and give due obedience and conformity in all things , in or concerning the execution of the said commission , as they tender our high displeasure , and will answer the contrary at their perils . given at our court at whitehall the th day of july , . in the eighteenth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , . lawes and ordinances of vvarre, for the better government of his maiesties army royall, in the present expedition for the northern parts, and safety of the kingdome under the conduct of his excellence, the right honourable thomas earl of arundel and surrey, earl marshall of england, &c. and generall of his majesties forces. regulations. england and wales. army. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) lawes and ordinances of vvarre, for the better government of his maiesties army royall, in the present expedition for the northern parts, and safety of the kingdome under the conduct of his excellence, the right honourable thomas earl of arundel and surrey, earl marshall of england, &c. and generall of his majesties forces. regulations. england and wales. army. arundel, thomas howard, earl of, - . [ ], , [ ] p. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie; and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at newcastle : . the first leaf contains a woodcut coat of arms. in this edition, line three of the title page ends: of. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military law -- great britain -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit . lawes and ordinances of vvarre , for the better government of his maiesties army royall , in the present expedition for the northern parts , and safety of the kingdome . under the conduct of his excellence , the right honourable thomas earl of arundel and surrey , earl marshall of england , &c. and generall of his majesties forces . imprinted at newcastle by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . . lawes and ordinances of vvar. sir thomas hovvard , chiefe of he howards , earle of arundel and surrey , first earle , and earle marshall of england : lord howard , mowbray , brews of gower , fitz-allen , clan , oswaldesty , maltravers and graystock : chiefe iustice , and iustice in eyre of all his majesties forests , parks , and chaces beyond trent : lord lieutenant of the counties of norfolk , sussex , surrey , northumberland , cumberland , and westmerland : knight of the most noble order of the garter , one of his majesties most honourable privie councell in all his majesties kingdomes of england , scotland , and ireland , and generall of all his majesties forces in the present expedition for the defence of this realme , &c. to all officers of the army , colonels , lieutenant-colonels , sergeant-majors , captains , lieutenants , ensignes , and all other officers and souldiers of horse and foot : and to all his majesties subjects , and others , whom these lavves and ordinances of warre shall concerne : vvhich lavves being thus ordained and proclaimed in the army , all the said persons , respectively and severally , are to swear unto ; and thereafter to observe and keep , upon the pains and penalties to the lavves and ordinances severally expressed . concerning religion : and breach of morall duies . first , whosoever shall impiously blaspheme the deity , or ay of the blessed persons of he holy trinity , and be lawfully convicted thereof ; shall for the first offence make a publique acknowledgement with detestation of his fault before the preacher or his regiment , and all others present at the time and place of divine service ▪ and be kept three dayes in prison with bread and water . the second time , he shall have a red ▪ hot iron thrust thorow his tongue ; and after that , be ignominiously for ever turned out of the armie . . the like penalty shall they incurre for the first and second times , who shall either do or say ought in despite or derision of gods word , any known or received article of faith , or the ministerie of holy church , and their office. whosoever shall be convicted for a common swearer or curser , or for a profane abuser of holy scripure , in vain jesting or scurrilous fashion ; shall orfeit such a proportion of his entertainment and suffer , besides , so long imprisonment or other punishment ; as according to the quality of the person or offence , the court of war shall adjude it to have deserved . likewise shall they be punished , that profane , rob , or ab●● any church , chappel , or other place of gods ublike worship ; or any thing that is in them or belonging to them . all commanders and officers of the army , are straightly ●●arged , that in their severall regiments , quarters , and garrisons , they take care that god almighty be duly served , the lords day with other holy dayes of the church , more reverently observed ; that morning and evening prayers with the sermons at the appointed times , be diligently frequented , by themselves , their souldiers and servants , so far forth as the necessitie of the wars will permit . and that all repair to the places appointed for divine service , upon solemne warning given for it , by sound of drum or trumpet . and forasmuch as gaming is oft times the provocation unto swearing , quarrelling , neglect of militarie duties with other dishonours of god almightie , losse to the souldiers , with danger to the whole armie , all common playing at dice and cards , with other unlawfull games , are utterly hereby forbidden to the souldiers , especially to the meaner sort : who , if they bee convicted to offend herein , shall befirst admonished ▪ and if they leave not , they shall be fined , imprisoned ▪ or otherwise severely ▪ proceeded against , according as the offence and scandall of it shall deserve . all suspitious and common women shall bee turned out of the armie or garison , so soone as ever they shall be discovered ▪ where , if they be taken the second time , they shall be soundly whipped like common strumpets , souldiers also that frequent their companies , shall bee fined and imprisoned ; and officers for the same faults , shall utterly lose their places . all wilfull murders , rapes , burning of houses , thefts , outrages , unnaturall abuses , with other notorious and abominable crimes , shall be punished with death . whosoever shall dishonestly touch any married or unmarried woman , women in childbed , or children ; shall be cashiered without money or pasport ; or be otherwise punished , as the marshall court shall thinke fitting ▪ whosoever shall be drunk in camp garrison , or quarter , shall be imprisoned and fed two whole daies with bread and water : as for common drinkards , they shall be fined and cashiered the armie without pay or pasport . . whoever being set sentinell by his officer , or in his watch , guard , march , or other service , shall be found drunk , shall dye for it . whoever in his drunkennesse shall commit any outrage , or doe other injurie ▪ shall be punished both or his drunkennesse and offence , according as either of them shall in a marshall court be judged to have deserved . no enterprise shall be taken in hand , but the company that are to execute the same , shall first commend themselves to god , and pray to him to grant them good successe . concerning the safety of the armie royall , and of the kingdome . first , whoever , in savour of the enemy , or other pretence , whatsoever , shall presume to say , or secretly insinuate to any , that his majesties forces , or army royall is unlawfull or not necessary , shall suffer as an enemy and rebell . all that conspire against our sacred soveraigne lord king charles , or any of his majesties dominions or countries ; as likewise against the lord generall , or other generalls , governours or commanders in the armie or garrison ; or that shall goe about to betray the same , or any part or person of them , or that shall consent thereto , or conceale them ; shall suffer death without mercy . all such as by discourse , signe , letter , or otherwise , shall practise and entertaine intelligence with the enemy , rebels , or others in action against his majesty , without direction from their commanders , shall be punished as traytors and rebels . no man shall assist or relieve an enemie with money , victuals , munition , or other necessaries , upon paine of death , without mercy . whosoever shall begin or maintaine any mutiny or unlawfull assembly in the army or garrison , shall die for it . whosoever yeeldeth up any towne , fort , or other strength , unto the enemie , as likewise any magazine , victuals , armes , or ammunition ; or that motioneth any such matter but upon extremity , and that to the governour , or in councell , shall be executed as a traitor . whosoever seeth any chiefe officer or commander of the army in the hands or danger of the enemy , shall , to the uttermost of his power , endevour to rescue or to fetch him off , upon paine of death . whoever in the neerenesse of the enemy , shall refuse to repaire unto the army or place whither he is commanded , or that without order shall depart from them , shall be punished with death . whoever shall revolt or run over to the enemy ▪ or that shall attempt it , shall be punished as a traitor . no man shall bewray the word unto the enemy , or shall give out a false word in time of service , upon paine of death . whosoever shall be convicted to have slept upon his watch , guard , or sentry ; or that shall not have given timely and sufficient warning of the coming of the enemy shall be put to death without mercy . whoever shall disparage the actions or directions of any chiefe commander of the army , unlesse he be able to make it good , shall die for it . concerning captain and souldiers duties in paticular . first , all captaines , souldiers , and others , shall yeeld their obedience to the lawfull commands of their superiours ▪ without resistance : neither shall any draw , lift , or offer to draw his weapon , speake , or mutter against his commanders , or others , correcting them orderly for their offences , upon paine of death . all souldiers that wilfully , and without cause , absent themselves from their colours or company , that goeth to charge or resist the enemy , shall die without mercy . no captaine nor officer shall defraud the souldier or other person of his pay , upon paine of losse of his place , fine , and imprisonment . no captaine or other officer shall make or subscribe false muster-roll , or fraudulently give in more or other names then he hath in his troop or company , upon paine of fine , imprisonment , and losse of his place . no captaine , lieutenant , or other officer , that ought to be armed , shall come into any battell , skirmish or assault , without their ordinary armes , upon paine of imprisonment : nor take upon hit by word or deed to controll or hinder the serjeant-major in the execution of his office , upon paine of death . no officer or souldier shall goe upon service without the word , and some other marke to be knowne by from the enemie ( especially in night services ) upon paine of fine and imprisonment . no captaine , officer , or other , shall entertaine any other mans souldier or servant , without consent or lawful dismission from his former captaine or master , upon the penalty of a moneths pay . neither shall any souldier or servant depart from his captain or master without lawfull cause , upon paine of imprisonment , and returning again of souldiers to their captains , and servants to their masters . captaines and officers both of horse and foot , shall watch and ward with their troopes or companies : upon paine of fine , and losse of their places . no souldier shall march along with the baggage , but such as shall be appointed . neither shall any march out of his array , or straggle abroad from his colours to pillage or plunder , when he is appointed to watch , guard , or to other service , upon paine of imprisonment . and if they be taken in the manner , they shall presently be corrected by their officers ▪ but for the second time they shall suffer death . no troope or companie shall go forth on foraging , or upon any designe or enterprise upon the enemie , without the particular direction of such as command in chiefe , upon pain of death . no souldier shall sell , pawne , lend , lose , give , cast away , play away , or otherwise make away his horse , armes or furniture , where with he is appointed to serve , nor shall suffer his horse by his default to decay , or his armes to rust or bee broken or spoyled , upon paine of imprisonment and infamie . and that both to the offender , and his abetters and receivers . no private captaine shall give a pasport or licence of departure to his souldier that is able to serve , upon paine of fining and losse of his place . neither shall any souldier depart from the armie or garrison without a passe , upon paine of death . no souldier or officer being once placed in array , either in march or battell , shall refuse to guard or defend unto his utmost , the standard-royall or other cornet , ensigne or colours of the armie : or shall desert , abandon , or run away from any of them , upon paine of death . no souldier or others shall use any showting , noise or clamor , or without cause discharge his peece , either in the march , quarter , or ambush ; upon paine of being bastinadoed by his officer ; and of imprisonment afterward . no man shall give any alarme to the armie , garrison or quarter , but upon just causes : nor shall either give it or take it in any clamourous or tumultuous manner , but shall orderly and quietly with as much speed as hee may repaire to the place of arms to answer the alarme , and to doe as he shall be commanded . no man shall challenge or defye another , in campe or garrison ; nor shall accept of the challenge , upon paine of imprisonment and publike disarming before his companie : nor shall any , by words or injuries provoke another to the fight or duell ; or shall revenge his own injuries or provocations , upon the like penalties . all brawls and quarrels betwixt souldiers , shall be severely punished . and whoever in such like brawle or quarrel shall kill another , except upon extremitie and or defence of his owne life he be enforced to i , shall be put to death . and he likewise that striketh his fellow-souldier , after they are put into array of battell . whoever shall give the lye to any person of the army whatsoever , shall be fined and imprisoned for it , at the discretion of a marshallcourt . no souldier or other shall fraudulently or thee vishly take any thing away , from any mans person , quarter , house , lodging , tent , or hutt , upon pain of death . no companies of souldiers either of horse or foot , in their marching , retreating , or enquartering in or thorow any townes or countries within the allegeance of the king ; shall doe hurt , spoile , or injurie unto the persons , or goods of the inha●itants ; upon pain of death , or other such grievous punishment , as the qualitie of the offence shall have demerited . no man shall burne up any corne , hay , or forage , or otler provisions ; nor any house , barne , mill , or other building that may serve for the use of the army , upon paine of death . no souldier shall muster in two troopes or companies , or answer to two names in one company ; neitler shall any victualler or other that is no souldier , be allowed to passe the muster for a souldier , upon paine of death or imprisonment , as the court shall finde cause for it . whosoever shall set upon , or resist the commissary of the musters , or shall wrong him by word or deed in the execution of his office , shall be put to death . whatever muster-master for hatred or for favour , shall put a lesser or a greater cheque upon an officer then his fault demerits , or any cheque at all at his own pleasure , without view taking , shall lose his place for it , or at least be liable to such fine or punishment , as in a court-marshall shall be adjudged . no souldier having victuals or ammunition delivered to him for certain daies , shall spoile or spend them in lesse time then is appointed him , upon pain of imprisonment . all captains and officers shall be diligent in training and exercising of their companies ; and shall be carefull for the well disciplining and providing for them , upon such pains as the marshall-court shall think fitting . every souldier shall diligently observe and learne the distinct and different sounds of drums , fifes , and trumpets , that he may know how to answer and obey each of them in time of service . every regiment , company , and servitor , either on horse or foot , shall be contented with such quarter , lodging , or billet , as is appointed by the quartermaster : nor shall any disturbe another in his quarter , or take it from him , upon pain of being punished as a mutinyer . whatsoever captain or other officer shall do injury to a common souldier , or to other his inferiours : upon complaint in the marshall-court , he shall be obliged to condigne satisfaction . concerning the campe , or garrison . first , whosoever shall deale fraudulently or negligently in a trust or charge committed unto him by his camerade , shall be enforced to make double restitution out of his entertainment , and be further punished by a court of warre , according as his offence shall have deserved . after the watch is set , every man shall repaire unto his own quarter , and there use such silence as his neighbours rest be not disturbed . and all straglers found abroad after that time , shall be imprisoned untill the cause can be examined , and order taken for their further punishment or dismission . no man in campe or garrison shall lie out of his quarter , but by leave of him that commands there in chiefe ; nor upon warning or command given , shall refuse or delay to repair thither : upon such paines of fine , imprisonment , or other punishment , as in a marshall court shall be awarded . no souldier or other , shall entertaine any stranger into his tent , hut , or other lodging , without leave of his corporall or other officer whom it concerneth , upon paine of imprisonment . but if he be proved to have concealed a spie , he shall suffer death for it without mercy . no man shall passe in or out of the camp or garrison , but by the ordinarie and then usuall ports , avenues or other entrances , upon pain of death . all idle persons , boyes or women , which have no particular imployment for the necessarie and honest use of the souldiers , and which be not allowed , shall be banished the camp. no captaine , officer , or souldier , in time of necessitie and for defence of the armie , shall refuse to make or repaire the wals , quarters , or other vvorks and defences about the camp or garrison where he is commanded . be it to vvork vvith spade , basket , wheel-barrovv , or other instrument or engine , then used for those purposes : upon pain of fine and imprisonment . no souldier appointed to stand centinell , to lie perdue , or to guard in such a post or place , shall come off thence till he be relieved by his officer , upon paine of death . for keeping the camp as clean and healthy as may be , some places shall be assigned to kill beasts in , and for such other necessaries , upon the outsides of the camp , quarter , or garrison . out of which places it shall not be lawfull to do these or other noisome or uncomely offices upon pain of imprisonment . every provest marshall shall take care for the cleansing of his quarter , every third day at the least : and shall cause all garbage , carrion , filth , and other noysome offences to be buried . the refusers or neglecters , he shall have power to bring to fine or imprisonment . which punishment himselfe also shall be liable unto for neglect of his own duty . no man shall spoile or offer violence to any merchant , victualler , sutler , or other person coming with provisions to the army or garrison , nor shall break open any shops or warehouses , or steale aught out of any house , tent , hutt , or other place , upon pain of death . no souldier or other shall break down any house that may serve for the lodging or sheltring of the companie : nor shall trouble or defile any spring , well , pond , or streame of water serving for the armie , upon pain of imprisonment . whatever commissary , officer or other appointed for levyes or musters ; or for making provision of armes , ammunition , carriages , ships or the like , for the armie or garrison , shall be convicted to have dealt deceitfully or negligently in his charge , shall suffer such fine , imprisonment , or death ; according as the crime or dis-service shall have deserved . no souldier , waggoner , conducter of drawing-horses , or other persons having horses in the army , shall put , or suffer their horses to be put into any corn-grounds : and that upon paine of imprisonment and sufficient satisfaction to the owner . no man bearing armes , shall tarry above foure dayes in the campe or garrison , or follow the armie , unlesse he puts himselfe under some company , or have licence from the generall or other , then commanding in chiefe . concerning lawfull spoiles and prizes . first , after that the enemy is driven out of the field , or that the campe or towne be entered ; no souldier shall leave his ranke or ensigne to fall upon the spoile or pillage , till the signe be given , or licence be obtained , upon paine of death . whosoever shall have taken or recovered from the enemie or rebell , any lawfull spoiles or prizes above the value of ten shillings , shall presently upon his returne to the camp , make the same known to the lord generall , or whoever commands there in chiefe ; that the prizes so taken may be recorded , and afterwards be sold in the said camp or garrison ( and not elsewhere ) by sound of drumme or trumpet . and that upon forfeiture of the said prize , and such other punishment , as a councell of warre shall thinke fitting . no man having taken any spie or prisoner , shall presume to keep him longer then conveniently he may certifie his captain or other chiefe officer . much lesse shall he presume to let him go , upon ransome or exchange ; but shall deliver him to the provost marshall generall , upon paine of death . and if such prisoner be a person of qualitie , the taker shall have an honorable revvard for his service of the lord generall , or else licence of him to make the best of his prisoner . no officer or soldier shall steale , spoile , or diminish any prey or booty taken or recovered from the enemie , but shall endeavour to keep it intire to be disposed of by the generall , or him that commands in chiefe ; upon paine of death . no man shall presume to breake , burne , or pillage any church , schoole , hospitall or colledge ; nor to tyrannize over any church-men , schollers or poore people , women , maides , or children , upon paine of death , or other such punishment , as in a strict councell of warre shall bee awarded . concerning the administration of justice . first , that such as commit disorders may be detected , and punishment accordingly awarded ; it shall bee lawfull for the councell of warre and the advocate for the army , to enquire of the actors and circumstances of offences committed , by the oathes of such and so many as they thinke convenient : and shall further use all meanes for examination and triall of persons dilated , suspected , or defamed . . all causes and controversies arising betwixt captains and soldiers , and all others within the camp or garrison , shall be heard and discussed summarily , and execution done according to the military lawes , by the councell of warre , without appeale : unlesse the greatnes of the cause or other circumstances require stay or deliberation . ▪ all proceeding in the court-marshall , as well civill as criminall , shall be truely and fairely recorded . ▪ if any captaine , gentleman , or soldier ▪ declare or make his testament or last will of the goods he hath in camp or fortresse , or which hee hath got in service , as also of the debts which are owing to him ; all shall bee recorded in the court-marshall , and executed by those that are named executors . if no will be made , then shall his goods descend to his wife or next kinred , if he have any . but if he have none , or that none comes to demand his goods within one yeare , then shall his goods be administred and distributed at the appointment of the lord generall according to the lawes civill , and the customes of the warres . ▪ no man shall seize upon , spoile , take , or conceale the goods of any man that dyeth or is slaine in the kings service , upon the penalty of restoring double , whensoever it shal be discovered : and further to be punished at the pleasure of the lord generall , or court-marshall . no captaines , officers , or soldiers , shall refuse to discover , apprehend , and bring forth to justice , any whom they know to be offenders , as they will answer their neglect before the lord generall , or councell of warre . none of the kings liege people shall conceale , receive into their service , or conveigh away any soldiers that have runne away from their colours : but shall be oblieged to stay , discover and deliver them , or assist to the delivering of them to the provost-marshall so soon as possibly they may . and that upon paine of imprisonment or other punishment ▪ according to the discretion of the lord generall or councell of warre . the provost-marshall generall shall see all judgements , sentences and commandments of the lord generall and councell of warre put in execution . every soldier and others being desired , shall assist the provost-marshall and his officers , in the apprehending of malefactors , and in the execution of justice , upon paine of imprisonment . neither shall any rescue a prisoner so apprehended upon paine of death . no man shall interrupt or trouble the councell of warre or officers of justice doing their offices : but upon request made , shall be ready to assist and guard them : upon paine of fine and imprisonment . no provost-marshall shall refuse to keep a prisoner committed to his charge , nor shall dismisse him being once received , without warrant : upon paine of the like punishment , that the party so dismissed or let goe , should have endured . whoever shall presume to draw or present any weapon in the court of justice , and while it is sitting ; shall die without mercy . whatever regiment , troope , or company on horse or foot , shall be found culpable in the court-marshall for any of the matters in these ordinances mentioned ; all the officers of such regiment , troope or company , and every tenth soldier thereof , shall be punished with all severity as the nature of the offence shall require : and all other of the soldiers shall be put to doe some servile offices in the armie , untill by some brave exploit they purge themselves , or otherwise be punished as the lord generall or the marshall-court shall thinke fitting . in whatever cases or accidents that may occurre , for which there is no speciall order set downe in the lawes here published ; there the ancient course of marshall discipline shall be observed , untill such time as his excellence , the lord generall shall cause some further orders to bee made and published in the army : which shall thenceforward stand in force , upon the paines therein expressed . the oath . i a. b. doe sweare before the almighty and everliving god , that i will beare all faithfull allegeance to my true and undoubted soveraigne lord king charles , who is lawfull king of this iland , and all other his kingdomes and dominions , both by land and sea , by the lawes of god and man , and by lawfull succession : and that i will most constantly and cheerefully , even to the utmost of my power , and hazard of my life ; constantly oppose all seditions , rebellions , conspiracies , covenants , conjurations , and treasons whatsoever , raised or set up against his royall dignity , crowne , or person , under what pretence or colour whatsoever : and if it shall come veiled under pretence of religion , i hold it more abominable before god and man. and this oath i take voluntarily in the true faith of a good christian and loyall subject ; without any equivocation or mentall reservation whatsoever ; from which i hold no power upon earth can absolve me , in any part . this oath is to be taken by all the officers and soldiers in the army , by his majesties expresse commandment , as a touch-stone of every mans fidelity and loyalty . the forme of this following oath is to bee taken by every soldier , upon the reading and publishing of these orders . at which time the soldiers holding up their hand or fingers , shall say after him that readeth the oath , in these words following . all these lawes and ordinances which have publikely here been read unto us , we do hold and allow of as sacred and good : and will confirme , fulfill , and keep them to the uttermost of our power : so helpe us god. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e against blasphemy . deriding of gods word , or ministers . common ▪ swearing , cursing , and profaning of holy scripture . sacriledge . observation of the lords day , and frequenting of divine service . gaming . whoredome . notorious crimes . abusing of women . drunkennesse drunkennesse upon the watch &c. offences done in drink . to pray before the taking in hand of any enterprise . trecherous speeches . conspiracies . intelligence with the enemy . assisting the enemy with munition , &c. mutinies . yeelding up strengths , &c. reseues . refusing to repaire to the army , &c. revolters . discovering the word . sleeping upon the guard . disparaging them commanders . obedience without resistance . absence from their colours . keeping back pay . false musters . officers to serve armed . word or mark entertaining other mens souldiers or servants . watching and warding . disarray . designes to be by direction . making away of armes , &c. pasports . for saking his colours . clamours . alarmes . challenges . duels , &c. the lie . stealing . abuses upon the march or quarter . burning of corne , houses , &c. mustering by two names , &c. commissary of the musters . cheques . wasting of victuals , &c. exercising of companies . sound of drums and trumpets . content with their own quarter . righting of injuries . deceiving trusts . quiet after the watch is set . lying out of his garrison . lodging of strangers , ●pies , 〈◊〉 . passing in by the ports . idle persons . making or ●●p●iring the works , &c. centri●s an● guards . annoyanc● cleansing the quarters . ●reedome of merchants , ●c . ●●using of ●uses , ●ings , &c. deceits of commissaries , &c. corne fields . strangers not to stay in the army . not to leave rank or ensigne . prizes . 〈…〉 prisoners . booty . abuses to churches or church-men . disorders punished . causes determined , and recorded . wills. goods of the dead . discovering malefactors . runawaies to be returned . provost-marshall to be assisted . officers of iustice to be assisted . prisoners to be safe kept . menacing of justice . cases not here met withall . by the king. a proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to algeeres and tunis proclamations. - - england and wales. sovereign ( - : james i) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) by the king. a proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to algeeres and tunis proclamations. - - england and wales. sovereign ( - : james i) james i, king of england, - . sheet ([ ] p.) by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxiii. [ ] dated at end: white-hall, the sixt day of april, in the one and twentieth yeere of our raigne .. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military supplies weapons industry -- great britain -- law and legislation. defense industries -- great britain -- law and legislation. arms transfers -- great britain -- law and legislation. military weapons -- law and legislation -- great britain. pirates -- legal status, laws, etc. tunis (tunisia) algiers (algeria) - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. ¶ a proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to algeeres and tunis . the kings most excellent maiestie taking knowledge , aswell by the aduertisements of diuers forreine princes and states , and of their ambassadours , as by the wofull complaints of many of his owne good subiects , that susteine great and continuall losses by pyrats , and sea-rouers vsually retiring to , & harbouring themselues at algeers , & tunis , that the sayd pyrats & sea-rouers receiue great comfort & encouragement by an abusiue trade that some merchants out of greedinesse , & for vniust lucre do maintaine at algeers , & tunis , for weapons , gunpowder , shot , and other munition of all sorts , wherewith those common enemies of mankinde doe dayly inuade the subiects of his maiesty & other christian princes , hath thought it agreeable to his own iustice and honour to forewarne , that none of his subiects , from hencefoorth , haue any hand in a course so vniust . and therefore his maiesty doeth heereby straitely charge and command , that none of his maiesties subiects whatsoeuer , doe at any time heereafter carry or import vnto the sayd towne or port of algeers , & tunis , any gunpowder , shot , armour , weapons , munition or victualles whatsoeuer vpon paine to incurre his maiesties indignation & highest displeasure , and to endure the seuerest chastisements that so high an offence may deserue to be inflicted on them by his maiesties lawes or kingly prerogatiue . giuen at the court at white-hall , the sixt day of april , in the one and twentieth yeere of our raigne of great brittaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxiii . the second part of the soldiers grammar: or a schoole for young soldiers especially for all such as are called to any place, or office, (how high or low soeuer) either in the citie, or countrey, for the training, and exercising of the trayned band, whether they be foote or horse. together vvith perfect figures and demonstrations for attaining the knowledge of all manner of imbattailings, and other exercises. by g.m. souldiers grammar. part markham, gervase, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the second part of the soldiers grammar: or a schoole for young soldiers especially for all such as are called to any place, or office, (how high or low soeuer) either in the citie, or countrey, for the training, and exercising of the trayned band, whether they be foote or horse. together vvith perfect figures and demonstrations for attaining the knowledge of all manner of imbattailings, and other exercises. by g.m. souldiers grammar. part markham, gervase, ?- . [ ], - , - , [ ] p. : fold. diagrams printed [by a. mathewes] for hugh perry, and are to bee sold in brittaines bursse, at the signe of the harrow, london : . g.m. = gervase markham. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the soldiers grammar : or a schoole for young soldiers . especially for all such as are called to any place , or office , ( how high or low soeuer ) either in the citie , or countrey , for the training , and exercising of the trayned band , whether they be foote or horse . together with perfect figures and demonstrations for attaining the knowledge of all manner of imbattailings , and other exercises . by. g. m. london , printed for hugh perry , and are to bee sold in brittaines bursse , at the signe of the harrow . . a table of all the principall things handled in this booke . chap. i of the ranges of officers from the lowest to the highest . page of the launspesado , ibidem of the corporall , pag. of the serieant of the band , ibid. of the drumme , of the clarke of the band , ibid. of the chyrurgion , of the ensigne ibid. of the lieutenant of the quarter-master , ibid. of the prouost-marshall , of the captaine ibid. of the sergeant maiors of regiments , ibid. of lieutenant colonell of regiments , of colonells of regiments . ibid. of the sergeant maior generall . ibid. of the colonell generall . of lieutenant generall of the horse . ibid. of the treasurer of the army . ibid. of the master of the ordnance . ibid. of the lord marshall . of lieutenant generall of the army , ibid. of the generall , ibid. a second raunge , of the master gunner . ibid. of the trench-master , ibid. of the waggon master , of the forrage-master , ibid. of the victuall-master , ibid. of the iudge-marshall , of the scout-master , ibid. of the lieutenant of the ordnance ibid. of the muster-master generall . ibid. chap. . of the seuerall imbattellings of a priuate company of two hundred , or otherwise . differences in opinions touching a priuate company , ib. the roman rule for companies , the true composition of a company , ibid. the first imbattelling of men , the second forme of imbattelling , being against horse . the manner of sally or giuing of vollies against the horse . the manner of volleyes , when the foot battaile is charged euery way . the imbattailing of many squares in one square . the politique or deceiuing battaile . the battaile to withstand the wedge of horse . the square battaile whereof to frame a diamond . the diamond battaile it selfe . the diamond battaile brought into a triangle , or two triangles . the forme of imbattelling for speech , or parley . another forme of imbattailing for speech or parley . of the ring , the halfe moone , the spurre , and the like imbattellings . chap : . the seuerall imbattailings of a regiment of men or more . disputation growne about imbattailing . ibid. the authors discussion of the difference , betweene whom the diffierence is . ibid. the opinion of the newe souldier . ibid. the newe forme of imbattailing a regiment . the numbers commanded , the opinion of the old souldiers ibid. the old and auncient forme of imbattailing a regimnt . ibid. the young souldiers reasons for their opinions . ibid. the old souldiers reason for their oppinions . other reasons . the danger of the first forme of imbattailing . the authors censure of both the opiniones . the former difference reconciled . ibid : chap. . of the ioining of sundry regiments together . what is the great substance of the arte military ibid. of what armies consist . bid . how to obserue dignity of place . regiments ioined together in plaine battaile . who are to forme battailes . obseruation of grounds . ibid. regiments diuided yet brought into vniformitie . chap : . the forming of maine batailes of any extent or number how great soeuer . obseruations in the shaping of battailes . ibid. the composition of battailes and the members how to finde a square roote and the vse thereof ibid. the diuiding of a battaile ibid. alteration of squares , or squares in squares . of forlornes . ibid. of the vantguard . of the battaile . ibid. of the reare . ibid. of the horse battaile and the greate ordnance with the guard thereof . the portrature of a plaine ordinary battaile . the wind-mille battaile of men , foote and horse . the end of the table . the second part of the souldiers grammar . chap. . of the raunge of officers , from the lowest to the highest . all the lowe inferior raunges i haue a little touched before , both in the accidence , and in the first part of this grammar , but not so methodically and orderly as now i entend to proceed , and of the great and superiour officers , i haue not made any mention at all ; and therefore in this place i may not omitt them . the lowest raunge and meanest officer in an army is called the launcepesado , or launspresado , who is the leader or gouernour of halfe a file , and therefore is commonly called a midle man , or captaine ouer foure . he is the corporals deputy , and in his absence , dischargeth his duties : the nature of whose place , his office and dignitie , i haue at large set downe in the souldiers accidence : this is the most inferiour officer or effectuall commander , and therefore hath the lowest and last range in battailes , yet he holdeth his dignity by the antiquity of his place , and the greatnesse of him vnder whom he is commanded : as the launspesado vnder the generall , is before the launspesado vnder the lieutenant-generall ; that of the sergeant maior generall , before the colonell generall ; that of the colonell of a regiment , before his lieutenant colonell ; the lieuetenant colonell , before the sergeant maior of a regiment ; the seriant maior , before the captaine ; and the captaines successiuely according to their antiquities . next aboue the launspesado is raunged the corporall , of whose particular office i haue written sufficiently in the souldiers accidence . he is the leader or captaine of a fyle , and the commander of a squadron , which commonly is twenty fiue men ; these take their ranges or places of dignitie as the former , that is , according to their antiquity , and the greatnesse of the person vnder whome they are commanded . the next in range aboue the corporall is the sergeant of the band , whose particular office i haue also at large set downe in the souldiers accidence ; and howsoeuer his name and place be neglected and forgotten in the roman discypline , yet is he an officer with vs of great vse and eminence ; he hath no certaine place or range within the battalia , but is extrauegant and wandering vp & downe euery where , to see the ranks and files be kept , and that the bodie run not into any disorder ; they also take their places of dignity and are ranged as the former , that is , according to their antiquity , and the greatnesse of the person vnder whom they command . next to the sergeant of the band is ranged the drum , whose place is gentile and of great respect , for he ought to be a souldier of much experience and iudgement , and ( if possible ) a good linguist , that being sent to the enemy vpon any occasion , he may be able to deliuer his message without any interpreter or assistant , and also , to take notice of such thinges of importance as shall encounter with his eies or eares , whereby his owne party may be bettered or secured ; this officer is ranged according to his antiquitie and greatnesse of place ; that is to say , the drum maior of the army hath the first and principall range , then the drumm maiors of regiments successiuely , according to the antiquities of their colonells ; and so all other drums , according to the places of their officers in chiefe & other captaines . next the drum i range the clearke of the bande who although he be no souldier , nor haue any martiall command in the field , or before the face of the enemy , yet ought he to be a gentleman of good respect and well quallified , that is to say , he ought to be learned in all martiall lawes , whereby he may instruct the souldiers , and preuent trespasses ; he ought to be skilfull in accompts , because he is the auditor which keepeth all sorts of accompts betweene the captaine and the souldier ; as for his range , it is incertaine , for he hath no particular place of preheminence , but so far forth as his honest vertue and faire demeanour carrieth him , so he is to be respected and preferred , and this range will fall fitte both with his quallity and place , as is seene in the generall experience both of our owne and other armies ; and this officer houldeth the dignity of his place , not according to antiquitie , but according to the greatnesse and great office of the person vnder whom he serueth . next to this officer i range the chirurgion , who likewise is no souldier , but holdeth the dignitie of his place from curtesie and good manners ; he ought to be learned and skilfull in his profession , & thereby hauing wonne the heart of the souldier , he need not doubt of reuerence ; as for his range in generall , it is according to his desert and fayre demeanour ; but in particular ( and amongst his fellow chirurgions ) the chirurgion maior hath the first range , and then the rest according to antiquitie , and the greatnesse of the person vnder whom he serueth . now to returne againe to the souldier : the next officer which is ranged in the warrs is the ensigne of the band , or bearer of the captaines cullors ; this officer ought to be a gentleman of great respect and trust , for his captaines honour is deliuered into his care and keeping : whence it came to passe that the antient romans when they deliuered their cullors to any mans trust , they did it with great ceremonie and solemnity , the partie trusted , receiuing them by oath , in the face of the souldiers ; and the souldiers likewise taking an oath for faythfulnesse to their coullors , and this oath was called militia sacrata : this officer was called amongst the romans , signifer , or bandopharus , whom they euer ranged next vnto the captaine , as at this day the spaniard doth , who will not allow any lieutenant , because there shall not be any interposition betweene the ensigne bearer and the captaine ; but our discipline altereth in this nature , and therefore the ensigne taketh his range after his lieutenant , and according to his antiquitie , or the greatnesse of the person vnder whom he commandeth , hauing superiour office or place of command in the armie . next to the ensigne , is ranged the lieuetenant of a band , whom ( howsoeuer the romans and spaniards doe skippe and leape ouer , as a place neglected or forgotten ) yet is he a gentleman of singular trust and reputation , for he is his captaines principall councelor , and one that taketh all burthens from the captaines shoulders : in the captaines absence he performeth all the captaines duties , commandeth as captaine , and in his presence is assistant to all the captaines commandements , and an indifferent moderator in all questions betweene the captaine and the souldier : these lieutenants take their ranges or places of dignitie according to the antiquitie of their captaines , and the greatnesse of place in which they command ; as the lieutenant to the generall , or the liuetenant generall are captaines absolute : the lieutenants of other great and superiour officers , and the lieutenants of colonells are captaines in curtesie , and may in a court of warre fitte as the puny captaine of that regiment in which he commandeth : the lieutenants of lieutenant colonells are ranged next vnto them , then the lieutenants of serieant maiors , and lastly the lieutenants of captaines , according to command and antiquitie . next to the liuetenants are ranged the quarter maisters of regiments , who besides the deuision of quarters , ought to discharge the office of harbingers , for to make them two distinkt places is a surcharge to the army , and these take their ranges according to the dignitie of the regiment in which they commande . next to the quarter masters are ranged the prouost marshalls of the best degree , and these take their places according to their ellection and antiquitie . aboue all these are ranged the captaines , of which amongst the romans were two seuerall kindes , the one called centurion , or a commander of one hundred , the other cohortis praefectus , and commanded an whole battalia , in which were diuers centurions , and yet but one ensigne ; and these at this day are those which we call colonells : but for the priuate captaine ( of whom we speake ) he is ( or ought to be ) a gentleman of great wisedome , courage and iudgement , wise in the election of his officers and the manage of his affaires , valyent in the executing of all manner of commands and the contempt of dangers , and excellent in iudging of all occurrances and occasions , by which great perrils may be preuented , and the lesser so qualified , that they may weare no vizzard of amazement : these captaines take their ranges according to their antiquities , or the places of great office wherevnto they are aduaunced . next to the captaines are ranged the sergeant maiors of regiments , being principall captaines in the regiment wherein they serue , and hauing power vpon all commandements , to imbattaile and forme the regiment according to the forme and demonstration appointed by the sergeant maior generall : these officers take their range according to antiquitie , and the dignitie of the place wherevnto they are called , ( that is to say ) before euery priuate capiaine . next to these are ranged the liuetenant colonells of regiments , who are a degree aboue the sergeant maior , and are gentlemen of noble and braue quallity , euery one in the absence of the colonell gouerning as the absolute colonell ; their range holdeth according to antiquitie and no otherwise . next aboue these are ranged the colonells , who in in dignitie of place are as farre aboue the captaines , as the captaines aboue the priuate souldier ; they command in their regiments sometimes fiue hundred , sometimes a thousand , sometimes fiueteene hundred , and sometimes two thousand , according to the trust reposed , and the vertues of him trusted : these colonells are ranged according to their antiquitie , or the greatnesse of the place they hold , the eldest colonell ( being euer magister de campo , or , campe master ) holding the first or primer place , and all the rest successiuely according to antiquitie : this officer was of great account amongst the romans , and had diuers attributes giuen to their vertues , being sometimes called drungarius sometimes tribunus or militum , chiliarchus , and the like ; and when their commands came to be aduanced as to be made campe master or colonell generall , then they were caled turmarca , merarca or turmarū praefectus , so great was the estimation of this high cōmand . next these is ranged the sergeant maior generall , whom the romans called tessararius , he ought to be a man of noble quallity and high vallour , in asmuch as all his actions ( for the most part ) are executed in the face of the enemy , and he is euermore of the councell of warre . next him is ranged the colonell generall , a man of equall vertue and guifts with the former , especially he ought to be exceeding temperate and iust , for vpon him resteth the according of all differences of great nature which shall happen in the army ; and he is also euermore one of the councell of warre . next him is ranged the liuetenant generall of the horse , who hath the same command , and dischargeth the same dutie amongst the horsemen that the colonell generall doth amongst the foote , and he is euermore also one of the councell of warre : this officer was called among the romans , magister equitum , or praefectus equitum ; he hath a generall command ouer all horsemen whatsoeuer , whether they be men at armes which were called cataphractos ; or light horsemen , which were called expeditos incursores ; he is also euer of the councell of warre . next this officer , is ranged the high treasurer of the army , who amongst the antient romans was called quaestor ; this man is vnder no command but the generall onely , yet is to draw his eye and respect through the whole army , especially he is to haue regard to the auditor , muster master , and comissarie of the armie , and is of the councell . next to this officer , is ranged the master of the ordnance , who is a principall officer of the field , hauing command of all manner of artillerie , munition , and engines whatsoeuer , and is also one of the councell of warre . the next great officer is the lord marshall of the field , whose command stretcheth euery way , both to the horsse and foote ; how excellent he ought to be , is not to be disputed , because he ought to be one of the best of souldiers , hauing a prerogatiue to disanull forraigne lawes , and to make good whatsoeuer shall be thought fit in his owne armie . next this great officer , is ranged the liuetenant generall of the armie , who indeed is but the younger brother to the generall , and in his absence hath his soueraigne authority , and the absolute rule of the armie , being ( as it were ) a superintendant ouer all the rest of the great ones . lastly , ( as hauing no paralell , but carrying a supreame and soueraigne authoritie ouer all the whole armie ) is ranged the generall , whom the auntient souldiers would alow to be no lesse then a king , valuing this high place at so great a rate , that they thought the best subiect too meane to vndergoe it ; but we finde it otherwise , and reason leades vs to better argument ; for although kings are the best generalls , yet ( god forbid ) but they should haue that power and priueledge to elect out of their noblest and best deserning subiects , such able and sufficient generalls as may take vpon them the gouernment of an armie , and not be tyed at all times and vpon all occasions to imbarque themselues into the danger of the warres . thus you see that subiects may be generalls , yet indeed none worthily but the best of subiects , who for their excellent vertues draw the nearest in quality vnto kings . thus haue i runne through the whole range of great and small offices , which support and gouerne an army , and must of necessity be ( for their marshiall imployment ) in the range and martch thereof ; yet notwithstanding i must confesse , i haue skipt or leapt ouer a range of officers , which out of certaine priueledges which they haue , are more remote and abandoned from the army , or else haue such places of particularitie and certainetie , that they doe not entirely mixe and ioyne with the grosse bodie ; besides , they haue another dependance , and indeed are called the particuler officers belonging vnto the caualarie or horse armie , and howsoeuer they haue foote commands , yet they depend and waite vpon the horse , and from the lord marshall take all their directions . the first and the lowest of these is the master gunner , who is indeed but an inferiour officer vnder the master of the ordnance ; he hath athoritie ouer all the rest of the gunners , and ought to see that euery man performe his dutie : this officer , though he had no place amongst the romans , because the inuention of powder was not then found out , yet they had amongst them a kinde of artillerie , which they called arietes , scorpions , balistas , arcubalistas , testudines , turres , and a world of other engines , the gouernor whereof was the same in nature that our master gunner is . next aboue this officer , is ranged the trench master , who hath command ouer all the p●●●ers in all their works , and by his directions seeth all manner of trenches cast vp , whether it be for guard and inclosing of the campe , or for other particuler annoyance to the enemy , or for the building of sconces or other defence or offence , as directions shall be giuen . next this officer is ranged the waggon master or carriadge master generall , who amongst the romans was called impedimentorū magistrū , the master of impediments or hindrāces in the warres ; for it is true , that frō nicenesse & curiositie , first grew the foundation of this office ; he hath supreame authoritie ouer al waggons , carriages , sledds , and the like , and foreseeth that they martch orderlie , without cloying vp the hie waies , or doing foule annoyances one to the other in their martches , with a world of other obseruations , which are too long to recite in this place . next this officer , is ranged the forrage master generall , who is a principall dependant vpon the lord marshall : to this officers charge is deliuered the disposing of all manner of horse prouisions , as hay , corne , strawe , grasse , forrage , & the like , and he foreseeth that all inferiour officers which haue charge herein doe their duties truely , and that equall distribution be made , and no souldier hindred of his true alowance , and where fault is , to see due punishment executed on the offenders . next this officer , is ranged the victuall master generall , to whose charge is deliuered all kinde of foode and sustenance belonging to the souldier , as bread , bisket , butter , cheese , beefe , poore-iohn , haberdine , peafe , wheate , ryce , and the like , and by his inferiour officers ( which are called prouant-masters ) he is to see that due distribution be made thereof amongst the souldiers , according to allowance from the superiour officers . next this , is ranged the iudge-marshall , or comissarie generall , who ought to be a learned gentleman and skillfull in the ciuill and marshall lawes , for he expoundeth them to the souldier and giueeth sentence vpon all offenders and offences ; as they are decreed by a marshall court. next this officer is randged the scout-master generall , who amongst the romans was an officer vnknowne , because they neuer lodged their horse without the verge of the campe , or the walls of the towne as in our moderne warres now we doe , yet had the romans their discouerers , which they called scultators , or speculators , or indeed campiductores , who differed little or nothing in their charge and office from these which we call scoutes , or scoute-master ; this officer hath command ouer all scouts , maketh ellection of places of danger where to place them , and giueth them all directions which they are to obserue ; his dependance is vpon the lord marshall , and he is a principall councellor in disposing of the campe , and informeth the manner of the horse parado when the watch is to be set . next this officer is ranged the liuetenant of the ordnance , who hath his generall dependance on the master of the ordnance , hauing vnder his charge the command of all the small ordnance and munition ; and in the absence of the master commandeth as the master , both ouer the great and lesser artillery and ouer all sorts of officers depending vpon the masters commandment , the last and greatest of this second range is the muster master generall , or controuler of the musters being an high and most necessary officer in all royall armies ; his office extendeth to the numbring of men , to the well arming , ordering and disposing of bodies ; to the preuenting of all manner of frauds and deceits in the captains , and their inferiour officers : he hath the list of euery mans band , preuents alterations , hath the controle of all inferiour comisaries vnder him , he appeaseth differences betwene captaines and his ministers , giueth out all the warrants for full pay , checketh all grosse defaults and is euermore one of the counsell of warre . thus i haue shewed you a true range of all officers in the warres , from the lowest to the highest , as also those which haue a colatterall dependance , by which it is easily for any man to vnderstand how they be ioyned and linckt together ; i will now descend to matters of other importance . chap. ii. of the seuerall imbattalings of a priuate company of . or otherwise . there hath bene , and is at this day , much disputation and arguments amongst old and new soldiers touching the composition or number of a priuate captains company , some allowing more as , or , & , nay at this day , in a priuate captaines command ; others allow lesse , as but . or or at the most , but in both these there are extreamities ; & as , and are more then any priuate man can well gouerne , for neither can his eye or voice extend either to instruction or correction , the front will be so dilated and spread , for : men must euer carry : in brest ; so likewise the number of : in the whole body is too few and neither sorteth with dicipline , nor is an equall aduancment for a well deseruing captain ; for if the captaine of : men haue but s per diem entertinement , then the ceptaine of : can expect but s per diem which is to little eyther to support his place , or maintaine the ranke where vnto he is called . it is true that the ancient romans allowed their captaines but : and ther vpon called them centurions , and it is true also that this is an wholsome preportion both in respect of the entertainement , and easinesse of gouernement , and the forme of the body , which being a true square they are euer most ready and proper for the forming and fashioning of any grosse body or battell what soeuer ; but notwithstanding the aptnesse and readinesse of this body ; yet the necessity of affaires ; the diligence and desert of well deseruing spirits compells our generalls to allow other numbers , and as men is thought sufficient for a captaine at his first begining , so an , or men to him that hath excellently deserued is but a competent aduancement and by the ayd of sufficient officers may be gouerned and instructed in all perfecton , but to exceede this number of : there will be euer errour found and aduancement will proue an hurt and burthen . sure then it must fall out in the conclusion that men is the only perfect number whereon to compound a priuate company : i will therefore take that number in hand and shew you the seuerall imbattalings or formes of battaile wherevnto they can be reducted : wherein you are first to conceiue that ( according to our present discipline , this number of : men is deuided into two bodies equall , or two distinct and seuerall weapons , that is to say , : pyks , and shott or muskets : the pyks i doe expresse vnder this carracter ( p ) and the shott or musquetts vnder this carracter : ( s ) the first imbattalling then of a company of : men is to draw them into a forme or kind of square body , according to the forme of this figure following . the first forme of imbattalling of two hundred men . this battayll you see allmost drawne to a square by reason of the distance , for it is to be supposed , that now this body standeth at order in files , which is three foote ; and at open order in rankes , which is sixe foote : and so by extending the length the file is made as large as the front ; and of all battailes this is the strongest and the best , being ablest to bring most hands to fight without disorder and the soonest repaired and amended whensoeuer it shall come to any ruine , for now it standeth ready for all motions what soeuer . there is an other manner of imbattailing of this number , when they shall encounter with a troope of horse , the order and proportion whereof is contained in this figure following : the second forme of imbattailing being against horse . here in this bataile you see how the ranks of shott are drawne within the ranks of pikes and so couered and safeguarded that the horsemen cannot charge or breake vpon , or through them , but with most eminent and certaine danger , for the vollyes lie rrady prepard , and the pykes stand so that they cannot be enforced to any rout or disorder ; and here you shall take a principall obseruation ; that if the horse which shall charge this battell of foote be gentlemen at armes , armed cap a pe : from head to foote ; with strong launces in their hands and pistolls at the saddle bow ; and the horse armed also both with defensiue & offensiue armor , then shall all the pikes charge at the right foote and draw their swords ouer arme , euery man with his former foote linking in his leaders hinder foote ; but if the horse be but curashieirs armed from the head to knee , with long pystols and vnarmed horses , then shall all the pykes charge aboue hand , and not at the right foote , and shall also aduance forward in their charge and offer to encounter with the horse , for their strength is such that it cannot be broken by vnarmed horses , nor can they be ruin'd but by the vtter losse of the horse troope , now for the manner of the salley of this inclosed shotte , and how they shall giue their volley , to the most anoiance of the enemy , you shall perceiue it in the forme of this next figure following . the manuer of gining volleis against the horse . heere you see that in this salley or giuing of the volly against the horse , one halfe of the musquets ( vpon the first appearance or approch of the troope and before they come within distance to deliuer their pistols ) issueth fourth by the flanke , which by wheele or otherwise , by turning of faces you shall euer make the front , and being aduanced some small distance they presently spread foorth themselues into one single file , and so deliuer their volly alltogeather , whilst the other haulfe of the shotte ascend into their places , and make ready , then that parte of the shot which did issue foorth , and haue giuen their volly , shall with all conuenient speede retire themselues againe betwene the rankes , and passe behind the shot which filleth their roomes and there lade thire musquets againe ; whilest the pikes charge either to the right foote , or alloft according to the nature of the horse troope which chargeth them ; then the horse wheeling about to recouer the second pistoll the other halfe of the shotte shall issue out and deliuer their volly as the former . now if the horse troope shall happen to deuide it selfe and so charge the foote battell on both sides , or if they shall range themselues and charge euery way , both before , behind , and on both sides , then shall the shotte issue out both wayes and girdle the battaille round about , according to the forme and fashion of this figure following . volleis when the foote battaile is charged euery way . thus you see the shotte issueth fourth equally on on both sides , and girdleth the foote battalia round about , so that the volly is giuen entirely and without impeachment or trouble one of another , whereas to shoote ouer one anothers shoulder or by making the first man kneele , the second stoope , the third bend his body , the fourth leane forward , and the fifte to stand vpright , and so to deliuer their volly were both rude and disorderly , bringing great danger to the souldier , and placing them in such a lame and vncomely posture , that all agillity and aptnesse to doe seruice would be taken away and the enemy taking aduantage thereof would be much more ready and apte to breake in vpon them and driue them to rout and confusion . there is an other forme of imbattaling this company of men , and it is excellent either against foote or horse , & hath so many seuerall waies to fight , and that with such strength and safety , that on which hand soeuer the battaile shall be assailed , yet it will stand impregnable , the shot so seconding the pikes , and the pikes so garding the shot that euery way it will giue a certaine and infallibe repulse vnto the enemy . this battaile is a square battaile as the rest before shewed ; yet it is compounded of diuers squares or maniples , which amongst the best experienced souldiers is held the best and safest way of fighting , the forme of which battaile is contained in this figure following . the imbattelling of many squares in one square . heere you see eight seuerall squares brought into one square , and the ninth reserued voyd for the entertainement of the ensigne , & such short weapons as shall attend it , which howsoeuer they be out of vse , in the low-countries , where groose bodies , seldome or neuer ioyne , yet with vs , where hand battaile must continually be expected , they are not vnnecessary , nor to be neglected . this forme of battaile carrieth the front euery way , and vpon the allteration of the face , is ready to receiue the charge foure seuerall wayes at once , with equall strength and oppositions ; for euery square is a seuerall manuple , and one so answering to another that nothing but multitudes can subdue it . there is againe another forme of imbattailling these : men , which howsoeuer it carry an imaginary face of weaknesse , yet it is strong and substantiall , and was indeede inuented through the false shew , to draw and bring the enemy on , who being once ingadged , in the open and weake places , the maniples or small squares , at an instant retire , and ioyne them selues togeather so strongly , that it is impossible for the enemy to come off without great losse or vtter subuersion . this battaile ( as the former ) is compounded of nine squares fullfilled and supplied , and of sixe empty and vnsupplied , which may draw on , and intice the enemy to charge ; but afterward by closing and ioining together , frustrateth that hope , and leaues the euent to the hazard of fortune . the forme of this politike and deceiuing battaile is expressd in this figure following . the politique , or deceiuing battaile . heere you see that though these empty places in the battaile are reserued , whereby to entice the enemy ; yet they are so slanked on either hand and before , both with pikes and shotte , that no approach can be made without danger : no if the horse should attempt to charge and breake in , thinking to cut the shot from the pikes as in outward shew it seemeth likely ; yet haue the shotte such safe and seuerall places to retire into , and the pikes standing so apt and ready to couer and entertaine them , that the assault is to no purpose , and the battaile standeth still stronger and stronger . the difference betwixt this battaile and the former is only the breach and seperation of manuples , which being aduanced one from another ( yet within the distance of guard ) haue more liberty to fight , and may alter their proportions , or distances , as they please . there is another forme of imbattailing these men , and it is principally vsed against the horse , especially , when they charge in the forme of a wedge , or triangular , of which wedge i haue spoken more largely in the former part of this grammer , and this battaile also is drawne from a maine square , onely the weapons are altered , and the opposition of the pikes are made strongest in the bottome of the battaile ; this battaile was of greate vse amongst the grecians before fire or powder was knowne , and many famous votaries , and triumphs gotten by the vse thereof , and therefore hauing now fire and shotte to assist the naturall strength thereof , it must needes be more acceptable and worthier of imitation . this battaile is drawne by diuision betweene the middle men to the front , and the middlemen to the reare , and betweene the middle men to the right flanke , and the middle men to the left , leauing the shotte within the pikes , in such manner , that vpon all assaults they may haue free vse of their armes ; and yet notwithstanding abide in safety in dispight of the enemy . the forme of this battaile is expressed in the next figure following . the battaile to withstand the wedge of horse . thus you see how this bataile is interlined with the shot , & guarded with the pikes , so that although there be a field of entrance , yet it is a straight place of much danger ; and howsoeuer the enemy may come on bouldly , yet he cannot but returne heauily . many other sorts of imbatialing there are , though none more necessary , as the battaile called diamond , the battaile triangular , and such like ; which noueltie ( i know ) is desirous to search into ; and the proportions i know at the first , carry a greate shew of much skill , and counning , especially to the ignorant , but being once waded into with iudgement , there is nothing more facile or easie : therefore to draw a diamond battaile , first drawe your battaile into a square , according to the first figure in this booke ; or for your better remembrance , according to this figure following which being but compounded of men ; may serue to expresse the manner and fashioning of . the square battaile , whereof to frame a diamond . heere you behould the square or forme of a battalia , now to reduce this to a diamond , or imperfect square , the captaine shall come to the leader of the right hand file , ( which is the first and principall man of the company ) and aduancing before him , shall wheele the whole company into a direct line , with the right point foreward , and the left point descending , as in this figure following . the diamond battaile : heere you see that by drawing foorth of the battaile , howsoeuer square at the first , yet by alteration of distance , it is brought into a perfect diamond forme ; and although the pikes and shotte keepe their places , as in the square , yet at your pleasure you may change them , and draw the weapons to what part of the battaile , and into what files your selfe pleaseth . now to bring this diamond or any other diamond into a perfect triangular : you shall cut off the diamond battaile in the middest , through the two midle extreame parts , and then will remaine vnto you two triangulars , a greater and a lesse , which you may double or encrease , as you shall finde occasion ; so that albeit by this diuision you find how to make this proportion , yet perceiueing how you may double and encrease both the files and rankes , ( whose number is euer constant and certaine , according to the proportion of the triangle ) you may at pleasure without any diuision or seperation of body , forme this triangle , out of the files and rankes onely . but because you shall not stand amazed at this businesse , i will in a few charracters , containe but a fewe men ( which is the easiest for capasity ) shew you how to bring a diamond to a triangle , as in this figure following appeareth . a diamond battaile brought into a triangle . thus you see the diamond is cut into two triangles which being ledde seuerall wayes may serue as two bodies , and that to exceeding good , and honorable purpose , for this diamond , or sharpe piercing body , is of great force to enter and breake any square body , and being but entered in with the point , the rest of the body followeth with such order and strength , and so encreaseth and maketh the breach greater , and greater , that the square body can hardly ioyne together againe , but falleth into rout , or into a retrait that is full as dishonorable , and to this purpose was this diamond foote battaile first of all inuented . there is againe another manner of imbattailing this priuate company of , which howsoeuer it be seldome or neuer vsed in fight , yet it is of excellent vse in the field , both before the framing of the battaile , & after the battell is framed , this manner of imbatailing , is when either any of the captaines officers would deliuer a priuate message to the company , which none but themselues should heare , or when the captaine himselfe , would either giue secret directions , or imparte matter of instruction , or matter of reprehension , or when any other supreame officer of the field , would deliuer to the company either encouragement or caution . the manner of this imbattailing is in this wise , the captaine shall first cause both the wings of shot to stand still , hauing drawne them vp into their close order , then he shall aduance the first diuision of pikes vpward , till the midle men of the pikes to the reare be equall with the two first ranks of shotte , and euery man in his close order , then shall the subdiuision turne their faces about and descend downeward , till the middle men of the front be equall with the two last rankes of shot , then hauing closed all strongly together , and turned euery face vpon the center : the captaine , lieutenant , ensigne , and such other officers , as he will haue partakers of his speech , shall come into the square void place of the battaile , and there deliuer what seemeth good to himselfe ; which finished , he shall reduce his battaile backe into its first forme , as for the shape of imbattelling for parley , it will carry the proportion of this figure following . the forme of imbattailing for speech or parley . there be others which imbattaile for speech or parly much after this manner aforesaid , onely they straighten or make lesse the empty or void place in the midst , by making the shotte first to double their ranks , then the first diuision of pikes to aduance vpward , and the subdiuision of pikes to desscend downeward , and afterward to doe in all things as before , and then the forme of battaile will bee like this figure following . another forme of imbattailing for speech or parley . in this forme of imbattailing though the center be straightned , yet the outward verge of the battaile is enlarged , so that though som doe heare and vnderstand better , yet many shall not heare nor vnderstand at all , but must receiue the speech by relation ; so that i conclude the first forme of imbattailing for speech or parly is the best , easiest and safest , yet i stand not vpon mine owne iudgement , but submit to the censure of the old and experienced soldiers . diuers other formes of imbattailing there be for a priuate company of men , as the ring , the halfe-moone ; the spurre , and the like , but because i haue heard them mightelie condemned by the noblest souldiers of our age , and men of high respect and reuerence , affirming them rather to leade into rout and disorder then any way to strentghen and better the battalia , therefore i dare not giue rules or prescriptions for them , but referre such as are desirous to learne and behold them , to any ignorant and vnskillfull teacher , and he shall spend howres and daies onely in these motions , not knowing otherwise how to wast time , or make the vulgar people to wonder . and thus much touching the imbattailings of a priuate company of men , or any other inferior number . chap. . the seuerall imbattailings of a regiment of one thousand men or more . touching the imbattailing of a regiment of men or more , there is now at this instant time great argument and disputation among souldiers ; some being of great experience and knowledge , some of greater reputation then knowledge , some seeming to know more then they doe know , and some out of affection to other mens singularity , or to hold an opposite contention , whereby to get a note or name of much iudgement . the new and latter forme of imbattailing a regiment . you must first vnderstand that this difference groweth betweene the old souldier and the new souldier , that is betweene those of old and sollide experience , and those of late and more quainte practise ; the first hauing nothing but what the warre it selfe informeth , the other the helpe of garden , yarde , citty , home , and countrey trialls . to come then to the difference it selfe , the newe and latter souldiers would haue a regiment when it is drawne into the field to be compounded of the seuerall companies distinctly one by another , without any alteration , euery captaine and officer gouerning his owne company and not to make any mixture of them at all , onely to ioine and fixe them together into one body according to the forme of this figure following . heere the figure . heere you see how the colonell , lieutenant colonell , sergeant-maior and the rest of the inferior captaines ioyne their companies togeather without mixture according to the dignity of their places making one entire and sollide body , of shotte and pikes , shotte and pikes quite through the regiment , which regiment containe : men is deuided thus . the colonell according to greatnes of his command , commandeth ● men , the lieutenant colonell , and the sergeant maior . , and the fiue other inferiour captaines command either of them men , and thus the men , are marshalled and gouerned . now the older experienced souldiers differ from this manner of discipline , and though they vary not in the number or command , yet they stand farre aloofe from the whole matter of composition , for they will not allow to draw vp regiments by entire and whole companies without alteration , but first draw vp all the pikes into one body , then the shotte into another , and after diuiding the shot into two equall parts , wing or flanke , the pikes on either hand , and so make one whole and entire battell of shotte and pikes , and not a mixte body of shotte and pikes in small manuples , but rather keepe the regiment in one great and vniforme body according to the preportion of this figure following . heere the figure . heere you see the battaile of pikes is drawne all into one body , and the shotte on either hand , yet euery officer hath preheminence of place according to his dignity , and many inferiour officers aduanced and imploied , which are extrauegant in the former battaile : the olde ancient forme of imbattailing a regiment . they are the soonest reduced to their first forme when they are put into route , and the shotte and piks being thus intermixt one with another , the one offending , the other defending , the battaile is of great force , and more terrible to the enemy . lastely , in a battaile thus compounded , euery man hath the order or gouernement of his owne souldiers , who are trained to his discipline , and vnderstand his commands , by which they are made more willing to goe on , and doe obay with greater courage and allacrity , then when they are lead by a stranger , as in the other battell perforce they must be ; these and many other like reasons , the younger souldiers yeeld to make good this new opinion , and i must confesse they carry a greete shew of substantiall truth , did not some impediment crosse in the way , which take from them a great parte of beleefe and credit , for to these reasons , thus the old souldiers reply . that true it is , this forme of imbattailing is good and may passe for courant , as long as companies are in their full strength , and hold their perfect and true number , but to that the warre is a knowne enemy , and who knowes not that sicknesse , mortality , slaughter , ill diet and lodging , hunger , cold and surfeites doe so attend vpon armies , that by them commpanies are exceedingly weakned and made lesse , so that he which mustereth one hundred men if he bring three score and ten able men into the field to fight , is oft held for a stronge company , and so in like case of other numbers , so that to imbattaile these by themselues , being of so small contents , neither can the volly be greate , nor the harme dangerous which shall insue to the enemy , whereas the seuerall weapons of these small bodies , being drawne out and knitte into seuerall great bodies , the numbees will swell and increase , and as of vnits are made infinits , so forty of my shotte ioined to forty of an other mans , and to vs sixe-score of two or three other captaines , will make shotte , this will bring foorth a great volly , and this will proue of great danger to the enemy . againe for the easinesse of gouernement , or speedy reducing them to their first forme , being routed , they haue no aduantage of this other great body , for howsoeuer the shotte is in two bodies , as the other former mixt battaile is in sixteene , & the piks in one body as the other is in eight , yet are these great bodies diuided into so small diuisions , and ledde by such sufficient officers , that no disorder can happen , but it is as soone brought againe into forme , as if they had their owne commanders , and one of the great vollies will doe more hurt and spoile , then foure of the smaller . lastly for the imagination of more ready obedience , better vnderstanding of command , and a greater willingnesse to discharge duty , the old soldiers suppose they are no necessary obstacles to be thrust in into this place , because the discipline of warre being ( as it ought to be ) all of one forme and manner , without intrusion of new words of command , or addition of curious nouelties , so that euery officer speaking a knowne and a certaine language , it matters not who giues the word , for being vnderstoode it must be performed , and that they will fight more willingly with their owne captaines then with other men , the naturall aleageance they beare to their king and country , whose quarrell they fight , puts all such doubts out of question , because euery honest and valiant mans conscience is ruled by the iustnesse of his cause , and his kings commandment , and all other heats are supernaturall , and but the proofes of false vallonre . thus the old souldier answereth to what the young souldier doth obiect , and for a conclusion addeth this more , to withstand this new manner of imbattailing . they say that this mixing of shotte and pikes together in seuerall distinct companies , weakneth and disableth the grosse body ; for here if you cast off your shott , then you leaue such emptie and wide streetes , that the enemies horse are apt to breake in and disorder them , or if you doe not cast off the shott , but keepe them close , and make them discharge in countermarch ( which is the best and safest way ) yet then they are apt to be thronged vp together by the pikes , and the distance of place being taken from them , the vse of their weapons must fall , and so consequently all things fall to ruine . but suppose order be kept and these defects not found in the battaile , yet say the olde souldiers , that there is great impediment in this kinde of imbattelling ; for in what manner soeuer the short serue , yet they will euer leaue a weakenesse in the and such open gaps and streets that the horse may breake in at pleasure , or any other new foote diuision may sally foorth and ouer throw the whole regiment , as by the example of the figure following may easily be perceiued in a few companies , as in this ensuing figure more plainely is showne . the danger of this forme of imbatelling . thus you see if the battaile of pikes stand , and the shot giue fire , into what damage they bring the whole regiment , whether they serue in countermarch , or otherwise ; leauing so many open enterances , that if one , yet all can hardly be preuented . thus i haue shewed you the seuerall wayes of imbattailing of a regiment , with the different opinions of souldiers , together with their arguments and strength of reason thereupon . it resteth now that i deliuer my particular opinion touching the best election ; wherein , although i know , many oposites will rise vp against me , yet freely and ingeniously thus i am perswaded . that the first manner of imbattelling by seuerall companies , and euery captaine leading of his own men , is excellent for shew at generall musters , or at any peaceful triumph , where the exercise of armes is required , because it is comly and beautifull to behold , giueth great contentment to the spectators , and continueth the volley long , though not in the best order . but if it be to expresse true marshall discipline , to bring hands to fight in good sadnes , or to giue affright to a certaine enemy at all times both in strength and weaknesse , then with out all doubt the latter forme of imbattailing where the pikes are drawne into one body , and winged on each hand with the shotte , is without all contradiction , the onely best way for the imbattailing of a regiment of one thousand men or more . and thus much for the argument of imbattailing a regiment , wherein if any man rest vnsatisfied , let him repaire to other authors which are allowed for authority , and comparing their reasons together , no doubt but he shall soone finde satisfaction . chap. , of the ioining of sundry regiments together . of rankes and files are compounded small squadrons , of small squadrons are compounded priuate companies , of priuate companies are compounded regiments , and of regiments are compounded maine battailes of any extent whatsoeuer . now for the composition of a regiment , together with the defects , and perfections of the same , i haue shewed sufficiently in the last chapter . it now therefore resteth that i speake some thing of the ioining or knitting togeather of many and sundry regiments , in one grosse body , which is the greate substance of the arte-military ; for of these greate bodies doe armies consist , and according to the forme and proportion thereof , being agreable with the ground and strength of scituation whereon it is placed , is the army made euer stronger or weaker . now armies doe neuer consist of one onely entire and maine body alone , without seperation or distinction , but of diuers great bodies , as of forlornes , vantguard , battaile and reare of diuers greate bodies of horse , as of gentlemen at armes , curashiers , dragoones , or else carbines , and euery one of these great bodies are compounded of sundry regiments in the drawing of which togeather is principally to be regarded the dignity and preheminence of the place , according to the vallue of the commanders , or the lot when it is either cast or appointed , wherein the principall obseruation is the hand ; so that whensoeuer regiments are to be ioined togeather , whether it be by the lord marshall , or the seriant-maior of the fielde , yet they must not neglect to giue to the best man the best place , by drawing vp his regiment first , and placing it in the principall place , and then the rest successiuely one after another , bringing them vp on the left hand , and not on the right , till the body be formed according to commandment and answerable to this figure following . regiments ioyned together in plaine battaile . heere you see men diuided into fiue regiments , how they are drawne vp into one body , and may make either vantguard battaile , or reare as it shall please the supreame officer to dispose of them . and as thus they are drawne into plaine battaile , so may they also be drawne into any other forme of battaile which the lord marshall or sergeant-maior shall deuise , for their wisdomes and iudgements ( which they euer accomodate to the aduantage of the ground , & to the preuenting of the enemies designes ) is euer referred the forme and shape of all forts of battailes ; whence it comes that a man shall hardly in an age , see two battailes in two seuerall places , of one and the selfe same forme and fashion ; because as grounds vary in their situations , so proportions change in their composures , and that battaile which is strong and comely for the plaine , will proue but weake and illfauored for the hill , and that which is guarded with water , will not agree with the guard of wood ; nor that which is fenced with a stone wall , suite with the fence of a dry ditch ; for euery thing must be accomodated to the property of its owne proper nature ; and therefore i will shewe you another forme of imbattailing or ioining of regiments together , wherein although some regiments are broken and diuided into parts , yet they agree in one vniformity of body , and may be reduced to their first naturall proportion at pleasure : as by this figure following you may easily perceiue . regiments diuided , yet brought vnto vniforme . here you may behold two regiments diuided into sixe triangles , the pikes in the midst , and the shotte on eache flanke , but being drawne vp together in one body , then the pikes of themseues make a perfect diamond , and the foure triangles of shotte guarding euery corner , front , wing and reare , bring the whole mixt body into a quadrangle or perfeit square , this is a stronge manner of imbattailing , and hardly to be broke or entered ; and whosoeuer is ready in drawing vp , and ioining of these bodies togeather in such forme as hath beene already specified , may without dificulty or staggering draw vp any other body of what shape or forme soeuer it shall be commanded . and thus much for the ioining of sundry regiments together into one body . chap : . the forming of maine battailes of any extent or number how great soeuer . after the ioining of regiments togeather , must necessarily follow the composition of maine battailes , beyond which spheare souldiers doe neuer looke , because it is the end and determination of warre , these battailes ( as i haue formerly shewed ) are euer shaped according to the ground whereon they are planted , and according to the naturall deffences , or naturall offences which arise from the same places : yet because particulars often growe from generalities , and that from plaine and homely grounds curious and rare things are deriued . i thinke it not amisse heere in this place to deliuer you some generall and plaine moddels of battailes , which taken into a souldier-like consideration , may giue you an aide , though not an instruction , how to accomodate battailes and to forme and proporrion them in such manner as may bee most commodious for your selfe , and friends , and most hurtfull and noisome for the enemy . first then you must vnderstand that the body of euery maine battaile is compounded of sixe principiall members , that is to say , of the forlorne or loose bodies , of the vantguard , battaile , reare , horse , and the great artillery ; and of these , if any be imperfect , or out of frame , either in order , number , shape or gouernment , the whole army is sicke , and howsoeuer like xerxes host they may make the skie darke with their arrowes , yet will an handfull of cirus men , well disciplin'd , put them to route , and write captiuity on their backs as a perpetuall embleme . when therefore you will drawe vp any maine battaile , you must looke into the square roote of greate numbers , as the square roote of one hundred is ten , because the body carrieth ten in square euery way , for ten times ten is one hundred , so likewise the square roote of is , because it carrieth the square of euery way , for twenty times twenty is foure hundred , and thus of any number which will carry a square proportion be it great or little whatsoeuer ; then knowing the entire number of the whole army , and diuiding it into seuerall parts , alowing so many for the forlorns , so many for the vantguard , so many for the battell , so many for the reare , and so many for the guard of the ordnance , or great artillery ; you by the drawing vp of these lesser squares , and inlargening them as occasion shall serue , forme and shape euery seuerall diuision after what proportion your selfe pleaseth , for of squares , you may make rounds ; of rounds , triangles ; of triangles , diamonds ; and of diamonds many other curious or intricate figures that shall come into your imagination , for proofe behold this figure following . alteration of squares , or squares in squares . thus you see by deuiding and mixing of squares , you may frame other proportions , it resteth then that after you haue cast out , and alotted your forlorns which is intended euer to be the least of all the foure battailes , that you distribute them in this manner : the first point of the forlorne ought to consist of certaine loose files of shotte extrauagantly dispersed without order , then to second them with certaine small squares of shotte as an or in a square well ordered and gouerned which as the battailes shall approach nearer and nearer , may vpon any occasion of danger retire into the vantguard . then shall the vantguard be compounded of one maine and entire body , or of two at the most ; containing almost , but not fully three parts of the battaile , and being equally mixt of shot and pikes . after the vantguard , the maine battaile taketh place , being compounded of one body or two at most , and containing a full third part , or sometimes more then halfe as much againe as the vantguard . in this battaile ought to be the choisest men and best experienced of the army , it is the seate and place of the generall , and as an ocean sendeth foorth his streames of souldiers to releiue and refresh euery weake and distressed part that is about it . next after the battaile is the place of the reare which likewise is contained in one body or two at the most . this body ought to be of equall number and extent with the vantguard , and in all formes , marches , and executions it is one and the same in nature with the vantguard , for at any time when faces are turned about then is the reare the vantgurad , & the vantguard the reare ; at the two points of the vantgurad , that is to say , the vtmost right point and the vtmost left point , as two long extended wings , troopeth the horse army , and at the end of them is the great ordnance on both sides ; behind which marcheth two regiments of foote for a guard and defence of the artillery and munition ; for the cutting off of the greate ordnance is the renownedst worke the enemy can aime at , or accomplish . thus i haue in words deliuered you the true forme of a plaine and ordinary battaile , with euery seuerall member belonging there vnto , but for as much as the protraicture maketh a deeper impression in the minde , and is a greater helpe and friend to the memory then the meere relation of words onely ; i will therefore in this next figure following , shew you the true portraiture of the battaile already discribed . the wind-mill battaile . thus heere you see the strongest of battailes , and as curious as any what soeuer , so that to make a conclusion of this worke , who will diligently looke into these models already demonstrated , and apply himselfe to the imitation thereof , shall not neede to lodge any scruples in his brest , but by the helpe of these examples may be able to range any battaile with iudgement and sufficiency . and thus much for the forming of maine battailes of any extent or number how great soeuer . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e launcepesado . corporall sergeant of the band. the drum the clarke of the band the chirurgion . the ensigne . the lieutenant . quarter master prouest marshall 〈◊〉 maior of regiments lieutenant colonells of regiments colonells of regiments sergeant maior generall colonell generall . liuetenant generall of the horse . treasurer of the army master of the ordnance . lord marshall lieuteant generall of the armie the generall a second range the master gunner , the trench master , the waggon master , the forrage master the victuall master the iudge marshall the scout-master the lieutenant of the ordnance the muster master generall differences in oppinions , touching a priuate company , the romās rule for companies . the true composition of a companie the first imbattaling of . disputation growne about imbatailings betweene whom the difference is , the opinion of the new souldiers the numbers commanded . the opinion of the old souldiers the old soldiers reasons for their opinions . other reasons . the authors censure of both opinions . the former difference reconciled what is the great substance of the arte military . of what armies consist . how to obserue dignity of place . who are to forme battailes . obseruation of grounds . obseruation in shaping of battailes . the composition of battailes and the members how to finde a square roote . deuiding of a battaile . of forlornes . of the vantguard . of the battel of the reare the horse battaile and the great ordnance with the guard thereof . tećhnepolimogamia: or, the marriage of armes and arts, july . . being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend. / by r. w. whitehall, robert, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) tećhnepolimogamia: or, the marriage of armes and arts, july . . being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend. / by r. w. whitehall, robert, - . [ ] p. printed by j.g. for r. royston, at the angel in ivie-lane, london : . r.w. = robert whitehall. in verse. signatures: a⁴. the first word of the title is transliterated from the greek. annotation on thomason copy: "july th". identified as wing w on umi microfilm set "early english books, - " reel . reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts) and the bodleian library, oxford ("early english books, - " reel . eng military art and science -- england -- poetry. a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no tećhnepolimogamia: or, the marriage of armes and arts,: july . . being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend. / by r. w. whitehall, robert d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ΤΈΞΝΗ-ΠΟΛΙΓΑΜΊΑ : or , the marriage of armes and arts , july . . being an accompt of the act at oxon. to a friend . by r. w. quae sequitur manca est numero sensuque propago . academia ◆ oxoniensis ◆ printer's or publisher's device london , printed by j. g. for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane . . authori malè feriato quae sequuntur . sarcinulam hanc quicunque vides , digitoque flagellas , si vis vulcano mittere , quin & emis ? ut cineres volutent , ( sursum leve ) at anguis in urnâ , qui te ( si tu nos ) sibilet , ardelio . pone supercilium , leget haec nemo hercule ? nemo ? cedo aurem ; — effectum des , & is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} eris : si subitos casus vel adhuc damnaveris , audi , — scire tuum nihil est , dicito scire meum . Τέξνη-πολομαγαμία : or , the marriage of arms and arts , &c. now ! are ye not all infidels that thought the long-expected act would come to nought ? as if mars still were heathen , had to doe with venus , and not with minerva too : as if such termes as these were opposite , the sword and th' word , attlas and th' stagirite ; termes meerly identicall , by grammer law , s●suae protestatis littera ; so ars and mars by an aphaeresis become the very same , ( shake hands and kisse ; ) as if the gowne were aw'd by the commander or aristotle at odds with alexander ; as if the snake about the knowledge tree still had his sting , still his malignity . arts now and armes united , their protector is no fictitious george , but reall hector . in him old authors all doe acquiesce ( unlesse don scotus be againe i' th' presse ) but zanchius , dan sennert : and all the maps may chink within their chaine nor feare mishaps ; euclid was never in esteeme more high since * romulus began to fortifie ; when he ( the proto-leveller ) had thrown ( impregnable ! ) three mole-hills into one . but misty scotus speaks as far from true as bonnet from square-caps , as black from blew ; or case from fiddle , as a groome or page from high and mighty bajasets i' th' cage . hee 's knotty and obscure , ( so fare him well ) an other speaks more in a syllable ; it could not sink of late into our thoughts will : cartwright would goe off for . groats ; since whom 't was blaz'd that pegasus was dead o' th' staggers , or a dyzinesse i' th' head , but since his hoofe was pick't and par'd , 't is found , he sets his foot more firmely on the ground . judgements the traytor , phant'sie is allow'd , shee s above all , but never in a clowd ; or if she be obfuscate , phoebus will enlighten her , and sometimes guide the quill ; but where the clowd upon the brow appeares , the bitten lipp , the blewnesse of the eares ; starting and gazing north in stead of east , these are the characters , beware the beast . but poets , ( poore may blossomes ) know not how to be disloyall , or to knit the brow ; if they offend 't is on some pleasing theames ( i hope no arraigning phantsie for her dreams , ) they never hold up hands but when they see lex talionis , or some prodigie : they have no iron-mittons , socks indeed or buskins they can lend you for a need ; but heer 's no rollo , no pale vmbra — no , others have had too much of that , and so this leads me to the act , where doth appeare a jubile in th' one and fiftieth yeare . roome then ; but yet no amphitheater ( the caledonian bore may fight elsewhere ; ) no captaine otto with bull beare and horse , or what may fright the female gender worse : no melancholly scene of dumpish love brought in a maze , or cupid from above : no porcupine , no dancing on the rope , no nipping cardinall , or cramping pope : no roscius , no taylor on the stage , no cane , nor timothy ( to please the page ) though none of these , though playes are out of date and exits formidable grown of late ; though neither mimick fond , nor satyr rough to make the maddam leave behind her muff ; yet somewhat was presented by the arts of higher nature , and as many * parts besides trojani ludi and florales , and ( to prevent ill luck ) * apollinares ; and you 'l confesse this rolling eye so cleare , more spectacles had beene pleonasmes here . now for a stand . crownes , — the devill is o're lincolne — brazen nose is not amisse ; jove's * phaenix , and our brother phaeton forbid too neer approaches to the sun . break out the worlds bright eye ! see how they muster like autumne grapes in one entire ripe cluster ! their full-fraught sable gownes so large and wide demonstrate they can sayle 'gainst winde and tide . thus zephyrus brings his offering , that the sweat of either sex added to july's heat ( corrected ) might such atoms get , such men , ( by plato's rule ) as oedipus agen . wee 'l side with him in this , ( nor care who know it ) so hee 'l allow the common-wealth a poet . ( the musick-lecturer if he had put on all his platonick ladies , they had got one . ) those vestall virgins that came up to light their fire extinct at phoebus ere 't was night , here i could break times hower-glasse that run the day away before it was begun . some say , sol took fresh horses that could fly , and that he borrow'd two of * edgerly : when shining in his face , he got's good will , ( and then young hercules he call'd him still ) and told him if deny'd , he 'd make him passe for th' sarazan through a multiplying-glasse : and so , by consequence , against his will , be th' * signe and carrier too upon snow-hill . help here ye water-nymphs , and give a word with glosse enough to set out oxen-ford ; would i were now i' th' sell with timon , he once out of athens had his privacy ; but o the dinne ! now-now-that rampant hum has put me cleane by an exordium ; where shall i now begin , or rally up the scattered nine , unlesse i had a cup of helicon — 't is so — well thought upon , i le steal to aristotles well alone , and find 'um there — hold , father — i le ha'none , — no suger — keepe the horne to for — — a synagogue here to ! — would i were i' th' stocks at heddenton , for here my tinder-box is not a place secure enough to keepe its anxious master from the vulgar peepe . this act — ( i 'le rest my grandsiers bones if i am not distracted into drollery , and know not how to help it ) i say this act was well perform'd de jure and de fact ; no muse assizes here , ( nequam eget ) hark! th' eccho prompts the malefactor , legit . here 's munus , but no bustuarii , ( tricks , o' th' romans that would fight th' condemn'd to styx ) by inspiration of this very place he finds his neck-verse , and an act of grace . free grace ( as some will have it ) but the wise allow ( though not o' th' ropes ) yet exercise . and such there was i' th' roman idiom ( yet barklays style ) that all was hush and mum . and ( as 't is fam'd of jupiter ) their eare chain'd up to terrae filius his chaire . ( besides some subtle questians pro and con encouragement for youth to bring it on ) sarcasmes fly about , and now they itch till terrae filius give the chain a twitch , and then they rayle at barkley , say he gott philoclea with child , and was a scott . which to define aright ( they were so bold ) they said he was a lowse of nine yeares old . but this was taylers talke , ( to right our mother ) i mean not water-iohn , nor yet that other , not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but by profession ( of these in each new pocket there was one ) these make not * berecynthia's wedding-gowne , shee 'l have the make and spinning of her owne , not loose , as ready still to fall to th' ground , nor yet o' th' newest fashion , pinion'd ; but in the middle way ( the golden rule of mediocrity is in her schoole ) and yet by one of her seven sons she hopes to have it lin'd with bayes , and set with tropes . now orpheus junior mounts , ( begin the dance ) the ladies please themselves into a trance . to cato's brood he whispers in their eare , that th' scornfull lady is forbidden here , who with her queamish stomach cryes — amisse , because ( forsooth ) she would get out — it works , it works ; which to prevent , while he division runs , they crosse-legg'd lo : la : mi : like randall's meeke * aorgus — o for him to help me out with matter fill'd to th' brim . look how the swallowes , darting to and fro st. maries , imitate the roman * crow : and the suns bright flame-colour'd beames that come upon the prophets heads , the * flammeum . the rostrum , and subsellia , and men speak marcus cicero alive agen : but that the judges by their smiles portend here was no catiline that did offend . who then forbids the nuptials of the nine ? duke humphrey ne'r afforded better wine : a pittance too of * venison to th' sack , enough to prove us sons of isaac . the musick-men will sit and nod all night , and keep time with their heads till it be light . nay one of them , i heard him tell his fellowes , would play to please us , though upon the gallowes . some say sir thomas bodly through a cleft of our old dry nurse ( earth ) lookt up , and left this testimony , that if he were sent hither againe , he never would repent . who then forbids the banes ? speak , shadow , say ; ( and vanish ) was it not a glorious day ? if nothing be objected , right or wrong , wee 'l celebrate these nuptials with a song . song . off with thy gauntlet , mars , and yeeld the bucklers , and resigne thy shield , the muses judged it fit : not to deprive thee of thy right , but they desire to scowre 'em bright that on parnassus sit . see how the book expanded lies , with wisdome put before our eyes , and after-happinesse ; * a crowne for a reward is set in gold , as th' letters are in jett that never knew the presse . philosophers shall study more for th' hidden stone than heretofore , and alcumists blow faster : and when poore * lungs is worne away , 't will be enough for him to say he did it for his master . chorus . then feare we not those with rhinoceros nose , nor the venemous tooth to bite us ; let us dance out the rushes in spite of their tushes , for the goddesses all will right us . then let flora bring roses , to make us all poses , sing talassio , caius , and caia ; let none dare to grin till the dog-dayes begin , nor yet stamp , for the muses will pay-a . juno , diana , suadula , venus , jove , crowne what is acted here below , above . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * luc. flo. li . . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . * liv. li . . dec. * semele . * the oxford carrier . * the sarazans head his inne . * ipsa deûm fertur genetrix berecynthia . virgil . * a. b. ● . i' th' muses looking glasse . * lucky . * a yellow veil used in the roman nuptials . * nepotia ▪ * the university arms . * b. j. his alcumist . the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by hands. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing l b thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by hands. l'estrange, roger, sir, - , attributed name. sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] sometimes attributed to sir roger l'estrange. demanding the dispersal, within twelve hours, of "all such troups and companies as do not properly belong to the guard of this city," and the release from prison of certain citizens. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "xber [i.e. december]. .". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -- army -- early works to . military occupation -- england -- london -- early works to . london (england) -- history -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london, subscribed by hands. [l'estrange, roger, sir] c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the engagement and remonstrance of the city of london ▪ subscribed by hands ▪ although , as citizens , wee are reduced to a necessity of violence ; and as christians , obliged to the exercize of it ; vnless we will rather prostitute our lives and liberties , fortunes and reputations ; nay , our very souls , and altars , to the lusts of a barbarous , and sacrilegious enemy : wee have yet so great a tendernesse for christian bloud , as to leave unattempted no means , of probability to save it . this is it which hath prevayl'd with us to declare , first , to the world , what wee propose , and resolve , ere we proceed to further extremities : and to satisfie the publique , as well in the reasons of our vndertakings , as to justifie our selves , in the menage and event of them . we find , in the midst of us , the house of prayer converted into a den of theeves : our counsels affronted by armed troups , our fellow citizens knock'd on the head , like doggs , at their own doors , for not so much as barking ; nay , t is become death , now , to desire to live ; and adjudg'd treason , but to claim the benefit of the law against it . witnesse those infamous murders committed , but monday last , upon our unarmed friends : and the glorious insolencies of that rabble , towards such of the rest , as they seized , and carried away . but this is nothing : to make us a compleat sacrifice , we are to be burnt too : a thing , not only threatned , in the passion of the tumult , but soberly intended ; for they have layd in their materials for the work already : a prodigious quantity of fire-balls in pauls , and gresham colledge . briefly , we are design'd for fire , and sword , and pillage : and it concerns us now , to look a little better to our gratious guards . not to insist upon the losse of trade ; how many thousand families have nothing now to do , but begg , and curse these wretches ? the honour and the safety of the city lies at stake : and god so blesse us as wee 'll fall together . we will not live to see our wives , and daughters ravish'd : our houses rifled , and our children beggars , that shall only live to reproach their cowardly fathers : and all this done too by a people , which we can as easily destroy , as mention : by a party , so barbarous , and so inconsiderable together , that , certainly , no creature can be mean enough , either to suffer the one , or fear the other . in this exigency of affairs , we have found it both our duty and our interests to associate ; and we desire a blessing front heaven upon us , no otherwise than as we do vigorously and faithfully pursue what we here remonstrate . first , we do engage our selves , in the presence of almighty god , with our lives and fortunes , to defend the rights and liberties of the city of london ; and if any person that subscribes to this engagement , shall be molested for so doing ; we will unanimously , and without delay , appear as one man to his rescue . next , we demand , that all such troups , and companies , as do not properly belong to the guard of the city , nor receive orders from the lawfull magistrates thereof ; that such forces withdraw themselves from the liberties , within . hours after the publication of this : upon pain of being deemed conspiratours , and of being proceeded against accordingly , ( for to this extent , both of iudgement , and execution , is every individual qualified in his own defence . ) we are next to demand the inlargement of our fellow citizens , which were taken away by force , and in a tumultuons manner , contrary to the known lawes of the place and nation . this being performed , we shall acquiesce , in the enjoyment of those liberties , which we will not lose , but with our lives . in fine , to remove all impediments of the peace we desire : we do undertake , both as men of credit , and iustice ; that such of the soldiers as will betake themselves to honester imployments , shall receive their arreares from the city , and such a further care of their future well-being , as is suitable to the necessities of the one part , and the charity of the other . an epitome of the whole art of war in two parts. the first of military discipline, containing the whole exercise of the pike and musquet, &c. with plain directions for the various postures. also the drawing up of battalions, and way of forming them; with the art of doubling, wheeling, forming and drawing up an army into any figure. the way of conducting armies in hilly, woody or plain countries: of encampings, besiegings, giving of battle, &c. the second of fortification and gunnery, which shews the principles and practices of fortification, as now used, as well by the english, as several other european nations, (especially by their majesties army) at the late siege of athlone, galoway, limerick, &c. ... of casements, cittadels, crownworks, ravelins, &c. of gunnery, ... morters, demy-cannon, &c. with the manner of batteries, &c. all illustrated and further explained by copper-plates, curiously designed and engraven. moxon, joseph, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an epitome of the whole art of war in two parts. the first of military discipline, containing the whole exercise of the pike and musquet, &c. with plain directions for the various postures. also the drawing up of battalions, and way of forming them; with the art of doubling, wheeling, forming and drawing up an army into any figure. the way of conducting armies in hilly, woody or plain countries: of encampings, besiegings, giving of battle, &c. the second of fortification and gunnery, which shews the principles and practices of fortification, as now used, as well by the english, as several other european nations, (especially by their majesties army) at the late siege of athlone, galoway, limerick, &c. ... of casements, cittadels, crownworks, ravelins, &c. of gunnery, ... morters, demy-cannon, &c. with the manner of batteries, &c. all illustrated and further explained by copper-plates, curiously designed and engraven. moxon, joseph, - . j. s., capt. military discipline. j. s., capt. fortification and military discipline. [ ], , - p., [ ] leaves of plates : port., tables printed for j. moxon, at the sign of atlas in warwick-lane, london : . by joseph moxon, who has signed the dedication: j.m. "the epitome shares some of its plates .. and some of its text with" captain john stevens' military discipline, , and his fortification and military discipline, . cf. ms. note following p. of british library copy c .ff. . some of the plates are numbered. text is continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . military art and science -- england -- early works to . fortification -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - rachel losh sampled and proofread - rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion gulielmus d : gratiae , angliae , scotioa ▪ franciae , et hiberniae rex fidei defensor etc , f. h. van. hove . sculp : an epitome of the whole art of war. in two parts . the first of military discipline , containing the whole exercise of the pike and musquet , &c. with plain directions for the various postures . also the drawing up of battalions , and way of forming them ; with the art of doubling , wheeling , forming and drawing up an army into any figure . the way of conducting armies in hilly , woody or plain countries : of encampings , besiegings , giving of battle , &c. the second of fortification and gunnery , which shews the principles and practice of fortification , as now used , as well by the english , as several other european nations , ( especially by their majesties army ) at the late sieges of athlene , galoway , limerick , &c. the measures and dimensions of rampires , parapets , moats , &c. of casements , cittadels , crownworks , ravelins , &c. of gunnery , the qualifications of a gunner . of ordnance , morters , demy-cannon , &c. with the manner of batteries , &c. all illustrated and further explained by copper-plates , curiously designed and engraven . london , printed for j. moxon , at the sign of atlas in warwick-lane , . to the honourable christopher seaton , brother to the right honourable george earl of winton , &c. and my worthy friend . honoured sir ! i here present you this epitome of the whole art of warr , and recommend it to your serious inspection and approbation ; depending more upon the worth of the subject , than my own deserts : 't was chiefly design'd for the vse and benefit of young gentlemen and others that delight therein : and though 't is but small in bulk , yet great in matter ; and at this time of as good use , when the greatest part of europe are engag'd in warr. what can be more acceptable in a time of such eminent action , than plain and practical instructions in the military arts , here comprehended under these two heads , viz. military discipline , and fortification . sir , i need not endeavour to inform you of its most excellent use , under the fortitude of whose favourable aspect , this small piece craves a shelter from the malevolent rays of detractions . these are the arts mathematical ( or branches thereof , ) and in the mathematicks the two main pillars are well known to be arithmetick and geometry ; and these also have the preheminence above all other arts , because they leave no hole to creep out at , or any querk for descent , but an everlasting addition of new inventions to what has been happily demonstrated before . this last age doth enjoy the benefit of more admirable inventions , than many former ages ; and we see daily that new ones are still added , both in the art of warr , as well as divers other arts and sciences . have we not in our age seen the spots in the sun first discovered by the famous galareus , with his most excellent telescope observations ; also his conversion upon his own axis , the lateral guardians or satillites of saturn and jupiter , the various phases of mars , the horns of venus and mercury , the mountains and seas of the moon , the generation of comets , cum multis aliis ? but i fear i have run out too far for this small treatise . sir ! 't is the censure of you alone which i value , the popular voice , like other agents , never acting beyond their proper sphere of activity . thus craving the continuance of your favour and respect , i shall ever remain , honourable sir ! your devoted and very humble servant , j. m. a catalogue of globes , celestial and terrestrial spheres , maps , sea-plates , mathematical instruments and books , made and sold by j. moxon , at the sign of atlas in warwick-lane . globes inches the diameter . the price l. the pair . globes near inches diameter . the price l. globes inches diamer . the price l. globes inches diameter . the price l. s. the english globe , invented by the right hononrable the earl of castlemain , inches diameter . the price ordinary made up s. and with the projection at bottom s. best made up l. concave hemispheres of the starry orb ; which serves for a case to a terrestrial globe inches diameter , made portable for the pocket . price s. spheres , according to the copernican hypothesis , both general and particular , inches diameter . price of the general l. of the particular l. of both together l. spheres , according to the ptolomaick system inches diameter . price l. spheres , according to the ptolomaick system , inches diameter . price l. s. gunter's quadrant , inches radius , printed on paper , and pasted on a board , with a nocturnal on the back-side . price s. gunter's quadrant , inches radius , printed on paper , and pasted on brass , with a nocturnal on the back-side , and a wooden case covered with leather fit for it . a new invention contrived for the pocket . price s. a large map of the world , foot long , and foot deep , pasted on cloth and coloured . price l. a map of all the world , foot long , and foot deep , pasted on cloth and coloured . price s. in sheets s. d. a map of the english empire in america , describing all places inhabited here by the english nation , as well on the islands as on the continent . price s. six scriptural maps , . of all the earth , and how after the flood it was divided among the sons of noah . . of paradise or the garden of eden , with the countries circumjacent inhabited by the patriarchs . . the years travel of the children of israel through the wilderness . . of canaan , or the holy land , and how it was divided among the twelve tribes of israel , and travelled through by our saviour and his apostles . . the travels of 〈◊〉 , and others of the apostles , in their propagating the gospel . . jerusalem , as it stood in our saviour's time ; with a book of explanations to these maps , entituled , sacred geography . price s. useful to be bound up with bibles . a sea-plate , or map of all the world , according to mercator , in two large royal sheets of paper ; set forth by mr. edward wright , and newly corrected by joseph moxon , &c. price s. sea-plats for sailing to all parts of the world. price d. the sheet . the famous city of batavia in the east-indies , built and inhabited by the dutch , curiously engraved , and printed on four large sheets of royal-paper . price s. d. a small map of the world , with descriptions , on one sheet . price d. a new map of the kingdom of ireland , in one royal sheet of paper . price s. by j. moxon . a new map of england , shewing the roads from edinburgh to london , in two sheets . price s. by j. moxon . a new map of scotland , in one royal sheet . price s. by j. moxon . north and south hemespheres inches diameter , projected on the poles of the world ; the south , according to mr haley's observation , with a horizon . price , in sheets , s. d. made up s. books . a tutor to astronomy and geography , or the use of both the globes , celestial and terrestial ; by joseph moxon , a member of the royal society , and hydrographer to the kings most excellent majesty . price s. the use of the copernican spheres , teaching to solve the phoenomena by them , as easily as by the ptolomaick spheres ; by joseph moxon , &c. price s. wright's correction of errors in the art of navigation . price s. new and rare inventions of water-works , teaching how to raise water higher than the spring . by which invention , the perpetual motion is proposed , many hard labours performed , and varieties of motion and sounds produced . by isaac de caus , engineer to king charles the first . price s. practical perspective , or perspective made easie . teaching by the opticks how to delineate all bodies , buildings , and landskips , &c. by the catoptricks , how to delineate confused appearances , so as when seen in a mirrour or polish'd body of any intended shape , the reflection shall shew a design . by the dioptricks , how to draw part of many figures into one , when seen through a glass or crystal cut into many faces . by joseph moxon , &c. price s. an exact survay of the microcosm , being an anatomy of the bodies of man and woman , wherein the skin , veins , nerves , muscles , bones , sinews , and ligaments are acurately delineated . engraven on large copper-plates , printed and curiously pasted together , so as at first sight you may behold all the parts of man and woman ; and by turning up of several dissections of the papers , take a view of all their inwards ; with alphabetical references to the names of every member and part of the body . set forth in latin by remelinus and michael sapher of tyrol ; and englished by john ireton , chyrurgion ; and lastly , perused and corrected by several anatomists . price s. vignola , or the compleat architect ; shewing a plain and easie way the rules of the five orders in architecture , viz. tuscan , dorick , ionick , corinthian , and composite ; whereby any that can but read and understand english , may readily learn the proportions that all members in a building have to one another : set forth by mr. james barrozzio of vignola , and translated into english by joseph moxon , &c. price s. d. christiologio , or a brief but true account of the certain year , month , day , and minute of the birth of jesus christ. by john butler , b. d. and chaplain to his grace james duke of ormond , &c. and rector of lichborough in the diocess of peterborough . price s. d. a tutor to astrology , or astrology made easie : being a plain introduction to the whole art of astrology ; whereby the meanest apprehension may learn to erect a figure , and by the same to give a determined judgment upon any question or nativity whatsoever . also new tables of houses , calculated for the latitude of degr . minutes ; also tables of right and oblique ascentions to degr . of latitude . whereunto is added an ephemeris for three years , with all other necessary tables that belong to the art of astrology . also to erect a figure the rational way , by the tables of triangles , more methodically than hath yet been published , digested into a small pocket volume , for the conveniency of those that erect figures abroad . by w. eland . price ● s. mathematicks made easie , or a mathematical dictionary , explaining the terms of art , and difficult phrases used in arithmetick , geometry , astronomy , astrology , and other mathematical sciences . by joseph moxon , &c. the d . edit . corrected and much enlarged . price bound s. the use of a mathematical instrument called a quadrant ; shewing very plainly and easily to know the exact height and distance of any steeple , tree , or house , &c. also to know the hour of the day by it ; the height of the sun , moon , or stars ; and to know the time of the sun-rising , and the length of every day in the year ; the place of the sun in the ecliptick , the azimuth , right ascension , and declination of the sun ; with many other necessary and delightful conclusions : performed very readily . also the use of the nocturnal , whereby you may learn to know the stars in heaven and the hour of the night by them ; with many other delightful operations . price d. a brief discourse of a passage of the north-pole to japan , china , &c. pleaded by three experiments , and answers to all objections that can be urged against a passage that way . as , . by a navigation into the north-pole , and two degrees beyond it . . by a navigation from japan towards the north-pole . . by an experiment made by the czar of muscovy , whereby it appears , that to the northward of nova zembla is a free and open sea as far as japan , china , &c. with a map of all the discovered land nearest to the pole. by joseph moxon , &c. price d. regulae trium ordinum literarum typographicarum ; or the rules of the three orders of print-letters , viz. the roman , italick , and english , capitals and small ; shewing how they are compounded of geometrick figures , and mostly made by rule and compass : useful for writing-masters , painters , carvers , masons , and others that are lovers of curiosity . by joseph moxon , &c. price s the use of the astronomical playing-cards , teaching an ordinary capacity by them to be acquainted with all the stars in heaven , to know their places , colours , natures and bignesses . also the poetical reasons for every constellation . very useful , pleasant , and delightful for all lovers of ingenuity . by joseph moxon , &c. price d. the astronomical cards , by joseph moxon , &c. price plain s. coloured s. best coloured , and the stars guilt s. geographical playing-cards , wherein is exactly described all the kingdoms of the earth , curiously engraved . price plain s. coloured s best coloured and gilt s. the pack . the genteel house-keepers pastime ; or , the mode of carving at the table , represented in a pack of playing-cards . by which , together with the instructions in the book , any ordinary capacity may learn how to cut up , or carve in mode , all the most usual dishes of flesh , fish , fowl , and baked meats : and how to make the several services of the same at the table ; with the several sawces and garnishes proper to each dish of meat . set forth by several of the best masters in the faculty of carving , and published for publick use . price d. carving cards , by the best carvers at the lords mayors table . price s. compendium euclidis curiosi : or , geometrical operations , shewing with one single opening of the compasses , and a straight ruler , all the proportions of euclid's first five books are performed . translated out of dutch into english , by joseph moxon , &c. price s. an introduction to the art of species ; by sir jonas moor. price d. two tables of ranges , according to the degrees of mounture ; by henry bo●d , senior . price d. mechanick exercises : or , the doctrine of handy-works , in monthly exercises . the first three , viz. numb . i. numb . ii. numb . iii. teaching the art of smithing . the second three , viz. numb . iv. numb . v. numb . vi. teaching the art of joynery . the third three , viz. numb . vii . numb . viii . numb . ix . teaching the art of house-carpentery . accommodated with suitable engraved figures : by joseph moxon , &c. price of each monthly exercise d. mechanick dialling ; teaching any man , though of an ordinary capacity , and unlearned in the mathematicks , to draw a true sun-dial on any given plain , however situated ; only with the help of a streight rule and a pair of compasses , and without any arithmetical calculation : by joseph moxon , &c. price s. d. at the place aforesaid , you may have also all manner of maps , sea-plats , drafts , mathematical books , instruments , &c. at the lowest prizes . there is invented by the right honourable the earl of castlemain , a new kind of globe , call'd ( for distinction sake ) the english globe ; being a fix'd and immovable one , performing what the ordinary ones do , and much more , even without their usual appendancies ; as wooden horizons , brazen meridians , vertical circles , &c. for it composes it self to the site and position of the world without the mariner's compass , or the like forreign help ; and besides other useful and surprising operations , ( relating both to the sun and moon , and perform'd by the shade alone ) we have by it not only the constant proportion of perpendiculars to their shade , with several corollaries thence arising , but also an easie , new , and most compendious way of describing dials on all plains , as well geometrically as mechanically : most of which may be taught any one in few hours , though never so unacquainted with mathematicks . to this is added , on the pedestal , a projection of all the appearing constellations in this horizon , with their figures and shapes . and besides , several new things in it differing from the common astrolabe , ( tending to a clearer and quicker way of operating ) the very principles of all steriographical projections are laid down and mathematically demonstrated ; as is of every thing else of moment throughout the whole treatise . an epitome of the whole art of war , &c. in two parts . the extraordinary benefit of the noble science called military discipline , with that mathematical art called fortification , or military architecture , is so well known , that it stands not in need of my commendation : and therefore to speak any thing thereto were but to light a candle before the sun. in the managing of these subjects i shall endeavour to be very plain and easie ; calculating them so as to be understood even by the meanest capacities ; and first . of exercising . as soon as the regiment is drawn into battalia , the commander in chief is to place himself before the centre of the pikes , about six paces from them , that he may be more easily understood by the whole body ; and that he may the better observe what is done , he is to be on horse-back . the serjeants are to be placed two on each rank , the right and left ; the remainder always to be in the rere , making a rank parallel to the souldiers at three paces distant from the last rank . the drums are to be disposed of , one half on the right , and the other on the left , ranging directly with the first rank of the soldiers . the h●boys to be on the right of the drums . the commission-officers ▪ are to take their posts at the head of the battalions as the colours are drawn . the words of command ought to be given very leisurely and distinctly ; and silence is to be kept very strictly : and in order thereunto the first word of command before you begin the exercise is silence . the next word of command is files open to the right ( or to the left ) to your order , march. at which word every man turns to the hand named , and the serjeants on the flank lead the ranks , which are then files , directly forward with their halberts advanced . in this order no man is to stir till his leader be at least four foot from him , and then to move keeping at that distance ; when the officer sees the files are opened enough the next word of command is halt , as you were , or to your leader . the captains and lieutenants always carry their pikes comported when they move to the right or left , and the colours are advanced . the serjeants are to be very mindful to keep the ranks even , and at large feet distance , and the files at three . the next thing is the chief officer gives this word of command , to the officers at the head of the battalion ( have a care of the exercise ; ) at which word of command the musquetiers are to pull off their right-hand gloves , and put them under their girdles ; and the pike-men are to joyn their lest hands to their pikes even with their shoulders . then ( officers take your post of exercise in the rear , march. ) the officers facing to the right about , the captains marching in one rank , and the lieutenants and ensigns in another , till they come into the rear , and place themselves in ranks , the first thirteen , and the other eleven paces from the souldiers . and at the same time six of the serjeants at the rear , march through the intervals of the files into the front , and post themselves six paces advanced before the chief officer , where they are to range themselves into a parallel line with the battalion to keep the front clear . the musquetiers being shouldred , the pikes advanced , and silence commanded , the officer in chief proceeds as followeth . viz. order your pikes , to the right , to the right , to the right , to the right , to the right about ; as you were . to the left , to the left , to the left , to the left : to the left about ; as you were . rules for the exercise of the fire-lock . the soldiers must take care of the carrying their arms ; and be sure that they make no motion until the word of command be given and ended . musquetiers have a care of the exercise ; carry your arms well . here you must note that if it be a single exercise , the command is : . soulder your musquets . . lay your right-hand to your musquets . . poise your musquets . . rest your musquets . . cock your musquets . . guard your musquets . . present . . fire . . recover your musquets . . half bend , or half cock your musquets . . clean your pans . . handle your primers . . prime . . shut your pans . . blow of your loose corns . . cast about to charge . . handle your chargers . . open them with your teeth . . charge with powder . . draw forth your scowrers . . shorten them to an inch . . charge with bullet . . ram down powder and ball. . withdraw your scowrers . . shorten them to a handful . . return your scowrers . . poise your musquets . . shoulder your musquets . . poise your musquets . . order your musquets . rules for the exercise of the pike . pike-men take heed . advance your pikes . to the front , charge . to the right ( times . ) charge . to the right-about . charge . as you were . to the left ( times ) charge . to the left about . charge . as you were . charge . advance your pikes . shoulder your pikes . charge to the front. as you were . charge to the right . as you were . charge to the right about . as you were . charge to the left. as you were . charge to the left about , as you were . port , comport . charge to the front. traile . charge . as you were . advance your pikes . musquetiers take heed . poise your musquets . shoulder your musquets . musquetiers make ready . the manner of the exercise of the pike and musquet together . mvsquetiers make ready . at the pronouncing these words of command ( the pikes being advanced , and the musquets shouldred ) the musquetiers are to perform distinctly every posture of the musquet together , and being ready ( which is understood to be cock't ) they are to guard them with their thumbs on their cocks , and bring up their musquets streight before them , their left hands the height of their mouths . both pike-men and musquetiers always observing when ever they recover their arms before them , to bring their right heels to their left insteeps ; and when the pikes charge , and the musquets rest , to fall back with their right feet in a direct line . then to the right ( times ) charge . to the right about , charge . as you were , charge . to the left ( times ) charge . to the left about . charge . as you were . charge . recover your arms. half bend your musquets . poise your musquets . shoulder your musquets . here the pike-men are to bring their pikes from their recover to their advance . poise your musquets . here the piekmen are to joyn their left hands to their pikes even to their shoulders . then , order your arms is the next word of command . in ordering their arms they must be sure to make a little stop before the but-end comes to the ground , that they may come down altogether at once . pikes to your inside order . lay down your arms. quit your arms. after laying down their arms and quitting them , they are all to stand up together . to the right about . march. when the soldiers have laid down their arms and quitting them , upon beat of drum , they are all to draw their swords , and run to their arms observing always to keep the points of their swords upright for fear of mischief . when they lay their right hands on their swords , they must take hold of their scabbards with their left hand . then , the next word is . return you swords . when they return their swords , they must do it all at one motion . handle your arms : pikes to your outside order . poise your musquets . shoulder your musquets . advance your pikes . officers take your posts at the head of the battalion ▪ march. here all the officers are to march back in the same method to the front of the batalion as they went from it . directions for the several postures in exercising of the musquet and pike ; and , first , of the musquet . he that designs to be a soldier , or become an artist in arms , ought , in the first place , to learn and practise the postures of his arms , a posture being a mode or garb that we are used unto in the well-handling of our arms. . silence is an excellent virtue , and observe for all , that in the exercise both of pike and musquet , the feet are to be at a moderate distance ; for if they are too wide asunder , or too near together , it weakens ▪ and be sure to keep your left heel fast , and to set your feet exactly , or else you can never handle your arms as you ought . lay your right hand on your musquet . turn the barrel toward you , the lock uppermost , and lay your right hand , ( the fingers extended ) just behind the lock , close the but-end of your musquet to your shoulder , that the muzzels may be all of a height . poise your musquet . grasp your musquet hard , facing to the right with a quick motion upon your left heel , keeping your musquet directly before you the height of your cravat , your right elbow on your side , your feet neither too near nor at too great a distance , but so , that by turning the point of the left toe to the front , and that of your right as you face , your left heel being exactly against the middle of your right foot , you are in the posture for resting ; which is the reason of facing to the right , that you may be in a readier posture to rest . rest your musquet . let your musquet sink down to your left hand , and receive the musquet into it , just where the scowrer enters into the stock , not touching the barrel , keeping your right hand upon your musquet , behind the lock , let your musquet be held a little sloping , about half a foot from your side , as low as you can without stooping . cock your musquet . place your right thumb upon the cock , and your fingers behind the trigger , and with the help of closing it to your thigh , you cock it , keeping it still rested with your thumb upon the cock. guard your musquet ; keeping your thumb upon the cock , and your fingers behind the trigger , you bring up your musquet with a very quick motion streight before you to the recover , your left hand as high as your mouth , about half a foot from it , without stooping , bringing your right heel to your left in step . present . fall back with your right foot , so that the left heel be against the middle of it , raising the but-end of your musquet to your shoulder , your right elbow not higher than your piece , bending your left knee , and keeping the right very stiff , and your musquet being level'd breast-high , with your fingers upon the trigger . fire . then be sure to draw the trigger at one motion , keeping your body steddy , taking good aim , and keeping your musquet fast to your shoulder , until you have the word of command . recover your arms. sink the but-end of your musquet , till you hold it upright in both hands , the left hand alwaies as high as your mouth , and the right under the lock , bring up your musquet with a very quick motion , and your right heel to your left instep . half bend your musquet , falling back with your right leg , bring your musquet to the rest , laying your right thumb upon the cock , and your fingers behind the trigger , half bend it , by putting it close to your thigh , and then keeping your musquet rested . clean your pan ; pressing the ball of your thumb into the pan , you wipe it : having done that , hold your musquet in your right hand behind the lock . handle your primer : take hold of the great end of it , between the thumb and fore-finger of your right hand , your arm backward . prime . at which time you must level your musquet , to be exactly upon a line , and then put powder into your pan . shut your pan with your two first fingers , and casting back your primer , bring your musquet to the recover , as there directed , keeping your thumb on the top of the steel blow off your loose corns . be sure to blow all together : bring your pan up to your mouth , standing upright , blow off the loofe corns , then let your musquet sink into the posture it was in before . cast about to charge : you advance with your right leg , turning your musquet , the barrel downwards , bringing it to the left side a little backwards in your left hand , keeping your right-foot-toe directly to the front , and your right heel over against the middle of the left foot , ballancing your musquet in the left hand , the right hand joyned to the muzzle , which must be held directly to the front , a foot from your body . handle your charger . take it full in your hand , and place it underneath your musquet , about an inch from the muzzle . open it with your teeth . bring it up to your mouth , standing upright with your head , and not to bring your head down to it : assoon as you have done this , bring the charger within an inch of the muzzle underneath , as before , and cover the mouth of your charger with the ball of your thumb . charge with powder . put the charge of powder into the barrel , then hold your charger again underneath your musquet , as before . draw forth your scourer . now let fall your charger , and turn your hand , your little-finger next the muzzle , and draw it at three motions ; being drawn , dart it , that is , hold it level to the height of your eye , your arm extended . shorten it to an inch . turn the great end of your scowrer towards you , and slip your hand till within an inch of the end , letting it rest against your body , a little below your right breast , sloped all of a height . charge with bullet . take the bullet out of your mouth , putting it into the barrel , and then put the great end of the scourer after it , just into the muzzle of the piece , and so stand till the next word of command . ram down powder and ball. which is done by holding a handful of the scowrer in your hand , and your thumb on the top of it . withdraw your scowrer . turn your hand , your thumb and fore-finger towards the muzzle , and when your scowrer is clear , which is to be done at three motions , dart again as before . shorten it to an handful . turn the small end of the scowrer to your breast , and slip your hand till within an handful of the end of it , holding it to your body , as before directed . return your scowrer . re-place it in the stock of your musquet , pressing it down with your thumb ; then alwaies remember to grasp the muzzle of your musquet with your right hand , your thumb streight out upon the scowrer , keeping your musquet clear from your side some half a foot , the muzzels all of a height , directly to the front . poise your musquet . with your left hand bring up your musquet before you , and falling with your right leg even with your left , grasp your musquet under the lock with your right hand , and poise as before . shoulder your musquet as formerly : poise as before . order . sink your right hand a little ; take hold of the stock with your left hand upon the place where the scowrer goes into the stock , then sinking that hand , take hold of the muzzle with your right hand , and let the but-end sink to the ground , close to the right foot , the lock outwards . lay down your musquet . turn your musquet with the lock upwards , and step forwards with your left leg and right hand , and lay it upon the ground in a streight line . quit your musquet . fall back with your left leg even to the right , and stand up . handle your musquet . step forwards with your left leg , and lay your right hand near the muzzle of your musquet . order your musquet . lift up the muzzle of your musquet , and fall back with your left leg even to the right , turning the lock of your musquet outwards , by the middle of your foot . directions for the several postures in exercising of the pike . advance your pikes . with your right hand lift upright your pike as high as you can well reach , and take it with your left hand as low as you can , and raise it till the but-end comes into the right hand , then bring it between your breast and shoulder upright close to your thigh . to the front. lay your left hand on your pike even with the top of your shoulder , and bring the pike streight upright before you with a quick motion ▪ drawing in your right heel to your left instep . charge fall back with your right leg , so that the heel of your left foot may be directly against the middle of your right foot : bring down your pike extream quick , with a jerk , and charge breast high ; your left elbow under your pike to support it , yielding your body forwards , and bending your left knee , with your feet at a convenient distance , that you may stand strong , always holding the but-end of your pike in the palm of your right hand , and your left foot pointing in a strait line with your pike . to the right four times . turn your left toe to the right ; bring up your right heel to your left insteps and your pike recovered straight before you with as quick a motion as in charging : then having turned , fall back with your right leg as before . charge as before . to the right about . turn your left toe to the right about ; bringing your right heel as before , and your pike recovered charge before . as you were . you turn your left toe to the left about , bringing up your pike recovered , your left hand never to be higher than your mouth , and your right heel as before ; and being turned , you fall back with your right leg and charge . you must be sure always to bring your pike streight up , and not to swing it about , for then 't will clatter against the other pikes . to the left , four times . to the left about . as you were . advance your pikes . bringing up your right heel to your left instep , and your pike first before you , you fall out with your right foot even with your left , and bring your pike to your shoulder . shoulder . lay your left hand on your pike even with your shoulder ; fall back with your right leg , and put back your right arm as far as you well can , holding your pike half a foot from your side , then taking off your left hand , bring up your right leg , and lay your pike on your right shoulder , your elbow close to your body , the butt-end half a foot from the ground . charge to the front. fall back with your right leg , and put back your right arm as far as you can , be sure to keep the spear directly to the reer , and your pike sloaped at the same heighth with the spear as when it was shouldered , neither higher not lower . vide charge . shoulder , as you were . you must now raise your pike with both your hands , then leaving it with the right hand , and turning the head backwards with the left , take hold again with the right , as high as you can reach with ease , bringing up your right leg , taking off your left hand from your pike , shoulder as before . charge to the right . bring your pike up , and turn the butt-end backwards by your right side , taking it in the palm of your right hand , turning your body to the right upon your left foot , with your right leg behind your left , and charge as before . shoulder , as you were . raise your pike with both hands , then turn about to the left , bringing your feet as formerly directed , then with your left hand turn your head of the pike to the right : then taking hold of it with your right hand , hold it in both hands , at a little distance from your body as before , sloped at the same height as when shouldered , then bringing up your right leg , lay it on your shoulder . charge to the right about . fall back with your leg and hand as before , and stand with your pike in the same posture , then upon your left foot , turn to the right about , bring the butt-end of your pike to the right side , falling back with your right leg , level your pike breast high , and charge . as you were . turn to the left about , and with your left hand , bring the butt-end of your pike by your left side , keeping the speer-point exactly to the reer , the same height as before , then laying your right hand as high as you can well reach , hold it from your body as before , then bring up your right leg and shoulder . charge to the left. fall back with your leg and arm as in the rest , and turn to the lest , and with your left hand turn the butt-end of the pike to the right , and bring up your right leg. charge . as you were . bring your pike over your head with your left hand ; falling back with your right leg , and puting back your right arm as before , bring up the right leg , and shoulder . port. as charging to the front , but that you sink not the spear of your pike so low , and instead of letting the pike rest upon your left elbow , 't is to rest between the thumb and fore-finger , and your elbow close to your side . comport . you bring your left hand as far back as you can , and stretching out the right at the same time , step forwards with your right foot , grasp your pike with your right hand , then leaving it with your left hand , fall back with the right leg even with your left , close the pike to your side , the spear of your pike about the height of your head. charge to the front. extend your right arm as much as you can , advancing your right leg at the same motion , and putting your left hand as far back as you can , bring forward your pike ; then stepping back with your right leg , take hold of the butt-end of it with your right hand , when you charge , charge always breast high . trail . face to the right about , and let the spear of your pike fall behind you ; quit your right hand from the butt-end of it , without stirring your left. charge as you were . turn to the left about , and taking the butt-end of the pike on the palm of your right hand . charge . advance your pikes . bring up your right heel to your left instep , and your pike before you to the recover , you fall out with your right foot even with your left , and bring your pike to your right thigh . order your pikes . lay your left hand on your pike , even with the top of your shoulder , then sinking your left hand , take hold of it with your right hand so , as when the butt-end of it is upon the ground , your right hand may be against your eye , keeping your pike near your head , and the butt-end near the latchet of your shooe. pikes to your inside order . move the butt-end of your pike on the inside of the middle of your right foot. lay down your pike . step forward quick with your left leg , lay it down strait with your right hand . quit your pikes . bring back your left leg even to your right , and stand up altogether . handle your pikes . step forward with your left leg quick , placing the middle of your right foot against the but-end of your pike , lay your right hand on your pike as far as you can reach . order your pikes . raise the pike with your right hand only , and fall back with your left leg. pikes to your outside order . place the butt-end of your pike at the middle , on the outside of your foot. advance , as before . plate i. the way and method , how to form and order battalions of foot. this excellent art of forming the foot , instructs how to draw up a body of them in such excellent order , and with so much precaution beforehand , that it may be able to withstand 〈…〉 another body of infantry , though of a 〈◊〉 greater number ; or a body of cavalry alone ; or else a body compos'd both of cavalry and infantry , when attacked in a plain , down , or in an open field , where there are neither defiles as hedges nor ditches , nor any rising grounds to defend them from the enemy . now the pike and partisan , being the only arms proper to stop 〈◊〉 fury of the cavalry , and to prevent their breaking in upon the battalion , the first thing that is to be done in drawing up this battalion , must be to form a body of all pikes , and it must be the chief care of the officer that commands the party , to dispose his men in such a form , that they may be able not only to defend the musqueteers , but the colours also , and the baggage , if there should be occasion . plate i . the men must be so ordered , as to stand with their arms presented every way , and to make a front on every side , to the end , that whatever of their fronts be assailed , or attacked , they may be able to defend themselves . . the soldiers must be so ordered , that the angles of the battalion may be very obtuse ; in such a manner , that the two sides that form the angle , joyn together , but with one right line only . for the angle is the weakest part of the battalion , as being least strengthened by the pikes . for the soldiers which are next the angle , present their pikes in front , and not being able therefore to present , lie open to the enemy . so that our fore-fathers , with whom squ 〈…〉 battalions were in great use , flanked their angles with little bodies of musqueteers marked abcd , which are small bodies posted in the middle of the fronts of the battalion , and with which sometimes they secur'd the angles . true it is , that these little bodies being easily cut off by the horse , and beaten off from the body of the battalion , the farther use of them has been laid aside . . you ought to leave void a space of ground in the center of the battalion , or middle of the pikes , sufficient to receive and secure the musqueteers , the colours , and baggage . the manner of ordering any number of soldiers into any square form of battel . . these are to be considered either in respect of the form of the ground , or of the number of the men. a square battel of ground is that which hath the rank as long as the file , notwithstanding the men in rank be more than in file . a square battle of men , is that which hath an equal number of men both in rank and file , though the ground on which they stand be longer on the file than on the rank . . in respect of the number of the men , it is called either a square battel or a double battel , or a battel of the grand front , which is quadruple , or a battel of any proportion of the number in rank to the number in file . . so that if you are to form a square battle of men , extract the square root out of the whole number of men , and the same shall be the number of soldiers to beset in a rank . as for example , are to be formed into a square battel , that there may be as many in rank as in the file . take the square root of ; which 〈◊〉 ● , the number that are to be in rank , and also in a file . to order any number of men into a battel of the grand front. suppose soldiers were to be marshalled into a battel of the grand front. first divide by , which gives me 〈…〉 out of which i extract the square root , which is , the quadruple whereof is , so that i have for a file , and in rank . any number of men , with their distance in rank and file , how to order them into a square battel of ground . suppose soldiers , were to be 〈…〉 square battle of ground , so that their distance in file should be feet , and in rank feet ; how many men must be placed in rank and in file . say , by the rule of three , as to , 〈◊〉 ● to ●● , the square root whereof is , which is the number of men in a file , and over . how to find the number of men that are to be in rank , divide by , the quotient is , which is the number of men to be placed in a rank , and over . the manner how to order the square in time of battel . the square being formed as aforesaid , the officers are to take care , that every front of soldiers do their duty ; and the captains that are in the center of each front , are to retire into the first rank , when the musqueteers make ready , and are to kneel when the soldiers kneel , and to perform the same with their pikes as the pikemen do : then command ; granadiers take your posts in the angles . here your granadiers are to be divided in equal parts , and are to be placed without at the angles ; but if there be not room enough , you may place some of them within the angles with their daggers in their firelocks : those without the angles are to be deep . the last ranks of which are to fire with the musqueteers . and the front rank are to make ready their granadoes . and as soon as the two last ranks have fired , they are to put their daggers into their firelocks , and stand charged ; and when the first rank of musqueteers present , the first rank of granadiers are to deliver their granado's ; which done , they are to unsling their firelocks , and put in their daggers , and stand charged as the rest . . face square . here the musqueteers on the right and left are to face outwards , and those to the rear , to face to the right about . the outwardmost files of pikes on the right and left , are to face outwards , and the rear half files of the rest of the pikes are to face to the right about . those in the angles are to face to the points of the angles . . musqueteers make ready . here the pikes are to port very low , and to continue so , and not to charge when the musqueteers present . . first rank kneel . which they must do , holding their musquets , so that the two last ranks may fire over them . . the two last ranks present . fire . as soon as ever the second and third rank have fired and recovered their arms ; the first rank is to stand up without any other word of command , with their musquets cocked and guarded , ready to present . . recover your arms. here the first rank stands up with their musquets recovered strait before them , ready cocked and guarded , and the two ranks that have fired load . . front rank present . . fire . recover your arms. at which word of command , the pikemen are to recover their pikes from their port. to your leader , march , halt , face , square , &c. according to this method , they may be made to march and to fire to every front. plate ii. the general rule for the blunting or filling up the angles of the battalion . every body , whether lesser or greater , that requires the blunting of its angles , ought to be compos'd of a square number of men , as of , , , , , , &c. therefore you must place the men in rank according to the arithmetical progression , or proportion , of which the interval , excess , or difference of the terms must always be two : thus , having placed the first man at the angular point a of the figure . the second rank shall be of three men , as being a number of which , the excess , interval , and difference is two in respect of one . the third rank shall be of five men ▪ which is a number that exceeds three by two . the fourth shall be of seven ; the fifth of nine , and so forward , still encreasing every rank by two men , more than the rank which is before , according to the same arithmetical progression , which has always two for the interval , and difference of the terms . now to place these men in due order , you must imagine that the square little body acbd ; moves off the ground t , upon the left of the plate ii fig battalion q ; and when its last rank ad , is advanced one pace beyond the wing ad of the same battalion q , it turns to the right , and then the soldier a of the second figure comes upon the ground a of the first figure . the sides ad , ac , of the small body meet together upon the sides that answer one another , ad , ac of the angle . then you command the men of the little battalion to make a front toward the angle , and when they are drawn up according to this arithmetical progression , you cause them to make an outward front. plate iii. the manner of framing an octogon battalion with eight fronts . suppose it a battalion of pikemen , drawn up four deep , and in front. you may , according to the same method , draw up like an octogon , any number of pikemen that shall observe the same proportion of to , between front and depth , as in depth , and in front , in depth , and in front , or in depth , and in front. for in this example i have chosen this little number of pikemen , to give the more light to the ordering and disposing of a far greater number . the words of command . . the two right hand files , and the two left hand files stand fast . ab , il. . the half file of the two right hand files , face to the right , b. . the half file of the two left hand files , face to the left l. . files of the wings , march. plate iii fig iii fig i fig iv fig ii there remains afterwards upon the ground of the battalion , the six files cd , gh , which must be opened by half ranks , and half files , to form the cross of the third figure , and to clear the ground of the center , by a quarter wheeling . . the half file of the right hand half rank c , half turn to the right . order your pikes . c makes a front towards the rear , and keeps his ground . . file-leader of the right hand half rank to the right , g. march. stand. the three files g , make a front toward a , upon the right wing , and advance on that side , two or three paces beyond their ground ; and so thar which was a file is become a rank . . they that marched stand fast ; g to the right , a quarter wheeling . the three files g , make a quarter turn to the right , and wheel about the soldier r , in like manner as the right wing ty of the first , and became placed , as you see the d figure ; where the three files g , are marked with the same letters as they are in the body of the first figure . and because ▪ that after the wheeling , they make a front toward vr , to the end they may make the front outward on the side of vxy . ( the next word of command is : ) . to the left . — order your pikes . . file-leader of the left hand half rank , stand upon your guard , h. march. take notice in the d figure of the three files h , marked with little points . these you cause to march forward along the line marked pm , qf , to gain the ground h , marked with three great dots in the same figure . but to gain this ground , they march beyond the ground of the battalion , till the second rank pointed pn , have advanced three paces farther than the flank yt , of the three files g , which then make a wheeling , which will happen when the soldier p , shall be upon the ground q , and that the soldier m , shall come upon the ground f , at what time the word of command . . to the right . — march. to make a front toward the three files g , and when they shall come to be three paces from the rear of the three files g , then command them . . to the left. rest your pikes . then they will make a front outward , and so shall keep their ground . . the half file of the left hand half rank , stand fast , d. march. stand. the half file d , advances two paces beyond its ground . . to the right . — a quarter wheeling . the half file d , makes a quarter wheel about the soldier z , and because that after the wheeling , they make a front inward toward the center , therefore to change the front outward , the word of command is : . they that made the quarter wheeling , wheel by half conversion to the right . the cross being thus made , you bring the four files upon the ground , , , , , and blunt the angles according to the foregoing general rule . plate iv. the manner of drawing up a battalion in a hexagonal figure , with a void space in the center , and the front of the battalion five times exceeding the depth . we suppose the battalion to consist of pikemen , deep , and in front , which is to be drawn up into an octogonal figure like that marked ♂ . the battalion being drawn up in the large black draught of the first figure , to bring it to the square marked with points in thē same figure , the following words of command are to be made use of . . the twelve files of the right wing , of the twelve files of the left wing , stand fast , c. d. q. p. a. b. . the six right-hand files of the right-wing , and the six left hand files of the left-wing , c. d. a. b. . they that have advanced double their files inward to the front and reer . a , takes the ground v. b. takes the ground t. g. takes the ▪ ground g o , and d. possesses r. . they that had the word of command , and they that have doubled , stand fast , vpt , oqr . . middle files stand fast me. . advance you pikes , middle files em . . the half file of those that advanced their pikes , wheel by half conversion to the right m. . march those that advanced their pikes , till the first rank be advanced one pace further than the first of the files that doubled front and reer . m and e move and change into the ground marked with the points m and e , and from the square represented by the same points , which is afterwards to be considered in the figure k. . the six right-hand files and the six left-hand files that marched wheel , by half conversion , into if , hh , which done , face towards the center of the battalion . . they that have wheeled by half conversion to the right , march toward the center till the last rank be all entred . i and f come upon the ground y , and hh upon the ground gg where as they stand , they are caused to turn to the right and left , to advance forward , that is , y fronting y. and g. fronting g , by which means yy . gg . possess the ground of nnnn . the ground iy . and fy becomes void . then the word of command is to be given to the two particular battalions , oqr , vpt , which in regard they make a front inward , you must order the battalion oqr , to make a half wheel to the right , and the battalion vpt , to make a half wheeling to the left , and by that means they will make a front inwards , and you shall cause them to march to the center , and the o and v shall possess the ground y , y , and r and t shall possess the ground gg . then you must cut off eight fourths of the ranks orvtllll , and reduce them into triangles , to blunt the four angles that are next them , and the battalion shall be formed after an octogonal figure , as in the figure marked ♂ , where you see the same letter made use of here , they answer to the same letters in the two other figures . you have musquetiers at in depth , and in front , there will remain . the musquetiers shall serve for the flanks of the battalion of pikes , and to that purpose you shall take files of the right wing , which will make musquetiers , and as they will be equal in front to the body of the pikes marked e , you shall march them to the head of the said body , and cause them to enter into the center through the intervals of the pikes . when they are advanced towards the center , divide the ranks into half , so that one half rank shall march towards the body of pikes marked q , and the other half ranks towards the body of pikes marked p. after this take from the left wing of the musquetiers files more , which make men ; and cause them to advance towards the center through the intervals of the pikes e , and then divide them by half files . one half file shall advance toward m , and the other half file shall stand their ground behind the pikes e. for the musquetiers that remain , they shall make the two files that surround the whole body . plate v. the way and manner of reducing a battalion with a void space in the center . you begin with the musquetiers which you command from the center through the several fronts mpeq , which together with those that surrounded the body , you cause to rank and file themselves as they were . as for the pikes that form the octogonal body , you give them the following words of command : . they that stand in the angles to your places , o , and r. resume their distances , and make the same front at q. the files v and i do the same in respect of p , and the files ll observe the same order ; in regard of the pikes me. . the twelve files of the right wing , and the twelve files of the left wing , that doubled front and reer , stand fast oqr , vpt . . march files of the wings that have received the word of command ; oqr and vpt , move off and march forward . plate iv : fig . . the files that marched toward the center , to their places ; the four small squares nnnn , return to the front of m. and e. . the middle files stand upon your guard e. m. . the half file , of the middle files , half a turn to the right , m makes a front towards the same center . . file-leader of the middle files , half a turn to the right , e makes a front towards the same center . . march middle files e and m , move forward till they come upon the front cdq , and pab of the first figure . . file-leader of those that marched , half a turn to the right , e returns to its first front , and the battalion is reduced . directions for firing . . in keeping of ground : this way of firing may be performed either by two ranks at a time , or three ranks ; the first kneeling , and the second stooping , or the two first stooping ; or else thus , musketeers make ready all , at which time the musketeers are to be cocked and guarded ▪ and their arms strait before them , the pikes ported , and when the musketeers present , the pikes are to be charged . then the five first ranks kneel , the reer rank present , fire ; fifth rank stand up , present , fire ; fourth rank stand up , present , fire . and so of the rest . and as they have fired , they are to charge again , and to be in a readiness against the next word of command . . for fire gaining ground , the command is , first rank and musketeers make ready , halt : then present and fire . here they are to recover their arms without any command , and to file off to the right and left into the reer . when the first rank presents , the next rank is to make ready without any command , and as the first rank files off , the next make good the front , and so the battalion is to march again , and every rank to fire in this order ; and when every rank presents , the pikes are to charge without any command . . of firing to the front retreating . the best way is to fire by single ranks , in the same method as in gaining ground , only after every rank has fired and filed off to the right and left into the rear , instead of the next rank advancing to make good the front of pikes , the pikes are to retreat to the musketeers , who stand still till the pikes make an even front with them . plate vi. the best way and method of marching an army in a flat and plain country . plate v. a regiment of companies encamped officer in cheif captains saba●terns souldiers serjeants muskets & pikes profile for trenches profile for redoubts all the companies being drawn up , they shall begin to march , and must range themselves in squadrons and battalions , to be afterwards embattel'd in the ground marked out by the marshal of the camp , or his assistants . the marshal of the camp ought in the first place to be exactly informed of the condition of the country through which the army is to march ; taking his instructions from the general and particular maps of the country , or from the information of the country people . he shall draw up his men in battel-array , according as he thinks most convenient , or as the general shall have given him order . if it be through a plain and open country , which is convenient for the cavalry , the artillery and waggons , then let him extend the wings of the army , and observe the following order . he shall divide his army into three bodies , that in the middle must consist of three thirds of the whole infantry , drawn up in great bodies and battalions , each consisting of two or three regiments . upon the wings or flank of this infantry , must be placed the great artillery , guarded by some battalion of the infantry . upon the right and left wing of this middle line shall the cavalry march , in little squadrons , each consisting of two cornets . the rest of the infantry marching in little bodies , shall enclose between it and the cavalry , the baggage and ammunition of the army , with some field . pieces ; as may be observed by the march represented in the figure . plate vii . of the march of an army through an enemies country . if there be a necessity to carry the war into the enemies country , either to besiege some place therein ; or else for the relief of some place already besieged , whether the enemy be beaten in the field , or whether he still keep the field to put new supplies of men and provision into the garrison , or hinder provision from being brought to the enemies camp. upon all these occasions whether he encamp in the field , or quarter in villages , the general must take care that the commissary general of the victuals , and the treasurers at war be diligent and faithful in their charge , in providing and furnishing the army with victuals . if the enemy has been routed , and be not in a condition to recruit , then you may march as in the preceeding pages , whether the country be open or streighter . plate vi. plate viii the cavalry must be placed upon the wings , in front and in the reer of the bodies . the infantry must march in the middle , and in a gross battalion . the artillery upon one side , guarded by some old regiments , as you see in the plate . plate viii . general directions for encamping an army . when the camp-master general , or major-general hath read the number of the horse and foot that are in the army , he must proportion and cast up what space of ground will suffice to encamp them with all their provision , carriages , and so that neither for due room the soldiers be pestered , nor by over large spaces the camp not sufficiently fortified . this being of great importance , it will be requisite for him to understand well arithmetick and geometry , and to have in readiness sundry plats and models , and forms of camps whereby he may suddenly resolve for any number or situation , what form and quality is most convenient , and presently stake it out ; assigning due place for every regiment of horse and foot. before encamping he ought to consider , if the army consist much of horse , that there be good store of forrage nigh the camp , and that the camp be not subject to any hill from whence the enemy may with his great artillery incommode it : nor that it be so separated from water , that the enemy may easily cut you from it ; nor that it be so low , as that the enemy by cutting the banks of any river , may drown the camp. and if there be no great rivers , but only fountains or wells of water , then must good watch be kept that they be not poysoned nor infected by the enemy . in a running or moveable camp , the readiest fortification is to impale it round with the carriages chained together , bending the artillery that way where most suspicion is the enemy will approach ; and if time permit , to cast some trench also without the carriages . plate ix . the manner of ranging a battel in order to a present engagement . plate ix . sometimes he engages himself voluntarily , designing to relieve some place that is besieged . but what way soever it be , that he is forced to come to a battel , he must endeavour to order his men after the following manner . he shall range his infantry in battalions , every one consisting of five or six hundred men , or a thousand men , which are the most convenient numbers , with the numbers between , to form a just body . for those bodies that exceed the number of a thousand , can never be drawn up conveniently upon all sorts of ground ; and such as are under will never be strong enough to resist at the same time the fury of the enemies horse . his cavalry which should be always drawn up upon the wings of the infantry , must be drawn up in squadrons , consisting of an hundred and twenty or thereabouts . but the best and those that are most serviceable to break the battalions of the enemy , are those that consist of or at most ; for if they exceed the number of , they are not easily , nor conveniently drawn up by reason of the length of their ranks , and the number of horses . and thus it was that the late duke de schonberg embattled his forces at the battel of montesclar , which he won from the marquess of caracene . an army which is embattelled in small divisions of horse and foot , is not so easily routed as that army which is embattelled in great divisions . and small divisions are much more ready than great : for besides seconding one another , and wheeling upon all occasions , they will likewise outfront an army which is embattled in great divisions : the which is one of the greatest advantages that can be taken in the embatteling of an army . small divisions of horse and foot are also much readier for service , where you cannot embattel them according to the rules of art by the nature of the place , or with inclosures , or where the brevity of time will not give you leave ; besides , small divisions are much more troublesome for an enemy to deal withal , than an army that is embatteled in great divisions . finis . of fortification . part ii. of general maxims or rules observed in fortifications . in the handling of this part i shall be plain , yet brief as possible . . general maxim is , that all the parts of the place , be of cannon proof flanked , i. e. defended from another place , which place is not further distant , than the reach of a musket-shot from the place to be flanked or defended . . that in all the place , there may be no part of the wall , or outside of the rampire , that is not seen from the top to the bottom of the mote or ditch . . that the bastions are large , and full of earth , and not empty ; the bigger they are , they are the more to be esteemed , there being the more room to intrench in case of necessity : whose gorge let be at least fathoms , and their flank at least fathoms . . that the angle of the bastion or flanked angle , be not much above , nor much less than degrees , for in the former it would be too very obtuse , and open , at the point , and in the latter it would be too slender , and so easily to be battered down by the enemies cannon . . that the angle of the flank may be somewhat obtuse ; neither is there any more virtue in a right-angle , than any other , for the defence of the fort. . that the length of an extended curtain be not above fathoms , nor the single above ▪ fathoms , nor be less than fathoms , to be well defended from two flanks . . that the rampier be so wide , that so a parapet of earth cannon-proof may be erected thereon , and a teraplane left , full wide for the ordnance to be recoiled . . that the mote or ditch be at least fathoms broad , and as deep as possible . now dry motes in great cities are to be preferred before others that are full of water , to facilitate the sallies , the relief and retreat of the besieged ; and in small fortifications the motes full of water are the most esteemable , because in such , sallies are not necessary , and supplies are very much to be feared . . that the parts that are most remote from the center , be commanded by those which are nearest to it . . that the defence of a face is much stronger , when the angle made by the face and exterior polygon is a great angle ; this maxim is so very essential , that it will try the goodness of any fortification whatsoever . thus i have described the ten chiefest maxims , necessary for good fortifications . plate i. of cazemates . before i give you the measures of my cazemates , i shall explain all the parts of which they are compos'd . a is the winding pair of stairs to descend from the rampart into the first cazemate , which is six foot high above the bottom of the mote ; and this is that which i call the great cazemate . b is the great cazemate seen in part by the besiegers when they are lodged upon the level of their paropets and courtains . c. is the paropet of the cazemate , or fathom thick to cover the cannon and the cannoneers from the sight of the counter-batteries of the besiegers , when they have either raised or earthed them within the counterscarps . d. is a part of the great cazemate wrought farther in , always covered and defended by the great ear , and flanked angle of the opposite bastion . e. is its paropet or breastwork or fathoms thick . f. is the magazine for powder , bullets and other ammunition belonging to the cazemate , it must be cover'd and hollow'd inward , into the solid substance of the bastion . g. is the pair of stairs into the second cazemate . h. is the second cazemate that lies out of sight , as being about two thirds of it , not to be seen by the enemy , though they should come to be lodged upon the counterscarps themselves . i. is the paropet of the blind cazemate , or fathom thick . k. is its magazine , made like the magazine belonging to the former . l. is the third cazemate not seen , and raised even with the platform of the bastion . upon this may all sorts of artillery be planted , to shoot as well above the paropets , as through the holes that are cut through the thickness of the paropet , which is from to fathoms . m. the draught of a platform for the planting of cannon , called a cavalier with its peculiar magazine . the structure or manner of making the cazemates , according to m. mallet : i shall not here go about to entangle my self in a vain dispute with those that would have the word cazemate to be derived from the spanish words caze and mata , as if we should say , a house of murder ; and therefore without more ado , i come to shew you how my own are made . suppose the bastions to be drawn out in white lines , that the scale be made full the length of one of the sides of the polygon ; and that it be divided into as many equal parts as it contains fathoms , as has been explained . then extend the defence of the bastion ab , from or fathoms at most , from b to c , from the point c draw cd parallel to the flank be , then divide the flank be into two equal parts , at the point f to draw from the point g , which is the middle of the opposite front ah the line gf , to the inside of the bastion , observing where it cuts cd , as in i , purposely to carry on one fathom from i to l , afterwards draw the line mln parallel to fi , the length of which from m to n , must be fathom : that done , make no parallel to the flank bf , the length of which from n to o must be fathom . lastly , make op parallel to fi , and then all the void space bmnopc shall be the extent of the cazemates , as well of the large cazemates , as those which are more private . to make the shoulder or ear of the bastion , draw upon the line of defence ps fathom from e to i , and upon fg fathom ; also from f to v and then joining v and t together , you have the whole shoulder or ear fvte which must be all one solid piece . for the paropet of the first cazemate , you must allow within side one toise of heighth from to in thickness , with firing places for the planting of so many great guns , observing that the paropets of the cazemates , more especially all that which is next to the gorge , and lies always hid from the besiegers , do not require a length and thickness so precise . a ravelin is a bulk of earth almost like a bulwark , cut off lying beyond the ditch for the covering of the courtain , bridge or gate , and is surrounded with water , and separated from the fortification by the breadth of the whole ditch ; it is raised but a little heighth above the level of the ground ; towards the enemy 't is built with a rampier and breast-work , but lies open towards the fortification . plate ii. the raising of cittadels with five bastions , which are built upon the walls of cities . when cities are well peopled , and that the nature of the ground will suffer it , 't is usual to lay the cittadels towards the open field , to prevent the ruining of the buildings of the place ; so then after you have agreed upon the number of bastions , as here for example upon five to make a pentagon . divide one courtain of the city ab , into equal parts , of which ac comprehends three . this overture being designed at the point of the bastion d , draw the circumference efhgf that you may have the five sides of the polygon eiihhggf and fe putting the point e directly where the circumference cuts the center-line of the place , which passes through the point d. this will produce two bastions on the city side , and three towards the open field . plate ii. observation . remember that you are always to throw down the defences of the city of the city side , to the end that if the inhabitants should happen to revolt , or the enemy to become masters of it , they may not be able to make any advantage of their own fortifications , especially the flanks l and m , which must be ruin'd , continuing their faces in a right line , and sloping down the ramparts to the mote of the cittadel , to the end she may be able to command the whole city . observe moreover , that there may be a great space between the mote of the cittadel , and the houses of the city ; for this space is of great importance to prevent any designs which the citizens may have upon the citadel , as not able to approach undiscovered , or without entrenching themselves . plate iii. of irregular fortification . since most cities are of an irregular figure , 't is evident , what great use , or rather necessity , there is of this part . i shall comprehend all the matter briefly , but plainly in the following heads . first , such figures as have not their sides and angles equal to one another , are called irregular . now forasmuch as the forms of towns are so various and subject to so many cases , their fortification cannot be comprehended under certain rules , neither can the principles of regular fortification be exactly observed here ; it is therefore requisite that the engineer make a map or draught of the whole , with all the ways , passages , rivers , pools , enclosures , and all other matters fit to be known , and then consider what designs and works he shall think most fit and proper for the place . to this end let him know , . that the same laws and maxims for regular fortifications , stand and be in force , as for the irregular ; and that the nearer an irregular figure comes to a regular , the stronger and better it is . . that none of the inward angles of his figure be less than degrees ; if less , then they must be changed , by making the point , the outward point of a bastion . . that the angles of the bastion be not less than degrees . . that the line of defence , or side of an irregular figure , must not be more than musquet-shot . . the sides of an irregular figure , which is too long for two bastions , and too short for three , may be fortified with two great bulwarks . . when the side is above rod , there may be a ravelin erected between the two bulwarks , or a flat bulwark built between . . when an angle of the figure is between or degrees , it ought to be fortified with a horn-work . . all the differences between regular and irregular fortifications , consists in the rectifying the sides that are too short or too long , and altering the angles that are too little , by cutting off from the length , what is too much , or adding to it , what is necessary , to make them in their just and true proportions , as in the regular . more rules might be given , but there being so much variety in this sort of fortifications , the engineer must practise by himself , by drawing several plats of irregular places , and fortifie them . and he should also peruse all the books he can get of this subject , as marolos , fritach , dogen , dilichius , travax de mars , &c. where he will find variety of examples which will help to inform his fancy , and rectifie his judgment . for the raising the ramparts , paropets and other works , you must observe the same rules , and proceed in the same method as in regular , and no otherwise . a. is a regular bastion , and here i shall give one rule to find the capital line in all irregular angles , viz. at the end of each courtain , as a● e d , cross an arch at c and f. and draw the line c a , which shall be the capital line , which may be about feet , a little more or less , and the gorges may be one hundred forty five or , feet , or thereabouts . b. is a double bastion , that is , upon the plane of the great bastion , another bastion is built upon it higher : this hath the use of a cavalier , and overlooks the campagne ; there may be about or feet left between the paropet of the lower bastion , and the foot of the higher bastion . c. is a bastion composed , that is , when the two interior polygons are much unequal , then the gorges will be unequal . d. is a bastion deformed , that is , if one of the interior polygons be so short that it can have no demigorge . e. is a plat bastion , that is , if the distance from the points of the interior polygon be double to the usual length . f. is a forked bastion , cut off with a tenaile , that is , if the angle of the figure be less than degrees ; and because of water , or some other accident , it cannot be changed , then you may cut off the angle , and joyn it with a tenaile . g. is a bastion cut off , that is , separated from the rampire , so that its gorges are in a right line with the two points of the flanks hf. h. is a demi-bastion , that is , such as have their gorge and capital equal , and its flank half of the gorge . i. is a platform upon an inward angle , for the placing of great guns to scour the ditch . l. is a mount upon piles for a corps du guard , with a paropet , like that of the outworks , cannon-proof , necessary to hinder the vnder surprises when the mote is frozen . m. is an indented line , often used upon the bank af the counterscarp , or upon a river . n. is a counter-guard , or demi-bastion , built in some watry place before the main bastion . o. is a scillen , or a tenail with a breast-work placed in the mote , called also a counterguard . plate iv. for the constitution and ground-lines of a fortification , some things ought to be known or given ; the things here , said to be given , are those data's , which a skilful or experienced engenier knows to agree best with the rules or maxims before mentioned ; and from these data's , once ordered , the rest of the parts , in proportion , follow sure and determined , according to the reason of things given ; for which use the two following tables are made , by which may be laid down any fortification required : the proportion of the lines , serving for any form , the quantity only for the royal ; the numbers are rhynland rods , and centesmes of a rod of feet . first table for the lines .   semidiameter . pol gon inter. gorge . capital flank . second flank . courtin face . iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii second table for the lines .   semediameter . polygon inter gorge . capital flank . second flank . courtin face . iv v vi vii ● viii ix ● x xi x●i for the angles first table .   angle of the centre . angle of the figure . angle of the bulwark . angle c f a angle a c f iv                 v                   vi                   vii viii               ix                   x                   xi   xii                   for the angles second table .   angle of the centre . angle of the figure . angle of the bulwark . angle c f a angle a c f iv                 v               vi               vii viii             ix               x               xi xii             how to delineat any fort , according to the proportions in these tables . . to make a square figure , a pentagon , hexagon , heptagon , &c. having no scale or sector , then you may make a scale large or small , as you design to make your polygon ; dividing it into ten equal parts , and every th . into ten , then the scale will be divided into equal parts , then supposing each part subdivided into , so the whole scale will be . plate . fig. . . to delineat a great royal , according to the proportions in the first table , take out of that table the semidiameter , or radius , of that polygon , which you intend to draw ; ( for example , an hexagon ; ) which is in the table , . . that is , rods , foot , and tentbs of a foot , or rods , and centesmes of a rod , which take off from the scale , and de●cribe a circle , as , , , ▪ , . as in fig. . plate the th . . take off the scale the length of the interior polygon , . . or side of the figure , which the table shews that distance , apply it to the circumference , , , , , or times , as the polygon is that you intend to draw , which is times in the hexagon ; draw the blind lines from the centre , and through the several divisions , , , , , , and lines from to , and from to , and from to , and from to , and from to . take off from the scale , the capital line , . . as in the table , and set it off at all the angles of the ground-plot , viz , from to , and from to , &c. . take the length of the gorge , . . from the table upon your scale , and set it off from to , and from to ; and on the two points and , raise perpendicular lines , as , , and , . take off from the table , the length of the flank , viz. . . upon your scale , and set it off from to . . draw the face from the uppermost part of the capital line d. to the uttermost part of the flank . and so for the rest of the lines , they are easily set off , and transferree from these , and so the draught is finished . thus you may by these tables , with a scale of equal parts , delineate any regular figure , two several ways , according to the first or second table , and by the rule of three ; these tables may serve for any proportions . but these data's may be varied without prejudice to the maxims of fortification , and the constitution of the ground-lines will be various , according to the experience and opinions of several engeniers : therefore i shall shew the constitution , and making the principal ground lines of any fortification , in several ways , use by other more famous and modern authors . and first , of the dutch or german ways , who , although they have filled the world full of books , of several ways of fortification , yet maralois , fritach , goldman , and dogen , all agree , to make the courtain perches , or rhinland feet ; the face perches , or of the aforesaid feet , so that the proportion of the curtain , to the face , is as to . the angle forming the flank , is always degrees ; the angle of the bulwark is half the angle of the figure , increased with degrees , goldman , marolois , and fritach , agree in the angle of the bulwark ; but dogen makes the angle of the bulwark , equal to of the angle of the figure ; so that all the data's are very near the same , with those the author hath laid down before . for english authors , i shall only mention mr. norwood , who in his maxims differs very little from our author ; the duich fortification being then most used . and sir jonas moor , who was an able mathematician , and well experienc'd in this art ; after he had shewed the several ways of all modern engeniers , sayeth , that the interiour polygon is most agreeable to practice , being . to take feet , for the capital , for the gorge and flank , and for the courtaine , so that he agrees with manassen mallet , author of travax de mars ; and , for a general rule , take , saith he , / ● of the interior polygon , for the capital / ● of it , for the gorge and flank , where there is no second flank , and where the flank and capital stand at right angles . the emperor , ferdinand iii. sets down ( as schotus that learned jesuite sayth ) an universal way to lay down the lines of any fort , viz to divide the interiour polygon into parts ; of these , take for the gorge , for the capital , and for the flank ; or supposing the polygon to be divided into , the capital is , the gorge , the flank , this proportion is good , and for such as are not well skilled in trigonometry , may very well be used . of the italian fortifications . first , of signior pietro sardi , who makes the interior polygon venetian feet , his gorges and flanks , and determines the face of the bastion , by the line of defence , razing which in a square , or pentagon , falls upon the th . part of the courtain ; in a hexagon , on the th . part ; in a heptagon ; octagon , ●enneagon , on the d. part , in all above on the half , to lay this down : suppose an hexagon , whose interior polygon is , then will be the proportion for the gorges and flanks , which prick off , from to , and from to , and raising a perpendicular at , set off the same distance , from to , for the flanks ; then for the face a. d. divide the courtain , , into parts , and set off / ● from to e. then lay a ruler from e , to b , and draw a , b , for the face ; but had it been square or pentagon , then c. had been / of the courtain , if it had been an heptagon , octagon , enneagon , then , e , had been / ● of the courtain , if above / ● from the opposite flank . tensini , in small forts above the pentagon makes the gorge and flank equal , and ● th a th . part of the interior polygon , and ●e face in all figures one d. of the said ●olygon . to draw this : suppose a hexagon whose interior polygon , . is divided into ● . the gorge and flank will be as in the ●able . the th . part , which set off from ● to . and from to . and raising , . at right angles , set the same distance from to . then take / part of p. p. and setting one ●oot of the compasses in . cross the capital line in d. and draw . d. which do to every bastion , till all be finished . of the french fortifications . the chief of these are m. de la mont , and manasson mallet , both these divide the interior polygon into parts , and take one for the gorge , and also divide the interior polygon into parts , and take one for the capital line ; only de la mont takes ● of the courtain for the flank , and m. mallet makes the angle of the flank and courtain to be degrees , ( leaving no second flank , ) and so lays the courtain more open for use , and yet not so much as to subject it to ruine of the besiegers . i must not forget d. ville , and furneirs , who divide the interior polygon into parts , one for the demigorge and flank , both being equal , and at right angles , if the inferior polygon be , the gorges and flanks will be . by this table following may be laid down any fortification , according to these authors .   capital gorge flank courtain fritach . dogen . emperor . p. sardi .   tensini .   g. maria.   de la mont . manesson . fren. conquest .   furnoir , &c. in this table you have the proportions for the capital , gorge , flank , and courtain , supposing the length of the interior polygon english feet , according to these several . authors but if the interior polygon be less than a , the proportion in this and the former tables may be reduced to any other polygon required , by multiplying the length given by any of those numbers , and cutting of the last places . example . a polygon given is , what shall be the length of the capital , gorge , flank , and courtain , according to any of the aforesaid authors . for example , to de la mont. multiply by , gives feet for the capital , so for the gorge , then multiply by . and there is , for the gorge , then multiply by , and there will be for the flank , and after the same manner for the courtain . and thus you may proportion any of these authors to any interior polygon , which must not exceed , nor be less than , for if less , your fort will be fit only for cittadels , or field works , but if more than foot , too big for a fort-royal , and must be well stored with great guns . i shall mention only count pagan's way which was once much approved of here in england ; he was indeed a great mathematician , and well experienced by many campagnes and seiges , he works by the exterior polygon , and his chief proportions are in the following table . exterior polygon . the half .   length of the courtain .   ● ● length of the perpendicular . length of ●he face . complem . of the line of defence   to draw a fort after this way , draw the exterior polygon c. d. divide it into two equal parts at e. which suppose each , and raise the perpendicular e. l. upon which set off the length of the perpendicular in the table , viz. . which will terminate in the point f. then from either point d. and c. draw lines to f. viz. c. f. and d. f. then look in the table for the length of the face , viz. . which set off from c. to i. and from d. to k. then ( measure out the length of the courtain , viz. ● from l. to h. and g. or else ) take out the compl. of the line of defence , viz. . and set it off from f. to h. and from f. to i. then from h. and i. and from g. k. draw the flank . thus following the same method , from each base or exterior polygon , you may draw any fortification ; but to fortifie a square , the proportions must be altered thus . base or exterior polygon perpendicular face compl ½ ½ ½ and may be drawn by the forementioned directions . having now set down the several ways for laying down the fundamental ground-line , from the most considerable engeniers of this age. i shall here show how to draw out mechanically , in the field , any regular or irregular fortification , either from the exterior or interior polygon , according to count pagan . and first , from a pentagon to a straight line from the exterior polygon . the base , or exterior polygon a. c. given , divide as in plate the th . into equal parts in the point b. from the point b. raise the perpendicular e. b. of a sufficient length , then divide a. b. the half base into . . or . equal parts , and take ⅓ thereof for the perpendicular b. d. so is d. a point , through which draw the line a. d. and d. c. which done , divide the perpendicular b. d. into equal parts , and make d. h. and d. f. equal to of those parts , then from the points h. and f. let fall the perpendiculars h. g. and f. p. till they cut the lines a. f. and c. h. in the points g. and p. then join the points a. g. h. and f. p. c. and so you have a. g. and c. p. for the two faces g. h. and f. p. for the two flanks , and h. f. for the courtain of the fortification , plate . fig. . from a square to a pentagon . the method of this is the same as the former , only instead of dividing the half base a. c. into . . or . and taking the ⅓ thereof for the perpendicular , you must here divide the half base a. c. into or lengths , and set off or for the perpendicular d. b. and instead of dividing the perpendicular d. b. into . you are to divide it into , and of these parts , you are to set off upon both the lines d. f. and d. h. and this is all the difference . or note , that having raised your perpendicular , take any measure whatsoever , be it pole , staff , line or stake , and mark out . , . . . . . &c. upon the line a. c. to the point l. upon which point erect a perpendicular l. k. equal to ⅓ of a. l. so is k. a visual point , through which is to be drawn the line a. f. cutting the perpendicular c. e. in the point d. and e. a visial point , through which is to be drawn the line c. h. then proceed as before directed for the pentagon ; but for the square instead of marking out lengths upon the half base , you must here mark out for the line a. l. and instead of ⅓ you must allow of those parts for the perpendicular k. l. to do this by the interior polygon , and that from the square and pentagon , to a right line , let the interior polygon given be a. b. which divide into parts , and make d. e. / and a. i. / for a square , and a. k. ●● for a pentagon , p. k. l. and p. i. g. right angles , and proceed as directed before , plate the th . fig. . note also that the exterior polygon should be about feet , never less than , nor more than , that so the line of defence , may not be too short , nor longer than musquet-shot , and that the angle of the bastion be not less than degrees ; but where either the scituation of the place , or the old walls or rampiers of a town will not admit any such equality either of bases or angles , then the engenier may either open or sharpen his angles , or lengthen or shorten his lines as necessity shall require . plate the th . here note that the encampment is figured with paces , and the profiles with feet . of gunnery . plates iv. v. vi. vii . viii . of the names of the principal members of a piece of ordnance . . defin. a cannon is a long round body , either of brass or iron , formed and made hollow by art , and proportion , to offend afar off , with a ball of iron , stone , or any artificial substance , charged with gun-powder in its charged cylinder , which being fired , in an instant performs its desired effect . this machine was invented by an englishman , and first put in practice by the venetians against the genoueses at chiezza , anno . . the superficies of the metal , is the outside , round about the piece . . the body is the substance of the whole mass of metal . . the chase is the concavity of the piece , in which they put the charge . . the muzzle is the extremity of the chase by which you load and unload the piece . . the calibre is the diameter of the muzzel or mouth . . the touch-hole is that little vent , which passeth from the convex superficies , to the very chamber of the piece , made to give fire to the powder within ; that which encloseth the extremity of the chase about the touch-hole , is called the breech or covl . . the cascabel is the pammel at the breech or coyl . the tunnions are pieces of mettal fixed unto the exterior superficies of the gun , on which he moves in the carriage . the body of the piece , is that which is comprehended betwixt the center of the tunnions and the cascable . the vacant cylinder is comprehended betwixt the center of the tunnions and the muzzel . the frees or muzzel-ring , is that thick cornish which incompasseth the convex superficies , or the piece . the dispart line of the piece , is the difference betwixt the semi-diameter of the muzzel and base ring . the vent of the piece is the difference betwixt the diameter of the shot , and the mouth of the piece . the chamber , or charged cylinder , is that part of the chase towards the touch-hole equally large , nor narrower in one place than in another , and doth contain the powder and ball. how to know the different fortification of a piece of ordnance . in fortifying any piece of ordnance , there are three degrees observed , as first , legitimate pieces , which are those that are ordinarily fortified ; secondly , bastard pieces , which are such whose fortification is lessened ; thirdly , double fortified pieces , or extraordinary pieces . the fortification of any piece of ordnance is accounted by the thickness of the metal at the touch-hole , trunnions , and at the muzzel , in proportion to the diameter of the bo●e . the legitimate pieces , or the ordinary fortified cannons have / at the touch-hole , / at the trunnions , and / at the muzzel , of the thickness of the bore , in thickness of the metal . bastard cannons or lessened cannons have ¾ at their touch-hole , or / and / at their trunnions , and at their muzzel : the double fortified cannons have full one diameter of the bore in thickness of the metal at the touch-hole , and / at the trunnions , and / at their muzzel . now all double fortified culverins , &c. are / at the touch-hole , / at the trunnions , and / at the muzzel , and the ordinary fortified culverins , are fortified every way as double fortified cannons , and lessened culverins as ordinary cannons in all respect . how to know how much powder is fit for proof , and what for service for any piece of ordnance . for cannon take ⅘ of the weight of their iron bullet of good corn powder for proof , and for service ½ the weight of the iron bullet is sufficient , especially for iron ordnance , which will not endure so much pow●●r , as brass ones will receive by ¼ in weight . for culverins allow the whole weight of the shot for proof , and ⅔ for service . for sakers and falcons take ⅘ of the weight of the shot , and for lesser pieces the whole weight may be used in service , until they grow hot ; but then there must be some abatement made at discretion , and take of the weight of their iron bullet for proof . to know what bullet is fit to be used in any piece of ordnance . the bullet must be somewhat less than the bore of the gun , that so it may have vent in the discharge : so authors affirm , that ¼ of an inch less than the bore , will serve all ordnance ; but this vent is too much for a falcon , &c. and too little for a cannon ; therefore i approve them not , but commend mr. phillips's proportion ( set down in his mathematical manual , page ) to your use , which is to divide the bore of the gun into equal parts , and let the diameter of the bullet be / thereof . of the qualification of an able gunner , and necessary operations before shooting , and in shooting . a gunner ought to be a man of courage , experience , and vigilant ; he ought to have good skill in arithmetick , to know the extraction of the roots , &c. he ought to have skill in geometry , to take heights , distances , &c. to know the divisions and use of his circle , quadrant , and quadret ; to know how to level and to lay platforms , and to raise batteries . he must know the names of all sorts of ordnance , their weight , the height of the bore , the height and weight of their shot , the length and breadth of their ladles , how much powder to use for proof and action ; the shots level , and the shots random ; he must know the names of all the members of a piece of ordnance ; he must also know the length , thickness and breadth of all manner of carriages , and must know all the parts thereof , viz. the cheeks or sides , the axtree , spokes , nave , hoops , transomes , bolts , plates , drawing-hooks , the clout , the hole for the linspin , the shafts , the thill and thill-bolt , the forelock and forelock keys , cap-squares , the forelock pins and chain , the pintle and bolt-hole , fellows , nails , fellow-bars , stirrups , the ruts of the wheel , dowledges , bed , conies , leveres , handscrews , &c. he must also know how to make his ladles , spunges , cartridges , whether of paper , vellum , or canvass , and to have by him farmeres of all sorts , sheep-skins undrest to make spunges , powder , shot , needles , thread , paste and starch , marlin , twine , nails , handspikes , crows of iron , granado-shells , and materials for composition , fasces , budg-barrels , cannon-baskets , &c. these being general things he is to know , and at all times to have ready by him , and he is more particularly to know these following parts of his art , as , how to tertiate , quadrate , and to dispart a piece of ordnance . . to tertiate a piece , is to find whether it hath its due thickness at the trunnions , touch hole and neck , and if the trunnions , touch-hole and neck are in its due order , and the chase streight . . to quadrate a piece mounted , is to see whether it be directly placed , and equally poized in the carriage ; which is known by finding in the convex superficies of the base and muzzel-ring , the point which is perpendicular , over the soul of the piece , which may be found by the gunners instrument , called a level ; an instrument whose use is so vulgarly known , that it needeth not my explanation . . to dispart a piece , is to fix , or elevate on the convex-point of the muzzel-ring , a mark as far distant from the cylinder , or soul of the piece , as is the point of the base-ring ; to the end , that the visail-ray which passeth by these marks , may be parallel to the chase , soul or cylinder of the piece . now the dispart , i. e. the difference of the semidiameters of the cornishes , may be by a pair of calliper compasses attained , which found , place on the top of the cornish ring , near the muzzel , over the middle of the inferior cylinder . to know how far any piece of ordnance will shoot , &c. as to the several shootings in artillery , authors differ much in their judgments and opinions , but they all unanimously agree , that the ball being shot forth , flies through the air , with a violent , mixt and natural motion ; describing a parabolical line , in whose beginning and ending , are lines sensibly streight , and in the middle curved ; in the beginuing the imprest force driving forward by the fire , the natural gravity of the ball doth describe a right line , called the direct line , or ranges of the balls circuit . in the middle that force diminisheth , and the natural gravity prevaileth , so that it describeth a curved line , called the balls middle helical or conical arch ; in the end , the natural gravity overcoming the imprest violence , ( which becomes altogether weak and faint ) describes a new right line , called the balls declining line , in which the ball tends towards the center of the earth , as towards a place natural unto all heavy bodies . see figure . these motions are somewhat longer , according as the piece is mounted from the level unto the angle of deg . which is called the vtmost random . the elevation of which , is regulated by the gunner's quadrant , the use of which instrument is so generally known , and by so many authors , fully explained , that i here crave leave to omit it . but take these for general rules . . that a shot at right angle , strikes more violent and furiously than at oblique angles ; therefore gunners use when they are to batter down a tower , wall , or earth-work , to shoot point blank at the object , tire by tire ; by discharging all the pieces in battery against the self same object , in the same instant , holding it for a maxim , that ten cannons discharged together , do far more execution , than discharged one after another . now at oblique angles they shoot either cross-ways , or by rebounding . . that the speediest way to make a breach in a wall , &c. is by shooting at the object from two batteries , which ruins far more speedily than by striking the object with one battery at right angles , although that one battery hath as many cannon as the other two hath . . that if you were to batter a flank covered with an orillion , ( which because you cannot possibly batter it right forward ) you must therefore of necessity batter it obliquely , by way of rebounding , thus : chuse a fit place in the courtain to be your object , on which you may play with your battery obliquely , so that by a rebound the shot may leap into the flanks , holding for a maxim , in this operation , that the angles of incidence and reflection are equal . of shooting in mortar-pieces . a mortar-piece is a short piece , with which they shoot bombs , granado-shells , stone-balls &c. not by a right line , but from a curved , from on high , so that it may fall where it should , be desired : now this mortar is placed in the carriage , 〈…〉 bombs are great hollow balls of iron or brass , in which are put fine sifted gunpowder , which by a fuse , they proportion to them a due fire , that so they may break assoon as they fall amongst the enemies . these fusees are small trunks of wood , tin or iron , filled with a prepared composition for that purpose . granadoes are of the same form with bombs , only smaller , and are many times cast by hand , and are made of iron , brass , glass or earth . now in order to the well shooting in those kind of machines called mortars , 't is requisite to observe these following rules : as . that before you make a shot at any place , you find the distance thereof from your mortar . . that the bombs or other bodies that are to be shot , be of equal weight , otherwise the shots will fail . . that the carriage in breadth be always on a level , and without any descent , that so it may not leap in discharging fail . . that the powder with which the mortar is loaded be always of the same force and weight . . that the charge of the mortar , as well in powder , as in wadding , be always rammed in with blows equally heavy , and of equal number . . that the wadds be always either of wood or tompeons , or else of oakam , for the strongest drives it farthest . . that the fusees be newly made , in those days that they are to be used , and that they be made of a composition proportionable to the range that the shot shall make in the air , so that the bomb may break in the very moment it falls ; which composition must be such , that though it fall in the water , yet not to extinguish , but the bomb there to break . now before we proceed any farther , i think it necessary , to shew how to compose your ingredients for your fusee . to make fuses for bombs , &c. the composition for . bombs must be of a slow motion , that so time enough may be given to throw either bombs , granadoes , fire-balls , thundring barrels , &c. they are compounded of these ingredients , thus : take a pound of gunpowder , of sulphur , of saltpeter , well beaten , dry and sifted separately , then mix it and make up your fuse hereof . or , take powder of benjamin and small-coles , all well beaten and mixed together with some oil of piter , and so fill the fusee therewith . now the use of mortar-pieces , being for the most part to shoot up at random , therefore the randoms of these pieces is very necessary to be known . therefore i have hereunto annexed a table of randoms for the twelve points of the quadrant , calculated by diego vffano zutphen , and to be found in his works , printed . a table of randoms for mortar-pieces , to the twelve points of the gunners quadrant , calculated by diego uffano zutphen . . . . . . . . ☉ now suppose the mortar to be placed at ☉ , the pricks in the middle line representeth the several randoms , numbred with the degrees of the quadrant , forward and backward , unto which the several randoms , are set ; so you see that the mortar being levelled point blank , throweth the bomb paces , if the mortar be mounted one point , it throws the bomb paces , &c. until 't is monnted to the th . point , paces , which is the utmost random . now if the mortar be mounted higher to , , . &c. points , the randoms decrease again , as before they did increase , as you see in the table . but in th●se latter randoms there lieth a great mistake , as shall be made appear . for if as they are distant from the sixth point , you make them equal unto one another , then the random of the point , or the level random , which is paces from the mortar . now it is contrary to all art and reason to think that if the mortar be elevated to the th . point , i. e. bolt upright , it should shoot the bomb paces from the mortar ; no , it cannot be , but according to all reason , the bomb must fall down either on . or near the mortar , and not paces distant , as is most erroniously conceived . the foregoing rules and precepts are necessary to be known by every gunner , who intends to be serviceable to his prince and country . the exercise of the foot-granadeer's , and explanation , beginning with the fire-lock . observation . observe that granadeers standing in a body with musketeers , must make only the same motions as they do , because they meddle not with their granades , or bayonets . the facings are here omitted , being the same with the musketeers . granadeers take heed to exercise your fire-locks . . joyn your right hand to your fire-locks : as in the exercise of the musket . . poise your fire-locks : as in the musket . . rest your fire locks : as in the musket . . cock your fire-locks , guarding at the same time : as in the musket . . present : as in the musket . . fire : as in the musket . . recover your arms : as in the musket . . handle your slings : with both hands turn the fire-lock , the lock outwards , holding it with your right hand before your body , the thumb upwards , draw with your left hand your sling quickly in an equal line , with your fire-lock to the left side , the thumb upwards , standing thus till the next command . . sling your fire-locks : bring your sling with your left hand just above your right shoulder , at the same time bring your fire-lock with your right hand under your left elbow , bring the sling over your head , draw the sling with your left hand in letting loose the right , that the fire-lock hang upon your right shoulder , with the muzzel up , and the butt end downwards ; then let loose your left , and let it hang down as the right hand . . handle your matches : bring both hands readily with half outstretched arms before your body , about the height of your shoulder , at the same time , take with your right hand , the lowest end of the march , your thumb under , and the two foremost fingers above , then bring it over the back of your hand between your thumb and your two fore-fingers , then thrust out the left hand with the match quickly forwards , letting at the same time the right hand hang down upon the bag . . handle your granades : keep your left hand as before , nimbly facing on the left foot to the right , at the same time lifting up the cover of the granade pouch with your right hand , take the granade and bring it with an out stretched arm , in a straight line with your left hand , your thumb against the fuse , standing in the same posture . . open your fuse : hold your left hand still , bringing the granade to your mouth with your right , open the fuse with your teeth , and thrust it nimbly from you to its former place . . guard the fuse with your thumb . . blow your matches : bring up the match before your mouth , blow it off hard and quick , and thrust it at the same time to its former place . . fire and deliver your granades : with the left hand meet the granade a little downwards towards the right side , unconstrained , to which side your face and body must be a little turned , fire the fuse , bringing back the right hand a little , with the granade , deliver it with a stiff arm , stepping forward with the right foot equal with the left , bringing down the left hand with the match to the former place , letting the right hand hang down by the pouch , so continuing till the next command . . return your matches : bring both your hands before your body , as in explanation . take the match , put it in its place , then let both hands hang down by your body . . handle your slings : take hold of the midst of the sling with your right hand , and with the left about a hands breadth , from the fire lock below , lift up the fire-lock with the left , so that the elbow comes through under the fire-lock , lying on the arm and shoulder ; let go the left from the sling , and take hold of your fire-lock about a hands breadth above the lock , let the stock come to lie between the thumb and the two foremost fingers , your arms stretched with the butt ▪ end before you . . poise your fire-locks : with the right hand bring the sling over your head , and with the left your fire-lock , and with half stretched arms mount it , the barrel turned forwards , let go your right hand from the sling , turn your fire-lock with your left hand , that the lock come outwards , and at the same time put your right hand under the cock , the thumb upwards , then thrust the fire-lock quickly from you , let go your left hand , and observe that your right hand be equal with your shoulder . . cast about to charge : take the fire lock with your left hand , a hands breadth from the lock , the thumb upwards , turn it about that the barrel come outwards and proceed , as in the musket . . draw forth your bayonets ? take your bayonet with your right hand , draw it , and with an out stretched arm bring it before you in a right line with your shoulder , holding the bayonet , the thumb upwards , and the flat of the blade toward your body . . screw your bayonets in the muzzels : put your bayonet in the barrel , turning about the guard towards you , that it may lie fast , and flat , take hold of the muzzel of your fire-lock with your right hand , the thumb upwards , thrusting it with both arms nimbly from your body . . rest your bayonets : mount your bayonets with both hands , turning at the same time , without resting upon the left heel , to the right ; as you face let go your right hand , and bring it under the cock , turning the barrel towards your body , then fall back hand and foot , and keep the posture shewn in resting your musket . . charge your bayonets : bring your bayonet nimbly up with both hands ; and bringing up of your right foot , in which bringing up , you bring your right hand under , so that the butt rest on your fingers , the the thumb outwards upon the but end , fall back with your right foot , charge your bayonet breast high , in which charging the butt end lies in a full right hand , and the thumb upon it . . cast about your bayonets to the left side : bring up your fire-lock straight before you , with the bringing up your right foot ; letting loose at the same time your right hand from the butt , and bring it under the cock , turn your fire-lock with both hands , so that the barrel comes outwards , then do as in casting about the musket . . recover your bayonets : bring your bayonet with both hands to your body , draw it out of the barrel , hold it out with a stretched arm as before . put up your bayonets : put your bayonet into the scabbard , then take hold of your fire-lock with your right hand by the muzzel , thrusting it from you , as hath been shewn . . half cock your fire-locks : bring your fire-lock with both hands mounted before your body , facing to the right upon the left heel , in which turning you let go your right hand , take hold of the cock with your right thumb and proceed , as in the musket . . blow your pans : as with the musket . . handle your prime●s : as in the musket , only the muzzle held a little lower . . prime : as with the musket . . shut your pan : as with the musket . . cast about to charge : as with the musket . . handle your cartridges : as with the musket . open your cartridges : bringing the cartridge to your mouth bite of the top and bring it again to its place , holding the cartridge with the thumb upwards . . charge with your cartridges : put it into the barrel , keeping your two foremost fingers on the barrel , till the next command . . draw forth your scourer : as with the musket . . shorten them to an inch : as with the musket . . ram down powder and ball : as with the musket . withdraw your scourers : as with the musket . shorten them to a handful : as in the musket . . return your scouerers : as with the musket . poise your fire-locks : as with the musket . . shoulder your fire-locks : as with the musket . rest your fire-locks : as with the musket . . order your fire-locks : as with the musket . . laydown your fire lock : as with the mus●et . . quit your fire lock : as with the mus●et . . handle your fire lock : as with the musket . order your fire-lock : as with the musket rest your fire lock : as with the mus●et . . club your fire locks : keep your fire-lock f●rm in your left hand , bring up the right foot at the same time that the butt-end is upwards , and the muzzel downwards ; at once ta●ing hold of it with the right hand about a foot from the muzzel , that the right thumb come upwards , and the left downwards , then let loose the left hand , and ta●e hold again at the same time with a full left hand an inch from the muzzel , hold it with outstretched arms against the left shoulder , and bring it upon your shoulder , with the lock upwards , quit your right hand nimbly and let it hang down by your side . . rest your firelock : turn the ●ire-l●c● with your left hand inwards , and at the same time take hold with the right above the left , the thumb upwards , and the elbows in a streight line , bring the same nimbly with both hands before your body , then let loose your left hand , sin●ing the right hand and fire-lock a little , and ta●ing it at the same time with the left hand turned , both the thumbs turned one against another , then loose your right hand , and turning the fire-lock , bring the butt end down , and rest your fire-loc● . . shoulder your fire-lock : first poise your fire lock bringing up your right foot at the same time , then meeting it with your left , lay it on your shoulder . take heed to make ready to give fire at three words of command . . make ready : this is done as in the three first explanations is shewn at large . . present : this is done as in explanation and . . fire : this is done as in explanation . and . take heed to make ready to fire , and deliver your granades at three words of command . . make ready : this is done as is shewn from explanation . to . inclusive . . blow your matches : this is done as in explanation . . fire , and deliver your granades : this is done as in explanation . take heed to make ready to use your bayonets . . make ready : this is shewn as from explanation . to . inclusive . . charge your bayonets : this is done in explanation . take heed to make ready your fire-locks again . make ready your fire-locks : this is done at large in this exercise , from explanation . to explanation . inclusive . finis . the commentaries of c. julius cæsar of his warres in gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and pompey / translated into english with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also the art of our modern training, or, tactick practise, by clement edmonds esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged. de bello civili. english caesar, julius. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the commentaries of c. julius cæsar of his warres in gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and pompey / translated into english with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also the art of our modern training, or, tactick practise, by clement edmonds esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged. de bello civili. english caesar, julius. edmondes, clement, sir, or - . observations upon caesars commentaries of the civil warres. hirtius, aulus. de bello gallico. liber . english. edmondes, clement, sir, or - . manner of our modern training or tactick practise. caesar, julius. de bello gallico. english. [ ], , , p. : ill., plans. printed by r. daniel and are to be sold by henry tvvyford ... nathaniel ekins ... iohn place ..., london : . added engr. t.p.: observations upon caesar's commentaries. plates are engraved. commendatory poems by william camden, samuel daniel, josuah sylvester and ben jonson: th prelim. leaf. "observations upon caesars commentaries of the civil warres betwixt him and pompey," by clement edmunds and "a continuation of the warres in gallia, beginning where caesar left, and deducing the history to the time of the civile warres," written by hirtius pansa each has special t.p. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng caesar, julius. -- de bello gallico. -- english. pompey, -- the great, - b.c. caesar, julius. -- de bello civili. -- english. military art and science -- early works to . gaul -- history -- b.c.- a.d. rome -- history -- republic, - b.c. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jason colman sampled and proofread - jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations upon caesars comentaries . by clement edmundes , remembrancer of the cittie of london the commentaries of c. julius caesar , of his warres in gallia , and the civile warres betwixt him and pompey , translated into english : with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon : as also the art of our modern training , or , tactick practise ; by clement edmonds esquire , remembrancer of the city of london . whereunto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in gallia ; with some short observations upon it . together with the life of caesar , and an account of his medalls . revised , corrected , and enlarged . london , printed by r. daniel , and are to be sold by henry tvvyford in vine-court middle temple , nathaniel ekins at the gunne in st. paul's church-yard , and iohn place at furnivalls inne gate in holburn . . to the prince . sir : having ended this task of observations , and according to your gratious pleasure and command , supplied such parts as were wanting to make up the totall of these commentaries : it doth return again , by the lowest steps of humblenesse , to implore the high patronage of your princely favour ; emboldened specially because it carrieth caesar and his fortunes , as they come related from the same author : which , in the deep judgement of his most excellent majesty , is preferred above all other profane histories ; and so commended , by his sacred authority , to your reading , as a chief pattern and master-piece of the art of war. and herein your admired wisedome may happily the rather deem it capable of freer passage , in that it is not altogether unproper for these happy daies ; as knowing , that war is never so well handled , as when it is made an argument of discourse in times of sweet and plenteous peace . the blessings whereof may ever crown your years ; as the soveraign good of this temporarie life , and the chiefest ornaments of princely condition . the humblest of your highness servants , clement edmonds . in clementis edmondi de re militari ad jul. caesaris commentarios observationes . cur creperos motus , & aperto praelia marte edmondus nobis pace vigente refert ? cur sensus mentesque ducum rimatur , & effert ▪ diserteque anglos bellica multa docet ? scilicet , ut media meditetur praelia pace anglia belli potens , nec moriatur honos . providus haec certe patriae depromit in usus ; ut patriae pacem qui cupit , arma parat . guil. camdenus , cl. to my friend , master clement edmonds . who thus extracts , with more then chymick art , the spirit of books , shews the true way to find th' elixer that our leaden parts convert into the golden metall of the mind . who thus observes in such materiall kind the certain motions of his practises , knows on what center th' actions of mankind turn in their course , and sees their fatalness . and he that can make these observances , must be above his book , more then his pen. for , we may be assur'd , he men can guesse , that thus doth caesar know , the man of men . whose work , improv'd here to our greater gain , makes caesar more then caesar to contain . sam. daniel . to his worthy friend , master clement edmonds . observing well what thou hast well observ'd in caesars works , his warres , and discipline ; whether his pen hath earn'd more praise , or thine , my shallow censure doubtfully hath swerv'd . if strange it were , if wonder it deserv'd , that what he wrought so fair , he wrote so fine ; me thinks , it 's stranger , that thy learned line should our best leaders lead , not having serv'd . but hereby ( clement ) hast thou made thee known able to counsell , aptest to record the conquests of a caesar of our own ; henry , thy patron , and my princely lord. whom ( o! ) heav'n prosper , and protect from harms , in glorious peace , and in victorious arms. josuah silvester . to my friend , master clement edmonds . epigramme . not caesar's deeds , nor all his honours wonne in these west-parts ; nor , when that warre was done , the name of pompey for an enemie ; cato to boot ; rome , and her libertie ; all yielding to his fortune : nor , the while , to have ingrav'd these acts with his own stile ; and that so strong , and deep , as might be thought he wrote with the same spirit that he fought ; nor that his work liv'd , in the hands of foes , un-argu'd then ; and ( yet ) hath fame from those : not all these , edmonds , or what else put to , can so speak caesar , as thy labours do . for , where his person liv'd scarce one just age , and that ' midst envy ' and parts ; then , fell by rage ; his deeds too dying , save in books : ( whose good how few have read ! how fewer understood ! ) thy learned hand , and true promethean art , as by a new creation , part by part , in every counsell , stratageme , designe , action , or engine , worth a note of thine , t' all future time not only doth restore his life , but makes that he can dye no more . ben. johnson . another , of the same . who , edmonds , reads thy book , and doth not see what th' antique souldiers were , the modern be ? wherein thou shew'st , how much the later are beholden to this master of the warre : and that in action there is nothing new , more then to varie what our elders knew . which all but ignorant captains will confesse : not to give caesar this , makes ours the lesse . yet thou , perhaps , shalt meet some tongues will grutch that to the world thou shouldst reveal so much ; and thence deprave thee , and thy work. to those caesar stands up , as from his urne late rose by thy great art ; and doth proclaim by me , they murder him again , that envie thee . ben. johnson . caius iulius caesar dictator perpetuus aetatis suae lvi . caesaris elogivm . c. julius caesar . lucii caesaris f. lux caesarum & pater , romanus alexander , terrae mars : omnibus tam metuendus , quam mitis ; pretium fecit servituti . victo orbe vrbem victricem orbis vicit . defuêre illi hostes , hostem habuit patriam , ne deesset unquam quod vinceret . ingratam patriam patriis armis puniit . eam vicit invitus , quâ vixit invitâ . qui romae propugnator non regnavit , regnavit expugnator : pro roma triumphârat , de roma triumphavit : amavit tamen inimicam , nolenti profuit . saepe à fulmine lauro servatus regiâ , quem inermem timuerunt arma , armata necavit toga . cessit civibus caesar caesus : sero cognitum luxit patria ; viventem hostem , mortuum vocavit patrem , parricidium confessa cum patrem dixit . disce lector : melius saepe quae non habes vides , quam quae habes . the life of c. julius caesar ; with certain historicall observations upon his medalls . the excessive lustre of a million of gallant atchievements successefully performed by caesar ( the most illustrious and celebrated favourite of fortune ) hath through all ages so dazzled the greatest part of mankind , especially those , both ancient and modern , who made it their businesse to describe the great transactions either of their own , or former ages ; that they have not onely parallell'd him with the greatest heroes of the first ages , but have ballanc'd him with alexander , the most generous and the most grlorious of all monarchs . nay in their account caesar farre outweighs him , since that all that may be call'd great or illustrious , either as to vertue , valour , true magnanimity , or clemency , is more conspicuous in him then in all the roman emperours , who after him sate at the helm of that monarchy . those who made difficulty to assign him the first place among the roman emperours , considered not certainly that the designation of a building is the master-piece of the architect , and that superstruction may require no eminency of perfection . for having consummated those innumerable trophees he had erected among the galls by those about pharsalia , he laid the foundation of that eternall fame the world hath deservedly honoured him with since : nay , to that height of adoration had he rais'd the minds of posterity , that his very successours thought it their greatest glory to wear the livery of his name , and after him to be called caesars . to offer at a perfect anatomy of this great man's actions , were to quote most authours and writers that have been , and consequently a work of too long a breath . it shall therefore suffice to trace him out in those great designes whereby he laid the foundations of the roman greatnesse . the first thing worthy , not onely notice , but admiration , is the strange judgement of sylla of him : who reflecting on the great perfections of caesar when yet a youth , and the strange vivacity and conduct of his first actions , made that inhumane proposition that he might be killed , as he had caus'd divers of the kinred and party of marius , who had married iulia an aunt of caesar's by the mother side . nor doth envy want pretences , since as he conjectur'd , one caesar contain'd many marius's , and should , if suffer'd to live ; prove the viper of the common-wealth . but this may be easily passed by , since that they are indeed the greatest actions that must expect censure . but it must in the mean time denote a strange transcendency of courage and confidence , to think to conquer that people who had conquer'd the vniverse , it must be the effect of an ambition more then humane , for this is commonly fetter'd to probabilities . the emperour iulian , though he hath made it his businesse to satyrize against his predecessors , yet having to do with caesar , he by a strange fiction discovers the greatnesse of his designations . caesar , sayes he , a person of a gallant and gracefull presence , being entered the place , where romulus was to entertain the gods , and roman emperours at the saturnalian feasts , came in with such an insolent deportment , that the gods were of opinion , he was not come thither unlesse it were to manage some ambitious plots against the majesty of heaven , whereof iupiter being very jealous , he was thrust by , till at last mars and venus made him place . the ingenuity of this satyrist amounts onely to thus much , to paint ever that great vertue , that great indulgence of nature , and fortune in the colours of an insatiable ambition , which had not this censor been excessively guilty of , might have prov'd somewhat . but the endowments of nature , the constant presence of fortune , and the surprizing glory consequentiall to his actions , were the genius's that rais'd him to such high adventures , as the sudden change of the democraticall state of rome into a monarchicall , to pretend a title to the great acquests of a valorous people for . yeares , and to assume to himself an empire far greater then the assyrian , persian , or macedonian , both in extent of time greatnesse and power . for not to descend to the acquisitions of the later emperours , we shall onely take a view of the roman empire as it stood , before caesar seiz'd the raines of government . in europe they were masters of all italy and gallia cisalphina , or lombardy , austria , and illiricum now call'd slavonia , reaching as farre as danubius ; they had reduc'd all greece , the states of athens , lacedemonia , thebes , corinth , and all peloponesus now call'd morea ; macedon , and epire now call'd albania , and thrace . they had the islands of sicily , sardynia , creeta , candia , cypres , rhodes , and negrepont , and divers others in the mediterranean sea. they had taken in all spain , and ( which was caesar's own work ) all france that part of germany lying on the rhine , call'd gallia belgica , and great britain . they were masters of all africk , ( the third part of the world then ) even to pull down the pride of carthage . the best provinces of asia were tributaries , as syria , phoenicia , palestina , iudaea , phrygia , caria cilicia and bithynia . aegypt and cappadocia were confederates . in armenia and colchos they had forces . albania iberia and some other countries paid contributions and did homage . in fine they were so great that they were unconquerable unlesse by their own strength , that so they might have this satisfaction and glory in their conquest , that they triumph'd over themselves . it is easy to attribute to ambition and discord what is the design of fate . greatnesse must expect a period , and to be successefull presumes a happy conjuncture of men and affaires . some differences there were between caesar and pompey ( the most eminent and the most powerfull in rome ) rak'd up in the embers of the civile warre between sylla and marius , wherein the later being slain , the other made himself dictator , and seiz'd rome , but quitted both before his death . pompey had sided with sylla , caesar with marius , as being his kinsman . but to ascend a little higher in these broiles , we are to note that sylla having dispower'd himself , pompey and crassus came into repute . the later was the more recommended by his wisdome , eloquence , nobility and excessive riches ; the other had gain'd the popular esteem by his victories and great actions in warre , even in sylla's time . while the differences of these two encreas'd with their greatnesse , caesar returns to rome from his praetorship in spain , bringing that reputation with him , that swell'd the greatnesse and ambition of his thoughts . he had gone through most charges civile and military ; he had been quaestor , tribune of the souldiers , aedile , high-priest and praetor . all which , with other accomplishments he was furnish'd with , which we shall mention elsewhere , though they brought him into much esteem , yet was he not yet arriv'd to near the authority and reputation of either crassus or pompey . caesar , though he were come to rome , yet stifled all thoughts of aspiring for a while : so that both crassus and pompey apply'd themselves to him , hoping by his accession to ruine one the other . but caesar declin'd both , and carried himself with circumspection , that he endeavour'd to reconcile them , so hoping by his new trality to undermine them both , which was , as plutarch sayes , observ'd onely by cato . at length he so order'd things , that he made an agreement between them , and so oblig'd both ; which caus'd that , retaining some jealousies of each other , they equally courted caesar's friendship , by which means he became equall to either : so that the power which before was between two , became now tripartite . things being thus appeas'd , caesar demands the consulship : which obtain'd , he carried himself in it with that reputation , that his co-consul bibulus left all to his managery . to maintain the authority he had got , he himself took to wife calpurnia the daughter of lucius piso , who was to succeed him in the consulate , and bestowes his own daughter iulia on pompey ; and so taking in crassus , they make a league , and being equally ambitious conspire to invade the common-wealth . caesar chuses for his province the galls , or france ; crassus , asia ; pompey , spain ; whither they went with three puissant armies , as if the world had been to be trichotomiz'd among these three . what caesar did in his province , what battels he fought , what people he subdued , what valour , policy , successe follow'd him every where , may be seen in his own commentaries of that war , approv'd by his very enemies as modest and impartiall , and attested by cicero , plutarch , suetonius , appianus alexandrinus , lucan , paulus orosius , florus , eutropius ; too great a testimony against one censorious asinius pollio . by this war caesar got the reputation of the greatest captain that ever was , subduing all france from the pyrenean hills to the alps , and so to the rhene . but to forbear particular instances , as that he conquer'd the suissers and tigurins ( who were according to plutarch . men , whereof . were well disciplin'd ) this is most worth our remark , that during these so great warres , he omitted not , both by intelligence and presents , to endear his friends both at rome and elsewhere , doing many things without the senate's leave , upon the score of the league with pompey and crassus . nay , his courting of all sorts of people , both souldier and citizen , was none of his least master-pieces , by which means he had supplanted pompey in matter of esteem , before he perceiv'd it . to this purpose hath pliny observed , lib. . cap. . that in the time of his aedility , that is to say his shrievedome , he was so prodigall , that all the vtensills and armes that he made use of at publick sports and combats , were all of silver , which yet afterwards were bestow'd among the people ; and that he was the first that ever brought forth the beasts in chariots and cages of silver . this it was made some suspect him guilty of rapine , and that he plunder'd temples and cities saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum . but this reputation of caesar begat jealousy in pompey , which ( the tye of their correspondence being loos'd by the death of iulia ) was easily seen to break forth into a flame , especially now that crassus , the third man , was together with divers stout roman legions buried with infamy in parthia . thus the foundations of friendship and alliance in great ones being once taken away , the superstructures fall down immediately . nothing could decide the emulation of two so great persons , as pompey and caesar , ( the one defying superiority , the other equality ) but as great a war. it could not but be universall , when senate , armies , kingdomes , cities , allies , all were some way or other embarqu'd in the quarrell . there was on one side . legions , on the other . the seat of the warre was italy , france , epirus , thessaly , aegypt , asia and africk ; through all which after it had ravag'd . yeares , the controversy was decided in spain . that ambition ( the imperfection onely of the greatest minds ) might have been the occasion of so inveterate a warre , hath been the opinion of divers others , who charge not pompey with so great discoveries of it as caesar , to whom they assign a greater then the empire ; as if their mutuall distrust and jealousy of one another , should be able to cause so many tragedies through so many countries . besides caesar had his enemies at rome , and among others cato , who threatned to impeach him when he was once out of command . what bandying there was against him , we find somewhat in the later end of the eighth commentary , to this purpose . lentulus and marcellus , both of pompey's faction , being consuls , it is mov'd in the senate , that caesar might be call'd home , and another sent to supply his command of the army then in gallia ; since that he , having written for the consulship , should according to law have been personally in rome . caesar demands to be continued in commission and government , and that he might demand the consulship absent . this pompey opposes , though he himself as much contrary to law , had had the consulship and other dignities before he was at full age. this deny'd , caesar proposes , that he would come to rome as a private man , and give over his command , so that pompey quitted his employment in spain . about this the senate was much divided . cicero proposes a mediation : but pompey's party prevailing , it was decreed that caesar should by a certain time quit his command , and should not passe his army over the river rubicon , which bounded his province ; declaring him an enemy to the roman state in case of refusall . c. curio and m. antonius the tribunes of the people , out of their affection to caesar , endeavouring to oppose this decree , were thrust disgracefully out of the senate , which occasion'd them to repair to caesar ; whereby they endear'd the affections of the souldiery to him , the office of the tribunes being ever held sacred and unviolable . caesar understanding how things stood at rome , marches with . foot and . horse to ravenna , having commanded the legions to follow . coming to the fatall passage of rubicon , he entered into a deep deliberation , considering the importance , and miseries that might ensue that passage . at last in the midst of his anxiety , he was animated to a prosecution of his designes , by the apparition of a man of an extraordinary stature and shape , sitting near unto his army , piping upon a reed . the souldiers went down to the river side to heare him , and approach'd so near , that he caught one of their trumpets , and leaping into the river , began with a mighty blast to sound , and so went to the bank of the other side . this resolves caesar , who cry'd out , let us go whither the gods , and the injurious dealings of our enemies call us . with which he set spurs to his horse , and past the river , the army following . who would be more particularly inform'd , may be satisfi'd out of appianus alexandrinus , suetonius , plutarch , in the lives of caesar , cato , and cicero , st. augustine l. . de c. d. caesar himself in his commentaries , florus , livy , paulus orosius , eutropius , lucan , pliny de viris illustribus , valerius maximus , &c. having pass'd the river , and drawn the army together , the tribunes came to him in those dishonourable garments wherein they had fled from rome . whereupon he made an excellent oration to the souldiery , opening to them his cause : which was answer'd with generall acclamations , and promises of duty and obedience to all commands . this done he seizes ariminum , and divers other towns and castles as he past , till he came to corfinium : where domitius , who was to succeed him in his command , was garrison'd with . cohorts . caesar's advance and intentions astonished rome , senate and people ; nay , so surpriz'd pompey , that he could not believe caesar would thrust himself into so much danger , or that his forces were so considerable . but though pompey was impower'd by the senate to levy forces , recall the legions , and provide for the defence of italy , yet all could make nothing against caesar . the rumour of his advance spreading , pompey and the senate leave rome , and repair to capua , from thence to brundusium ; from whence the consuls were dispatch'd to dyrrachium , to unite what forces they could , since they despair'd of resisting caesar in italy : who hearing the consuls and pompey were at brundusium , march'd thither , and having invested the town , pompey in the night time embarques for dyrrhachium , where the consul expected him : so that caesar became absolute master of italy . having not shipping to pursue him , he resolv'd for spain , which held for pompey , where his best legions were , and two captains , petreius and afranius . returning from brundusium , he in . dayes master'd all italy without any bloudshed , and coming to rome , the memory of the devastations of sylla's dayes frightned the people extreamly . but caesar's clemency , and his attributing the cause of all the distractions to pompey , quieted all things . he so far justifi'd his own cause , that he mov'd that ambassadors might be sent to pompey for peace , and causing himself to be chosen consul , he opened the roman treasury , and made a divided of it among the souldiery . this done , he provides for spain , having taken care for the civile as well as military government . brundusium , otranto , and other maritime places he fortifies against pompey's entring into italy , in case he should attempt it . hortensius and dolabella were to provide shipping for him at brundusium against his return . quintus valerius he sends with a legion into sardinia against marcus cotta , who held it for pompey . to sicily he sends curius against marcus cato : which when he had taken in , he was to march into africk . he leaves lepidus to govern at rome , and antonius for all italy . thus intending to leave licinius crassus in france he with his wonted celerity went on his journey , meeting with no resistance , but at marseilles ; which leaving d. brutus , and c. trebonius with sufficient forces to besiege , he went forward towards spain , where he was expected by petreius and afranius : with whom , though he met with the inconveniences of the winter and high rivers , he had divers skirmishes ; yet at length he carried his businesse so , that the enemies were forc'd by hunger to a composition , the legions and captains , such as would not remaine with caesar , having leave to depart whither they pleas'd . the spring now coming on , ( to leave nothing unsubdu'd ) he marches into baetica , now called andaluzia , where quarter'd marcus varro , with one legion of souldiers , as pompey's lieutenant ; who , conceiving himself unable to make opposition , resign'd both the country and legion to caesar , whereby all was quieted . thence he marched to cordova , where assembling the estates of the provinces , he acknowledg'd their affection and devoirs , and so went to cales ; where he took such ships and gallies as marcus varro had there , with what others he could get , and embarqued . having left q. cassius which four legions in that province he marches to narbona and so to marseilles , which having suffer'd great miseries during the siege , at length , surrendred , yet he protected it from any violence , preferring the consideration of the antiquity of the place , before the affronts he had receiv'd from it , and so having sufficiently garrison'd it , he marches into italy and so to rome , all things succeeding prosperously to him , though not so to his captains . for antonius ( who was joint generall at sea with dolabella ) was over thrown and taken prisoner by pompey's lieutenant , in the gulfe venice and that by a strange stratagem . antonius being forc'd for want of ships to put his men into long boates , the pompeians ty'd ropes under the water , by which means one of them which carried a thousand opitergins , stout young men , was surpriz'd and assaulted by the whole army , yet making resistance from morning till night , they at last seeing all their forts ineffectuall did by the instigation of their commander vulteius , kill one another . dolabella was also overcome , as also curius , who was ordered to go into africa , was overthrown by pompey's friend iuba , king of mauritania . while caesar was at rome busy in causing himself to be made dictator , and then putting off that consull , that so he might send praetors into the provinces , as marcus lepidus into spain , a. albinus into sicily , sextus peduceius into sardinia , and decius brutus into france , and taking such further order as he thought fit ; pompey was as busy in macedonia , raising of men and mony and providing ships in order to his return into italy . what his forces might amount unto , may be judg'd from the almost infinite assistances came in to him from divers kingdomes and provinces of asia and greece , from syria , pontus , bithynia , cilicia , phoenicia , cappadocia , pamphilia , armenia the lesse , aegypt , greece , thessaly , boeotia , achaia , epire , athens , lacedaemonia , the isles of creta and rhodes and divers other places , there coming to his assistance in person the kings deiotarus and ariobarzanes . these certainly , with those he had brought with him out of italy , must needs make up a vast army by land , nor could the number of ships and gallyes but be proportionable . however caesar knowing all this , leaves rome in december , and so marches to brundusium , whence he was to embarque for macedonia , out of this consideration , that his victory consisted in expedition , though pompey in the mean time upon intelligence of caesar's being at rome , had scattered his people into macedonia and thessaly , conceiving the inconveniences of the winter would have deferr'd him from crossing the seas . but caesar being come to brundusium , ( now call'd brindez , ) he embarques seven legions of his choicest men in the beginning of ianuary , leaving order to those that were coming to make hast and joine with those which remained behind , all whom he would speedily send for . three dayes after he arrives upon the coast of macedonia , before pompey had so much as heard of his embarquing , and lands in spite of pompeys captains , and presently commands the ships to returne for the remainder of his army , which done he takes it by storm apollonia , ( now call'd bellona ) and oricum , two cities kept by l. torquatus and l. straberius , for pompey ; who alarm'd by this , sends for such troups as were nearest , and marches to dyrrachium , where all his ammunition and provision lay , to secure it from being surpriz'd by caesar : which indeed he had attempted , but , by reason of the naturall strength of the place , to no purpose . pompey being come , both armies lodg'd not many furlongs from one another , onely they were divided by a river . which post as it gave occasion of divers skirmishes , so it begat many overtures of peace from caesar ; which pompey , presuming upon his strength , would not hear of . this proposition of caesar's , though it proceeded from his meeknesse , which was not the least of his vertues ; yet argu'd some conscience of his own weaknesse at this time . for he was extreamly perplex'd , that the other part of his army was not come , in so much that he embarqued in a brigandine disguized to fetch them . having pass'd down the river , the sea was so tempestuous , that the master of the vessell would not adventure out : whereupon , as it is said , caesar discovered himself , and said to him , friend , thou carriest caesar and his fortune . whereat the master being encourag'd , ventur'd out into the sea , but the tempest was so violent , that it brought caesar back again . this action of his was like to have rais'd a mutiny in his army , as a thing which though it spoke courage , yet was a stranger to discretion : which it may be is the reason that caesar hath made no mention of it in his commentaries . but some few dayes after antonius arrives with four legions of the remaining part of the army , and sends back the ships for the rest . these joyning with caesar , there past divers skirmishes and pickeerings ( being so nearly lodg'd ) between both armies : but that which was most remarkable was near the city of dyrrachium , wherein caesar's troups were so routed , that no threats or entreaties could stay them from running to their camp ; which though fortifi'd , yet was abandon'd by some . pompey in the mean time , either out of fear that the slight might be feigned , and in order to some ambush , or that he thought caesar sufficiently conquer'd , doth not prosecute the victory . which weaknesse in him caesar dissembled not , when afterwards he said to his men , that that day had ended the war , if the enemy had had a captain that knew how to overcome . but caesar , as no prosperity disorder'd him , so in adversity he had a courage and such a confidence of fortune that he was nothing cast down . he lost in that engagement , besides the common-souldiery , roman knights , tribunes , and centurions , with as many colours . this successe obtained , pompey sends the news of it into all parts of the world , so advantageously to himself , as if caesar were utterly routed ; who though he did not decline fighting , yet thought it not policy to engage his men lately worsted ( though indeed exasperated with shame and indignation at their losse ) with those that were animated and flesh'd with a victory . he therefore disposes his maimed men into apollonia , and in the night takes his way towards thessaly : both to hearten and refresh his army , as also to draw the enemy further from the sea-coast , where his main force and all his provisions lay ; or at least to meet with scipio , who , he had intelligence , was to join with pompey . this unexpected departure of caesar's brought pompey almost to a resolution to return into italy , to recover that , with france and spain , and afterwards to meet with caesar . but the roman lords that were about him ( a sort of proud , insolent , indisciplinable people , who indeed prov'd his ruine ) disswaded him , and caused him to alter his design : and so he fell upon the hot pursuit of caesar , who , making a stay in the fields of pharsalia till that his men had reassumed their courage and resolution , was now willing and eager to fight . but pompey perceiving this readiness of caesar to proceed from want of provision , and a fear his army should diminish , purposely avoided fighting , and would have prolong'd the warre , and so have defeated his enemy without hazzarding his own army . but the murmurings , mutinyes , and importunity of those that were about him had such a prevailing influence over him ( as plutarch , lucan , and caesar himself acknowledgeth ) that they forced him contrary to his intentions and policy , to give battell ; which was such , that all the flower and force of rome was engaged in it . caesar's army ( according to the computation of most writers ) amounted to half pompey's : but in compensation , his men were more active , and versed in warre , and knew their advantages ; whereas the other 's was a tumultuary sort of people raked together , ( besides what romans he had . ) the exact number of both these armies is not agreed on by authors : some raise them to . of which opinion was florus ; others bring them down to . but if we agree with appianus , we must conceive , that so many countries and nations having sent in their assistances on either side , there must needs be vast armies on both sides : and therefore those who pitched upon the lesser number , meant onely the number of romans , who were the maine force and hope of both generalls . but here we may make a strange remark upon the uncertain events of warre . we have two of the greatest captains that ever were , the stoutest armies that ever met , such as experience , force , and valour was equally divided between , and , to be short , the most exasperated parties that could be , and yet it proved but a very short sight : so weak is the confidence and assurance that is onely placed in number . we may further note the strange influence of religion upon mankind in general , in that it enforces man in the greatest exigencies to consultation : for pompey met with divers things that might somewhat have informed him of the successe of that famous battel ; the running away of the beasts destined for sacrifice , the swarming of bees , the sky darkned , and his own fatall dream of being in mourning in the theatre , seconded by his appearance in the head of his main battel the next day in a black robe , which might signifie he mourned for the liberty of rome beforehand . being both resolved to give battel , they put their armies in such order as they thought fit , and harangued their souldiers according to their severall pretences . in the beginning , pompey's horse , consisting most of the roman gentry and nobility , prevailed over caesar's , and made them give ground : which he perceiving , causes a battalion , set apart for that purpose , to charge them ; with order to aime altogether at the face : which pompey's horse not able , or not willing to endure , began to retreat , and so made way for the totall overthrow ; by which means the foot being discourag'd , and seeing caesar's horse falling on , the victory was soon decided on caesar's side , pompey flying to his camp , and leaving the field to his adversary . here was the greatest misfortune of pompey , to out-live the liberty of his country ( which he pretended so much to fight for ) and his own glory in this battell , being forc'd to a dishonourable flight , and to deliberate whither he should retire , whether into parthia , africk , or aegypt . caesar being thus master of the field , and meeting with no opposition , falls upon pompey's camp , which , without any great difficulty , he entered . whereupon pompey disguizing himself , takes up the first horse he met , and with four more ( his own son sextus pompeius , the two lentuli , and favonius ) makes his escape , and stayes not till he came to larissa : where meeting with some of his own horse , who were in the same condition of running away , he continued his flight till he came to the shore of the aegaean sea ; where meeting accidentally with a certain merchants ship of rome , he embarques himself in her , and sailes to mitylene , where his wife and family were . having taken them with him , and got together what men and ships a shatter'd fortune could furnish him with , he departed thence in very great doubt and perplexity , not able to resolve whither to dispose of himself . he was advis'd by some to march into africa , and shelter himself with iuba , whose friendship and affection towards him he had receiv'd testimony of but very lately ; others were of opinion , his best course was to retire among the parthians : but at last , by his own wilfulnesse , it was voted he should go into aegypt ; which he was the more inclin'd to , out of a consideration of the friendship and correspondence which he had had with king ptolemey , father to him who then reign'd : and so touching at cyprus , he sailes towards aegypt , and arrives at alexandria . thus was the controversy for no lesse then the known world decided in one day , caesar being master of the field and victory . of pompey's side there were slain fifteen thousand , if you will take it upon caesar's credit , and of his own not two thousand . caesar having intelligence of pompey's flight , pursues him without any stay with the swiftest and lightest of his army , so to give him as little breath as he could afford , that he might not meet with any means or opportunity to recover or repair himself . reducing all cities as he passed , he comes to the sea side , and taking up all the ships and gallies he could meet with , and such as cassius ( who was receiv'd into his favour ) could furnish him with , he embarques such troups as he could , and passed into asia the lesse : where understanding that pompey had been at cyprus , he easily presumed that he was gone for aegypt . he thereupon resolves to take the same course , and taking with him onely two legions of his old souldiers , he safely arrives at alexandria : where he soon understood that pompey was arrived , upon a confidence ( as was said before ) there might have remain'd some sense and memory in young ptolemey , of the entertainment and favours he had done his father . but he was as much mistaken in this , as he had been eluded by fotune in the warre : for he finds that the friendship of great men and princes seldome outlives their prosperity , and that adversity makes them the greatest strangers that may be . being by this king ptolemey invited into protection , and upon that confidence coming towards the shore in a small boat , he was , ere he could reach the land , murdered , by the same kings commandment , by septimius and achillas , who thought by that means to purchase caesar's favour . this was done by the contrivance of photinus an eunuch , whose authority both with king and court was very great . caesar receives also news , that pompey's wife , and his son sextus pompeius , were fled from that port in the same vessell wherein they came . being landed and received into the city , he was soon presented with the head of the great pompey ; which out of a consideration of the horridnesse of the fact , he would not by any means see . his ring also and his seal , with his coat of armes upon it , were presented to him : which causing him to reflect on the great successes , adventures and prosperities of that great and glorious man ( besides that he was to look on him as his son in law ) it drew teares from him , to compare them with his unfortunate end . thus is he who had three times triumph'd , been so many times consul , been the most eminent and the most concerned person that rome had for so many yeares together , one who had been acquainted with all the dignities so great a common-wealth could conferre upon a deserving citizen , most inhumanely and perfidiously assassinated , to the greatest regret of him who was look'd on as most desirous of it . this in the mean time concludes that opinion erroneous , that caesar was so extremely over-joy'd at the newes of pompey's death , that he caus'd upon that very place where he had ordered his head to be interr'd , a temple to be built to the goddesse nemesis ; which some interpret a most unnaturall revengefulnesse , a horrid insultation over a clamitous vertue , and a prophanation of divine worship , to abuse the name of a goddesse for to immortalize the memory of his vengeance , and to authorize the injustice of it . but it is as easy to give the title of barbarisme and cruelty to magnanimity and height of courage , as to say the contrary : and therefore caesar certainly could not be guilty of so great an hypocrisy , as to shed teares over his enemy's head , when he was inwardly surpriz'd with joy . caesar upon his arrivall into aegypt findes it embroil'd in civile warres , arising from some differences between young ptolemey and his sister cleopatra , about the division and inheritance of the kingdome , wherein caesar ( as consul of rome ) thought sit to be a mediator . photinus and achillas , the plotters and practicers of pompey's death , fearing from caesar a reward of vengeance proportion'd to so horrid a crime , and perceiving his inclination to favour cleopatra , take such order , by their great influence over king and court , that they brought what army the king had near the city , which consisted of about . able men : and this they did out of a design to entrap caesar , and act the same perfidious butchery upon him , as they had done upon pompey . by this means there began between what forces caesar had brought with him , and those of the aegyptians within and about the city , as also between the ships and gallies in harbour , the hotest disputes and sharpest encounters he ever met with : which we shall not particularize here , because it is the proper work of a compleat history . one thing our observation cannot balk in these hot and occasionall engagements , that caesar himself was personally engag'd in most disputes , both within the city , and among the ships , and that to the great hazzard of his person ; as may appear by that one adventure , when he was forc'd to leap out of the boat wherein he was , into the sea , and by swimming to recover one of his gallies : and being in this great extremity ( if you will believe suetonius , ) he carried his commentaries in one hand above the water , and his robe in his teeth , that it might not fall into the enemies hands . in these conflicts were there nine months spent : at which time caesar receiving his forces out of asia , made an end of the controversy , with the same attendance of fortune and victory which had waited on him every where else . had caesar been acquainted with no warre but this , he might justly challenge the title of the greatest captain in the world , so much personall valour , wisdome , conduct , circumspection and policy did he expresse in all passages thereof , though encompassed with all the inconveniences and disadvantages imaginable . aegypt being thus quieted , the murtherers of pompey punish'd , and cleopatra ( by whom caesar had a son call'd caesario ) establish'd queen , caesar takes his march towards asia through syria , having receiv'd intelligence , that , while he was engag'd in the warres of aegypt , king pharnaces , the son of the mighty mithridates , taking his advantage of the dissensions among the romans , entertained some hopes of recovering what his father had lost ; having in order thereto overthrown domitius , whom caesar had left governour in those parts , and taken in by force the provinces of bithynia and cappadocia , expelling thence ariobarzanes , a friend and subject to rome . the like he intended to have done with armenia the lesse , which king dejotarus had made subject to the romans . but caesar coming upon pharnaces before he expected him , they in a few dayes came to a battell , which in a few hours was dispatched , to the overthrow of the king , and the infinite slaughter of his people , which he himself escaped by flight . this victory gave caesar more satisfaction then any of his former , because of the great desire he had to return to rome , where , he was informed , many scandalls were spread , and insolencies committed by the encouragement of his absence . he had also understood that pompey's eldest son had seiz'd a great part of spain , and , out of those that m. varro had left there , and some gleanings of his father's troups , had gotten together some considerable force . he also knew that most of the principall romans who had escaped the battel at pharsalia , were gathered together in africk , and headed by m. cato , ( surnamed vticensis , for having kill'd himself at vtica ) and pompey's father-in-law ; that they had a great part of pompey's navy ; that with the assistance of iuba king of mauritania , they had subdu'd all that country , and had a great army in readinesse against caesar , having chosen scipio for their general , because that name had been fortunate in africk . caesar , upon intelligence of all these transactions , with his wonted celerity and diligence recovers all that pharnaces had usurped , & chasing him from pontus regained all those countries , which he recommended to the government of caelius minucius , with two legions ; where having reconciled differences , decided all controversies , and settled all things , by rewarding and gratifying those kings and tetrarchs who had continued firm to the common-wealth and interest of rome , he made no longer aboad in asia , but passing with all expedition into italy , he came to rome within a little more then a year after he had departed thence : wherewith if we compare his great expeditions and adventures , it would prove matter of faith and astonishment , to consider how such vast armies should passe through so many countries in so short a time . some few dayes after his coming to rome he is created the third time consul , and , as farre as time and the exigencies of his affairs permitted , studied the reformation of what disorders there then were . for that his enemies before-mentioned should be masters of africk , was a thing he could not easily digest . therefore with his ordinary expedition he marches thitherward , and commands his forces to follow . he took shipping in sicily , and so passed into africk , having no great force with him : however , such was his confidence of his fortune , that he staid not the arrivall of either his army or navy . being landed with his small forces near unto the city of adrumetum , he marches unto another called leptis ; where he was received , and where he took occasion by some conflicts , to keep the enemy in action , so to divert them from augmenting their forces . in fine , his legions being arrived , he very earnestly set himself to the prosecution of the war : in which , though it lasted but four months , ( from the beginning of ianuary to the end of aprill ) there happened many encounters and battels . for having dispatched what work petreius and labienus found him , he came to deal with scipio and king iuba , who had brought an assistance of . men , whereof one half were cavalry , africa at that time being very abundant in horse , as may appear partly in that caesar's enemies had , among them , raised in that country , besides eight legions of foot , . horse . hirtius , plutarch , lucan , and florus have written at large of this warre , and tell you that caesar was many times in very great danger as to his own person , yet at last , by the assistance of his forces and the compliance of his great fortune , he put a period to that warre by one signall battel , wherein there being slain of the enemies side . they were utterly defeated ; caesar remained master of the field , and shortly after of all the country . the principall captains of the adverse party , though they escaped death at the fight , died most of them miserably and unfortunately . king iuba himself being for want of refuge brought to that despair , that fighting with afranius , and killing him , he commanded one of his own slaves to dispatch himself . marcus cato , being in vtica , hearing of caesar's approach , though confident not onely of his pardon , but his particular favour , yet either out of an indignation to be oblig'd by his enemy , or an extravagant zeal to liberty , laid violent hands on himself . cicero wrote a book in commendation of cato , to justify that action , which caesar answer'd with another , which he called anti-cato , both which are lost . the ceremony of his death was very remarkable ; for upon hearing of the miscarriage of most of his partners , he embraces his son and friends , and bids them good night , pretending to go to bed . resting upon his bed , he took into his hand plato's book of the immortality of the soul : wherein having satisfied himself , he , about the relieving of the watch , with a roman resolution drew his sword , and ran himself into the body . being not quite dispatch'd , physitians came in and apply'd something to the wound , which he suffer'd while they staid with him , but assoon as they were departed , he pull'd all off , and thrust his dying hand into the wound . scipio , the generall in this war , having escaped , and shipp'd himself in certain gallies , was met by caesar's navy ; but to avoid being taken by them , he gave himself some wounds , and leapt over-board , and so was drown'd . caesar being by this means absolute victor , spends some time in ordering the provinces of africk : which done , and reducing iuba's kingdome into a province , he comes to vtica , whence he embarqued the third of iune for sardinia ; where having staid some few dayes , he arrives at rome iuly . whither as soon as he was come , there were granted unto him four triumphs . the first was for his conquest and victories in france , wherein were set forth the rivers of rhodanus and the rhene wrought in gold . in the second , which was for aegypt and king ptolemey , were represented the river nile , and the pharos of alexandria burning . the third was for his victory over king pharnaces , wherein a certain writing represented the celerity he used in the prosecution of that victory , which onely contain'd three words , veni , vidi , vici ; i came , i saw , i overcame . the fourth was for his reduction of africk ; wherein was placed iuba's son as a captive . as for the battel against pompey , caesar would not triumph for it , because it was against roman citizens . these triumphs ended , and great rewards scatter'd among the souldiery , who had been assistant in so great transactions , the people being also entertained with feasts , sports , and presents , caesar is chosen the fourth time consul . but there yet remain'd some sword-work to do , for gneius pompeius , great pompey's son , had got together most of the remainder of the african army , and was gone into spain to joyn with his brother sextus , who ( as was hinted before ) was there , and had possess'd himself of a great part of spain , with the cities of sevill and cordova , the spaniards being ready enough to come in to their assistance . caesar takes with him his most experienc'd veterane souldiers , and with extraordinary speed arrives in spain within a few dayes , being accompany'd with his nephew octavius , who was about sixteen years of age. being come into baetica ( now andaluzia ) where the two pompeys were with such legions as they had got together , he soon began a hot and bloudy war ; whereof to be short the issue was this . caesar and gneius ( sextus being in cordova ) near munda , join battell , which proves the sharpest and most obstinate that ever was . it lasted almost a whole day , and that with such indifference as to point of victory , that it was adjudg'd sometimes to one side sometimes to another . suetonius and eutropius tell us that caesar one time , upon his mens giving ground , was in such a plunge , that he was almost resolv'd to have kill'd himself , so to have avoided the shame and dishonour of being conquer'd ; and that in that heat of indignation and despair he snatched a target from one of his souldiers , saying with a loud voice ( as plutarch relates ) if you are not asham'd , leave me , or deliver me into the hands of these boyes , for this shall be the last day of my life , and your honour . with which words the souldiers being animated and heighten'd by his example , regain their lost ground , turn , by degrees , the scales of the battell ; and , towards the evening , the enemy fainting and flying , become apparent victors . the enemy lost in this field . men : caesar , beside the common souldiery , . all persons of quality . this did caesar account the most glorious of all his victories , ( the commemoration of hazzards and suffering being to some the greatest satisfaction conceiveable , ) for he would often say afterwards , that at other times he fought for fame and victory , but that that day he fought for his life , which he had never fought for before . pompey , who had performed all that a wise and stout captain could , persecuted by a malicious fortune , and seeing there was no other remedy , escaped by flight : but being hopelesse and refugelesse , he was at last surpriz'd by some of caesar's friends , kill'd , and his head brought to him ; which was also the fate of labienus . sextus upon this quits cordova , and shortly after spain , leaving all to caesar , who in a short time reduc'd and settled the whole country . which done , he returns to rome , and triumphs for the warres of spain ; which was his fifth and last triumph . having thus conquer'd the greatest part of the world , and by consequence gain'd the reputation of the most famous and most powerfull man in it , it was at least a pardonable ambition , if he thought no title , name , or dignity too great for him . it requires some faith to believe that such vast bodies as roman armies , consisting of many legions , could at an ordinary rate , march through so many countries , and crosse so many seas , had they had no enemy to engage : but to conquer them transcends it , and must be attributed to miracle ; for within lesse then five yeares , through infinite conquests and victories , he consummated the roman monarchy , making himself perpetuall dictator , sovereign lord or emperour . which later title though it had not that height of signification which his successors have rais'd it to , yet was it the greatest attribution of honour which that , or after-ages have acknowledg'd . but if his thoughts were so high , and his ambition so exorbitant as to deserve a severe censure , certainly it may prove so much the more excuseable , by how much it was enflam'd by the generall acclamations and acknowledgments . for both the senate and peole of rome , some out of feare , some out of affection , some out of dissimulation , were forward enough to invent those appellations of honour and preeminence , and afterwards to elevate them to the height of his ambitious mind . hence was he call'd emperour , father , restorer , and preserver of his country ; hence created perpetuall dictator , and consul for ten yeares , and perpetuall censor of their customes ; his statue erected among the kings of rome : hence he had his thrones and chaires of state in the theatre and temples , which , as also all publick places , were filled with his pictures and images . nay , their adoration ascended to that point , that from these humane honours they attributed to him divine ; finding marble little enough for temples and statues for him , ( which were dedicated to him with the same veneration as to their gods ) and metall little enough to represent his high and almost incredible adventures . but all the power and command of so many nations as he had conquer'd , was inconsiderable as to the extent of his mind : whereby we may see what small acquaintance there is between ambition and acquiescence . it was not sufficient to have been personally engag'd in fifty signall battels , and to have lay'd with their bellies to the sun a million ninety and odd thousand men , ( abating all those that fell in the civile warres ) but there yet remains something to do greater then all this . the fierce parthians break his sleep , they are yet unconquer'd , which once done , t' were easy , like lightning , to passe through hyrcania and other countries to the caspian sea , and so scoure the provinces of scythia asiatica , and so passing over the river tanais , to come into europe , and bring in germany and the bordering provinces under the wings of the roman eagle . in order to this expedition had he in sundry places raised . horse and . legions of choice foot : but another greater power thought fit he should leave some work for his successours . nay some things he aim'd at beyond man's attempt , correcting even nature it self . as that design of making peloponnesus an island , by cutting of that neck of land which is between the aegeaan and ionian seas . he thought to have altered the courses of the rivers tiber and a●ien , and made them navigable for ships of the greatest burthen . he had begun to levell diverse hills and mountains in italy , and to dry up lakes and fenns . he re-edified and re-peopled the once famous carthage and corinth . these and many other things he had done without doubt , had not an unexpected and barbarous death surpriz'd him in the midst of his designations . which because it is the tragicall part of this relation , we shall referre to the last place , while in the mean time we shall divert our thoughts , with a short entertainment of his personall excellencyes and endowments , his extraction , birth , deification , and names ; as we have already satisfi'd our selves with the consideration of his actions : and so passe to that part of our undertaking , wherein we presume to promise the curious and criticall reader no lesse content then he hath found in what he hath already reflected on , that is to say , the description and dilucidation of what medalls have been snatch'd out of the jawes of hungry time , that have had any relation to the great name of caesar . caesar was of a full & handsome composure of body , of a graceful carriage and deportment , of a whitish complexion , his eyes were somewhat big , black , quick and piercing , his nose straight and large enough , but his mouth was more then ordinary wide , his cheeks lean . in his later dayes he became bald towards the fore-part of his head , and , through his continual hazzards and hardships , much wrinkled in the forehead . these last imperfections are easily discernable in his medalls , as also in some graven stones and marbles : and this made him seem somewhat older then he was , his baldnesse , wrinkles , and wide mouth taking away much of the gracefulnesse of his countenance , and causing him to have a rustick physiognomy . this gave occasion to silenus the oldest among the satyrs , very pleasantly ( in the caesars of the emperour iulian ) to boast that , besides other similitudes between them , he had a head like caesar's . but as to the baldnesse , it is no more to be objected to him as indecent , then to diverse other great personages of antiquity , as may be frequently seen in medalls and marbles , hercules himself being one of the tribe . they are the highest and sublimest things , nay the more divine , as approaching the sky , that are freed from all superfluities . the highest mountains are bald on their tops , though in other parts they are perruqu'd with woods , and have fertile descents . caesar was much troubled at the losse of his haire , insomuch as , having effected his designes , he alwayes wore a crown of lawrell , the better to cover the nakednesse , thrusting up the haire he had towards the hinder part of his head as much as he could , as may be remarked out of his effigies in the medalls . he had a strong and vigorous body , able to endure any thing of labour or hardship ; an active and lively mind , capable of any undertaking ; his judgement and common sense most exquisite . he was furnished with a strange fore-sight and vigilance , a dexterity and presence of mind above ordinary , and an incredible resolution and courage in all exigences and emergencies . in the warres of asia , under the praetor marcus termo he obteined a civicall crown . he was admirable for his eloquence and incomparable memory . he was well versed in astrology , and by the assistance thereof foreknew many things . it was by that that he was jealous of the ides of the months , as being fatall to him . nay , he writ books of the motion of the starres , regulated the year , and reduc'd it to the course of the sun ; which science he learned from the aegyptians . from his skill in that science he rais'd himself to attempt that great change and alteration which he brought about , from the strange prodigies which had happened not long before , as you have them elegantly described by petronius and lucan ; the heavens , earth , sea , nay the very mountaines and rivers intimating that great vicissitude . but in the whole constellation of his vertues and perfections , none shines brighter then his clemency and generosity . his propensity to pardon his enemies , when conquered , whether barbarians or citizens , was exemplary : and it is much to be questioned whether his lenity raised him more friends or enemies . when he had passed the rubicon , he takes the city corfinium , and in it domitius , whom the senate had designed to succeed him in his command in france : yet though all were at his mercy , he dismissed domitius , with what part of the legions would go with him , to repair to pompey . nor was his clemency and liberality lesse remarkable at the battel of pharsalia , where he not onely pardoned his enemies , but received some of the most inveterate into favour and familiarity , and engaged them into the government of provinces and countries : not to mention the confidence in him of cato vticensis , and his severe punishing of the murtherers of pompey . much more might be said of him , but since it is not our businesse to write any panegyricks on him , we come to his extraction . as for his extraction , we find that those of the iulian family boasted that they were originally descended from iulus , the son of aeneas , the son of anchises and venus , which was a common and yet no criminall ambition in those times . the poets , above all other , those that lived in the times of caesar and augustus , strove who should most celebrate this genealogie , and that by very remarkable casts of their inherent flattery . to omit what may be gathered out of lucan , petronius , and others , we shall content our selves with what we have from manilius , astron . lib. . — venerisque ab origine proles iulia descendit coelo , coelumque replevit . and propertius , lib. . eleg. . tunc animi venere decii , brutique secures , vexit & ipsa sui caesaris arma venus , arma resurgentis portans victricia trojae : felix terra tuos cepit , iule , deos . but that which caesar suffers in this businesse , is , that it was objected to him as a great vanity , to derive himself from this goddesse , as being so far guilty of it , that he recommended to her the successe and conduct of his most signall enterprises , trusting her with all his good fortune . we mention not his dalliances with cleopatra , because the temptation on her side was more then ordinary ; not onely that of her beauty , but her strange prostitution of her self , even to that point , that before she had seen caesar , she caused her self to be put up into a basket , and , as if it had been some present , to be brought to him , fearing , if she had come without this surprise , she might not have accesse . but if it be a vanity , 't is easily discover'd in his coins , being furnish'd with severall shapes of this venus genitrix , this goddesse of generation , sometimes sitting on the prow of a ship , sometimes standing , bearing a victory in her right hand , to represent a venus victrix , such as whereof hypermnestra dedicated a figure in the city of argos , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bearing a victory , which was the word caesar gave at the battel of pharsalia , wherein he was afterwards imitated by augustus at the fight of actium . the same reason may be given for his placing a venus victrix upon the other side of his own effigies in his medalls , with a globe , as conceiving she ought him the conquest of the universe . besides at the battel of pharsalia , he made a vow to build her a temple ( as appianus records l. . ) and afterwards caused his statue to be plac'd next to that of this goddesse of generation . to which monuments seem to relate those antique inscriptions which gruterus mentions , forasmuch as concerns the worship of this venus , observed by the romans out of their veneration of her and the iulian family . divo julio lib . julia ebora ob illius immun . et mun . liberalitatem quoius dedicatione veneri genetrici cestum matronae domum tulerunt . veneri genetrici d ..... juli in memoriam gent. juliae statuam cum ... junius virbius atticus flam. divi juli d. s. p. d. but we shall have more to say of this goddesse when we come to the medalls , we therefore proceed to his nativity . caesar was born under sagittary , that is to say , upon the twelfth day of iuly , which denoted to him great victories , and many famous triumphs in his own country , according to manilius , lib. . in these verses . nec non arcitenens prima cum veste resurgit , pectora clara dabit bello , magnisque triumphis conspicuum patrias victorem ducet in arces ; sed nimium indulgens rebus fortuna secundis invidet in facie , saevitque asperrima fronti , &c. but the end should be dismall and unfortunate : as indeed it happen'd . but apollinaris sidonius in his panegyrick of anthemius , vers . . makes another observation , wherein of all authours he is singular , saying that caesar was born at the same time when a crown of lawrell was burning . julius in lucem venit dum laurea flagrat . what presage could arise hence to signify his innumerable victories , we have onely this authour to inform us . but indeed there is one other discovers this mystery , but another way : for when they would presage the fertility or sterility of the ensuing year , they were wont to cast a crown of lawrell into the fire , and according to the crackling of the leaves they gave their judgement . this is tibullus . l. . eleg. . vt succensa sacris crepitet bene laurea flammis , omine quo felix & sacer annus eat . at laurus bona signa dedit , gaudete coloni , distendet spicis aurea plena ceres . therefore at caesar's birth it may be thought some one out of superstition bethought him of this ceremony , or it happened by chance . but in fine , those that were assistant at the birth , were by that accident raised to a certain confidence that the child then born should prove a most fortunate man , and should arrive to great fame and wealth . as concerning his deification , there is not much to be said . in the first place , we suppose it a thing not so miraculous , that the romans should believe that one who had done such great and transcendent actions , as caesar did , might be thought somewhat more then a man , and had in him something divine ; besides that he was one acknowledg'd to have descended from venus genetrix , the mother of the universe . other nations had that custome of adoring and invoking their kings , as gods , after their death ; as the aegyptians , persians , and the moors , who in caesar's time put iuba into the number of the gods. in the second place , we meet with two censorious remarks upon this deification . first , how that genius of vertue and generosity which was wont to animate the roman people , was so metamorphosed into that of flattery and vanity , as to deify one who , by the greatest , if not the most , was look'd on as the greatest oppressour of the roman liberty , and onely the most fortunate malefactour that ever was , when they had not vouchsafed that honour to numa pompilius , who had been the moses , the law-giver , the most just and the most pious among the roman princes . secondly , whether , if he had miscarried at the battell of pharsalia , he had not been the most infamous person among the romans that ever was , and more abominable then catiline ; and on the contrary , whether rocks , mountains , seas , and the cabinets of conquered kings and citizens had furnished marble , porphyry , jasper and precious stones enough to erect pillars , statues , and temples to celebrate the glory of the great pompey , who was so zealous for the liberty of rome . but divine providence was pleased to use caesar as an instrument to change that common-wealth into a monarchy , that the prince of peace and saviour of the world should be born under the peaceable reign of one sole monarch . as for the name of iulius ; since , as is before noted , the iulian gens derived it self from iulus the son of aeneas , the son of anchises , by a prodigious coition with venus , it must be granted iulus was the authour of this family . julius à magno deductum nomen iulo. as virgil sayes . this iulius was also called ilus , and more frequently ascanius , from a place in phrygia called ascanium , or from a river named ascanius . that of ilus was in memory of ilus the most renowned king of the trojans , from whom troy was called ilium . but to be yet more critical , the name iulius or iulus was given him , because of his hairinesse about the cheeks sooner then his age required , according to the same virgil , at puer ascanius , cui nunc cognomen iulo additur , ilus erat dum res stetit ilia regno . upon which place servius tells us , that that name was given after the battell that ascanius gain'd against mezentius , ob barbae lanuginem ( quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 graeci dicunt ) quae ei tempore victoriae nascebatur . so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the soft haire which first appears upon the cheeks . the name caesar seems to have some relation to the other , for that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in hesychius , signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , a certain thick and clotted hairinesse , such as women's , when they plait and twist their haire about their heads ; and he that either naturally or artificially had such a one , had first the honour of that name , which likely was some one of the posterity of iulus , the son of aeneas ; unlesse we would rather trust spartianus , who would have the first of this family to be so called , quod cum magnis crinibus sit utero parentis effusus , because he was born with abundance of haire . in fine , however it came , it was so venerable during the long reign of augustus , that of tiberius , and three more of the family , that it alone design'd the emperour , and became a name of invocation upon any accident of hast , surprise , or admiration . we might here bring in what suetonius delivers in the life of augustus , that the first letter of the name caesar , which is c. being dash'd out by a thunderbolt , it was predicted that he should dy within a hundred dayes , because that letter stands for that number : and that after his decease he should be received into the number of the gods , because aesar signified in the hetruscan tongue god. this gave occasion to all that have commented on that authour , to criticize and puzzle themselves about the signification of the word caesar : but all being triviall , and imaginary , we forbear further disquisition , and passe to our observations upon his medalls . observations upon caesar's medalls . vpon the first medall . the effigies of venus genitrix with a globe or world before her , without any inscription ; though occo and vrsinus mention one inscrib'd with l. buca , the other side hath venus giving anchises a meeting near mount ida : this it should seem caesar caused to be done out of flattery to himself , in that it served , both to make his originall more illustrious , and as a monument of that happinesse and good fortune which this goddesse had procured him in all his enterprises . for it was his ambition , to have descended in a right line from anchises and venus , by whose indulgence he had conquered the universe , as being his directrix in all his designes , as is represented by the globe , or world ; whereof this goddesse was thought to be in some sort the protectresse , as being esteem'd the sovereign genius of generation according to solinus , — tu foetibus auges cuncta suis , totus pariter tibi parturit orbis . and her worship was questionlesse very ancient : for it was the head of venus genitrix that the saracens and ishmaelites worshipped , alledging that abraham had by the means of it enjoy'd hagar , from whom proceeded a great generation , as enthymius zigabenus , in his table of the opinions of that nation , and the anonymous greek authour of the saracen history , have observed . so have we here the same goddesse accosting that great heros to have issue by him . the genius destin'd to further the establishment of the roman greatnesse , hath a scepter in his hand , to signify the future majesty of that monarchy . the second medall . l. sepulius macer . venus standing with a victory in her right hand , and a pike in the other , being the otherside of that which bore the effigies of caesar and the starre of this goddesse . servius quoting an observation of varro , sayes upon the first of the aeneids , that when this heros lest troy , looking up into the sky he presently perceives venus in the day-time , she shining then purposely to direct him to laurentum , the place for which the destinies had design'd him . the aegyptians represented this starre by the figure of a most beautifull woman , it being thought the brightest in the firmament , whence it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pulcherrima , being nam'd in the morning phosphorus or lucifer , in the evening vesper . this starre therefore , that was aeneas's conductresse , was no other then that midwife of the light venus , being the same which the saracens call cubar or kabar , which word signifies , great ; being also otherwise called astarte , vrania or coelestis : by all which names is meant no other but this genetrix , under which epithet the lacedemonians ador'd and invok'd her as an advancer of generation . the romans in the circensian games brought forth the statue of caesar in pompe , having the planet venus on his head . now this vrania ( because of her procreative influence ) was held in particular devotion by the women , as divers medalls of the empresses discover , being commonly inscrib'd veneri coelesti , and having that starre . gualterus furnishes us with an inscription of a certain priestesse of hers , out of the ancient monuments of sicily . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . diodotus titieli filius appeiraeus sororem suam minyram artemonis filiam sacerdotem veneris coelestis . she was also inscribed venus coelestis augusta , ( possibly in favour of some empresse ) as also , invicta coelestis . the third medall . caesar dict . perp. caesar perpetuall dictator . a venus victrix naked , holding an helmet and a buckler . there is before her a pillar , upon which is plac'd an eagle , and behind a military ensign . the meaning is this . we have venus here naked with a helmet in her hand , to signify her victorious over mars by her charming attractions , as if that god had quite lost all courage , delivering up his armes , and rendring himself her prisoner . thus menelaus casts away his pike , sword and buckler , having had but a glimpse of the delicate breast of the fair hellen. but in this medall venus denotes , that she had so fortunately assisted caesar ( the minion of all her progeny ) in all his warlike enterprises , that he had obtained absolute victory over all his enemies ; whereof the helmet , buckler and military ensign being the marks , caesar had consecrated them to her in acknowledgement of her favours . the eagle pitched upon a pillar , signifies , that his victories have assured him the roman empire , which should be his eternally . the eagle denotes empire and royalty , and presages and signifies absolute victory . it signifies also that the empire shall be assur'd to him , maugre all the force and opposition of the galles and germans , or any other whatsoever , whom he should despise , as this bird doth thunder ; for that of all creatures it can ascend above the clouds , where it can suffer no injury . the fourth medall . german . induti . iii. a river lying by a mountain side pours out his water , having a boat or bark near him . this medall seems to have been stampt purposely to exercise our divinations . we conceive it should be read germana indutia , and that the number three stands for nothing else but the year , taking the word indutia to signify a colony of germans disposed into that place by caesar's order . this name indeed is not found among the geographers , onely pliny mentions a town called industria , situated along the apennine , upon the famous river of po. now there is a great conformity between the situation of this town and this medall , and possibly it may be an erratum in pliny , and that it should be read indutia instead of industria , which is not so likely to be the name of a city . for the three points iii. they may signifie the year of the establishment of that colony , or of the foundation of the city . there is another medall hath four iiii. denoting the fourth year ; but it hath withall the devise of an ox with his head stooping , and his knee bent , which posture implies the establishment and foundation of a city . in this posture doth nonnus describe the oxe of cadmus . upon both these medalls there is a venus victrix on one side , and what is before recited on the other : whence it is inferr'd , that the planting of this colony happened after caesar's most remarkable victories against the germans . the fifth and sixth medalls . we have these two medalls from goltzius : whereof one in greek , hath a tripod and two starres , the inscription of the head & the other side is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . caesar imperator , pontifex maximus , augur . this tripod of apollo hath something in it more particular . apollo , augur , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is here design'd by one of the starres which accompanies that of venus genetrix or coelestis , shewes that caesar was assisted in his charge of augur , and his study of astrologie , and presaging ( whereof the lituus and the tripod were the marks ) by these two divinities . for phoebus or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath two significations , which relate much to his starre and tripod , that is to say , splendid and luminous , so that he is both foreteller and augur . but to return to the starre of venus , or phosphorus , or ( as philo iudaeus calls it ) eosphorus , and to this sun or starre of phoebus apollo . it may be conjectured they are placed above this tripod , to give us to understand , that these gods should promise the roman augur caesar , by a continuall successe in all his enterprises , the absolute conquest of both east and west . the seventh medall . caesar . an elephant with a serpent betwixt his legges . on the other side , the utensils and instruments that belong'd to sacrificing , with the head-ornament of the high-priest . divers antiquaries have so commented upon this medall , as to make the word caesar signifie an elephant . but in my opinion , this devise signifies altogether as much as if it had this inscription about it , imp. caesar , or caesar dictator perp. on one side , and pontif . max. on the other . for as the one shewes forth the royall quality , the other supposes the pontificall to have been in those times joyned with it in the person of caesar . an elephant in italy ( according to artemidorus ) signifies a royall , imperiall or supreme power . but achmet in his oneirocriticks ch . . tells us that this creature had the same signification in the indies and aegypt ; therefore artemidorus hath not done well to restrain it to italy . but it may be the moors , imitating other nations herein , took an elephant to signify a monarch ; and , because caesar was the most famous man that ever was , one that commanded kings and monarchs , would make his name stand for an elephant , for this word is little lesse then african . the same artemidorus sayes , that a dragon seen in a dream signifies a king and a supreme magistrate ; which agreeing with what he sayes of the elephant , and both these creatures being on the other side , i conceive my interpretation the more receiveable . the eighth medall . caesar dictator . caesar with the augurall stick . in the reverse there is l. livineius regulus . a bull furiously running with his head stouping . it is conceiv'd this was stamp'd by regulus , in caesar's favour , when caesar was created dictator , or shortly after . this bull is brought in as an emblem of principality , as dion chrysostome sayes , who hath made an excellent parallel between this creature , and a king and his kingdome . but before him s t . denys in the . ch . of his hierarchy , said that the strength of a bull represents the force necessary for a prince , and that his horns signify servatricem atque invictam vim . stephanus observes upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the ancients called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things that were excessive for greatnesse or strength . the intention therefore of regulus was to let caesar understand , that , having overthrown pompey , and become perpetuall dictator , he was in effect the most powerfull and most redoubted monarch that ever was , and was in a condition to pursue and accomplish the utter ruine of his enemies , and protect his friends . there is a reverse among the medalls of augustus , where there is also a bull in a different figure and posture from this , bending his knee , to represent ( as is conceived ) the taurus coelestis , which is under the dominion of venus , which signified the invincibility of augustus . it may be also considered , that this bull may signify italy subdued and subject to the laws of augustus , as being , now the civile warres were over , ready to receive the yoke . for that province took its name from a bull , which the tyrrhenians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so that italy submitted its neck to receive the yoke of the new government , as the bull — summittit aratris colla , jugumque suis poscit cervicibus ipse . the ninth medall . divo julio . the effigies of caesar deifi'd , the starre of venus before him , or if you will , caesar's own . on the other side mars upon an altar , or rather caesar representing mars , before whom sits a figure , which hath a cornucopia , or horn of abundance under the left arme , in the right , holds a victory , which presents a crown to him . this medall seems to have been made shortly after caesar's death , to keep his memory in veneration , and nourish that belief of the people , that he was , while living , a god transformed into a man. it was indeed an excellent artifice of augustus and his party , to make the superstitious vulgar believe , that iulius caesar was become a fellow-commoner among the gods , to make his succession the more plausible . for being already persuaded that no other then a demy-god , could have arrived to that glory which caesar had , having baffled the universe ; it was not very hard to persuade them that the comet which appeared in the north after his death , was his deifi'd soul . but the cheat was , that this soul must appear there to render augustus more illustrious ; who to retribute the glory , and make the businesse more authentick , must erect caesar's statue in the capitoll , representing upon the head of it that starre in gold , and giving it this bold inscription ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to caesar the demi-god . to make any long discourse upon comets from hence , were superfluous , since all that can be said is , that they signify changes and revolutions of states and empires , and sometimes favourably . this signified , in all likelyhood , the warre then kindling against augustus : after which , a generall peace ensueing , the prince of peace should be born ; the comet at whose birth denoted the universall change of religion that afterward happened . to be short , all that the poets , those fine cooks of fictions and inventions , could dresse that would be any way digestible with the credulous vulgar , was serv'd up at this time to raise the memory of iulius caesar to the greatest reputation that might be : but it will be to no purpose to repeat their adulations in this place . on the reverse of this medall , we find mars , who receives the crown which victory presents him with , represented with a dart . the victory is venus victrix , or the victorious city of rome , and the mars , iulius caesar himself , in the posture of that god. the statue is conceived to be the same with that of mars erected by the romans in the temple of quirinus , with this magnificent title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deo invicto . this supposition is confirmed by the dart , for mars was ordinarily represented with a speare , as divers medalls discover . but in this statue he hath a dart , which is that piece of armes which is capable of furthest casting , and that indeed which the romans most used , and at the sight of pharsalia was one main cause of the victory , caesar having given his men order that they should aime at the faces of the raw roman nobility they had to deale with , as divers historians have delivered . yet this argues not but that caesar sometimes made use of a iavelin or pike as well as mars ; but it is to be conceived this was more for the convenience of his travelling , which was afoot , ( and that many times in the winter haply over the alpes ) according to the custome of most of the great captains and generalls of rome , as livy and plutarch abundantly attest . the tenth medall . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cai iulii caesaris imperatoris dictatoris . the effigies of caesar crowned with a thick crown of laurell , which closed before , the better to cover his baldnesse , the hair being thrust forward to help it . the reverse hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iliensium bis neocororum ; aeneas carrying his father and the palladium at their quitting of troy , the little iulus going before with his hat in his hand . that which in this falls under question , is , first , to know the situation of this ilium ; wherein strabo hath spent more sweat then all the geographers ; affirming it was not the ilium of his time , a town well known , nor any thing built upon the ruines of the old one so ill-entreated by the greeks , as being distant from this thirty stadia ; that in that place there was only a small village bearing up the name ; that it was built up by alexander , from a small town that it was before , having a little temple of minerva much ruin'd , and received from him divers priviledges and immunities , with a promise after his victory over darius , of a magnificent temple , and the toleration and setting up of games and exercises . this was partly executed after his death by lysimachus , who enlarged the city by a wall of forty stadia , disposing thither many out of the neighbouring cities that were ruin'd . after which it was ruined and restored diverse times ; but lastly it received great favours from sylla , which is conceived to be the reason that it declared against caesar in the civile warres : whence it may be inferred , that those of that city knew not at that time that caesar pretended to be of the race of venus and anchises , which was only found out after his victory . but at length caesar receives them into favour , restores and confirmes their ancient priviledges and immunities , and imitating alexander , did them many courtesies . in the second place , the understanding of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iliensium neocororum . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is translated commonly aedituorum ; which we cannot render properly in english , but by overseers , supervisors , and those that are entrusted with the charge of the temples , and dispose of all things sacred , or in some sort , they were such as we call church-wardens in our churches . but they are not those neocori of the temples that this medall and divers others represent unto us , but the word was analogically applyed to whole nations , as also to cities and bodies corporate , to whom the kings , and afterwards the emperours gave commissions , to make panegyricks and encomiastick orations upon their statues , pomps , religious worships , publick recreations and exercises , to the honour of their gods and princes ; which was done out of the publick stock , or by the contribution of the corporations . as therefore the neocori that belonged to the temples , were disposers and guardians of the things sacred , that were in their sanctuaries , nay haply entertained the people or strangers , with the rarities and antiquities of their worships and mysteries ; so these nationall neocori had the superintendency over the pomps and solemnities , panegyricall celebrations , exercises , sacrifices , and ceremonies which were to be observed upon the more festivall dayes , whereof they had the absolute disposall . this i build upon the conjecture of the great and learned selden , who was the first cut this gordian knot , upon a passage of the acts of the apostles chap. . there we have demetrius and those of his profession raising a tumult , and accusing st. paul and others for preaching that the statues made with the hands of men were not gods. the town-clark , or the church-warden having appeased the tumult , tells them that it was wellknown that the city of ephesus was then neocore ( in the english translation worshipper ) of the great goddesse diana , and of the image fallen from iupiter , and that therefore there being no contradiction in that , they ought not to do any thing rashly . for these men , faith he , are neither sacrilegious , nor blasphemous persons , and therefore have done nothing against the majesty of diana . but if they had any matter against any man , the law was open : but in case it were something else relating to their goddesse , whether by blasphemy , impiety , or sacriledge , ( the cognizance whereof did of right belong to the ephesians in body , as being then neocori ) they should have satisfaction in a full assembly convocated for things of that nature . now those silver shrines which demetrius is said to make , are conceived to have been modells of that magnificent temple , which the ephesians being neocori , caused out of magnifice to be made of that rich metall . had this controversy between the apostles and the goldsmiths come to a decision , they had proceeded thus ; they would have had some to make publick panegyricks of their goddesse in the first place ; then , if paul and his companions should not rest satisfied , this neocorean people would have punished them according to their manner . now that the neocori of the temples were used to commend to all comers ( especially travellers ) the greatnesse and power of their gods , and that the neocori of cities imitated them , but did it with great pomp , employing persons eminent for learning and eloquence , as poets and orators , for the honour of their gods , as also their kings , monarchs , emperours , founders , and that upon dayes in stituted and ordain'd for that purpose , may be learn'd from horace , who lib. . ep. . writing to augustus , call's those poets aidituos , who should immortalize the vertue of that emperour , or rather those who were charg'd to chose such as should do it , in these verses : sed tamen est operae pretium cognoscere quale is aedituos habeat , belli spectata domique virtus , indigno non committenda poetae . but besides selden hath well observed , that there were none of these medalls in the time of the common-wealth , for that the cities of greece were not yet arrived to that esteem of the roman greatnesse by the fabrick of their monies and other signes of veneration , which they have come to since it became a monarchy . this is the opinion of that great judicious man , which yet is not absolutely true ; for there were found the marks of this magnificence , under the title of neocori , abundantly among the medalls of alexander the great , whereof goltzius reckons above . with this inscription● koinon make - 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whence may be observ'd , that the people of mac●donia being generally neocori , had caused these coins to be stamp'd in the honour of alexander , having upon the reverse , the figures of statues , chariots , temples , columns , &c. nay , the maroneans in philip's time , though but the people of a particular city , were honour'd with the charge of neocori , there being a medall , which hath on the one side , the effigies of bacchus , crown'd with vine-branches , inscrib'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; on the reverse , that of philip , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in fine , the inhabitants of ilium obtained leave of caesar , to make some magnificence , under the title of neocori , to honour him and the iulian family , having erected , in memory of his extraction from anchises , aeneas and iulus , some colossus representing the posture of aeneas when he left troy , doing a signall act of piety both toward the gods and men , having the palladium in his hand , and carrying the old man his father in his right arme , as women carry children , the little iulus marching before , having his hat in one hand , and asking his father the way with the other . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifies that this was the second time they had been honour'd with the quality and commission of being neocori , and that they had celebrated the solemn dayes with panegyricks , pomps , exercises , and other magnificences befitting the grandeur of caesar . the wives of caesar . his first wife was cossutia , whom he married in his youth , but divorc'd her at the seventeenth year of his age , before he had lived with her , though she was rich , and descended of a family of the roman knights . the second was cornelia , the daughter of cornelius cinna , one who had been four times consul ; by whom he had onely one daughter , named iulia , afterwards first wife to pompey . he took her death very heavily , and publickly commended her , in a most elegant funerall oration . the third was pompeia , the daughter of q. pompeius , who had gotten that evill report , as if publius claudius had been somewhat too familiar with her , which was the reason that caesar divorc'd her . the fourth and last was calphurnia , who out-lived him , and was the daughter of lucius piso : a woman of a generous spirit and well spoken , and had that honour and affection for caesar , that after his death she her self made a most elegant funerall oration to his honour , and afterward retir'd to mark antony . the medall of the triumviri . this medall is of copper , small , of the greek fashion ; it represents the three effigies of caesar , antonius , and lepidus , done sidewayes , one upon another on the same side , without inscription . on the reverse it represents an hermathena ; before which image there is an altar , out of which issues a serpent that lifts it self above it ; behind there is a legionary eagle : time hath worn out the inscription to this half word apxiep . this figure represents mercury and minerva join'd in one statue ; that is to say , the upper part is of that goddesse , arm'd with a helmet , buckler and iaveline ; the lower part is a terminus or hermes . for the interpretation of this devise ; this hermathena , comprehending in it the god terminus , with minerva and mercury , denotes an excellent union , as to affection , interest and good understanding , among the triumviri , aswell for the management and conduct of civile affairs , as military . which being so , the invention must needs be ingenious , denoting that , though their employments were severall , yet there was such a concurrence between their counsels and intentions , as that they jump'd into the same resolution for to carry on the interest of the common-wealth . as for the altar and serpent , they signifie certain sacrifices performed by that people , for the welfare , union and concord of those three powers ; as also either to obtain some victory , or to give thanks to the gods for one received . for a serpent issuing from under a table was taken by sylla to presage victory , as the historian sisenna observes upon cicero , lib. . de divinatione . see also . val. maximus , lib. . ch . . and plutarch in his life . 't is therefore the symbole of health , victory and felicity . of which opinion is also theophrastus , who giving the marks of a superstitious man , sayes , that if he surprize a serpent in any place , he presently raises a chappell or an altar in that place , as it were to thank the gods for so good an adventure . there may this further reason be given of this juncture in the hermathena , that as minerva hath a dominion over wrastling , as well as mercury , so were they also both equally patrons of traffick and merchandise . we shall divert a little to speak of another kind of statues , called hermheracles , consisting , the lower part of hermes , the upper of hercules . both these and the hermathenas , were placed in the places of publick exercises , mercury and hercules , implying strength and sleight . the reason why mercury was so often joyn'd with the other gods , was , that he could conform to any , and was one with all ; as iamblichus affirmes , isque ( sayes he ) de diis verae scientiae praesidium ac tutelam tenens , unus extat idem in universis : for which reason , the ancients dedicated all their works under his onely name . hercules was held in such veneration for the god and genius of all gymnick engagements , that they came to be called ( angustiori vocabulo ) herculea certamina . he was the institutour of the olympick games , wherein having had the honour to wrastle with iupiter , he was thought fit to be the patron of them : whence lycophron call's him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the wrastler . the second medall . m. antonius imp. aug . iiivir . r. p. c. marcus antonius imperator augur triumvir reipublicae constituendae . a sacrificing vessel called praefericulum , and the augurall stick called lituus . on the reverse there is l. plancus imp. cos. an urne between a thunderbolt and a caduceus . it is to be noted first , that there is a vessell on either side of this medall , and therefore it is not enough to say , that that on one side with the lituus , is the mark of an augurall dignity , which antonius obtained from his favourite l. plancus being consul ; but something must be said of this urne , so honourably plac'd between a thunderbolt and a caduceus , on the other . appianus alexandrinus in his book of the warres against the parthians , speaking of the design which mark antony had , being at athens , to undertake the warre against them , and to partake of the glory might follow the ruining of so great and powerfull a nation , sayes , that , to satisfy the admonition of a certain oracle , he carried with him a vessell full of water , taken out of the sacred fountain which was in that city , called clepsydra . et ut oraculo cuidam satisfaceret , etiam è clepsydra fonte vas repletum aqua secum asportavit . this fountain hesychius sayes was within the cittadell of athens . now this is the representation of that vessell , and a monument of the transportation of that water by mark antony , which must needs be of great concernment to him , since he was advised to do it by the oracle , and specified the fountain . as for the thunderbolt and caduceus , they signify that mark antony should in that expedition make a thundring and dismall warre against the parthians , with a great number of old experienced legions , who should tread underfoot the parthian greatnesse , elevated against the romans by the miscarriage of c●assus and his flourishing legions ; or those barbarians should buy their peace very deare , which the heralds of mark antony should offer them with the caduceus in their hands , that being the embleme of an assured reconciliation . atilivs cimber . we should have no more to say of this cimber , then we have of brutus , cassius , and the other massacrers of caesar , were it not that his medall serves to correct divers passages in history ( which it hath been the main designe of these our observations to clear up ) wherein his name is corrupted . all who have mentioned this man , have been mistaken in his name , except appianus alexandrinus , and that in one place only , for in some others he calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . others call him tillius , others tullius , or annius . seneca epist . s . cai caesaris caede ( illius dico qui , superato pompeio , rempublicam tenuit ) tam creditum est tillio cimbro quam cassio : cassius tota vita aquam bibit , t●llius cimber & nimius erat in vino & scordalus . in hanc rem jocatus est ipse ; ego , inquit , quenquam feram , qui vinum ferre non possum ? upon which passage ( which gives a strange intimation of the vicious qualities of this man ) pintianus sayes , it ought to be read tullius cimber , as the same seneca elsewhere calls him , and as he is called in plutarch and suetonius . but it is doubtlesse he should be called atilius cimber , and that suetonius , quintilian , and the other later authours should be corrected , as having trusted the corrupt manuscripts , and not seen this medall . but to come to the devise on the reverse first . the cap signifies ( as is obvious to any one ) the liberty obtained by the means of the ponyard wherewith caesar , who oppressed the commonwealth , was dispatched . the wings , or talaries of mercury , with the serpents , and the rod , which was ceremonious at the manumission of slaves , or rather the wand which mercury made use of to conduct the souls delivered out of the miseries of this life to their expected rest , signify that the diligence , dexterity , and prudence which atilius cimber had used in this execution , had restored the universe to its liberty , the romans from the tyranny of caesar , and had established peace and tranquillity in all families . the conduct and assistance of mercury to the departed souls with this wand , is expressed by statius in these verses . summa pedum propere plantaribus illigat alis , obnubitque comas , & temperat astra galero ; tum dextrae virgam inseruit qua pellere dulces , aut suadere iterum somnos , qua nigra subire tartara , & exsangues animare adsueverat umbras . there is yet another thing whence it may be inferred that mercury was a god very anciently esteemed well-affected to liberty ; which is , that in the isle of creet , ( now candia ) they celebrated an anniversary , with they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the honour of this god , wherein , after the manner of the saturnalls at rome , slaves and servants had all manner of liberty , and were magnificently waited on at table by their masters , as athenaeus affirmes l. . on the other side we have this inscription , atilivs cimber , a man beyond middle-aged , with a great beard , and a rustick countenance , with a long poniard before him . that which may be more particularly deduced hence is , that he was more then ordinarily desirous that the conspiracy should prosper , though before he had been a great creature of caesar's ( as seneca affirmes in his book de ira. ) nay , under pretence of presenting a petition to him , he was so importunate with him , and held him in discourse with such eagernesse till he came into the senate , that he had not the time to read a note which was presented to him , wherein the whole conspiracy was discovered . this poniard therefore stands to signifie the great zeal he had to this execution , wherein he thought the liberty of his country was concerned ; to vindicate which , as it was his ambition to appear the most eager and the most resolute of all the gang , so he thought it his glory to give caesar the first wound . which consideration leads us by the hand to what we had designed for the last part of this discourse , namely the tragicall catastrophe of this miraculous person . for motives to the conspiracy , we may lay down partly the irreconcileable hatred that some bare , in others , the aversion they had from tyranny , in others , a kind of zeal to publick liberty : the encouragements , caesar's own carelesseness of himself , according to that apophthegme of his , when advised to take a guard about his person , that it was better to dy once then live in continuall fear ; his not humouring that people who , if courted with majesty ( as they had been wont in the time of the commonwealth ) had suffered any thing ; his derisory expressions of the commonwealth , saying that it was a shadow , and an imaginary notion ; antonius his profering him a crown , which though ( seeing the acclamations of the people backward ) he accepted not , yet was his designe easily discovered ; the report that he was to be declared king , and would translate the seat of the empire to troy , whence he pretended to descend , or to alexandria , to spend his dayes with cleopatra ; the tribunes shewing a certain law to a friend of his , in writing , whereby it was lawfull to take as many wives as one would , the better to people the commonwealth . these and such like passages gave occasion to libels and placards , which were set up at every corner , whereof divers particularly addressed to brutus , who by his influence over the chiefest citizens got together above . who under the conduct of brutus ( whose very name they thought to be fatall to tyrants ) would preferre the liberty of their country before lives , fortunes , or relations . some time before his death , so many signes and prodigies happened , that it was become the generall belief that caesar's death was near at hand . among other things , his soothsayer spurina bid him beware of the ides of march. all which put together , somewhat startled him , insomuch that he was once resolved to deferre the senate for that day , had not brutus advised him in no case to betray so much fear ; whereupon he went. going therefore in his litter towards the senate the fifteenth day of march , it could not be but diverse would be presenting petitions , and discoursing with him ; but the conspiratours kept some of them so close to him , that he had not the leasure to peruse any thing he had taken , which if he had , he had in an epistle given him by artemidorus , or some other , discovered the whole plot . meeting by the way with spurina , he told him the ides of march were come : to which he answered , 't is true , but they are not past . being come to the temple , where the senate was to sit that day , and sacrifice done according to the custome , he took his chair in the senate . the first came up to him was one celer , who while he was entreating him to release a brother of his that was in captivity , the rest came up to him : whereat he suspecting some violence , cryed out , what force is this ? to which the above-mentioned atilius cimber answered him with a wound in the throat , which the rest of the conspiratours seconded with others . but that which amazed him above all , was to see brutus among them , one whose authority was great , and one whom he had obliged beyond all expression of gratitude , when a conquered enemy ; upon which he could not but break forth into these words , and thou , son brutus , art thou one ? whereupon seeing there was no possibility of escaping , he remembred to keep the honour of his person , covering his head with part of his robe , and with his left hand settling his cloaths about him ; and so having received . wounds , he fell to the ground a sacrifice to the publick liberty , near the base of pompey's statue , which was noted as a judgement of the gods. caesar having neither son nor daughter legitimate , at his death , had by his will before , adopted his nephew octavius caesar , who was afterwards called octavianus augustus , who studied in apollonia at the time of this murther of caesar , and expected to go with him to the war against the parthians , being then about . yeares of age . this death ( as all extraordinary accidents ) must needs beget tumult and confusion in the city ; all offices ceased , the temples , and courts of justice were shut up ; caesar's friends were afraid of the conspiratours , & they reciprocally of them . this tumult somewhat startled the conspiratours , who seeing the design took not with the people as they expected , to secure themselves , seized the capitoll , crying as they went , liberty , liberty , liberty . whereupon , antonius and lepidus being all this while in armes , divers treaties of accommodation passed between them , whereby it was at last agreed the senate should sit , whither brutus and cassius came , antonius's sons being hostages for their return . the senate approves the fact , the people dissemble their satisfaction : for , as the authority of brutus and cassius , with the name of liberty , was very charming on one side ; so the horrour of the fact , and the love some bare caesar , exasperated them against the murtherers . but mark antony , endeavouring to trouble the waters as much as he could , among other things got caesar's testament to be opened , wherein he had bequeath'd to the people of rome certain gardens and heritages near the river tiber , and to every citizen of rome a certain summe of money : which being known , it re-enflamed their old affection to caesar , and raised a compassion and a regret for his death . the day appointed for his funerall ( the ceremony whereof was to burn his body in the field of mars ) antonius being to make the oration , brought with him the robe wherein caesar was assassinated , which being all bloudy he shewed to the people , using some expressions which raised in them both indignation and pity ; insomuch as before the solemnity of the funerall was ended , they all departed in great fury with the brands of the same fire , to set afire the houses of brutus and cassius , and the rest of the conspiratours , whom they sought running up & down the streets . in which fury they killed aelius cinna , mistaking him for cornelius cinna , who indeed was one of them . this tumult forced brutus , cassius , and all who conceived themselves guilty of caesar's death , to depart from rome : whereupon antonius took occasion to dispense with the decree of the senate , and assuming caesar's power and authority persecuted them all he could . brutus and cassius went into greece , to govern those provinces which caesar ( whom they had murthered ) had conferred on them , which were macedonia and syria ; and in like manner were all the rest dispersed , and that so unfortunately , that within the space of three yeares they all came to violent deaths . he was slain in the . year of his age , somewhat above four years after the death of pompey , . years after the foundation of rome , . years after the creation , but according to the . interp. . in the . olympiad , and . years before the birth of christ . having made himself perpetuall dictator , he enjoyed it . years , . months , and . dayes . thus have we traced this transcendent personage through all his great and incomparable actions and atchievements , we have viewed him in his distresses and extremities , and we have also seen him in his victories & triumphs , expressing the same greatnesse , that is , the same equality of mind in both ; we have surveyed him in all his excellencies and abilities both of mind and body ; we have considered the invincibility of his spirit , his incomparable courage , his clemency & magnanimity , his policy , vigilance , prudence , conduct ; we have , as near as we can , enumerated the many battels he fought , the many victories obtained , the many people and provinces reduced , the many kings and countries subdued , so to figure a person imitable in all things , that may be called great or vertuous , not exceedable in any ; we have described and dilucidated his medalls , wherein if we have committed any offence , it hath been in studying brevity , purposely omitting many things that might have been said , and forbearing the multitude and particularity of citations , least it might be thought a vanity : lastly , we have accompanied him to his funerall pile , the fire whereof consumed his murtherers and enemies , while he himself is carried up by the same element , to shine eternally a starre of the first magnitude , in the firmament of famous and heroick spirits . and there we leave him , recommending the reader to see and find him haply farre greater then our commendations , in his own everlasting commentaries . finis . the second and seventh pages of this life of caesar being rashly put to working at the press , before they were corrected , the reader is desired to take notice of these ensuing faults with their emendations , and to think never the worse of the rest of the book . in pag. . lin . . after , be killed , read ( as if even vertue may be excessive and a crime ) as he , &c. l. . for , paint ever , paint over . l. . for , cisalphina , cisalpina . l. . for , lacedemonia , lacedaemon . l. , . for , sardynia , creeta , candia , cypres , rhodes and negrepont ; sardinia , creet , cyprus , rhodes and negropont . in pag. . l. . for , which four , with four . l. . for , gulf venice , gulf of venice . l. . for their forts , their efforts . l. . for , curius , curio . l. . for , that consull , that , consul . l. . for , boetia , lacedaemonia , creeta , ( in some copies ) baeotia lacedaemon , creet . l. . for , deferred him , deterred him . l. . for , takes it , takes in . with some literall faults , and ill pointing . iulius caesar reading and discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the art militarie , how great soever his knowledge may be , which long experience and much practice of arms hath gained . when i consider the weaknesse of mans judgement in censuring things best known unto it self , and the disability of his discourse in discovering the nature of unacquainted objects ; choosing rather to hold any sensible impression , which custome hath by long practice inured , then to hearken to some other more reasonable perswasion : i do not marvell that such souldiers , whose knowledge groweth only from experience , & consisteth in the rules of their own practice , are hardly perswaded that history and speculative learning are of any use in perfecting of their art , being so different in nature from the principles of their cunning , and of so small affinity with the life of action ; wherein the use of armes and atchievements of war seem to have their chiefest being . but those purer spirits embelished with learning , and enriched with the knowledge of other mens fortunes , wherein variety of accidents affordeth variety of instructions , & the mutuall conference of things happened , begetteth both similitudes and differences , contrary natures , but yet joyntly concurring to season our judgement with discretion , and to enstall wisdome in the government of the mind : these men i say , mounting aloft with the wings of contemplation , do easily discover the ignorance of such martialists , as are only trained up in the school of practice , and taught their rudiments under a few yeares experience , which serveth to interpret no other authour but it self , nor can approve his maxims , but by his own authority ; and are rather moved to pity their hard fortune , having learned only to be ignorant , then to envy their skill in matter of war , when they oppose themselves against so manifest a truth as this , that a meer practicall knowledge cannot make a perfect souldier . which proposition that i may the better confirme , give me leave to reason a little of the grounds of learning , and dispute from the habitude of arts and sciences ; which are then said to be perfectly attained , when their particular parts are in such sort apprehended , that from the variety of that individuality , the intellectuall power frameth generall notions and maxims of rule , uniting terms of the same nature in one head , and distinguishing diversities by differences of properties , aptly dividing the whole body into his greatest and smallest branches , and fitting each part with his descriptions , duties , cautions and exceptions . for unlesse the understanding be in this sort qualified , and able by logisticall discourse , to ascend by way of composition , from singularity to catholike conceptions , and return again the same way to the lowest order of his partitions , the mind cannot be said to have the perfection of that art , nor instructed in the true use of that knowledge : but guiding her self by some broken precepts , feeleth more want by that she hath not , then benefit by that she hath . whereby it followeth that a science divided into many branches , and consisting in the multiplicity of divers members , being all so interessed in the bulk , that a maime of the smallest part causeth either debility or deformity in the body , cannot be said to be throughly attained , nor conceived with such a profiting apprehension as steeleth the mind with true judgement , and maketh the scholar master in his art , unlesse the nature of these particularities be first had and obtained . and for as much as no one science or faculty whatsoever , in multitude and plurality of parts , may any way be comparable to the art military , wherein every small and unrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the action , and breedeth such disparity and difference , that the resemblance of their equall participating properties is blemished with the dissimilitude of their disagreeing parts ; it cannot be denied , but he that is acquainted with most of these particular occurrences , and best knoweth the variety of chances in the course of war , must needs be thought a more perfect souldier , and deserveth a title of greater dignity in the profession of armes , then such as content themselves with a few common precepts and over-worn rules : without which as they cannot be said at all to be souldiers ; so with them and no more , they no way deserve the name of skilfull and perfect men of war. now whether meer experience , or experience joyned with reading and discourse , do feast the mind with more variety and choice of matter , or entertain knowledge with greater plenty of novelties , incident to expeditions and use of armes , i will use no other reason to determine of this question , then that which franciscus patricius alleadgeth in his parallels , where he handleth this argument which i intreat of . he that followeth a war ( saith he ) doth see either the course of the whole , or but a part only . if his knowledge extend no farther then a part , he hath learned lesse then he that saw the whole : but admit he hath seen and learned the instructions of one whole war , he hath notwithstanding learned lesse then he that hath seen the proceeding of two such wars : and he again hath not seen so much as another that hath served in three severall wars : and so by degrees , a souldier that hath served ten yeares , must needes know more then one that hath not served so long . and to conclude , he that hath received yeares stipend ( which was the just time of service amongst the romans before a souldier could be dismist ) hath greater meanes of experience then another , that hath not so long a time followed the camp , and cannot challenge a discharge by order and custome . and hence it consequently followeth , that if in one or more or all these wars , there have happened few or no actions of service , which might teach a souldier the practice of armes ; that then his learning doth not countervail his labour . and if the war through the negligence , or ignorance of the chief commanders have been ill carried , he can boast of no knowledge , but that which acquainted him with the corruptions of military discipline ; if the part which he followed were defeated and overthrown , he knoweth by experience how to loose , but not how to gain . and therefore it is not only experience and practice which maketh a souldier worthy of his name , but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions ; wherein reason & errour , like merchants in traffick , enterchange contrary events of fortune , giving sometime copper for silver , and balme for poyson , and repaying again the like commodity as time and circumstances do answer their directions . and this knowledge is onely to be learned in the registers of antiquity and in histories , recording the motions of former ages . caius julius casar ( whose actions are the subject of these discourses ) after his famous victories in france , and that he had gotten the provinces of spain , broken the strength of the roman empire at pharsalia , was held a souldier surmounting envy and all her exceptions ; and yet notwithstanding all this , the battel he had with pharnaces king of pontus , was like to have buried the glory of his former conquests , in the dishonourable memory of a wilfull overthrow . for having possest himself of a hill of great advantage , he began to encamp himself in the top thereof : which pharnaces perceiving , ( being lodged likewise with his camp upon a mountain confronting the romans ) imbattelled his men , marched down from his camp into the valley , and mounted his forces up the hill , where the romans were busied about their intrenchments , to give them battel . all which caesar took but for a bravado : and measuring the enemy by himself , could not be perswaded that any such fool-hardinesse could carry men headlong into so dangerous an adventure , untill they were come so near , that he had scarce any time to call the legions from their work , and to give order for the battel : which so amazed the romans , that unlesse , as caesar himself saith , the advantage of the place and the ●●nignity of the gods had greatly favoured them ; pharnaces had at that time revenged the overthrow of pompey and the senate , and restored the roman empire to liberty . which may learn us how necessary it is ( besides experience , which in caesar was infinite ) to perfect our knowledge with variety of chances : and to meditate upon the effects of other mens adventures , that their harms may be our warnings , and their happy proceedings our fortunate directions . and al●eit amongst so many decads of history , which pregnant wits have presented to these later ages , we seldome or never meet with any one accident which jumpeth in all points with another of the like nature , that shall happen to fall out in managing a war , or setting forth of an army ; and so do seem to reap little benefit by that we read , and make small use of our great travell : yet we must understand that in the audit of reason , there are many offices , which through the soveraign power of the discursive faculty , receive great commodities by whatsoever falleth under their jurisdiction , and suffer no action to passe without due triall of his nature , and examination of his state ; that so the judgement may not be defrauded of her revenues , nor the mind of her learning : for notwithstanding disagreeing circumstances , and differences of forms , which seem to cut off the priviledge of imitation , and frustrate the knowledge we have obtained by reading ; the intellectuall faculty hath authority to examine the use , and look into the inconveniences of these wants and diversities , and by the help of reason to turn it to her advantage ; or so to counterpoise the defect , that in triall and execution it shall not appear any disadvantage . for as in all other sciences , and namely in geometry , of certain ba●e elements , and common sentences , which sense admitteth to the apprehension , the powers of the soul frame admirable theorems and problems of infinite use , proceeding with certainty of demonstration , from proposition to proposition , and from conclusion to conclusion , and still make new wonders as they go , besides the strangenesse of their architecture , that upon such plain and easy foundations , they should erect such curious and beautifull buildings : so in the art military , these examples which are taken from histories , are but plain kind of principles , on which the mind worketh to her best advantage , and useth reason with such dexterity , that of inequalities she concludeth an equality , and of dissimilitudes most sweet resemblances ; and so she worketh out her own perfection by discourse , and in time groweth so absolute in knowledge , that her sufficiency needeth no further directions . but as lomazzo the milanese , in that excellent work which he writ of picturing , saith of a skilfull painter , that being to draw a portraiture of gracefull lineaments , he will never stand to take the symmetry by scale , nor mark it out according to rule ; but having his judgement habituated by knowledge , and perfected with the variety of shapes and proportions , his knowledge guideth his eye , and his eye directeth his hand , and his hand followeth both with such facility of cunning , that each of them serves for a rule whereby the true measures of nature are exactly expressed : the like may i say of a skilfull souldier , or any artizan in his faculty , when knowledge hath once purified his judgement , and turned it to the key of true apprehension . and although there are many that will easily admit a reconciliation of this disagreement , in the resemblance of accidents being referred to the arbitrement of a well-tempered spirit ; yet they will by no meanes acknowledge , that those monstrous and inimitable examples of valour and magnanimity ( whereof antiquity is prodigall , and spendeth as though time should never want such treasure ) can any way avail the manners of these dayes , which if they were as they ought to be , would appear but counterfeit to the lustre of a golden age , nor yet comparable to silver or brasse , or the strength of iron , but deserve no better title then earth or clay , whereof the frame of this age consisteth . for what resemblance ( say they ) is between the customs of our times , and the actions of those antient heroes ? they observed equity as well in war as in peace ; for vertue rather flourished by the naturall disposition of men , then by law and authority ; the greatest treasure which they esteemed , were the deeds of armes which they had atchieved for their country , adorning the temples of their gods with piety , and their private houses with glory , pardoning rather then persecuting a wrong , and taking nothing from the vanquished but ability of doing injury : but the course of our times hath another bias , for covetousnesse hath subverted both faith and equity , and our valour affecteth nothing but ambition , pride and cruelty tyrannize in our thoughts , and subtilty teacheth us to carry rather a fair countenance , then a good nature ; our meanes of getting are by fraud and extortion , and our manner of spending is by wast and prodigality , not esteeming what we have of our own , but coveting that which is not ours ; men effeminated and women impudent , using riches as servants to wickednesse , and preventing natures appetite with wanton luxury ; supplanting vertue with treachery , and using victory with such impiety , as though injuriam facere , were imperio uti : and therefore the exemplary patterns of former times wherein true honour is expressed , may serve to be gazed upon , but no way to be imitated by this age , being too subtile to deal with honesty , and wanting courage to incounter valour . i must needs confesse , that he that compareth the history of livie with that of guichardine , shall find great difference in the subjects which they handle ; for livie triumpheth in the conquests of vertue , and in every page erecteth trophees unto valour , making his discourse like cleanthes table , wherein vertue is described in her entire majesty ; and so sweetned with the presence and service of the graces , that all they which behold her are rapt with admiration of her excellency , and charmed with the love of her perfection : but guichardine hath more then theseus task to perform , being to wind through the labyrinths of subtilty , and discover the quaint practices of polititians , wherein publike and open designes are oftentimes but shadows of more secret projects , and these again serve as foiles to more eminent intentions ; being also discoloured with dissimulation , and so insnared in the sleights of subtilty , that when you look for war , you shall find peace ; and expecting peace , you shall fall into troubles , dissentions and wars : so crabbed and crooked is his argument in respect of livies fortune , and such art is required to unfold the truth of those mysteries . but to answer this objection in a word , and so to proceed to that which followeth ; i say those immortall memories of vertue which former time recordeth , are more necessary to be known , then any stratagems of subtler ages : for equity and valour being truly apprehended so season the motions of the soul , that albeit in so corrupt a course , they cannot peradventure stir up imitation ; yet they oftentimes hinder many malicious practices , and devilish devises , when evil is reproved by the knowledge of good , and condemned by the authority of better ages . and if we will needs follow those steps which the present course of the world hath traced , and play the cretian with the cretian ; this objection hindreth nothing , but that history , especially these of later times , affordeth sufficient instructions to make a souldier perfect in that point . let not therefore any man despise the sound instructions which learning affordeth , nor refuse the helps that history doth offer to perfect the weaknesse of a short experience , especially when no worth can countervail the weight of so great a businesse : for i take the office of a chief commander , to be a subject capable of the greatest wisdome that may be apprehended by naturall meanes , being to manage a multitude of disagreeing minds , as a fit instrument to execute a designe of much consequence and great expectation , and to qualify both their affections and apprehensions according to the accidents which rise in the course of his directions ; besides the true judgement which he ought to have of such circumstances as are most important to a fortunate end , wherein our providence cannot have enough either from learning or experience , to prevent disadvantages , or to take hold of opportunities . neither can it be denied , but as this knowledge addeth perfection to our judgement , so it serveth also as a spur to glory , and increaseth the desire of honour in such as behold the atchievements of vertue , commended to a perpetuall posterity , having themselves the like meanes to consecrate their memory to succeeding a●es , wherein they may serve for examples of valour , and reap the reward of true honour . or to conclude , if we thirst after the knowledge of our own fortune , and long to foresee the end of that race which we have taken , which is the chiefest matter of consequence in the use of arms ; what better conjecture can be made , then to look into the course of former times , which have proceeded from like beginnings , and were continued with like meanes , and therefore not unlikely to sort unto like ends ? and now if it be demanded whether reading or practice have the first place in this art , & serveth as a foundation to the rest of the buildings ; let marius answer this question , who envying at the nobility of rome , saith thus , qui postquam consules facti sunt , acta majorum & graecorum militaria praecepta legere ceperint : homines praeposteri , nam legere quam fieri , tempore posterius , re & usupriusest ; whereas ( saith he ) reading ought to go before practice ( although it follow it in course of time , for there is no reading , but of something practised before ) these preposterous men , after they are made consuls and placed at the helm of government , begin to read , when they should practice that which they had read ; and so bewray their insufficiency of knowledge by using out of time that , which in time is most necessary . this testimony gave marius of reading and book-learning , being him 〈◊〉 an enemy to the same , for as much as all his knowledge came by meer experience . but howsoever his judgement was good in this point : for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soul , and cannot well be produced , untill the idea thereof be first imprinted in the mind , according to which pattern the outward being and sensible resemblance is duely fashioned ; how is it possible that any action can be well expressed , when the mind is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort , as shall best agree with the occurrents of such natures , as are necessarily interessed both in the means and in the end thereof ? and therefore speculative knowledge as the tramontane , to direct the course of all practice is first to be respected . but that i may not seem partiall in this controversy , but carry an equall hand between two so necessary yoak-fellowes , give me leave to conclude in a word the benefit of practice , and define the good which cometh from experience ; that so nothing that hath been spoken may seem to come from affection , or proceed from the forge of unjust partiality . and first it cannot be denied , but that practice giveth boldnesse and assurance in action , and maketh men expert in such things as they take in hand : for no man can rest upon such certainty , through the theorick of knowledge , as he that hath seen his learning verified by practice , and acknowledged by the testimony of assured proofe . besides , there are many other accomplements gotten only by practice , which grace the presence of knowledge , and give credit to that which we have read : as first to learn the use and advantage of the armes which we bear : secondly , by frequent aspect and familiarity of dangers , and accidents of terrour , to learn to fear nothing but dishonour , to make no difference between heat and cold , summer and winter , to sleep in all places as on a bed , and at the same time to take pains and suffer penury , with many other difficulties which custome maketh easy , and cannot be gotten but by use and practice . and thus at length , i have brought a shallow discourse to an abrupt end , wishing with greater zeal of affection then i am able with manifest proofe of reason , to demonstrate the necessity , that both these parts were by our souldiers so regarded , that neither practice might march in obstinate blindnesse without learned knowledge ; nor this again be entertained with an idle apprehension without practice : but that both of them may be respected , as necessary parts to make a compleat nature ; wherein knowledge as the intellectuall part giveth life and spirit to the action , and practice as the materiall substance maketh it of a sensible being , and like a skilfull workman expresseth the excellency , which knowledge hath fore-conceived : wishing no man to despair of effecting that by practice which the theorick of knowledge commendeth . for cur desp●res nunc posse fieri , quod jam totie● factum est ? the summe of the first book of caesars commentaries ; with observations upon the same , discovering the excellency of caesars militia . the argument . in this first book are contained the specialities of two great wars , begun and ended both in a summer : the first , between caesar and the helvetii : the second , between him and ar●ovistus , king of the germans . the history of the helvetians may be reduced to three principall heads : under the first , are the reasons that moved the helvetians to entertain so desperate an expedition , and the preparation which they made for the same . the second containeth their defeat by caesar : and the third their return into their country . that of ariovistus divideth it self into two parts : the first giveth the causes that induced caesar to undertake that war : the second intreateth of the war it self , and particularly describeth ariovistus overthrow . chap. i. gallia described : the helvetians dislike their native seat , and propound to themselves larger territories in the continent of gallia . orgetorix seedeth this humour , for his own advantage . gallia is all divided into three parts ; whereof the belges do inhabite one , the aquitanes another , and those which they call celtes , and we galles , a third : all these do differ each from others in manners , language , and in laws . ●he river garun doth seperate the galles from the aquitans , and marne and seine do bound them from the belges . of these the belges are most warlike ; as furthest off the civility and politure of the province , and lesse frequented with merchants , or acquainted with such things as are by them imported to effeminate mens minds ; as likewise being sited next to the germans beyond the rhene , with whom they have continuall wars . for which cause also the helvetians do excell the rest of the galles in deeds of arms , being in daily conflicts with the germans , for defence of their own territories , or by invading theirs . the part inhabited by the galles , beginneth at the river rhone , and is bounded with garun , the ocean , and the confines of the belges ; and reaching also to the rhene , as a limit from the sequans and helvetians , it stretched northward . the belges take their beginning at the extreme confines of gallia , and inhabit the country which lieth along the lower part of the rhene , trindling to the north , and to the east . aquitania spreadeth it self between the river garun and the pyrenean hils , and butteth upon the spanish ocean , between the west and the north. amongst the helvetians , orgetorix did far exceed all others , both for noble descent and store of treasure : and when m. messala and m. piso were consuls , being stirred up with the desire of a kingdome , he moved the nobility to a commotion ; perswading the state to go out of their confines with their whole power : as an easy matter for them , that excelled all other in valour and prowesse , to seize upon the empire of all gallia . to which he did the rather perswade them , for that the helvetians were on every side shut up , by the strength and nature of the place wherein they dwelt ; on the one side , with the depth and breadth of the river rhene , which divideth their country from the germans ; on the other side , with the high ridge of the hill jura , which runneth between them and the sequans ; & on the third part they were flanked with the lake ● lemanus , and the river rhone , parting their territories from our province . hence it happened , that being thus straightned , they could not easily enlarge themselves , or make war upon the bordering countryes : and thereupon , being men wholly bent to arms and war , were much grieved , as having too little elbow-room for their multitude of people , and the renown they had got of their valour ; their whole country containing but miles in length , and in breadth . spurred on with these inducements , and moved specially with the authority of orgetorix , they resolved to make provision of such things as were requisite for their expedition , bought great numbers of carrs , & horses , for carriages ; sowed much tillage , that they might have plenty of corn in their journey ; made peace and amity with the confining countryes . for the perfecting and supply of which things , they took two yeares to be sufficient ; and in the third , enacted their setting forward by a solemn law , assigning orgetorix to give order for that which remained . the first observation . he that will examine this expedition of the helvetians , by the transmigrations and flittings of other nations , shall find some unexampled particularities in the course of their proceeding : for , first it hath never been heard , that any people u●terly abandoned that country which nature or providence had allotted them , unlesse they were d●iven thereunto by a generall calamity , as the infection of the aire , the cruelty and oppression of a neighbour nation , as were the suevians , who thought it great honour to suffer no man to border upon their confines ; or some other universall , which made the place inhabitable , and the people willing to undertake a voluntary exile . but oftentimes we read , that when the inhabitants of a country were so multiplied , that the place was over-charged with multitudes of off-spring , and like a poor father , had more children then it was able to sustaine , the abounding surplus was sent out to seek new fortunes in forraine countries , and to possesse themselves of a resting seat ; which might recompense the wants of their native country , with a plenteous revenue of necessary supplements . and in this sort we read that rome sent out many colonies into divers parts of her empire . and in this manner the antient ▪ galles disourdened themselves of their superfluity , and sent them into asia . the gothes came from the islands of the baltick sea , and in sulla his time swarmed over germany : besides many other nations , whose transmigrations are particularly described by lazius . but amongst all these , we find none that so forsook their country , but there remained some behind to inhabite the same ; from whence , as from a fountain , succeeding ages might derive the stream of that over-flowing multitude , and by them take notice of the causes , which moved them unto it . for their manner was in all such expeditions , and sending out of colonies , to divide themselves into two or three parts , equall both in equality and number : for after they had parted their common people into even companies , they divided their nobility with as great equality as they could , among the former partitions : and then casting lots , that part which went out to seek new adventures , left their lands and possessions to the rest that remained at home ; and so by industry they supplied that defect which continuance of time had drawn upon them . and this was the meanes , which the first inhabitants of the earth found out after the floud , to people the uninhabited places , and to keep oft the inconveniences of scarcitie and famine . the second observation . he that would prognosticate by the course of these severall proceedings , whether of the two betokened better successe , hath greater reason to foretell happinesse to these which i last spake of , then to the helvetians ; unlesse their valour were the greater , and quitted all difficulties which hatred and envy would cast upon them : for an action which savoureth of necessity ( which was alwayes understood in sending out a colony ) hath a more plausible pasport amongst men , then that which proceedeth from a proud voluntary motion . for , as men can be content to tolerate the one , if it concern not their particular ; so on the other side , they count it gain to punish pride with shame , and to oppose themselves against the other . the third observation . orgetorix , thirsting after princely dignity , discovereth the humour of vain glory . for , not contented with the substance of honour , being already of greatest power amongst the helvetians , and ordering the affaires of the state by his own direction , thought it nothing without the marks and title of dignity , unto which the inconveniences of majesty are annexed : not considering that the best honour sitteth not alwayes in imperiall thr●●●s , nor weareth the diad●ms of princes ; but oft●ntimes resteth it self in meaner places , and shineth better with obscurer titles . for proof whereof , to omit antiquity , take the f●mily of the medic●s in florence , and particularly cos●mo and lorenzo , whose vertue raised them to that ●eight of honour , that they were nothing inferi●●● to the greatest p●tentates of their time , being themselves ●ut private gentlemen in that state , and bearing their proper names as their greatest titles . but howsoever , the opportunity of changing their soil was well observed by orgetorix , as the fi●●st meanes to attempt an innovation : ●ut the successe depended much upon the fortunate proceeding of their expedition . for , as a multitude of that nature can ●e content to attribute a great part of their happinesse , wherein every man thinketh himself particularly interessed , to an eminent leader ; and in that universall extasy of joy , will easily admit an alteration of their state : so , if the issue be in any respect unfortunate , no man will acknowledge himself faulty ●ut , every one desiring to discharge his passion upon some object , a chief directour is likeliest to be the mark , at which the darts of their discontent will be thrown ; and then he will find it hard to effect what he intendeth . chap. ii. orgetorix practices are discovered : his death . the helve●ians continue the resolution of their expedition , and prepare themselves accordingly . orgetorix thereupon undertook imployment to the ad●oyning states ; and first perswaded casticus , the sonne of catamantalides a sequan ( whose father had for many yeares reigned in that place , and was by the senate and people of rome stiled with the title of a friend ) to possesse himself of the signiory of that state which his father formerly injoyed ; and in like manner dealt with dumnorix the heduan , divitiacus brother ( who at that time was the only man of that province , and very well beloved of the commons ) to indeavour the like there ; and withall , gave him his daughter in marriage ▪ shewing them by lively reasons , that it was an easy matter to effect their designes ; for that he being sure of the soveraignty of his state , there was no doubt but the helvetians would do much throughout all gallia , and so made no question to settle them in those kingdoms , with his power and forces . drawn on with these inducements ▪ they gave faith and oath each to other , hoping with the support of the soveraignty of three mighty nations , to possesse themselve● of all gallia . this thing being discovered , the helvetians ( according to their customes ) caused orgetorix to answer the matter in durance : whose punishment vpon the attaint , was to be burned aliue . against the day of triall , orgetorix had got together all his family , to the number of ten thousand men , besides divers followers , and others far indebited , which were many ; by whose meanes he escaped a judiciall hearing . the people thereupon being much incensed , agreed the magistrate should execute their lawes with force of armes , and to that end should raise the countrey : but in the mean time orgetorix was found dead , not without suspicion ( as was conceived ) that he himself was guilty thereof . notwithstanding his death , the helvetians did pursue their former designe of leaving their countrey : and when they thought themselves ready prepared , they set fire on all their townes ( which were in number twelve ) together with ●our hundred villages , besides private houses , and burnt likewise all the corn , save that they carried with them ; that all hope of return being taken away , they might be the readier to undergo all hazards : and commanded that every man should carry so much meal with him , as would serve for three moneths . moreover also they perswaded the rauraci , the tulingi , and latobrigi , their neighbour borderers , that putting on the same resolution , they would set fire on all their habitations , and go along with them . and likewise took unto them the boii , which had dwelt beyond the rhene , but were now seated in the territories of the norici , and had taken the capitall town of that countrey . there were only two wayes which gave them passage out of their countrey : the one through the sequans , very narrow and difficult , between the hill jura , and the river rhone , by which a single cart could scarce pass ; & had a high hill hanging over , that a small force might easily hinder them . the other was through our province ▪ far easier and readier ; forasmuch as the river rhone , running between the helvetians and the * allobroges ( who were lately brought in obedience to the people of rome ) did give passage in divers places by fords . the ●tmost towne belonging to the allobroges , ; that bordereth upon the helvetians is geneva whereunto adjoyneth a bridge leading to the helvetians ; vvho doubted not but to perswade the allobroges ( that seemed as yet to carry no great affection to the people of rome ) or at least to force them to give them passage . things being now ready for their journey , they assigned a day vvhen all should meet together upon the banks of rhone : which day was the first of the calends of april , in the consulship of lu. piso , and a. gabinius . observation . as these provisoes were all requisite ; so one ●hing was omitted , which might have furthered their good fortune more then any thing thought of : which was , to have concealed by all meanes the time of their departure . for all the beasts of the wood must needs stand at gaze , when such lions rouzed themselves out of their dens ; and be then very watchfull of their safety , when they knew the instant of time , when some of their spoiles must needs be offered to appease their fury . or at the least it behooved them so to have dealt by hostages and treaty , that such as were likeliest and best able to crosse their designments might have been no hinderance of their proceedings : considering there were but two wayes out of their countrey by which they might go ; the one narrow and difficult , between the hill jura and the river rhone , by the countrey of the sequani ; the other through provence , far easier and shorter , but not to be taken but by the permission of the romans . but howsoever , their errour was , that after two yeares provision to go , and having made an exterminating decree which injoyned them to go , when they came to the point , they knew not what way to go . chap. iii. c●●s●r denieth the helvetians passage through the romane province : he fortifieth the passage between the hill jura , and the lake of geneva . as soon as caesar was advertised that their purpose was to passe through our province , he hasted to leave the * city , and posting by great journeys into the further gallia , he came to geneva . and inrolling great forces throughout all the province , for that there was but one legion in those parts , he brake down the bridge at geneva . the helvetians having intelligence of caesars arrivall , sent divers of the best of their nobility embassadours unto him , whereof numeius and veredoctius were the chief , to give him notice , that they had a purpose to passe peaceably through the province , having no other way to go : and therein to pray his suff●rance and permission . caesar , well remembring how lu. cassius the consul was slain , his army beaten , & the souldiers put under the yoke , did not hold it convenient to grant their request . neither did he think that men so ill-affected could forbear to offer wrongs and insolencies , if leave were given them as was required . howbeit , for the better gaining of time , and getting such forces together as were caused to be inrolled , he answered the commissioners that he would take a time of deliberation ; and to that end willed them to return again by the ides of april . and in the mean time with that legion he had ready , and the souldiers that came out of the province , he made a ditch , and a wall of sixteen foot in height , from the lake lemanus , which runneth into the rhone , to the hill jura , that divideth the sequans from the helvetians , being in length nineteen miles ; and disposed garrisons and fortresses along the work , the better to impeach them , if happily they went about to break out by force . at the day appointed , when the embassadours returned for a resolution , he utterly denied to give any leave to passe through the province ; having neither custome nor president from the people of rome to warrant him in that kind . and if they should endeavour it by force of arms , he would oppugne them . the first observation . this manner of prolonging of time to reinforce the troups or get some other advantage , as it was then of great use to caesar , and hath oftentimes been practiced to good purpose ; so doth it discover to a circumspect enemy , by the directions in the mean time ( which cannot easily be shadowed ) the drift of that delay ; and so inviteth him with greater courage to take the opportunity of that present advantage ; especially if tract of time may strengthen the one , and not further the other : which is easily discerned by the circumstances of the action . the second observation . the request of the helvetians seemed to deserve a facile answer ; being in effect no more then nature had given to the river rhone : which was to passe through the province , with as much speed and as little hurt as they could . but caesar looking further into the matter , and comparing things already past with occurrences that were to follow after , found the majesty of the romane empire to be interessed in the answer ; being either to maintain her greatnesse by resisting her enemies , or to degenerate from ancient vertue by gratifying such as sought her ruine : which in matter of state are things of great consequence . and further , he knew it to be an unsafe course to suffer an enemy to have meanes of doing hurt ; considering that the nature of man is alwayes prone to load him with further wrongs whom he hath once injuried : not but that he could peradventure be content to end the quarrell upon that advantage ; but fearing the other whom he wronged , to expect but an opportunity of revenge , he gets what advantage he can beforehand , and so cea●eth not untill he have added a bloody end to an injurious beginning . the third observation . concerning this marvellous fortification between the hill and the lake , how serviceable such works were unto him in all his wars , in what sort , and in how small a time they were made ; i will deferre the treatise of them untill i come to the height of alesia , where he gave some ground of that hyperbolicall speech , an medeleto , non animadverteb . it is decem habere lectas quidem legiones populum romanum , quae non ●olum vobis obsistere , sed etiam coelum diruere possent ? chap. iiii. the helvetians failing to passe the rhone , take the way through the country of the sequani , caesar hasteth into italy , and there inrolleth more legions : and returning , overthroweth part of them at the river arar . the helvetians frustrated of their former hope , went about , some with boats coupled together , others with flats ( whereof they made great store ) the rest by foords and places where the river was shallow , sometimes in the day , and oftentimes in the night to break out : but being beaten back by the help of the fortification , and the concourse of souldiers , and multitude of weapons , they desisted from that attempt . there was only another way left through the sequans , which they could not take by reason of the narrownesse thereof , but by the favour of the country . and forasmuch as of themselves they were able to prevaile little therein , they sent messengers to dumnorix the heduan , that by his mediation they might obtain so much of the sequans . dumnorix , what through favour and bounteous carriage , was of great power in his country , much affecting the helvetians , by reason of his marriage with orgetorix daughter ; and drawn on with a desire of a kingdome , gave his mind to new projects ; labouring to gratify many states , to tie them the rather to favour his courses . and thereupon undertaking the businesse , got the sequans to give the helvetians leave to passe through their confines ; giving each other pledges , that the sequans should not interrupt the helvetians in their journey , nor they offer any injury to the country . it was told caesar that the helvetians were determined to passe through the territories of the sequans and heduans , on the confines of the santons , who are not far from the borders of the tholosans , a people of the province : which if they did , he foresaw how dangerous it would be to have a warlike nation , and such as were enemies to the people of rome to come so near them , and to have the advantage of an open and plenteous country . for which causes he left t. labienus a legate to command those works , and he himself made great journeys to get into italy ; where he inrolled two legions , and took three more out of their wintering camps near about aquileia : and with these five legions went the next way over the alps into the further gallia . where by the way the centrons , garoceli , and caturiges taking advantage of the open ground , did seek to keep the army from passage : but being beaten and put off by many skirmishes , they came in seven days from ocellum , a town in the furthest parts of the nearer province , into the confines of the vocontii , a people of the further pr●vince : from whence he led them into the territories of the allobroges , and so unto the sabusians , that are the first beyond the rhone , bordering upon the province . by that time the helvetians had carried their forces through the straights and frontiers of the sequans , into the dominions of the heduans , and began to forrage and pillage their country . who finding themselves unable to make resistance , sent messengers to caesar to require aid ; shewing their deserts to be such from time to time of the people of rome , that might challenge a greater respect then to have their country spoiled , their children led into captivity , their townes assaulted and taken , as it were in the sight of the roman army . at the same instant likewise the ambarri , that had dependency and alliance with the heduans , advised caesar that their countrey was utterly wasted , and they s●arce able to keep the enemy from entring their townes . in like manner also the allobroges that had farmes and possessions beyond the rhone , fled directly to caesar , complaining that there was nothing left them but the soil of their country . with which advertisements caesar was so moved , that he thought it not convenient to linger further , or expect untill the fortunes of their allies were all wasted , and that the helvetians were come unto the santon●s . the river * arar , that runneth through the confines of the heduans and sequans into the rhone , passeth away with such a stillnesse , that by view of the eye it can hardly be discerned which way the water taketh . this river did the helvetians passe over by flotes and bridges of boats . when caesar was advertised by his discoverers that three parts of their forces were already past the water , and that the fourth was left behind on this side the river ; about the third watch of the night he went out of the camp with three legions , and surprising that part which was not as yet got over the river , slew a great part of them : the rest fled into the next woods . this part was the tigurine canton : and the helvetians being all parted into four divisions , this canton alone in the memory of our fathers slew l. cassius the consul , and put his army under the yoke . so whether it were by chaunce , or the providence of the gods , that part of the helvetian state which gave so great a blow to the roman people , was the first that did penance for the same . wherein caesar took revenge not only of the publick , but of his particular losse too ; forasmuch as the tigurines had in that battel with cassius slain l. piso , the grandfather of l. piso , his father in law . the first observation . this defeat being chiefly a service of execution upon such as were taken at a dangerous disadvantage , which men call unaware , containeth these two advisoes . first , not to neglect that advantage which sertorius by the hairs of his horse taile hath proved to be very important ; that beginning with a part , it is a matter of no difficultie to overcome the whole . secondly , it may serve for a caveat , so to transport an armie over a water , where the enemie is within a reasonable march , that no part may be so severed from the bodie of the armie , that advantage may thereby be taken to cut them off altogether , and separate them from themselves . the safest and most honourable way to transport an armie over a river , is by a bridge , placing at each end sufficient troups of horse and foot , to defend the armie from suddain assaults as they passe over the water . and thus went caesar over the rhene into germanie two severall times . the second observation . concerning the circumstance of time , when caesar went out of his camp , which is noted to be in the third watch , we must understand that the romans divided the whole night into four watches , every watch containing three houres : and these watches were distinguished by severall notes and sounds of cornets or trumpets ; that by the distinction and diversitie thereof it might easily be known what watch was founded . the charge and office of sounding the watches belonged to the chiefest centurion of a legion , whom they called primipilus , or primus centurio ; at whose pavilion the trumpeters attended , to be directed by his houre-glasse . the first watch began alwaies at sunne-setting , and continued three houres ( i understand such houres as the night contained , being divided into twelve : for the romans divided their night as well as their day into twelve equall spaces , which they called houres : ) the second watch continued untill midnight ; and then the third watch began , and contained likewise three houres : the fourth was equall to the rest , and continued untill sunne-rising . so that by this phrase de tertia vigilia , we understand that caesar went out of his camp in the third watch , which was after midnight : and so we must conceive of the rest of the watches , as often as we shall find them mentioned in historie . chap. v. caesar passeth over the river arar : his horsemen incounter with the helvetians , and are put to the worse . after this overthrow he caused a bridge to be made over the river arar , and carried over his army to pursue the rest of the helvetian forces . the helvetians much daunted at his suddain coming ▪ that had got over the river in one day , which they could scarce do in twenty , sent embassadours unto him , of whom divico was chief , that commanded the helvetians in the warre against cassius : who dealt with caesar to this effect ; that if the people of rome would make peace with the helvetians , they would go into any part which caesar should appoint them : but if otherwise he would prosecute warre , that he should remember the overthrow which the people of rome received by their valour ; and not to attribute it to their own worth , that they had surprized at unawares a part of their army , when such as had passed the river could not come to succour them . they had learned of their forefathers , to contend rather by valour , then by craft and devices ; and therefore let him beware that the place wherein they now were did not get a name , or carie the marke to all future ages of an eminent calamity to the people of rome , and of the utter destruction of his army . to this caesar answered ; that he made the lesse doubt of the successe of these businesses , in that he well remembred and knew those things which the helvetian commissioners had related : and was so much the rather grieved thereat , because it happened without any cause or desert of the people of rome ; who if he were guiltie of any wrong done unto them ▪ it were a matter of no difficultie to beware of their practices : but therein was his errour , that he could think of nothing which he had committed , that might cause him to fear ; neither could he fear without occasion . and if he would let passe former insolencies , could he forget those late and fresh injuries ? for , that they had attempted to pass through the province by force of armes sacked and pillaged the heduans , amba●s , and allobrogians that did so insolently vaunt of their victorie , admiring that these injuries were suffered so long time to rest unrevenged , came all in the end to one passe . for the immortall gods were went sometimes to give happinesse and long impunitie to men , that by the greater alteration of things , the punishment should be the more grievous for their offences . howbeit if they would give hostages for the performance of those things which were to be agreed upon , and satisfie the heduans and allobrogians , together with their allies , for the injuries they had done unto them , he would be content to make peace with them . divico replied , that they were taught by their ancestours to take hostages rather then to give them , whereof the people of rome were witnesses : and thereupon departed . the next day they removed the camp , and the like did caesar , sending all his horse before , to the number of four thousand ( which he had raised in the province , and drawn from the heduans and their associates ) to understand which way ▪ the enemy took : who prosecuting the rereward overhotly , were forced to undertake the helvetian cavalry in a place of disadvantage ; and thereby lost some few of their company . the enemy made proud with that encounter , having with five hundred horse beaten so great a multitude , did afterwards make head with more assurance ; and sometimes stuck not to ●ally out of the rereward and assault our partie . caesar kept back his men from fighting ; and held it enough for the present , to keep the enemy from spoiling and harrying the country : and went on for fifteen daies together in such manner , as there were but five or six miles between the first troupes of our armie , and the rereward of theirs . observation . this example of the helvetians may lesson a commaunder , not to wax insolent upon every overthrow which the enemie taketh , but duely to weigh the true causes of a victorie gotten , or an overthrow taken ; that apprehending the right current of the action , he may neither vaunt of a blind victorie , nor be disma●ed at a casuall mishap . and herein let a heedfull warinesse so moderate the sequels of victorie in a triumphing spirit , that the care and jealousie to keep still that sweet-sounding fame on foot , may as farre surpasse the indu●trie which he first used to obtain it , as the continuance of happinesse doth exceed the beginning of good fortunes . for such is the nature of our soul , that although from her infancie even to the manhood of her age she never found want of that which she lusted after ; yet when she meeteth with a counterbuffe to check her appetite , and restrain her affections from their satisfaction , she is as much troubled in that want , as if she had never received any contentment at all : for our will to everie object which it seeketh after , begetteth alwaies a new appetite , which is not satisfied with a former quittance , but either seeketh present paiment , or returneth discontentment unto the mind . and as our soul is of an everlasting being , and cannot think of an end to her beginning ; so she seeketh a perpetuall continuance of such things as she lusteth after : which he that meaneth to hold fortune his friend , will endeavour to maintain . chap. vi. caesar sendeth to get the advantage of a hill , and so to give the helvetians battell : but is put off by false intelligence . the opportunitie being lost , he intendeth provision of corn. in the mean time caesar pressed the heduans from day to day to bring in corn , according to their promise : for by reason of the cold temperature of gallia , which lieth to the northward , it happened not only that the corn was farre from being ripe , but also that there was scarce forrage for the horses . and the provisions which were brought along the river arar stood him in small stead at that time , forasmuch as the helvetians had taken their journey clean from the river , and he would by no means forsake them . the heduans putting it off from one day to another , gave out still it was upon coming . but when caesar found the matter so long delayed , and that the day of meting out corn to the souldiers was at hand , calling before him the chiefest princes of the heduans , of whom he had great numbers in his camp , and amongst them divitiacus and liscus , who for that time were the soveraign magistrates ( which they call vergobret , being yearly created , and having power of life and death ) he did greatly blame them , that he was not supplied with corn from them , the enemy being so near , and in so needfull a time , that it could neither be bought for money , nor had out of the fields : especially when for their sake , and at their request he had undertook that warre . whereat he was the rather grieved , because he found himself forsaken of them . at length liscus ▪ moved with caesars speech , discovered ( which before he had kept secret ) that there were some of great authority amongst the commons , and could do more being private persons , then they could do being magistrates . these , by sedicious and bad speeches , did defer the people from bringing corn : shewing it better for them , sith they could not attain to the empire of gallia , to undergo the soveraigntie of the galles , then the romans : for they were not to doubt but if the romans vanquished the helvetians , they would bereave the heduans of their libertie with the rest of all gallia . by these men are our deliberations and counsels , or whatsoever else is done in the camp , made known to the enemy . ●hat they were not able to keep them in obedience . that he knew well withall what danger he fell into by acquainting caesar with these things ; which was the cause he had kept them from him so long . caesar perceived that dumnorix ( divitiacus brother ) was shot at by this speech of liscus : but forasmuch as he would not have those things handled in the presence of so many , he speedily bra●e off the councell & retaining liscus , asked privately after those things which he had delivered in the assembly ; whereunto he spake more freely and boldly then before . and inquiring secretly of others , he found it to be true , that dumnorix was of great courage , & singularly favoured for his liberality of the common people , desirous of novelties and changes , and for many years had kept at a low rate the taxes and impositions of the heduans , forasmuch as no man durst contradict what he would have done . by which courses he had increased his private estate , and got great means to be liberall : for a great number of horsemen did onely live upon his entertainment , and were continually about him , being not onely powerfull at home , but abroad also amongst divers of the neighbour states ; and for this cause had married his mother to a great rich man , and of a noble house , in the countrey of the bituriges , himself had took a wife of the helvetians , had matched his sister by his mother , and others of his k● , into other states . for that affi●ty he favoured and wished well to the helvetians : and on the other side hated the romans , and specially caesar of all others ; for that by their coming into gallia his power was weakened , and divitiacus his brother restored to his ancient honour and dignitie . if any miscasualtie happened to the romans●is ●is hope was to obtain the principalitie by the favour of the helvetians : whereas the soveraigntie of the romans made him not onely despair of the kingdom , but also of the favour , or what other thing soever he now injoyed . and caesar had found out by inquirie , that the beginning of the slight , when the cavalrie was routed , came from dumnorix and his horsemen ; for he commanded those troups which the heduans had sent to aide caesar ; and out of that disorder the rest of the cavalrie took a fright . which things being discovered , forasmuch as these suspicions were seconded with matters of certainty , in that he had brought the helvetians through the confines of the sequans , had caused hostages to be given on either side , and done all those things not onely without warrant from the state , but without acquainting them therewith , and lastly , in that he was accused by the magistrate of the heduans , he thought it cause sufficient for him to punish him , or to command the state to do justice upon him . one thing there was which might seem too oppugne all this ; the singular affection of divitiacus his brother to the people of rome ; the great love he bare particularly to caesar , his loyaltie , justice and temperance ; and therefore he feared least his punishment might any way alienate or offend divitiacus sincere affection . and therefore before he did any thing , he called divitiacus , and putting aside ●he ordinarie interpreters , he spake to him by m. valerius procillus , one of the principall men of the province of gallia , his familiar friend , & whom he specially trusted in matters of importance , and took notice what dumnorix had uttered in his presence , at a councell of the galles , shewing also what informations he had privately received concerning him : and therefore by way of advice desired , that without any offence to him , either he himself might call him in question , or the state take some course in the same . divitiacus imbracing caesar with many tears besought him not to take any severe course with his brother ; he knew well that all those things were true , neither was there any man more grieved thereat then himself . for whereas he had credit and reputation , both at home and amongst other states of gallia , and his brother being of small power by reason of his youth , was by his aide and assistance grown into favour and authoritie , he used those meanes as an advantage not onely to weaken his authoritie , but to bring him to ruine : and yet neverthelesse he found himself overruled through brotherly affection , and the opinion of the common people . and if caesar should take any strict account of these offences , there was no man but would think it was done with his privitie , considering the place he held in his favour ; whereupon would consequently follow on his behalf , a generall alienation and distaste of all gallia . as he uttered these things , with many other words accompanied with tears , caesar taking his right hand , comforted him , and desired him to intreat no further : for such was the respect he had unto him , that for his sake , and at his request he forgave both the injurie done to the commonwealth , and the displeasure which he had justly conceived for the same . and thereupon called dumnorix before him , and in the presence of his brother shewed him wherein he had deserved much blame and reproof ; told him what he had understood , and what the state complained on ; advised him to avoid all occasions of mislike for the future ; that which was past he had forgiven him , at divitiacus his brothers intreaty . howbeit he set espials upon him , to observe his courses , that he might be informed what he did , and with whom he conversed . the same day , understanding by the discoverers that the enemy was lodged under a hill , about eight miles from his camp , he sent some to take a view of the hill , and of the ascent from about the same . which was found , & accordingly reported unto him to be very easie . in the third watch of the night he sent away t. labienus the legat with two legions , and those guides that knew the way ; commanding him to possesse himself of the top of that hill. himself , about the fourth watch , marched on after the enemy , the same way they had gone , sending all his horsemen before . p. causidius , that was held for a great souldier first in the army of l. sylla , and afterwards with m. crassus , was sent before with the discoverers . at the breaking of the day , when labienus had got the top of the hill , and himself was come within a mile and a half of the helvetian camp , without any notice to the enemy either of his or labienus approach ( as was afterwards found by the captives ) causidius came running as fast as his horse could drive , and told him that the hill which labienus should have taken , was held by the galles ; which he perceived plainly by the armes and ensignes of the helvetians . whereupon caesar drew his forces to the next hill , and imbattelled the army . labienus ( according to the directions he had from caesar , not to fight , unlesse he saw his forces near the enemies camp that they might both at the same time assault them from divers parts at once ) when he had took the hill , kept his men from battel , expecting our army . at length when it was farre in the day , caesar understood by the discoverers that the hill was possessed by his party ; as also that the enemy was dislodged , and that causidius was so astonished with fear , that he reported to have seen that which he saw not . the same day he followed the enemy at the distance he had formerly used , and incamped himself three miles from them . the day following , forasmuch as the army was to be paid in corn within two days next after , and that he was but eighteen miles distant from bibract , a great and opulent city of the heduans , he turned aside from the helvetians , and made towards bibract . the first observation . the getting of this hill as a place of advantage , was marvellous important to the happy successe of the battel : for the advantage of the place is not only noted as an especiall cause of easy victory throughout this history , but in all their wars , from the very cradle of their empire , it cleared their armies from all difficulties , to what extremities soever they were put . the first reason may be in regard of their darts and slings , and especially their piles ; which being a heavy deadly weapon , could not any way be so availeable being cast countermont , or in a plain levell , as when the de●livity and downfall of a swelling bank did naturally second their violent impression . neither can the shock at handy-blowes be any thing so furious ( which was a point of great respect in their battels ) when the souldiers spent their strength in franchising the in jury of a rising mountain , as when the place by a naturall inclination did further their course . and to conclude , if the battel succeeded not according to the● desire , the favour of the place afforded them meanes of a strong retreat , in the highest part whereof they had commonly their camps well fenced , and fortified against all chaunces . if it be demanded , whether the upper ground be of like use in regard of our weapons ; i answer , that in a skirmish of shot i take the advantage to ly in the lower ground rather then on the hill ; for the peeces being hastily charged , as commonly they are after the first volley , if the bullet chance to ly loose , when the nose of the peece is lower then the breech , it must needs flie at randome , and be altogether uneffectuall : but when the nose shall be raised upward to the side of a hill , the bullet being rammed in with his own weight , shall fly with greater certainty and fury : considering the nature of the powder to be such , that the more it is stopt and shut in , the more it seeketh to enlarge his room , and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury . concerning other weapons , i take the upper ground in the shock and incounter to be advantageous , as well for the sword as the pike , and would deserve as great respect , if the controversy were decided by these weapons , as seldome times it is . the second observation . by causidius his demeanour we see that verified which physicians affirme , that nothing will sooner carrie our judgement out of her proper seat , then the passion of fear ; and that amongst souldiers themselves , whom custome hath made familiarlie acquainted with horrour and death , it is able to turn a flock of sheep into a squadron of corselets , and a few canes or oliers into pikes and lanciers . which may serve to advise a discreet generall not easily to credit a relation of that nature , when a man of reputation in so perfect a discipline , and so experienced in the service of three famous chiefs , was so surprised with fear , that he could not discern his friends from his enemies . but i will speak more of this passion in the war with a●●ovistus . the third observation . in every relation throughout the whole course of this historie , the first words are commonly these , re frumentaria comparata , as the foundation and strength of every expedition , without which no man can manage a war according to the true maximes and rules of the art military , but must be forced to relieve that inconvenience with the losse of many other advantages of great consequence . which gave occasion to gaspar de coligm , that famous admirall of france , amongst other oracles of truth wherewith his mind was marvellously inriched , often to use this saying , that he that will shape that beast ( meaning war ) must beginne with the belly . and this rule was diligently observed by caesar , who best knew how to express the true pourtraiture of that beast in due proportion and lively resemblance . the order of the romans was , at the day of measuring , to give corn to every particular souldier for a certain time , which was commonly desined by circumstances : and by the measure which was given them they knew the day of the next paiment ; for every footman received after the rate of a bushell a week , which was thought sufficient for him and his servant . for if they had payed them their whole stipend in money , it might have been wasted in unnecessarie expenses : but by this meanes they were sure of provision for the time determined ; and the sequell of the war was providently cared for by the generall . the corn being delivered out , was husbanded , ground with hand-milles , which they carried alwayes with them , and made into hasty cakes , dainty enough for a souldiers mouth , by no other but themselves and their servants . neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread ; for salust reckoneth this up amongst other dishonours of the discipline corrupted , that the souldiers sold away their corn which was given them by the treasurer , and bought their bread by the day . and this manner of provision had many speciall commodities , which are not incident to our custome of victualling : for it is impossible that victuallers should follow an armie upon a service in the enemies countrey , twenty or thirty dayes together , with sufficient provision for an armie : and by that meanes the generall cannot attend advantages and fittest opportunities , which in tract of time are often offered , but is forced either to hazard the whole upon unequall termes , or to found an unwilling retreat . and whereas the victuallers are for the most part voluntarie , respecting nothing but their gain , and the souldiers on the other side carelesse of the morrow , and prodigall of the present ; in that turbulent marre-market , where the seller hath an eye onely to his particular , and the buyer respecteth neither the publick good nor his private commoditie , there is nothing to be looked for but famine and confusion . whereas the romans , by their manner of provision , imposed the generall care of the publick good upon the chief commander , whose dutie it was to provide store of corn for his armie ; and the particular care upon every private souldier , whom it especially concerned to see that the allowance which the commonweale had in plentifull manner given him for his maintenance , might not be wasted through negligence or prodigalitie : which excellent order the nature of our victuals will no way admit . their provinces , and the next consederate states furnished their armies continually with corn ; as it appeareth by this place , that for provision of grain he depended altogether upon the hedui : and when they were in the enemies countrey , in the time of harvest the souldiers went out to reap and gather corn , and delivered it threshed and cleansed to the treasurer , that it might be kept untill the day of paiment . but to leave this fiugall and provident manner of provision , as unpossible to be amitated by this age , let us return to our historie , and see how the helvetians were led , by a probable errour , to their last overthrow . chap. vii . the helvetians follow after caesar , and overtake the rereward . he imbattaileth his legions upon the side of a hill ; and giveth order for the battel . whereof the enemy being advertised by certain fugitives of the troup of horse commanded by l. emilius , presently , whether it were that they thought the romans did turn away for fear , ( and the rather , for that the day before , having the advantage of the upper ground , they refused to sight ) or whether they thought to cut them off from provision of corn , they altered their purpose , and turning back again began to attack our men in the rere . which caesar perceiving , drew his forces to the next hill , and sent the cavalrie to sustain the charge of the enemy : and in the mean time in the midst of the hill made a triple battell , of four legions of old souldiers ; and upon the highest ridge thereof he placed the two legions which he had lately inrolled in the hither gallia , together with the associate forces , filling the whole front of the hill with men , and stowing the carriages in one place , which he commanded to be fenced and guarded by those that were in the uppermost battalions . the helvetians on the other side conveyed their carriages and impediments into one place ; and having beaten back caesars horsemen with a thick thronged squadron , they put themselves into a phalanx , and so pressed under the first battell of the roman legions . the first observation . concerning the true sense of this triple battel which caesar made upon the side of the hill , i understand it according to the ancient custome of the romans , who in the infancy of their military discipline divided their army into three sorts of souldiers , hastati , principles , and triarii ; for i omit the velites , as no part of their standing battels : and of these they made three severall battels , from front to back . in the first battel were the hastati , and they possessed the whole front of the army , and were called acies prima . behind these , in a convenient distance , stood the principes in like sort and order disposed , and were called acies secunda . and lastly , in a like correspondent distance were the triarii imbattelled , and made aciem tertiam . their legion consisted of ten companies , which they called cohorts , and every cohort consisted of three small companies , which they named manipuli : a maniple of the hastati , a maniple of the principes , and another of the triarii , as i will more particularly set down in the second book . and as these three kinds of souldiers were separated by distance of place from front to back : so was every battel divided into his maniples ; and these were divided by little allies and wayes one from another , which were used to this purpose : the hastati being in front , did ever begin the battel : and if they found themselves too weak to repell the enemy , or were happily forced to a retreat , they drew themselves through these allies or distances , which were in the second battel , between the maniples of the principes , into the space which was between the principes and the triarii ; and there they rested themselves , whilst the princepes took their place and charged the enemy . or otherwise , if the commanders found it needfull , they filled up those distances of the principes ; and so united with them into one body , they charged the enemy all in grosse ; and then if they prevailed not , they retired into the spaces between the triarii , and so they gave the last assault , all the three bodies being joyned into one . now if we examine by the current of the history whether caesar observed the same order and division in his wars , we shall find little or no alteration at all : for first , this triplex , acies here mentioned , was no other thing but the division of the hastati , principes and triarii , according to the manner of the first institution . and least any man should dream of that ordinary division , which is likewise threefold , the two cornets and the battel , and in that sense he might say to have made triplicem aciem , let him understand that the circumstances of the division have no coherence with that division : for in that he saith of the helve●●ans , successerunt sub aciem primam , they pressed near the first battel or vangard , he maketh it clear that the army was divided into a triple battel from front to back : for otherwise he would have said , successerunt sub dextrum aut sinistrum cornu , aut mediam aciem ; for so were the parts of that division termed . again , in the retreat which the helvetians made to the hill , when he saith that the first and second battel followed close upon the enemy , and the third opposed it self against the boii and tulingi , and stood ready at the foot of the hill to charge the legions in the stank and on the back ; it is manifest that no other division can so fitly be applied to this circumstance , as that from front to back . but that place in the first of the civill wars taketh away all scruple of controversy , where he useth the very same terms of prima , secunda , and tertia acies : forbeing to encamp himself near unto afranius , and fearing least his souldiers should be interrupted in their work , he caused the first and second battel to stand in arms , and keep their distance , to the end they might shroud and cover the third battel ( which was imploied in making a ditch behind them ) from the view of the enemy ; and this kind of imbattelling caesar observed in most of his fights : by which it appeareth that he used the very same order and discipline for imbattelling , as was instituted by the old romans . concerning the ancient names of hastati , principes , and triarii , which ramus in his militia julii caesaris urgeth to be omitted throughout the whole history , i grant they are seldome used in these commentaries in the sense of their first institution : for the haestati , when the discipline was first erected , were the youngest poorest of the legionary souldiers ; and the principes were the lusty and able-bodied men ; and the triarii the eldest and best experienced . but in caesars camp there was little or no difference either of valour or yeares between the hastati , principes and triarii ; which he nameth prima , secunda , and tertia acies ; and therefore they were never termed by those names in respect of that difference . notwithstanding in regard of order and degrees of discipline , that vertue might be rewarded with honour , and that time might challenge the priviledge of a more worthy place , the said distinctions and terms were religiously observed . for in the battel with petreius at ilerda in spain , he mentioneth the death of q. fulginius , ex primo hastato legionis quart aedecimae : and in the overthrow at dyrrachium , he saith that the eagle-bearer being grievously wounded , commended the safety of his ensigne to the horsemen , all the centurions of the first cohort being slain , praeter principem priorem . and for the triarii , there is no term more frequent in caesar then primipilus ; which name , by the rules of the ancient discipline , was given to none but to the chiefest centurion of the first maniple of the triarii : whereby it appeareth that the maniples kept the same names in regard of a necessary distinction , although peradventure the hastati were as good souldiers as either the principes or the triarii . as touching the spaces between the maniples , whereinto the first battel did retire it self if occasion urged them , i never found any mention of them in caesar : excepting once here in england , where in a skirmish the britans so urged the court of guard , which kept watch before the roman camp , that caesar sent out two other cohorts to succour them ; who making distance between them as they stood , the court of guard retired it self in safety through that space into the camp. otherwise we never find that the first battel made any retreat into the allies , between the maniples of the second battel ; but when it failed in any part , the second and third went presently to second them : as appeareth in the battel following with ariovistus , and in divers others . concerning the use of this triple battel , what can be said more then lipsius hath done ? where he laieth open the particular commodities thereof , as far forth as a speculative judgement can discern of things so far remote from the use of this age , which never imitateth this triple battel but only in a march : for then commonly they make three companies , a vangard , a battel , and a rereward : but in imbattelling they draw these three companies all in front , making two cornets and the battel , without any other troups to second them . but let this suffice concerning caesar his manner of imbattelling , and his triplex acies , untill i come to the second book ; where i will handle more particularly the parts of a legion , and the commondity of their small battalions . the second observation . the macedonian phalanx is described by polybius to be a square battel of pikemen , consisting of sixteen in flank and five hundred in front ; the souldiers standing so close together , that the pikes of the fifth rank were extended three foot beyond the front of the battel : the rest , whose pikes were not serviceable by reason of their distance from the front , couched them upon the shoulders of those that stood before them ; and so locking them in together in file , pressed forward , to hold up the sway or giving back 〈◊〉 the former ranks , and so to make the assault more violent and unresistable . the graecians were very skilful in this part of the art militarie , which containeth order and disposition in imbattelling : for they maintained publick professours , whom they called tactici , to teach and instruct their youth the practise and art of all formes convenient for that purpose . and these tactici found by experience that sixteen in flank , so ordered as they were in a phalanx , were able to bear any shock , how violent so ever it charged upon them . which number of sixteen they made to consist of four doubles : as first unitie maketh no order , for order consisteth in number and pluralitie ; but unitie doubled maketh two , the least of all orders , and this is the double : which doubled again maketh the second order , of four souldiers in a file ; which doubled the third time maketh eight ; and this doubled maketh , which is the fourth doubling from a unite ; and in it they staied , as in an absolute number and square , whose root is four , the quadruple in regard of both the extremes . for every one of these places the tactici had severall names , by which they were distinctly known . but the particular description requireth a larger discourse then can be comprehended in these short observations . he that desireth further knowledge of them , may read aelianus , that lived in the time of adrian the emperour ; and arianus in his historie of alexander the great , with mauritius , and leo imperator ; where he shall have the divisions of tetraphalangia , diphalangia , phalangia unto a unite , with all the discipline of the grecians . the chiefest thing to be observed is , that the grecians having such skill in imbattelling , preferred a phalanx before all other formes whatsoever ; either because the figure in it self was very strong ; or otherwise in regard that it fitted best their weapons , which were long pikes and targets . but whether caesar termed the battell of the helvetians a phalanx , in regard of their thick manner of imbattelling onely , or otherwise forasmuch as besides the form , they used the naturall weapon of a phalanx , which was the pike , it remaineth doubtfull . brancatio in his discourses upon this place , maketh it no controversie but that every souldier carried a pike and a target . the target is particularly named in this historie : but it cannot so easily be gathered by the same that their offensive weapons were pikes . in the fight at the baggage it is said , that many of the legionarie shouldiers were wounded through the cart-wheeles , with tragulae and materae , which are commonly interpreted speares and javelins : and i take them to be weapons longer then common darts ; but whether they were so long as the sarissas of the macedonians i cannot tell . howsoever this is certain , that the helvetians have ever been reputed for the true phalangitae , next unto the macedonians ; and that in their thick and close imbattelling , they failed not at this time of the form of a phalanx : for they roofed it so thick with targets , that caesar saith they were sore troubled , because many of their targets were fastened and tied together with piles darted through them . which argueth that their phalanx was very thick thronged , whatsoever their weapon was . chap. viii . caesar sendeth away all the horses of ease ; exhorteth his men ; and beginneth the battell . caesar to take away all hope of safety by flight , first caused his own , and then all the private horses of ease to be carried out of sight ; and so using some motives of courage , began the battel . the souldiers casting their piles , with the advantage of the hill , did easily break the helvetians phalanx , and then with their swords betook themselves to a furious close . the first observation . the ancient sages found it necessary to a faithfull and serious execution of such an action , to prepare the minds of their men with words of encouragement , and to take away all scruple out of their conceits , either of the unlawfulnesse of the cause , or disadvantage against the enemie : for if at any time that saying be true , that oratio plus potest quam pecunia , it is here more powerfull and of greater effect . for a donative or liberanza can but procure a mercenarie endeavour , ever yielding to a better offer , and do oftentimes breed a suspicion of wrong , even amongst those that are willingly inriched with them ; and so maketh them slack to discharge their service with loyaltie , yea oftentimes of friends to become enemies . but inasmuch as speech discloseth the secrets of the soul , and discovereth the intent and drift of every action , a few good words laying open the injurie which is offered to innocencie , how equity is controlled with wrong , and justice controlled by iniquitie ( for it is necessary that a commander approve his cause , and settle an opinion of right in the mind of his souldiers , as it is easie to make that seem probable which so many offer to defend with their bloud ; when indeed every man relieth upon anothers knowledge , and respecteth nothing lesse the right ) a few good words i say , will so stirre up their minds in the ferventnesse of the cause , that every man will take himself particularly ingaged in the action by the title of equitie ; and the rather , for that it jumpeth with the necessity of their condition . for men are willing to do well , when well-doing agreeth with that they would do : otherwise the act may happily be effected , but the mind never approveth it by assent . and this manner of exhortation or speech of encouragement was never emitted by caesar in any conflict mentioned in this histori● : but he still used it as a necessary instrument to set vertue on foot , and the onely meanes to stir up alacritie . or if it happened that his men were at any time discouraged by disaster or crosse accident , as they were at gergobia , and at the two overthrows he had at dyrrachium , he never would adventure to give battell untill he had incouraged them again , and confirmed their minds in valour and resolution . but this age hath put on so scornfull a humour , that it cannot hear a speech in this key , sound it never so gravely , without scoffing and derision : and on the other side discontinuance of so necessarie a part hath bred at length such an inutilent pudorem in our chief commanders , that they had rather lose the gain of a great advantage , then buy it with words to be delivered in publick . the second observation . in this chapter we may further observe the violence of the roman pile , which being a heavie deadly weapon , could hardly be frustrated with any resistance , and in that respect was very proper and effectuall against a phalanx , or any other thick and close battell , or wheresoever else stroke was certain , or could hardly deceive the aime of the caster : for in such encounters it so galled the enemy , that they were neither able to keep their order , nor answer the assault with a resisting counterbuffe . by which it appeareth that the onely remedie against the pile was to make the ranks thin ; allowing to every souldier a large podisme or place to stand in , that so the stroke might of it self fall without hurt , or by fore-sight be prevented ; as it shall plainly appear by the sequele of this historie , which i will not omit to note , as the places shall offer themselves to the examination of this discourse . but as touching the pile , which is so often mentioned in the roman historie , polybius describeth it in this manner ; a pile , saith he , is a casting weapon , the staffe whereof is almost three cubits long , and it hath palmarem diametrum , a hand-breadth in thickness . the staves were armed with a head of iron , equall in length to the staffe it self : but in that sort , that half the head was fastened up to the middle of the staffe , with plates of iron , like the head of a halbert ; and the other half stuck out at the end of the staffe like a pike , containing a fingers breadth in thicknesse , and so decreasing lesse and lesse upto the point , which was barbed . this head was so slender toward the points , that the weight of the staffe would bend it as it stuck , as appeareth in this battel of the helvetians . this weapon was peculiar to the romans , and was called pilum , as varro noteth , of pilum a pestell , quod hostes feriret ut pilum . lipsius finding that palmarem diametrum was too great a thicknesse to be managed by any mans hand , interpreteth it to be four inches in circuit , if the staffe were either round or square , for they had of both sorts , and so he maketh it very manageable ; but nothing answerable to the description given by polybius , either informe or weight . patricius in his paralleli maketh the staffe to have palmarem diametrum in the butt end , but the rest of the staffe he maketh to decrease taper-wise , unto the head of iron , where it hath the thicknesse of a mans finger ; and so it answereth both in form and weight to a pestell , as may be seen by the figure , and i take it to be the meaning of polybius . patricius in that place setteth down four discommodities of the pile . first , a furious and hot-spirited enemie will easily prevent the darting of the pile , with a nimble and speedy close . and so we read that in the battell which caesar had with ariovistus , the germans came so violently upn them , that the souldiers cast away their piles and betook them to their swords . and likewise in that worthy battell between catiline and marcus petreius , they cast away their piles on either part . the second discommodity was , that the piles being so heavy could not be cast any distance , but were only serviceable at hand . thirdly , they could not be cast with any aime , or as they say , point-blank . and lastly , the souldiers were to take advantage of ground backward when they threw them : which might easily disorder their troups , if they were not very well experienced . the third observation . the last thing which i observe in this speciality is , that the legionary souldiers had no other offensive weapon but one pile or two at the most , and their swords . by which it may be gathered that all their victories came by buckling at handy-blowes ; for they came alwayes so near before they cast their pile , that they left themselves no more time then might conveniently serve them to draw their swords : neither would their arms of defence , which was compleat , besides a large target which they carried on their left arm , suffer them to make any long pursuit , or continued chase , whensoever a light-armed enemy did make any speedy retreat ; as will more plainly appear by that which followeth . chap. ix . the helvetians fainting in the battel , retire to a hill : the romans follow after , and the battel is continued . the battel which caesar had with the helvetians . the hill being taken , and the legions following on to drive them from thence , the boii and ●ulingi , to the number of fifteen thousand , being in the rere of the enemy , to guard the lag of their army , setting on our men as they were in pursuit of the rest , did charge them upon the open side , and began to inclose them about : which the helvetians that had got the hill perceiving began again to fall upon our men , and renewed the battel . the romans dividing themselves , turned their ensignes two wayes ; the first and second army fought against the helvetians that returned from the hill ; and the third battel took charge of them that stood ready to inclose them about . and here the fight was doubtfull and furious for a long time ; untill at length they were no longer able to endure the violence of the legionary souldiers : and so one part betook themselves as at the first to the hill ; and the other , to the place where their carts and baggage were lodged . and hitherto there was not one man seen to have turned his back in all this conflict ; although the fight continued from the seventh hour untill the evening . the first observation . concerning the ensignes of the romans , we are to understand that the chiefest ensigne of every legion was an eagle , which alwayes attended upon the primipile or chief centurion of the said legion . the ensigne of a maniple was either a hand or a dragon , a wolf or a sphinx ; as it appeareth ( besides the testimony of history ) by the column of trajan in rome , wherein the ensignes are figured with such pourtraitures : so that these ensignes resembling the proportions of living creatures , had their fore-parts alwayes carried that way which the legious were to march , or where they were to fight . and therefore in this history by the aspect and carrying of the ensignes , the front of the army was commonly noted : as in this place it is said , that the ensignes of the first and second battel were carried towards the hill , whither the helvetians had made their retreat ; and the ensignes of the third battel looked another way , towards the boii and tulingi , which stood on the foot of the hill . by which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double incounter . the second observation . concerning the time of the day , we are to understand that the romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do : for they divided their artificiall ( which is the space between sun-rising and setting ) into twelve equall parts , which the astronomers called unequall or planetary houres . the first houre of the day began alwayes at sun-rising ; the sixth houre was alwayes high noon ; and the twelfth houre was sun-setting . and as the day waxed longer or shorter , so these houres were either greater or lesse : neither did they agree with equall or equinoctiall houres , such as are now used , but only at the aequinoctium : so that by this manner of reckoning , ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant , the battel began about one of the clock according to our computation , and continued untill the evening . the like we must understand throughout this whole history , as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time . chap. x. the helvetians continue their fight at the carriages : but at length they leave the field , and march towards langres . in like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages , untill it was far in the night ; the place being fortified with carts instead of a rampier : and the enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground , and with darts and javelins under the waggons , and from between the wheeles , did wound and gall many of our men . after a long conflict our souldiers took their carriages and their camp ; wherein orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken . there were saved out of that battel about one hundred and thirty thousand persons ; who marching continually all that night , and making no stay in any place , came the fourth day into the confines of the lingones : for by reason of the souldiers hurts , and the buriall of the slain , wherein there was spent three dayes , there was no pursuit made after them . observation . if we consider the nature of the action , and look into the true cause of their overthrow , as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement , we shall find valour not to be wanting in the helvetians , but rather superlatively abounding in the romans . for that vehement opinion of their valiancy and manhood , which carried them out of the starits of the country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms , was not so abated with the losse of the fourth part of their host at the river arar , nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions ; but it yielded this effect , which caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable , that for five houres space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back . their manner of imbattelling , had not the romans been the enemy , was unresistable . for being cast into a ph●lanx , which in the plaines of asia had made alexander the great and the macedomans famous , they did as farr surpasse any other form of imbattelling ( supposing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition ) wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars , as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts , when it is divided into smaller cantons . for as in a phalanx many particular souldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire body ; so their severall vertues are gathered into one head , and are as parts united into one generall force ; which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities , into which a greater strength is equally divided . the advantage of the place which they got by retreat , and the double charge wherewith they ingaged the romans , both in front and flank , was able in an indifferent conflict to have made fortune fugitive , and bear armes on their side ; or at the least so to have st●●med the swelling tide of victory , which carried the romans so violently in the chase , that they might have been equall shaters in the honour of the day ; had it not followed from an ocean of valour , whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions , untill it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected . and yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the helvetians fury , but it brake forth into dangerous flames , when it came to the place where their carriages were laid , and cost much bloud and many mens lives before they quitted the place : for they fought with that spirit and industry , as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would prove no better in the might , then it had done in the day . the overthrow of the tig●r●e canton at the river arar proceeded rather from want of good duc●tions ( which is the lesse to be marvelled at , considering they had no chief commander as we read of ) then from any defect of valour : for the rules of military government : 〈◊〉 especiall care in passing , over a water ; for then especially an army is in greatest danger , when it is disordered and divided . and therefore the romans atchieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy ( as tully calleth it ) of their commande● , who alwayes watched opportunitates re● bene gerendae , as necessary and speedy meanes to overcome in all his wars . chap. xi . caesar , after three dayes respite , followeth after the helvetians : he taketh them to mercy , and sendeth them back again to the country . caesar sent letters and messengers to the lingones , forbidding to supply them either with cornor any other thing ; which if they did , he would esteem of them as of the helvetians . himself , after three dayes respite , follwed after with all his forces . the helvetians , pressed with the want of all necessary provisions , sent commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition . who meeting him on the way , cast themselves at his feet , and with humble words and tears desired peace . being commanded to attend in the place they then were , they accordingly obeyed . caesar being come up unto them , required hostages , together with their arms and servants ; as also the fugitives that were sled unto them . while those things were sought out and brought , in the night time , six thousand men or there abouts of the canton called verbigene , whether moved through fear of being executed after their arms were given up , or induced with hope of escaping ( as thinking that amongst such a multitude of people that were there to be rendred , their flight should not be missed , or at least would be concealed ) did in the beginning of the night leave the helvetian camp , and made towards the rhene , and the confines of the germans . caesar understanding through whose territories they passed , commanded them to seek them out , and bring them back again , if they would be blamelesse in that behalfe : and being brought back , dealt with them as enemies . all the rest , after hostages , arms and fugitives were given in , he received to mercy ; and commanded the helvetians , tulinges , and latobriges to return into their country from whence they came . and forasmuch as having lost all their provision of corn , there remained nothing at home to satisfy hunger , he gave order to the allebroges to supply them with corn ; and willed the helvetians to reedify their towns and cities , that they had before destroyed and forsaken . which he did specially for this cause ; that the germans inhabiting beyond the rhene might not be invited with the richnesse of that soil , to seat themselves so near neighbours to the province of gallia , and the allobroges . the boij , at the mediation of the heduans , as knowing them to be men of great valour , were permitted to dwell in their country ; to whom they gave lands and possessions , and received them into the same liberties and immunities as they themselves injoyed . in the helvetian camp was found a list , or register , writ in greek , and brought to caesar , containing by pole the whole number that left their country , how many of them were able to bear arms : and in like manner the boyes , old men and women were inrolled apart by themselves . the summary whereof was , that the whole number of the helvetians amounted to two hundred sixty three thousand , the tulinges to thirty six thousand , the latobriges to fourteen , the rauracks to twenty three , the boii to thirty two . of these there were that bare arms , one hundred ninety two thousand . the totall of all were three hundred sixty eight thousand . a view being taken by caesars appointment of those that returned home , there were found one hundred and ten thousand . observation . the directions concerning their rendry and return were very sound , and of good consequence . for first , in that he commanded them to attend his coming in the place where they were , he took away all motions of new trouble , which often removes might have caused , by the opportunity of some accident which might have happened : assuring himself that their aboad in that place would increase their miseries , and consequently ripen that desire of peace which they made shew of ; considering that the langones , in whose territories they were , durst not for fear of caesars displeasure furnish them with any necessaries in that extremity . touching the security which the romans required of the loyalty of such people as they conquered , their manner was to take as hostages a sufficient number of the men-children of the chiefest men of that nation ; whose lives depended upon their parents fidelity , and ended with the first suspicion of their rebellion . which custome , besides the present good , promised the like or better security to the next age ; when as those children by conversation and acquaintance should be so affected to the roman empire , that returning to their own country , their actions might rather tend to the advancement thereof , then any way be prejudiciall to the same . and least the love of liberty and freedome should prevail more with them , then that affection which nature had injoyned them to bear to their children ; he did what he could to take away the means and instruments of their rebellion , by causing them to deliver up such arms and weapons as were there present : and so to become sutable to that petition of peace which they had made . the summe of all is this ; he corrected the insolency of a furious people , and reduced them to a feeling of their own madnesse . he kept them from sacking the possessions of many thousands in the continent of gallia , and sent them back again to continue their name and nation in the place where they first inhabited ; which continueth unto this day . and thus we see that there is no humour so head-strong , nor so backt with strength of circumstances , but it may meet with a remedy to qualify the insolency thereof , and make it subject to correction and controulment . chap. xii . the states of gallia congratulate caesars victorie : they call a councell , and discover their inward grief concerning ariovistus and his forces . the helvetian war being thus ended , the princes and chief men of all the states of gallia came to caesar , to congratulate the happinesse of this victory ; insomuch as they well understood , that albeit the people of rome had by the course of this war revenged the injuries which heretofore they had done unto them : yet neverthelesse the issue thereof did redound no lesse profitable to the peace of gallia , then to the roman empire ; forasmuch as the helvetians left their houses and country abounding with all plenty and prosperity , for no other purpose but to invade the whole country of gallia , and to bring it in subjection to themselves ; and choosing out of that large continent some fit and fruitfull place of habitation , to make the rest of the states their tributaries . they required further , that with his good leave they might call a generall assembly at a day prefixed , of all the states of gallia , forasmuch as they had matters of great importance to be handled , which they desired ( with a common consent ) to preferr to his consideration . which being granted , and the day of meeting appointed , they bound themselves by oath not to reveal the causes of their assembly , but to such as should be designed by common counsel . the parliament being broken up , the same princes returned to caesar , and desired that they might in secret treat with him of the safety of themselves , and all the rest : which being granted , they cast themselves in lamentable manner at his feet , contending with a great earnestnesse that those things which they delivered might not be revealed , as they did to have their petition granted : forasmuch as they saw that the discovery of such declarations as they propounded , would necessarily pull upon them most grievous afflictions . divitiacus the heduan , in the name of the rest , delivered , that gallia was divided into two factions : the hedui were the head of the one , and the arverni of the other . these two states contending many years for the principality , the arverni with the sequans their clients , hired the germans to take their part ; of whom at first there passed over the rhene some fifteen thousand : but afterwards , these barbarous people having tasted the plenty and civility of the galles , drew over many more , that now there were no lesse then one hundred and twenty thousand . with these the hedui and their clients had once or oftener fought ; but the successe sorted to their own calamity , and the utter overthrow of their nobility and senate : with which losses they were so broken and decayed , that whereas heretofore as well by their own credit , as by the favour of the people of rome , they struck a great stroke throughout all gallia ; they were now driven to deliver the chiefest of their state as pledges to the sequans , and to bind themselves by oath never to seek their release or freedome , nor to implore the aid of the people of rome , nor to seek means to free themselves from their soveraignty ; onely himself of all the heduans could not be brought to take that oath , or to give his children as hostages : for which cause he fled to rome , and besought help of the senate , being no way obliged to the contrary either by oath or hostages . but it so fell out , that the victory became more grievous to the sequans then to the heduans : for that ariovistus king of the germans was planted in their territories ; and being already possest of a third part of their country , which was the best part of all gallia , did now require the sequans to forgo another third part , for that a few months before there were come unto him twenty four thousand harudes , to whom lands and possessions were to be allotted . whereby it would come to passe within a few years that all the galles would be driven out of their dwellings , and all the germans would come over the rhene ; for there was no comparison between gallia and germany , either in richnesse of soil or fashion of life . concerning ariovistus , after he had once defeated the galles in a battel near amagetobrig , he carried himself very cruelly and insolently , requiring the children of all the nobility for hostages , and shewing strange examples of torture upon them . if any thing were done not according to his command or desire , he would easily shew himself to be a barbarous , fierce and hasty man , whose tyranny they could no longer endure : and unlesse there were help to be found in caesar and the people of rome , all the galles must , as the helvetians did , forsake their country , and seek new houses and seats of habitation , far remote from the germans , and try their fortunes , whatever befell them . if these things should haply be discovered to ariovistus , he would doubtlesse take a severe revenge of all the pledges in his custody . caesar might by his own authority , or the presence of his army , or by the renown of his late victory , or by the countenance of the people of rome , keep the germans from transporting any more colonies into gallia , and defend it from the injuries of ariovistus . this speech being delivered by divitiacus , all that were present with much weeping besought caesar to give them relief . caesar observed that onely the sequans of all the rest did no such matter , or were so affected as the others were ; but with their heads hanging down , looked mournfully upon the ground : and wondering at it , asked them the cause thereof . to which they made no reply , but stood silent , with the same countenance of sorrow . and having oftentimes iterated his demand , without gaining any word of answer ; divitiacus the heduan replied that the state of the sequans was herein more miserable and grievous then the rest ; that they of all others durst not complain , or implore aid , although it were in secret , as having before their eyes the crueltie of ariovistus being absent , no lesse then if he were present . and the rather , for that other men had safe means of flying away ; but the sequans , having received ariovistus into their countrey , and made him master of their townes , were necessarily to undergo all miseries . these things being known , caesar incouraged the galles with good words , and promised them to have a care of that matter , as having great hope , that by his meanes and power ariovistus should be forced to offer no further injuries . and thereupon dismissed the councell . observations . in this relation there are divers points worthily recommended to the discretion of such as are willing to be directed by other mens misadventures . as first , into what extremities ambition doth drive her thirsty favourites , by suppressing the better faculties of the soul , and setting such unbridled motions on foot , as carry men headlong into most desperate attempts . for as it had deserved commendation in either faction , so to have carried their emulation , that by their own means and strength applied to the rule of good government , their authority might wholly have swayed the inclination of the weaker states : so was it most odious in the sequani to call in forraign forces , to satisfy the appetite of their untempered humour ; and in the end they were accordingly rewarded . secondly , it appeareth how dangerous a thing it is to make a stranger a stickler in a quarrel which civile dissension hath broached , when the party that called him in shall not be as able to refuse his assistance upon occasion , as he was willing to entertain it for advantage . lastly , the often discontents of these states shew the force of a present evil , which possesseth so vehemently the powers of the soul , that any other calamity , either already past , or yet to come , how great soever , seemeth tolerable and easy , in regard of that smart which the present grief inflicteth . so the sequani chose rather to captivate their liberty to the barbarisme of a savage nation , then to indure the hedui to take the hand of them . and again , to make themselves vassals to the romans , rather then indure the usurping cruelty of the germans . and finally ( as the sequele of the history will discover ) to hazard the losse of life and country , then to suffer the taxes and impositions of the romans . so predominant is the present evil in mens affections , and so it prevaileth at the seat of our judgement . chap. xiii . the reasons that moved caesar to undertake this war. many were the inducements which moved him to take that businesse to heart . as first , that the heduans , who were oftentimes stiled by the senate with the title of brethren , cousins and allies , were in the servitude and thraldome of the germans , and that their hostages were with ariovistus and the sequans : which in so great a soveraignty of the people of rome , he took to be very dishonourable both to himself and the commonweal . as also for that he saw it very dangerous for the roman empire , that the germans should accustome by little and little to stock in such multitudes into gallia . neither did he think he could moderate or restrain such fierce and barbarous people ; but that having possessed all the continent of gallia , they would , as the cimbri and teutons had done before , break out into the province , and so into italy : especially the sequans , being divided from the province but with the river rhone . these things he thought fit with all speed to prevent : and the rather , for that ariovistus was grown to that pride and arrogancy , as was not to be suffered . for which respect he thought it expedient to send embassadours unto him , to appoint some indifferent place for parlee ; for that he had to treat with him concerning publick affairs , and some matters that did much import both of them . observations . i may here take an occasion to speak somewhat concerning the authority of the roman generals , which we see to be very large ; considering that caesar of himself , without any further leave of the senate and people of rome ( for what may be gathered by this history ) did undertake a war of that consequence , and put in jeopardy the legions , the province , or what other interest the romans had in gallia . wherein we are to understand , that when the state of rome did allot the government of any province to a proconsul , they did likewise recommend unto him the careful managing of such accidents as might any way concern the good of that regiment . for considering that such causes as may trouble a well-ordered government , are as well externall and forreign , as internall and bred within the bounds of that empire : it had been to small purpose to have given him only authority to maintain a course of wholesome government at home , and no means to take away such oppositions which forraign accident might set up against him . and so we see that caesar undertook the helvetian war , in regard of the safety of the province : and this again with ariovistus , least the germans should so multiply in gallia , that the province it self might at length be indangered . neither had their generals authority only to undertake these wars ; but the absolute disposition also of the whole course thereof , whether it were to treat , capitulate , compound , or what else they thought convenient for the advancement of the commonweal , did wholly rest upon their direction ; republica bene gesta being the stile of the warrant for all their actions . neither may we think that any subordinate or depending authority can be so powerfull in the course of businesses as that which absolutely commandeth without controulment , and proceedeth according to the opportunity of time and occasion , further then either prescription or limitation can direct it . and therefore whensoever the roman affairs were distressed , and driven to an exigent , they created a dictator , that had regiam potestatem , such an absolute command , that whatsoever power rested either in the consuls or in the tribunes , in the senate or in the people , it gave way to the greatnesse of that magistrate ; that there might be no lett or retracting power to weaken that course , which nothing but an absolute command could establish for the good of the commonweal . and yet notwithstanding this absolute government , they attributed such power to the course of humane actions , that by the punishment which they inflicted upon dissolute and unfortunate leaders , they seemed to acknowledge that no man , how circumspect soever , could promise more then likelihoods or probabilities of good fortune , as far forth as his means and industry could atchieve it . for old m. fabius pleading for the life of his gallant son , and opposing the rigour of papirius the dictator with examples of antiquity , saith , populi quidem , penes quem potestas omnium rerum ofset , ne iram quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent , quam ut pecunia eos multaret : capite anquisitum ob rem male gestam de imperatore nullum ad eam diem esse . the people , saith he , in whom the soveraign power of things consisteth , never shewed greater displeasure against such as had lost an army either by rashnesse or unskilfulnesse , then imposing a fine upon them : but to bring the life of a generall in question for failing in his endeavours , was never heard of to that day . the condition of the inferiour officers of their camp was far otherwise in regard of military discipline : for prescription guided them in all their services , and the chiefest part of their duty was obedience ; although they saw evident reason to the contrary , and found their directions unperfect in that behalf : and therefore caesar saith upon that occasion , aliae sunt legati partes atque imperatoris : alter omnia agere ad praescriptum , alter libere ad summam rerum consulere debet . the office of a legate or lieutenant differeth from that of a generall : the one doing all things by prescription ; and the other freely deliberating of whatsoever may concern the cause . and this course the romans held concerning the authority of their generalls . chap. xiv . ariovistus his answer . a second embassage , with the successe thereof . to that embassage ariovistus answered ; that if his occasions had required caesars assistance , he would have furthered them with his own presence : and he thought it as reasonable , that if it were in his hand to pleasure the romans , caesar ought not to think much of the like labour . for his own part , he durst not come into those parts of gallia which caesar possessed , without an armie ; nor could he draw an armie to a head without great trouble and expence . the thing that he most wondered at was , that the romans or caesar had to do in that part of gallia , which the law of armes had made his inheritance . vpon the return of this answer caesar framed a second embassage , the purport whereof was ; forasmuch as he thus requited the honour wherewith the people of rome had beautified his best dignity ( for in caesars consulship the authority of their empire had vouchsafed to esteem of him as a king in his dominions , and as a friend unto their state ) and that he disdained to admit of a parlee concerning the common good ; let him know that these were the things that he required to be performed by him : first , that he should not suffer any more troups of germans to be transported over the rhene into gallia . secondly , that he should deliver up those hostages which he had of the heduans and sequans , and should cease to molest them further with war or other injuries . these things if he did perform , caesar would assure him of a greatefull acceptance on the behalf of the people of rome : otherwise , forasmuch as in the consulships of m. messala and l. piso the senate had decreed , that he that should obtain the government of the province , should as near as it would stand with the good of the commonweale endeavour the defence of their associates and friends , he would not neglect the injuries done unto the heduans . to these mandates ariovistus replied : the law of armes kept this tenure amongst all nations , that a conquerour might govern a subdued people according as he thought best for his own safety . the people of rome did not direct the course of their government by another mans prescript , but by their own arbitrement : and as he had not directed the romans , so ought not they to meddle with his proceedings . the heduans having tried the fortune of warre , were by right become his stipendaries ; wherein caesar offered great wrong , for that his coming thither had made their tribute much lesse unto him then before . touching their hostages , his purpose was still to retain them . neither would he make any unjust warre upon any of their associates , if they observed the articles of agreement , and paid their yearly tribute : but if they failed in that , the fraternity of the romans would come too late to their succour . if caesar would needs undertake their quarrell , he was to let him know , that no man ever contended with ariovistus but to his own destruction . try when he would , he should find what valour consisted in the germans , that for fourteen yeares space never were covered with other roof then the heavens . observation . and thus farre proceeded caesar with ariovistus , in debating the wrongs and grievances of the hedui . wherein appeareth the difference between a matter handled according to moral civility , in terms of mildnesse and pleasing accent , and that which is rudely delivered , and dependeth rather upon the plainnesse of the project , then suted with words fit for perswasion . for that which ariovistus alledged to make good his interest in gallia , was as consonant to reason as any thing to the contrary urged by caesar . but as the lacedemonian said of one , that he spake the truth otherwise then it should be spoken : so it may be said of ariovistus his answer , that it wanted that sweeting humanity which giveth credit to verity it self , forasmuch as it proceedeth from a well-tempered spirit , wherein no turbulent passion seemeth to controul the force of reason , nor hinder the sentence of true judgment ; but rather seasoning her conceptions with humility , doth convertly complain of open wrong , and strengthen her assertions with a pleasing delivery . and therefore how great soever the controversy be , that party which exceedeth not the bounds of modesty , but maketh mildnesse his chiefest advocate , will so prevail in any auditory , that albeit equity doth disallow her title , yet the manner of his carriage will clear him from offering wrong , in that he useth the sequels of innocency to prove his interest in that which he demandeth . but to leave this circumstance , as onely to be noted , let us proceed to the war it self , which i made the second part of this history . chap. xv. the treviri bring news of one hundred townships of the suevi that 〈◊〉 come to the khene . caesar taketh in besanson : his souldiers are surprised with an extreme fear of the germans . at the same time that this answer was returned to caesar , there came likewise embassadours from the heduans and trevires . the heduans complained that the harudes lately transported into gallia , did depopulate and waste their borders , and that they could not buy their peace of ariovistus with giving of hostages for their alleageance . the trevires brought newes of one hundred townships of the suevi that were come to the river rhene , to seek a passage into gallia , conducted by nasua and cimberius , two brethren . whereat caesar bring exceedingly moved , thought his best means of prevention to consist in celerity , least the difficulty of resisting should grow greater , when those new forces of the suevi were joyned with the power which was already with ariovistus . and therefore having provided corn , he made hast to seek the germans . and having gone three dayes journey on his way , he had intelligence that ariovistus with all his forces was gone to take in besanson , the greatest town of the sequans ; and that he was three dayes journey on his way already . caesar knowing how much it imported him to prevent that disadvantage ( forasmuch as the town abounded with all necessary provisions for warre , and was so sited , that he that commanded it might prolong the warre at his own pleasure ; being incircled with the river alduabis , excepting a small space of six hundred foot , which was fortified with an exceeding high hill , the foot whereof did at each end joyn unto the river , and the hill strengthened with a wall , and so joyned to the town ) made all the hast he could to take the town , and there left a garrison . and as he rested there a few dayes , to make provision of corn and other necessaries , the romans enquiring of the galles and merchants concerning the quality of the germans , understood that they were men of a huge stature , of courage invincible , and of great practice and experience in feates of arms ; whereof the galles had oftentimes made tryall : for when they encountred them , they were not able to endure so much as the sternenesse of their countenance , or the fiercenesse of their looks . the whole army conceived such a fear thereat , that all mens minds were wonderfully appalled . this fear began first amongst the tribunes and commanders of horse , and such others as for friendship sake followed caesar from rome , and had small or no skill in matter of war. these men faining some one excuse and some another , of very earnest businesse which called them home , desired leave to depart . some others , whom shame would not suffer to forsake the camp , bewrayed the like passion in their countenances and behaviour : for hiding themselves in their tents , they either bewailed their destiny secretly to themselves , or otherwise with their acquaintance and familiar friends . they lamented the danger they were all like to fall into ; so that throughout the whole camp there was nothing but making & signing of testaments . and through the tal● and fearfulness of these men the old souldiers and centurions , and such as had great experience in the camp , began by little and little to apprehend the terrour wherewith the rest were amazed : and those that would seem to be lesse fearfull , said , they feared not the enemy , but the narrownesse of the wayes , and the greatnesse of the woods that were between them and ariovistus ; or otherwise they cast doubts where they might have provision of corn. and many stuck not to tell caesar , that whensoever he should give commandment to march forward , or advance the standards , the souldiers would refuse to do it . observation . wherein for that we find a strange alteration , no way answerable to that courage which a late-gotten victory doth usually breed in noble spirits ; it shall not be amisse a little to insist upon the quality of the accident , and to gather such brief instructions from their weaknesse , as may best serve to qualify the amazement of horrour , and mitigate the frensy of so violent a passion . and albeit my ignorance in the works of nature cannot promise any such learning , as may discover the true means and secret motions whereby a fore-conceived fear doth trouble the senses , and astonish the mind ; yet sith the history offereth it to our scanning , give me leave only to note the strangenesse of the circumstance , and rudely to delineate the pourtraiture of a beast oftener seen then well known , using the unwieldy pile for my pencill , and suting my speech to a warlike auditory . i know not how it happeneth , but thus it may happen , that when the senses receive intelligence of an eminent evil , which may either dispossess the soul of this earthly mansion , or trouble the quiet wherein she resteth , the spirits ( as it seemeth ) by the direction of their soveraign mistresse , retire themselves into the inner cabinets and secreter pavillions of the body , where the chiefest part of the soul is most resident : and so they leave the frontier quarters of her kingdome naked and ungarrisoned , the better to strengthen that capitall city of the heart , out of which the life cannot fly , but to the utter ruine and destruction of the whole body . for fear is not only a perturbation of the soul proceeding from the opinion it hath of some evil to come ; but it is also a contraction and closing up of the heart , when the bloud and the spirits are recalled from the outward parts , to assist that place which giveth life and motion to all the rest . in this chaos and confusion of humours and spirits , when the multiplicity of faculties ( which otherwise require an ordinate distinction in their service , and by the order of nature should be disposed into severall instruments , and be dilated throughout the body ) are thus blended confusedly together , the conceptions of the mind , which presently rise from these advertisements , are suddenly choaked with the disordered mixture of so many severall properties , and are stifled as it were in the throng , before they can be transported to our judgement or examined by reason , for want of that ordinate uniformity of place which nature requireth in the powers of the mind . and hence proceedeth that amazednesse and astonishment , which so daunteth the hearts of men , when they are taken with this passion , that because the soul giveth no counsell , the body can afford no motion , but standeth forzen through the extremity of the perturbation , benummed in sense , and forsaken of the spirits . so we read that theophilus the emperour , in an overthrow which he had given him by the hagarens , was strucken with such an excessive fear , that he could not betake himself to ●light ( adeo pavor etiam auxilia formidat ) untill one of his chief commanders shaking him by the shoulder , as though he were to awake him out of a deep sleep , threatned him with present death , if he would not prevent the ruine of the empire , by using that means which was only left for his safety . again , if in that turbulent consistory the spirits chance distinctly to receive any apprehension proceeding from the forgeing faculty of the soul , they carry it presently to execution before it be examined by reason , and follow the action with such vehemency , that they leave no place for better advice and reknowledgement . and this is the cause that oftentimes through extremity of fear , to avoid one evil we run headlong into a worse , and find a greater danger in the means we use to avoid a lesse ; because reason did not first try the apprehension , before it was delivered to externall agents . and so we find in the battel between germanicus and the almans , that two grosse troups of souldiers were driven into such an extasy of fear , that taking , contrary courses to avoid one & the same danger , they either of them fled to that place which the other had quitted : neither could they be advised by each others flight , that the places which they sought after afforded them no remedy . and albeit reason be called to counsell when a parlee is summoned of composition , yet it beareth so small a sway in the consultation , that the will of it self concludeth to betray vertue to dishonour , and so to purchase peace with the losse of the souls chiefest treasure : which ought ever to be estimated at a higher rate then any other happinesse which can betide the mind . for among all the sensible things of this world , there is no creature that hath such a confused fear , or is more amazed therewith , then man is : neither is there any misery greater , or any bondage more shamefull , servile or vile , then this , which maketh men very abjects of all other creatures , to redeem the evil which the danger threatneth : and then doth shame follow after so base a part , and aggravate the burthen of the sin with loathsome disgrace , and penitent discontentment ; adding oftentimes aloes to wormwood , and making the end grievouser then the beginning . and thus doth danger breed fear , and fear yieldeth to dishonour , and dishonour bringeth shame , & shame being alwayes mingled with wrath and anger , revengeth it self upon it self , and bringeth more peril then the first danger could threaten . whereby it appeareth that as the affections of the mind are bred one of another ; so on the contrary part some are bridled and restrained by others : for as envy , hatred and anger rise oftentimes of love ; so is joy lessened with grief , envy with mercy , and fear with shame . but forasmuch as all such perturbations proceed of ignorance and inconsideratenesse , whereby we think that the evil is greater then indeed it is ; let us consider what disposition of our judgement best moderateth the violent heat of these affections . and first , touching the passages whereby the soul receiveth her advertisements , as they are of divers natures , the chiefest whereof are the eye and the ear ; so are their avisoes different in quality , and require a severall consideration to be rightly discerned . the intelligence by the eye is more certain then that which cometh by the way of hearing ; forasmuch as the eye is a witnesse it self of every action whereof it taketh notice , neither is it deceived in its proper object : and therefore the judgement is not much troubled to determine definitively how great or how small the danger is , when the relations carry alwayes that certainty . and albeit the care in like manner be not deceived in her proper object , for it faithfully giveth up that sense which sound hath delivered unto it ; yet forasmuch as the fantasy hath greater scope to coin her vain conceptions , in regard of the absence of the action , it is necessary that the discoursing faculty be called for an assistant , before the judgement can truly determine : and then it will appear that the truth doth not alwayes answer the report which is made thereof ; inasmuch as diseased spirits will not stick to dilate or qualify relations , according to the key wherein they themselves are tuned . and therefore this first cometh to be considered of in all such violent commotions , by which of these two senses the first intelligence was received . but concerning the judgement it self this is most certain , that the more it is infected with the corruptions of the flesh , the more violent are the affections of the soul . and again , the purer the judgement is , and the higher it is lifted up from earthly natures , being no further interessed therein then to hold a resolution of well doing , the fewer and lighter are the affections which trouble and molest it : for then it better discerneth the truth and falsehood , good or evil that is in things . to redresse this inconvenience , caesar betook himself to the fittest and most proper remedy ; which was by the authority of his speech to restore reason to her former dignity , and by discourse , which fear had interrupted in them , to put down a usurping passion , which had so troubled the government of the soul , recalling it to the mean of true resolution , which was to moderate audacity with warinesse , but not to choak valour with beastly cowardice : for these oratory inducing perswasions were not the least point of their discipline ; considering how they framed the inward habite of the mind ( being the fountain and beginning of all motion ) to give life and force to those actions , which the severity of outward discipline commanded . for as laws and constitutions of men inforce obedience of the body : so reason and perswasions must win the souls consent , according to that saying , homines duci volunt , non cogi . chap. xvi . caesar his speech to the army concerning this fear . caesar being informed of these things , called a councell of war , admitting all the centurions , of what degrees or orders soever , unto the same . and being thus assembled , he greatly blamed them , first , that any should be so inquisitive , as to imagine to themselves whither , & upon what service they were carried . concerning ariovistus , he had in the time of caesars consulship most earnestly sued for the friendship of the people of rome : and why then should any man misdeem that he should so unadvisedly go back from his duty ? for his own part he was verily perswaded , that if ariovistus once knew his demands , and understood the reasonable offers that he would make him , he would not easily reject his friendship , or the favour of the people of rome . but if he were so mad as to make war upon them , why should they fear him ? or why should they despair either of their own prowesse , or of caesars diligence ? for if it came to that point , the enemy that they were to encounter had been tried what he could do twice before ; first in the memory of their fathers , when the cambri and teuton● were vanquished by marius , at what time the army merited no lesse honour then the generall : and now of late again in italy , at the insurrection of the bondmen ; who were not a little furthered through the practice and discipline they had learned of the romans . whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute ; insomuch as whom for a time they feared without cause , being naked and unarmed , the same men afterwards ( although well armed and conquerers withall ) they nobly overcame . and to be short , these were no other germans then those whom the helvetians had vanquished in divers conflicts ; and not only in their own country , where the helvetians dwelt themselves , but also even at home at their own doors : and yet the same helvetians were not able to make their party good against our armies . if any man were moved at the flight and overthrow of the galles , upon inquiry he should find , that being wearied with continuall wars ( after that a●●ovistus had for many months together kept himself within his camp , in a boggy and fenny country ) and despairing of any occasion of battel , he suddenly set upon them as they were dispersed , and so overcame them , rather by policy then by force . which although it took place against savage and unskilfull people , yet was not ariovistus so simple as to think that he could insnare our armies with the like subtilties . as for those that fained the cause of their fear to be the difficulty of provision of corn , and the dangerousnesse of the way , they seemed very arrogant in their conceits , in presuming to direct their generall , as if he had not known what pertained to his duty . the sequans and lingons had undertook that charge ; besides that corn was almost ripe every where in the fields : and what the wayes were should shortly be seen . whereas it was given out that the souldiers would not obey his mandates , nor advance their standards , he little valued it ; for he was well assured , that if an army refused to be obedient to their generall , it was either because he was thought to be unfortunate in his enterprises , or else for that he was notoriously convicted of avarice : but the whole course of his life should witnesse his innocency , and the overthrow of the helvetians his happinesse . and therefore that which he was minded to have put off for a longer time , he would now put in execution out of hand : for the night following , at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence ; that without further delay he might understand , whether shame and respect of their duty would prevail more with them , then fear or cowardise . and though he wist that no man else would follow him , yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legion alone , of whom he had no doubt or suspicion , and would take them as a guard to his person . caesar had chiefly favoured this legion , and put much trust in them for their valour . vpon the making of this speech , the minds of all men were wonderfully changed ; for it bred in every one a great alacrity and desire to fight : neither did the tenth legion forget to give him thanks by their tribunes for the good opinion he had of them , assuring him of their readinesse to set forward to the war. and then likewise the rest of the legions made means by the tribunes of the souldiers and centurions of the first orders , to give caesar satisfaction ; protesting they neither doubted nor feared , nor gave any censure of the issue of that war , but alwayes left it to the wisdome of the generall . their satisfaction being taken and a view being made of the wayes by divitiacus ( whom of all the galles he best trusted ) and report being by him made , that in fetching a compasse of fifty miles he might carry his army in open and champain countries ; in the fourth watch of the night , according to his former saying , he set forward . the first observation . in the speech it self are presented many specialities , both concerning their discipline and military instructions , which deserve examination : amongst which i note first , the extraordinary number admitted to the councell ; omnium ordinum ad id concilium ad●ibitis conturionibus : whereas there were usually no more admitted to their councell of war but the legates , questor , tribunes , and the centurions of the first orders : which i understand to be the first hastate , the first pri●●eps , and the first pilu●● of every legion . and this is manifestly proved out of the fi●th commentary , where cicero was besieged by ambiorix : in which , amongst other , there were two valiant centurions , puisio and varenus , between whom there was every year great emulation for place of preferment : & jam primis ord●●bus 〈…〉 , saith caesar , that is , they had passed by degrees through the lower orders of the legion , and were very near the dignity of the first cohort ; wherein , as in all the rest , there were three maniples , and in every maniple two orders . the second observation . the first motive which he useth to recall their exiled judgement , discovered their breath of discipline : for contrary to the course of military government , they had presumed not only to make inquiry , but to give out whether , and upon what service they were carried ; which in the rigour of camp-policy could not passe without due punishment . for what can more contradict the fortunate successe of an expedition , then to suffer it to be measured with the vulgar conceit , or weighed in the balance of such false judgements ? especially when those weak censors are to be actors and executioners of the designe : for then every man will sute the nature of the action according to his own humour ; although his humour be led with blindnesse , and have no other direction then an uncertain apprehension of profit or disadvantage . and in this case there cannot be a better president then nature hath prescribed : for as naturall agents , whilst they concurre to produce a work of absolute perfection , neither know what they do , nor can discern the things they look upon , but yield themselves to be guided by a moderatour of infinite knowledge : so ought a multitude to submit their ability to the direction of some wise and prudent captain , that beholdeth the action in true honour , and balanceth the losse of many particulars with the health and safety of the publick good . for if every man should prescribe , who should obey ? tam nescire quaedam milites , quam scire oportet , saith otho in tacitus , upon the like disorder : and again , parendo potius quam imperia ducum sciscitando , res militares continentur . which proveth that the greatest vertue which is required in a souldier is obedience ; as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth . the third observation . in the reason which he useth to prove their disparity of valour in regard of the romans , who were superiour to the helvetians that had oftentimes overthrown the germans , he strengtheneth the argument with the advantage of the place , and saith that the helvetians had put them to the worst , not onely where the helvetians dwelt themselves , but even in their own country , and at home at their own doors : as though an enemy were charged with greater fury in the presence of a mans own country and dearest friends , then in a strange and unknown land . this question was handled in the roman senate by fabius maximus , and scipio surnamed africanus , when they sate in councell how to rid their country of that subtile carthaginian , that for sixteen years space had fretted like a canker the beauty of italy , wasted the land , and brought it to desolation , sacked their confederates , or alienated them from their duty , overthrown their armies , slain their consuls , and threatned their imperiall city with ruine and destruction . fabius , upon the motion to make war in africk , thought it agreeable to nature first to defend that which was their own , before they attempted other mens possessions : when peace was established in italy , then let war be set on foot in africk ; and first let them be without fear themselves , before they went about to terrify others : for those forces afforded little hope of victory in another kingdome , that were not able to free their own country from so dangerous an enemy . alcibiades overthrew the athenian commonweal with the like counsell : and concerning hannibal , let them be sure of this , that they should find him a sorer enemy in his own country then in another kingdome . scipio on the other side , carried on with the honour of so glorious an enterprise , wanted neither reasons nor example to impugne fabius his authority : for he shewed that agathocles the syracusian king , being a long time afflicted with the punick war , averted the carthaginian from sicily by transporting his forces into africk . but how powerfull it was to take away fear by retorting danger upon the oppressour , could there be a presenter example then hannibal ? there was great difference in the nature of the action , between the spoil and wast of a strangers country , and to see their own native country wasted with sword and destruction : plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti . for he that invadeth anothers kingdome , easily discovereth both the advantage which may be taken against the enemy , and the strength whereupon he resteth . and amongst the variable events of war , many unexpected occasions arise , which present victory to him that is ready to take it ; and many strange chances so alter the course of things , that no foresight can discern what may happen . with these and the like remonstrances , this question of no lesse doubt then importance was handled by two famous and worthy captains , whose minds ( as it seemed ) were intangled with such particular affections for the present , as might rather draw them to wrest reason to their own humour , then to determine in sincerity of judgement upon what specialities the truth was grounded , in the contrariety of their positions . but to leave other commodities or disadvantages which were annexed unto either part , i will onely set down some reasons , to prove how valour and courage may either grow or be abated by the accidents which rise in a war of that nature . and first this cannot be denied , the testimony of an infallible truth being grounded upon the property of mans nature , that as advantage bringeth hope of victory , and hope conceiveth such spirits as usually follow , when the thing which is hoped for is effected , and thereby the courage becometh hardy and resolute in victory : so on the other side , disadvantage and danger breed fear , & fear so checketh valour , and controuleth the spirits , that vertue and honour give place to distrust , and yield up their interest to such directours as can afford nothing but diffidence and irresolution . neither can to be denied but he that setteth upon an enemy in a strange country , and so preventeth such attempts as might be made upon his own territories , hath that advantage which giveth life unto action , and steeleth his enterprise with resolution . for besides the commodity of leaving when he list , and proceeding as far forth as he shall find his means able to fortunate his attempts , he knoweth that the strife and controversy is not forth is native country , which he quietly enjoyeth , and is reserved at all times to entertain him , howsoever fortune shall favour his designes : but for a strangers kingdome , which his ambition thirsteth after , wherein , forasmuch as the riches and wealth of that state are laid before them as the recompence of their labour , besides the honour which is atchieved thereby , every mans valour soareth at a high pitch , and their courage is increased , without any trouble or disturbance of the other faculties of the mind . but when a prince shall be assaulted in his own ●ingdome , and in the sight of his subjects have ●is land consumed with ruine and destruction ; the danger will so disturb the powers of the soul , tha●●●ough the turbulent disorder of the weaker parts , the better faculties will lose their prerogative of advising how the enemy may be best resisted , when as every man shall apprehend the terrour of the danger , and few or none conceive the true means to avoid it . and albeit the presence of such things as are dearest to his soul , as the piety and respect of aged parents , the tender affection towards wife and children , are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution ; yet the motives are of such weight , as will rather make them dissident of their own worth , as unsufficient to maintain so great a cause , then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth : forasmuch as the terrour and fear of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their mind , then the hope of victory can afford them joy . hence therefore groweth the difference between him that seeketh to maintain that estate which he hath in possession by force of arms , and another that seeketh to increase his means by valour . for the former is presented with the danger of losing all his estate ; which affrighteth and troubleth , having no other reward propounded unto him : and the other looketh upon the advantage which he gaineth by overcoming , which much increaseth his valour , without any losse or disadvantage , if he chance to be put to the worst . and therefore there is alwayes great odds between him that hath already lost his goods , and is by that means become desperate , having nothing further to lose ; and another that yet keepeth his substance , but is in danger to lose it : for fear will so dismay his mind , that he will rather distrust his own ability , then entertain a resolution of valour . to prove this , we need not seek other examples , then those imperiall cities in whose cause this controversy was first moved . for when hannibal was come into italy , and had defeated sempronius the consul at trebia , the romans were driven into such an extasy of terrour , that they believed verily that the enemy was then coming to assault the city ; neither had they any hope or aide in themselves to keep or defend the same . on the other side , scipio was no sooner landed in africk , but there was such a tumult in carthage , as though the city had been already taken : neither could the opinion of victory , which hannibal by a conquering army in italy had confirmed for sixteen years together , prevail in the apprehension of so imminent a danger . and then that which fabius borrowed of nature to teach the romans ( that first men ought to defend their own , before they seek other mens possessitons ) was carefully followed by the carthaginians : for with all speed they sent for hannibal out of italy , to be their champion against young scipio . if therefore other things be correspondent ( as there are many other particularities concerning the power and strength of either nation to be considered ) i take it much better for a prince to invade an enemy in his own country , then to attend him at home in his own kingdome . the fourth observation . the last circumstance which i note in this speech , was the trust which he reposed in the tenth legion , being in it self peradventure as faulty as any other : wherein he shewed great art and singular wisdome . for he that hath once offended , and is both burdened with the guilt of conscience and upbraided with the reproach of men , can hardly be perswaded that his fault can be purged with any satisfaction . and although the punishment be remitted , yet the memory of the fact will never be blotted out with any vertuous action , but still remaineth , to cast dishonour upon the offender , and to accuse him of disloyalty . and therefore it oftentimes happeneth , that an errour being once rashly committed , through despair of remission admitteth no true penitency , but either draweth on more grievous crimes , confirming that of the poet , scelere scelus ●uendum est ; or maintaineth his errour by wilfull obstinacy : as it is said of the lion , that being found by hunters in a cave , he will rather dy in the place then quit it , for shame that he was found in so base a place of refuge ; and therefore his property is thus expressed , ingrediendo caecus , exeundo protervus . this did caesar wisely prevent , by clearing the tenth legion of that of which he accused the rest of the army ; which made them the more earnest to answer his expectation , inasmuch as they were witnesse to themselves of a common errour : and the other legious envying at their fortune , resolved to shew as great alacrity in the sequele of the war , and to deserve more then the judgement of the emperour had imputed to their fellows . chap. xvii . the treaty between caesar and ariovistus . the seventh day , as he continued on his march , his espials brought him word that ariovistus with all his forces was within twenty four miles of that place : who as soon as he understood of caesars coming , sent embassadours unto him , declaring that forasmuch as he was come somewhat nearer , and that he might do it without danger , he was content to admit of a parlee . caesar refused not the offer , thinking now to find him reasonable , in that he offered of his own accord what he had formerly denied at caesars request : and thereby was in good hope , that understanding what was required , he would in the end consider of the many favours he had received from the people of rome , and desist from such wilful courses . the fifth day following was appointed for the treaty . in the mean time there passed often messages reciprocally between them . ariovistus required that caesar would not bring any footmen to the parlee , for that he feared to be circumvented by treachery ; and therefore thought fit that either party should come only with their cavalrie : otherwise he would not give meeting . caesar , not willing to put off the treaty for any such cause , nor yet daring to put himself in trust to the french horse , thought it most convenient to leave the french riders behind him , and to set the souldiers of the tenth legion ( whom he best trusted ) upon their horses ; that if he stood in need , he might have a faithfull guard of his friends about him . whereupon one of the souldiers said prettily , that caesar had done more for them then he had promised ; for he had said before he would make the tenth legion as a guard to his person , and now he had inrolled them all for horsemen . there was a great and open plain , and in the midst thereof a rising mount , which was almost in the mid way between both the camps : and thither , according to the agreement , they came to parlee . the legion which caesar had brought with him on horseback , he placed two hundred paces from the said mount : and likewise the horsemen of ariovistus stood in the same distance . ariovistus requested they might talk on horseback , and bring each of them ten persons to the conference . at their meeting , caesar began his speech with a commemoration of the favours and benefits the senate had done unto him , in that he was by their authority intituled by the name of a king and a friend , and thereupon had received great gifts : which favour fell but unto a few , and was by the romans given only to men of great desert : whereas he , without any occasion of accesse unto them , or other just cause on his behalf , had obtained those honours through his courtesy , and the bounty of the senate . he shewed him further what ancient and reasonable causes of amity tied them so firm to the heduans : what decrees and orders of senate had oftentimes been made in their favour and behoof : that from all antiquity the heduan● had held the principality of gallia , and that long before they were in amity with the romans . the people of rome had alwayes this 〈…〉 , not only to endeavour that their allies and confederates should not lose any thing of their proper ; but also that they might increase in dignity and reputation : and therefore who could endure to see that forced from them , which they quietly possessed when they entered league with the romans ? in like manner he required the performance of such things which he had formerly given in charge to his embassadours ; that he should not make war either upon the heduans , or their associates : that he should restore their hostages : and if he could not return any part of the germans back again over the rhene , yet he should forbear to bring any more into that coun●●y . ariovistus made little answer to caesars demands , but spake much of his own vertues and valour ; that he was come over the rhene , not out of his own desire , but at the mediation and intreaty of the galles ; that he had not left his house and kindred but with great hope of high rewards ; the possessions he had in gallia were given him by themselves ; their hostages were voluntarily delivered unto him ; he took tribute by the law of arms , which was such as conquerours might lay upon the vanquished ; he made no war upon the galles , but the galles made war upon him : all the states of gallia came to fight against him , and had put themselves into the field , whose forces were in one battell all dispersed and overthrown . if they were desirous to make another triall , he was ready to undertake them : but if they would have peace , it were an injury to retract that tribute which of their own accord they had paid untill that time . he expected that the amity of the people of rome should be rather an honour and a safety , then a losse unto him , and that he had sought it to that end : but if by their meanes the tribute due unto him should be retracted , he would as willingly refuse their friendship as he had desired it . in that he had brought so many germans into gallia , it was rather for his own defence , then of any purpose to subdue the country ; as might appear by that he had not come thither but upon intreaty , and set no warre on foot but for his own defence . he was seated in gallia before the romans came thither ; neither had the people of rome before that time carried their army beyond the bounds of their province : and therefore he knew not what he meant to intrude himself into his possessions . this was his province of gallia , as that was ours : and as it was not lawfull for him to command in our quarters , so it was not fitting that they should disturb his government . in that he alleadged the heduans were by decree of senate adopted into the amity of the people of rome ; he was not so barbarous , or unacquainted with the course of things , as to be ignorant that in the last warre of the allobroges they were aiding and assisting to the romans : and in the quarrell the heduans had with the sequans , the romans were in like manner assisting unto them . whereupon he had good occasion to suspect that caesar , under pretence of league and amity , kept his army in gallia for his ruine and destruction : and that if he did not depart and withdraw his army out of those countries , he would no longer take him for a friend , but for an enemy . and if his fortune were to stay him , he should perform a very acceptable service to many noble and chief men of rome ( as he had well understood by letters and messengers he had received from them ) whose favour and amity he should purchase by taking away his life . but if he would depart , and leave him the free possession of gallia , he would gratify him with great rewards : and what war soever he desired to be undertaken , should be gone through withall , without his perill or charge . many things were spoken by ca●sar , to shew why he could not desist from that course ; for neither was it his use , nor the custome of the people of rome , to forsake their wel-deserving associates : neither could he think that gallia did rather belong to ariovistus then the romans . the arve●s and rutenes were in due course of warre subdued by q. fabius maximus : whom the people of rome had pardoned , and not reduced to a province , or made them stipendiaries . and if antiquitie were looked into , the people of rome had good claim to that countrey : but forasmuch as the intention and will of the senate was they should remain a free people , they were suffered to be governed by their own lawes , and left unto themselves , notwithstanding any former conquest by force of armes . whilst these things were treated of in parlee , it was told caesar that ariovistus horsemen did approach nearer to the mount , and that accosting our men they assaulted them with stones and other weapons : whereupon he brake off , and betook himself to his party , commanding them not to cast a weapon at the enemy . for albeit he well perceived he might without peril of that elect legion give battel to his cavalry ; yet he thought sit to refrain , least it should be said he had intrapped them with a parlee , contrary to faith made and agreement . after it was reported amongst the vulgar souldiers how arrogantly ariovistus had carried himself in the treaty , forbidding the romans to frequent any part of gallia , and that their cavalry had assaulted our men , and that thereupon the parlee brake off ; the army was possessed with a greater alacrity and desire to fight then before . two dayes after ariovistus sent messengers to caesar , signifying that he desired to treat with him concerning those things which were left unperfect , and thereupon willed him to appoint another day of meeting ; or if he liked not that , to send some unto him with authority to conclude of such things as should be found expedient . caesar was unwilling to give any further meeting ; and the rather , for that the day before the germans could not be restrained from violence and force of armes . neither did he think he might safely expose the person of any of his followers to the inhumanity of such barbarous people ; and therefore thought it fittest to send unto him m. valerius procillus the sonne of c. valerius caburius , ae vertuous young man , and well bred , whose father was made free of rome by c. valer. flaccus : which he did the rather in regard of his singular integrity , and his perfectnesse in the french tongue , which ariovistus through long continuance had learned ; and that the germans had no cause of offence against him . and with him he sent m. titius , that was familiarly acquainted with ariovistus , with instruction to hear what was said , and to make report thereof to caesar . whom as soon as ariovistus saw come into his camp , he cried out in the presence of his army , demanding wherefore they came thither , and whether they were not sent as spies . and as they were about to make answer , he cut them off and commanded them to be put in irons . the same day he removed his camp , and lodged himself under a hill , six miles from caesar . the next day he brought his forces along by caesars camp , and incamped himself two miles beyond him ; of purpose to cut off all such corn and convoies as should be sent to the romans by the heduans and sequans . from that day forward by the space of five dayes together , caesar imbattelled his men before his camp ; to the intent that if ariovistus had a mind to give battell , he might do it when he would . but ariovistus all this while kept his army within his camp ▪ and daily sent out his horsemen to skirmish with the romans . this was the manner of fighting which the germans had practised : there were horsemen , and as many strong and nimble footmen , whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host , every man one for his safeguard : these they had alwayes at hand with them in battell , and unto these they resorted for succour . if the horsemen were over-charged , these ever stept in to help them . if any one were wounded or unhorsed , they came about him and succoured him . if the matter required either to adventure forward , or to retire speedily back again , their swiftnesse was such ( through continuall exercise ) that hanging on the horse-mane by the one hand , they would run as fast as the horses . observation . it may seem strange unto the souldiers of our time , that the footmen should be mingled pell-mell amongst the horsemen , without hurt and disadvantage to themselves ; so unlikely it is that they should either succour the horsemen in any danger , or annoy the enemy : and therefore some have imagined that these footmen in the encounter cast themselves into one body , and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen . but the circumstances of this place , & of others which i will alledge 〈◊〉 purpose , plainly evince that these footmen were mingled indifferently amongst the ●orsemen , to assist every particular man as his 〈◊〉 and occasion required : and therefore the choise of these footmen was permitted to the horsemen , in whose service they were to be imployed , that every man might take his friend , in whom he reposed greatest confidence . when they were overcharged , these stept in to help them ; if any man were wounded or unhorsed , he had his footman ready to assist him : and when they were to go upon any speedy service , or suddenly to retire upon advantage , they stayed themselves upon the mane of the horses with one hand , and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go . which services they could not possibly have performed without confusion and disorder , if the footmen had not severally attended upon them , according to the affection specified in their particular election . the principall use of these footmen of the germans consisted in the aid of their own horsemen upon any necessity , not so much regarding their service upon the enemy , as the assistance of their horsemen . but the romans had long before practiced the same art to a more effectuall purpose ; namely , as a principall remedy not onely to resist , but to defeat far greater troups of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them . whereof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth , is recorded by livie in the second punick war , at the siege of capua , under the regiment of quintus fulvius the consul ; where it is said that in all their conflicts , as the roman legions returned with the better , so their cavalry was alwayes put to the worst : and therefore they invented this means , to make that good by art which was wanting in force . out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men , both for strength and agility , and to them were given little round bucklers , and seven darts apiece in stead of their other weapons : these souldiers practiced to ride behind the horsemen , and speedily to light from the horses at a watch-word given , and so to charge the enemy on foot . and when by exercise they were made so expert , that the novelty of the invention no whit affrighted them , the roman horsemen went forth to encounter with the enemy , every man carrying his foot-souldier behind him ; who at the encounter suddenly alighting , charged upon the enemy with such a fury , that they followed them in slaughter to the gates of capua . and hence , saith livie , grew the first institution of the velites : which ever after that time were inrolled with the legions . the authour of this stratagem is said to be one q. navius a centurion , and was honourablie rewarded by fulvius the consul for the same . salust in the history of jugurth saith , that marius mingled the velites with the cavalry of the associates , ut quacunque invaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent . the like practice was used by caesar , as appeareth in the third book of the civil war ; saving that in stead of the velites , he mingled with his horsemen four hundred of the lustiest of his legionary souldiers , to resist the cavalry of pompey , while the rest of his army passed over the river genusum , after the overthrow he had at dyrrachium : qui tantum profecere , saith the text , ut equestri praelio commisso , pellerent omnes , complures interficerent , ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent . many other places might be recited ; but these are sufficient to prove that the greatest captains of ancient times strengthened their cavalry with footmen dispersed amongst them . the roman horsemen , saith polybius , at the first carried but a weak limber pole or staffe , and a little round buckler ; but afterwards they used the furniture of the graecians : which josephus affirmeth to be a strong launce or staffe , and three or four darts in a quiver , with a buckler , and a long sword by their right side . the use of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troup , pouldron to pouldron ; and that manner of fight afforded no means to intermingle footmen : but when they used their darts , every man got what advantage of ground he could , as our carbines for the most part do , and so the footmen might have place among them : or otherwise for so good an advantage they would easily make place for the foot-men to serve among them . but howsoever it was , it appeareth by this circumstance how little the romans feared troups of horse , considering that the best means to defeat their horse was by their foot companies . but to make it more plain , of many examples i will only alledge two ; the one out of livie , to prove that the roman horsemen were not comparable for service to footmen : the other out of hirtius , to shew the same effect against strangers , & numidian horsemen . in the consulships of l. valerius and marcus horatius , valerius having fortunately overthrown the equi and the volsci , horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war against the sabines ; wherein it happened , that in the day of battell the sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault upon the left cornet of the romans , as they were in conflict : which took such effect , that the legionary footmen of that cornet were forced to retreat . which the roman horsemen ( being in number six hundred ) perceiving , and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy , they presently forsook their horses , and made hast to make good the place on foot ; wherein they carried themselves so valiantly , that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the sabines , and then betook themselves again to their horses , to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled . for the second point ; the numidians , as caesar witnesseth , were the best horsemen that ever he met with , and used the same art as the germans did , mingling among them light-armed footmen . and ambuscado of these numidians charging the legions upon a suddain , the history saith that primo impetu legionis equitatus & levis armatura , hostium nullo negotio , loco pulsa & dejecta est de colle . and as they sometimes retired , and sometimes charged upon the rereward of the army , according to the manner of the numidian fight , the history saith , caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent , & pila viribus contortain numidas infestos con●ecissent , amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant . so that to free himself of this inconvenience , he took his horsemen out of the rereward , and placed his legions there , ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat . and ever as he marched , he caused three hundred souldiers of every legion to be free and without burthen , that they might be ready upon all occasions ; quos in equitatum labie● immisit . tum labienus , conversis equis , signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere , multis ejus occisis , compluribus vulneratis : milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa , atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt . i alledge the very words of the history , to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion . if any man will look into the reason of this disparity , he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the roman pile ( an unresistable weapon ) and the terrour of horsemen ; especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place , and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them . but to make it plain that any light-armed footmen could better make head against a troup of horse , then the cavalrie of their own partie , although they bear but the same weapons : let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot , either to take an advantage , or to shun and avoid any danger ; casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty , then the horsemen could do . for as the force of all the engines of old time , as the balistae , catapultae and tolenones , proceeded from that stability and resting centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine ▪ so what force soever a man maketh , must principally proceed from that firmnesse and stay which nature , by the earth , or some other unmoveable rest , giveth to the body , from whence it taketh more or lesse strength , according to the violence which it performeth ; as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground , by so much treadeth heavier upon the earth , by how much the thing is heavier then his body . the footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoize their forced motion then the horsemen had , cast their darts with greater violence , and consequently with more certainty . chap. xviii . caesar preventeth ariovistus of his purpose , by making two camps . when caesar perceived that ariovistus meant nothing lesse then to fight , but kept himself within his camp ; least peradventure he should intercept the sequans , and other of his associates , as they came with convoies of corn to the romans , beyond that place wherein the germans aboad about six hundred paces from their camp , he chose a ground meet to incamp in : and marching thither in three battells , commanded two of them to stand ready in armes , and the third to fortify the camp. ariovistus sent sixteen thousand foot and all his horse to interrupt the souldiers , and hinder the intrenchment . notwithstanding caesar , as he had before determined , caused two battells to withstand the enemy , and the third to go through with the work : which being ended he left there two legions , and part of the associate forces , and led the other four legions back again into the greater camp. the next day caesar , according to his custome , brought his whole power out of both his camps ; & marching a little from the greater camp , he put his men in array , and profered battell to the enemy : but perceiving that ariovistus would not stirre out of his trenches , about noon he conveighed his army into their severall camps . then at length ariovistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser camp. the incounter continued very sharp on both parts untill the evening ; and at sun-setting , after many wounds given and taken , ariovistus conveighed his army again into their camp. and as caesar made inquiry of the captives , what the reason was that ariovistus refused battell , he found this to be the cause ; the germans had a custome , that the women should by casting of lots and southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no : and that they found by their art the germans could not get the victory , if they fought before the new moon . the first observation . first , we may observe what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the romans observed , and by which they conquered so many nations : for besides the safety which it afforded their own troups , it served for a hold well-fenced and manned , or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage ; and as oft as they thought it expedient , either to fortifie themselves , or impeach the enemy , by cutting off his passages , hindering his attempts , blocking up his camp , besides many other advantages , all averring the saying of domitius corbulo , dolabra vincendum esse hostem : a thing long time neglected , but of late happily renewed by the commanders of such forces as serve the states in the united provinces of belgia ; whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertain the use of the spade , and to hold it in as great reputation as any weapons whatsoever , which may be thought worthy executioners of the deeds of armes . the second observation . in the second place we may observe that there was no nation so barbarous ( for i understand the germans to be as barbarous , in regard of the motions of religion , as any known nation of that time , being in a climate so near the north , that it afforded no contemplation at all ) that could not make use in their greatest affairs , of that superstition to which their mind was naturally inthralled , and forge prophesies and divinations , as well to stirr up as to moderate the irregular motions of a multitude , according as they might best serve to advantage their proceedings . neither did caesar let slip the occasion of making use of this their religion : for understanding by their prisoners that their divinations forbad them to fight before the new moon , he used all the means he could to provoke them to battell ; that their religious opinion of mischieving might prejudice their resolution to return conquerers . which may serve to prove , that a superstitious people are subject to many inconveniences , which industry or fortune may discover to their overthrow . it is recorded that columbus being generall of some forces which ferdinando king of castile sent to discover the west indies , and suffering great penury for want of victuals in the i le of jamaica , after that he had observed how the ilanders worshipped the moon , and having knowledge of an eclipse that was shortly after to happen , he told the inhabitants that unlesse they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time , the wrath of their god should quickly appear towards them , by changing his bright shining face into obscurity and darknesse : which was no sooner happened , but the poor indians , strucken with a superstitious fear of that which the course of nature required , kept nothing back that might assist their enemies to depopulate and over-run their own country . chap. xix . caesar seeketh meanes to give them battel , and the germans dispose themselves thereunto . the next day caesar left a sufficient garrison in each of his camps ; and forasmuch as the number of his legionary souldiers was small , in respect of the multitude of the germans , he placed all the auxiliarie troups for a shew before the lesser camp : and putting his legions in a triple battell , he marched towards the camp of ariovistus . and then at length were the germans constrained to bring out their power , setting every tribe and people by themselves , in like distance and order of battell ( as the harudes , marcomans , triboces , vangiones , nemetes , sedusians and swevians ) and environing their whole army with carts and carriages , that there might be no hope at all left to save any man by flight . and in these they placed their women , that they by their out-stretched hands and teares moving pity , might implore the souldiers , as they descended by course to the battell , not to deliver them into the bondage and thraldome of the romans . caesar assigned to every legion a legat and a questor , that every man might have an eye-witnesse of his valour : and he himself began the battell with the right cornet , forasmuch as he perceived that part of ariovistus army to be the weakest . the first observation . the romans , even from the infancy of their state , were ever zealous admirers of true honour , and alwayes desired to behold with the eye to what measure of vertue every man had attained ; that the tongue with greater fervency of spirit might sound out the celebration of macte virtute , which imported more honour then any wealth that could be heaped upon them . neither was this the least part of their wisedome ; considering that the most pretious things that are lose much of their worth , if they be not suted with other correspondent natures , whose sympathy addeth much more excellency then is discerned when they appear by themselves without such assistance . for how small is the beauty which nature hath given to the eye-pleasing diamond , when it is not adorned with an artificiall form ? or what perfection can the form give , without a foile to strengthen it ? or what good is in either of them , if the light do not illuminate it ? or what avail all these , where there wanteth an eye to admire it , a judgement to value it , and an heart to imbrace it ? such a union hath nature imprinted in the diversitie of creatures concurring to perfection , and especially in morall actions , in whose carriage there is a far greater exactnesse of correspondencie required to approve them honourable , then was requisite to make the jewel beautifull . and this did caesar in all his battels ; amongst the rest , that at alesia is particularly noted in this manner , quod in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur , neque recte aut turpiter factum celari poterat , utrosque & laudis cupiditas , & timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat and when livie would expresse how valiantly an action was carried , he saith no more but in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur : which is as much as to say , that forasmuch as the romans were diligent observers of every mans worth , rewarding vertue with honour , and cowardise with reproch , every man bent his whole endeavour to deserve the good opinion of his generall , by discharging that duty which he owed to the commonwealth with all loyalty and faithfulnesse of spirit . the second observation . the romans had four formes of the front of their battell . the first was called acies recta , when neither the cornets nor the battell was advanced one before another , but were all carried in a right line , and made a straight front ; & this was their most usuall manner of imbattelling . the second forme of the front was called obliqua , when as one of the cornets was advanced nearer unto the enemy then the rest , to begin the battell : and this was commonly as vegetius noteth the right cornet ; for the right cornet of an army had great advantage against the left of the enemies , in regard of their weapons and furniture . but caesar did it in this place , because he perceived that the enemy was weakest in that part ; following a maxime of great authority , that the weakest part of an enemy is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an armie : for so favourable are mens judgements to that which is already happened , that the sequele of every action dependeth for the most part upon the beginning . dimidium facti qui bene coepit habet , saith a poet : and not without great reason , so forcible continually is the beginning , and so connexed to the sequele by the nature of a precedent cause , that the end must needs erre from the common course , when it doth not participate of that quality which was in the beginning . neither can there be any good end without a good beginning : for although the beginning be oftentimes disastrous and unluckie , and the end fortunate and happy , yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning : for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good , but of an evil end . and therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning , it behoved him with the best of his army to assault the weakest part of the enemy . the last form is called gibbosa , or gibbera acies , when the battell is advanced , and the two cornets lag behind . this form did hannibal use in the battell of cannae ; but with this art , that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his souldiers , and placed his weakest in the midst , that the romans following the retreat of the battell , which was easily repelld , might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets . chap. xx. the battell between caesar and ariovistus . the sign of the battell being thereupon given , our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely ; and they on the otherside returned so speedy a counterbuffe , that the legions had no time to cast their piles , and in that regard made hast to betake themselves to their swords : but the germans , according to their manner , putting themselves into a phalanx , received the force of their swords . in the battell there were many legionary souldiers seen to leap upon the phalanx , and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it , and so to wound and kill those that were underneath : and so the left cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight . now while the right cornet was thus busied , the left cornet was overcharged with an unequall multitude of the germans : which young crassus the generall of the horse no sooner perceived ( having more scope and liberty then any of the commanders that were in the battell ) but he sent tertiam aciem , the third battell , to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger ; by means whereof the fight was renewed , and all the enemy was put to flight , and never looked back untill they came to the rhene , which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought . where some few of them saved themselves by swimming : others found some boats , and so escaped . ariovistus lighting upon a little bark tied to the shore , recovered the other side , and so saved himself : the rest were all slain by the horsemen . ariovistus had two wives : one a swevian , whom he brought with him from home ; and the other of norica , the sister of king vocion , sent unto him by her brother into gallia , and married there : both these perished in that fight . his two daughters likewise being there , one was slain , and the other taken . as caesar pursued the german horsemen , it was his chance to light upon valerius procillus , as he was drawn up and down by his keepers bound in three chains : which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self ; being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend , and a man of sort in the province , whom the barbarous enemy ( contrary to the law of nations ) had cast into prison . neither would fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great pleasure and contentment : for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive ; and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots . and m. titius was found in like manner , and brought unto him . the same of this battell being carried beyond the rhene , the swevians that were come to the banks of the rhene returned home again : whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued , finding them terrified and distracted , and slew a great number of them . caesar having thus ended two great warres in one summer , brought his army into their wintering campes , somewhat sooner then the time of the year required ; and leaving labienus to command them , himself returned into the hither gallia , to keep courts and publick diets . the first observation . this phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right macedonian phalanx ; but we are rather to understand it to be so termed , by reason of the close and compact imbattelling , rather then in any other respect : and it resembled much a testudo , as i said of the helvetian phalanx . secondly , i observe that caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight : for although the name of triaries be not mentioned in his history ; yet he omitted not the substance , which was , to have primam , secundam , & tertiam aciem ; and that prima acies should begin the battell , and the second should come fresh and assist them : or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong , the first and second battell were joyned together , and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence ; but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio , as they termed it , to succour any part that should be overcharged ; which was a thing of much consequence , and of great wisdome . for if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers , or the casualty of fortune , what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf , then to have a second and a third succour , to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men , and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them ? or if their valour were equally ballanced , and victory stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour , these alwayes stept in , being fresh , against weary and over-laboured spirits , and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves . the second observation . concerning use of lots , it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them , being in former times so generall , that there was no nation , civil or barbarous , but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots . as we may not refuse for an undoubted truth , that which salomon saith in the sixteenth of proverbs , the lots are cast into the lap , but the direction thereof belongeth to the lord : through the knowledge whereof josua was directed to take achan , the marriners jonas , and the apostles to consecrate matthias : so whether the heathen and barbarous people , whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition , and put them in mind of a duty which they owed , but could not tell them what it was , nor how to be performed ; whether these , i say , were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries , which directed the action to the decree of destiny , and as the gods would have it , it remaineth doubtfull . aristotle , the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall , nameth that event casuall , or proceeding from fortune , of which the reason of man could assign no cause , or ( as he saith ) which hath no cause . so that whatsoever happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman , was termed an effect of fortune , or chance of hab-nab : for all other effects , which depended upon a certainty and definite cause , were necessarily produced ; and therefore could not be casuall , or subject to the inconstancy of chance . and because many and sundry such chances daily happened , which like terrae filii had no father , and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason , by the appearance of an efficient cause , they reduced them all to the power of fortune , as the principall efficient and soveraign motor of all such unexpected events : that is , they made nothing else the governesse and directresse of many things . which afterward grew to such credit amongst men , that it surpassed in dignity all naturall causes , and was deified with celestiall honour , as the poet saith , te nos facimus fortuna deam , coeloque locamus . by the providence of this blind goddesse , which held her deity by the tenure of mens ignorance , were all causuall actions directed , and especially lots ; the event whereof depended only upon her pleasure and decree . neither could their direction be assigned to any other power ; for then their nature had been altered from chance to certainty , and the event could not have been called sors , but must have been reputed in the order of necessary effects , whereof discourse of reason acknowledgeth a certain foregoing cause . whereby we see upon how weak an axletree the greatest motions of the goodlesse world were turned , having irregularity and uncertainty for the intelligentiae that governed their revolutions . and herein all sorts of men ( although in divers respects ) rested as well contented as if an oracle had spoken unto them , and revealed the mysteries of fatall destiny . rome directed the main course of her government by the fortune of this mock-destiny . for although their consuls and tribunes were elected by the people , who pleased their own fancy with the free choice of their commanders , and suted their obedience with a well-liking authority : yet the publick affairs which each consul was severally to manage , was shared out by lots . for if an enemy were entered into their confines to depopulate and wast their territories , the lots assigned this consul for the government of the city , and the other to command the legions , and to manage the war. if forces were to be sent into divers provinces , and against severall enemies , neither the senate nor the people could give to either consul his task ; but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots . if any extraordinary actions were to be done in the citie , as the dedication of a temple , the sanctifying of the capitol after a pollution ; sors omnia versat , that did all in all . and yet ( notwithstanding the weak foundation of this practise in their theologie and deepest divinity ) we may not think but these skilfull architects of that absolute government , wherein vertue joyned with true wisdome to make an unexampled pattern , we may not think , i say , but they foresaw the manifold danger , which in the course of common actions could not other way be prevented but by the use of lots . for when things are equally levelled between divers objects , and run with indifferencie to equall stations , there must be some controlling power to draw the current towards one coast , and to appropriate it unto one channel , that the order of nature be not inversed , nor a well-established government disturbed . so the state of rome casting many things with equall charge upon her two soveraign magistrates , which could not be performed but by one of them ; what better meanes could there be invented to interesse the one in that office , and to discharge the other , then to appoint an arbiter , whose decree exceeded humane reason ? of which it could not be said why it was so , but that it was so . for if the wisedome of the senate had been called to counsell , or the voices of the people calculated to determine of the matter ; it might easily have burst out into civil discord , considering the often contentions between the senate and the people , the factions of clients , and the constant mutability of every mans private affections necessarily inclining unto one , although their worth were equall , and by true reason indiscernable ; which might have made the one proud of that which peradventure he had not , and cast the other lower then would have well beseemed his vertues : and therefore to cut off these with many other inconveniences , they invented lots , which without either reason or will might decide such controversies . by this it appeareth how little the ancient law-makers respected the ground and reason of an ordinance , so the commodity were great , and the use important to the good of the state : for as they saw the thing it self to be casuall , so they saw that casuall things are sometimes more necessary then demonstrative conclusions : neither ought the nature , and speculative consideration of lawes and statutes to belong to the common people ; but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the commonwealth flourish . and thus endeth the first commentarie of caesar his warre in gallia . the second commentary of the wars in gallia . the argument . like as when a heavy body lieth upon the skirt of a larger continued quantity , although it cover but a small parcell of the whole surface , yet the other quarters are burthened and kept under with a proportionable measure of that weight ; and through the union and continuation which bindeth all the parts into one totality , feel the same suppression which hath really seised but upon their fellow part : in like manner the belgae , inhabiting the furthest skirt of that triple continent , seemed to repine at that heavy burthen which the roman empire had laid upon the province , the hedui , and other states of that kingdome . and least it might in time be further removed , and laid directly upon their shoulders , they thought it expedient whilst they felt it but by participation , to gather their severall forces into one head , and try whether they could free their neighbour nations from so grievous a yoak , or at the least keep it from coming any nearer unto themselves . and this is the argument of this second book ; which divideth it self into two parts : the first containing the wars between caesar & all the states of belgia united together ; the second recording the battels which he made with some of the states thereof in particular , as time and occasion gave him means to effect it . chap. i. caesar hasteth to his army , marcheth towards the confines of the belgae , and taketh in the men of rheims . while caesar was in his winter quarters in the hither gallia , there came every day fresh rumours to him ( the same thing being also certified by letters from labienus ) that all the belgae , being a third part of gallia , had leagued together against the people of rome , and had given mutuall hostages one to another . the grounds of their confederacy were these : first , they were afraid that caesar having setled all the rest of gallia in quiet , would bring his armies upon them . secondly , they were sollicited to do it by some of the galles , such namely who , as they did not desire the company of the germans longer in gallia , so they were very much troubled to think that the roman army should winter and settle themselves there ; and such again as levity and inconstancy prompted to seek new governments ; lastly such as saw that it was an easy matter for those men that were powerfull and had the command of monies to seise upon kingdomes in gallia , which they could not so easily do in those parts where the romans bare sway . caesar being moved with letters and other intelligence to this purpose , levied two new legions in the hither gallia , and as soon as summer came on sent them by q. pedius his legate into the further gallia : and as soon as there was forrage in the fields he himself came to the army . he had before given charge to the senones and other of the galles that bordered upon the belg●e , to learn every day what they could of their doings , & to give him an account thereof . these presently informed him that of a certainty there was nothing in belgia but mustering of souldiers , and gathering their forces into one head . he thought it not therefore safe to make any further delay ; but having made provision of corn , he drew out his army from their wintering camps , and within fifteen dayes he came to the borders of the belgae . assoon as he was come thither , which was much sooner then was looked for , the men of rhemes being the uttermost of the belgae , next adjoyning to the celtae , thought it best to entertain a peaceable resolution , and sent iccius and antebrogius , two of the chief men of their state , unto caesar , to submit themselves and all that they had to the mercy of the roman empire ; affirming that they were innocent both of the counsell of the belgae , and of their conspiracy against the romans . for proof whereof they were ready to give hostages , to receive them into their towns , and to furnish them with corn or what other thing they stood in need of . that the rest of the belgae were all in arms , and the germans on the other side of the rhene had promised to send them succour : yea their madnesse was so great , that they themselves were not able to hold back the suessones from that attempt being their brethren and kinsmen in bloud , and using the same laws and customs as they did , having both one magistrate and one form of government ; but they would needs support the same quarrell which the rest of the belgae had undertaken . observation . i might here take occasion to speak somewhat of a particular revolt in a generall cause ; and how a confederate state may in regard of their own safety forsake a common quarrell , or whatsoever the universall society hath enacted prejuciall to their common weal ; but that i onely intend to discover warlike practices , leaving these questions of law and policy to men of greater judgement and better experience . onely ▪ i observe in the behalf of the roman government , that such cities as yielded to the empire , and became tributary to their treasury ( howsoever they were otherwise combined by confederacy ) seldome or never repented them of their fact , in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that state , and of the due respect observed towards them . chap. ii. the power of the belgae , and their preparation for this warre . caesar inquiring of the embassadours which came from rhemes what the states were that had taken armes , and what they were able to do in matter of warre , found the belgae to be descended from the germans , who passing over the rhene time out of mind , and finding it to be a fertile countrey , drove away the galles and seated themselves in their possessions : and that these onely of all the galles kept the cimbti and teutoni from entering into their countrey ; and in that regard they challenged to themselves great authority , and vaunted much in their feats of armes . concerning their number they had these advertisements ; the a bollovaci exceeded all the belgae in prowesse , authority , and number of men , being able to make fighting men , and out of that number had promised towards this undertaking , and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole warre . next to them lay the b suessones , who dwelt in a large and fruitfull country , and had lately divitiacus for their king , being the most powerfull man in all gallia , who had in possession a great part of these countreys , and also of britain it self . galba was their king now , on whom , for his singular justice and prudence , generally with one consent they bestowed the management of the war. they had walled towns , and promised to set forth men . the c nervii , who were the most barbarous amongst them all , and dwelt furthest off , promised as many ; the d atrebatii . the e ambian● . the vellocassii and f veromandui as many ; the g morini . the menapii . the caletes . the aduatici . the h eburones , condrusi , and others . caesar encouraging the men of rhemes to persist in their faithfulnesse to the roman empire , propounded unto them great offers and liberall promises of recompence , and commanded all their senate to come before him , and bring with them their noble-mens sons to be given up for hostages : which they diligently performed by a day appointed . and having received two especiall advertisements from the men of rhemes , the one concerning the multitude of the enemy ; and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood : he provided for the first by perswading divitiacus the heduan , that it much imported the whole course of those businesses , to keep asunder the power of the enemy ; and to withhold their forces from making a head , that so he might avoid the danger of encountering so great a power at one instant . which might easily be brought to passe , if the hedui would enter with a strong power into the marches of the bellovaci , and sack their territories with sword and confusion . which divitiacus promised to perform , and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country . vpon the second advertisement , which presented unto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies , he resolved not to be too hasty in giving them battell , but first to prove by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowesse could do , and what his own men durst do . observation . this rule of making tryall of the worth of an enemy , hath alwayes been observed by prudent and grave commanders , as the surest principle whereon the true judgement of the event may be grounded . for if the doctrine of the old philosophers , which teacheth that the word non putabam , i wist it not , was never heard out of a wise mans mouth , hath any place in the course of humane actions ; it ought especially to be regarded in managing these main points , whereon the state of kingdoms and empires dependeth . for , unlesse was be perswaded that blind chance directeth the course of this world with an uncertain confusion , and that no foresight can sway the ballance of our hap into either part of our fortune , i see no reason why we should not by all means endeavour to ground our knowledge upon true causes , and levell our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things themselves . and this is the rather to be urged , inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceived when they look no further then to match an enemy with equality of number , referring their valour to be tried in the battell ; not considering that the eye of it self cannot discern the difference between two champions of like presence and outward carriage , unlesse it see their strength compared together and weighed as it were in the scale of triall : which caesar omitted not diligently to observe , before he would adventure the hazard of battell . for , besides his own satisfaction , it gave great encouragement to his men , when they saw themselves able to countermatch an enemy , and knew their task to be subject to their strength . neither did he observe it only at this instant , but throughout the whole course of his actions ; for we find that he never incountered any enemy , but with sufficient power , either in number or in valour , to make head against them : which equality of strength being first laid as a sure foundation , he used his own industry and skill , and the discipline wherein his men were trained , as advantages to oversway his adversarie ; and so drew victory maugre fortune unto himself , and seldome failed in any of his battels . chap. iii. caesar passeth his army over the river axona * , leaving titerius sabinus encamped on the other side with six cohorts . as soon as caesar understood as well by his discovers , as from the men of rhemes , that all the power of the belgae was assembled together into one place , and was now making towards him no great distance off ; he made all the haste he could to passe his army over the river axona , which divided the men of rhemes from the other belgae , and there encamped . whereby he brought to passe that no enemy could come on the back of him to work any disadvantage ; and that corn might be brought unto him from rhemes and other cities without danger . and further , that he might command the passage back again , as occasion should serve ▪ to his best advantage , he fortified a bridge which he found on the river with a strong garrison of men , and caused titurius sabinus a legate to encamp himself on the other side of the river with six cohorts , commanding him to fortify his camp with a rampier of foot in altitude , and a trench of foot in breadth . observation . if it be demanded , why caesar did passe his army over the river , leaving it on his back , and did not rather attend the enemy on the other side , and so take the advantage of hindring him , if he should attempt to passe over ; i will set down the reasons in the sequele of this warre , as the occurrences shall fall out to make them more evident . in the mean time let us enter into the particularitie of these six cohorts , that we may the better judge of such troups which were employed in the services of this war. but that we may the better conjecture what number of souldiers these six cohorts did contain , it seemeth expedient a little to discourse of the companies and regiments which the romans used in their armies . and first we are to understand , that the greatest and chiefest regiment in a roman armie was termed by the name of legio ; as varro saith , quod leguntur milites in delectu ; or as plutarch speaketh , quod lecti ex omnibus essent militares ; so that it taketh the name legio , of the choice and selecting of the souldiers . romulus is said to be the first authour and founder of these legions , making every legion to contain souldiers : but shortly after they were augmented , as festus recordeth , unto ; and afterward again from , to . and that number was the common rate of a legion untill hannibal came into italy , and then it was augmented to : but that proportion continued only for that time . and again , when scipio went into africk , the legions were increased to footmen , and horse . and shortly after the macedonian warre , the legions that continued in macedonie to keep the province from rebellion , consisted of footmen and horse . out of caesar it cannot be gathered that a legion in his time did exceed the number of men , but oftentimes it was short of that number : for he himself saith that in this warre in gallia his souldiers were so wasted , that he had scarce men in two legions . and if we examine that place out of the . of the civile warre , where he saith that in pompey his army were cohorts , which amounted to the number of men ; and it being manifest as well by this number of cohorts , as by the testimony of divers authours , that pompey his army consisted of legions ; if we divide into parts , we shall find a legion to consist of men . which number or thereabout being generally known to be the usuall rate of a legion , the romans alwayes expressed the strength of their army by the number of legions that were therein : as in this warre it is said that caesar had eight legions ; which by this account might arise to men , besides associates , and such as necessarily attended the army . further we are to understand that every legion had his peculiar name , by which it was known and distinguished from the rest : and that it took either from their order of muster , or enrollement ; as that legion which was first enrolled , was called the first legion , and that which was second in the choice , the second legion , and so consequently of the rest ; and so we read in this history , the seventh , the eighth , the ninth , the tenth , the eleventh and twelfth legion : or otherwise from the place of their warfare , and so we read of legiones germanicae , pannonica , britannicae , and such others : and sometime of their generall , as augusta , claudia , vitelliana legiones , and so forth : or to conclude , from some accident of quality , as rapax , victrix , fulminifera , plundring , victorious , lightning , and such like . and thus much of the name and number of a legion : which i must necessarily distinguish into divers kinds of souldiers , according to the first institution of the old romans , and the continuall observation thereof unto the decay of the empire , before i come to the description of these smaller parts whereof a legion was compounded . first therefore we are to understand that after the consuls had made a generall choise and sworn the souldiers , the tribunes chose out the youngest and poorest of all the rest , and called them by the name of velites . their place in regard of the other souldiers was both base and dishonourable : not only because they fought afar off , and were lightly armed ; but also in regard they were commonly exposed to the enemy , as our forlorn hopes are . having chosen out a competent number for this kind , they proceeded to the choice of them which they called hastati , a degree above the velites both in age and wealth , & termed them by the name of hastati , forasmuch as at their first institution they fought with a kind of javelin , which the romans called hasta : but before polybius his time they used piles ; notwithstanding their ancient name continued unto the later time of the empire . the third choice which they made , was of the strongest & lustiest-bodied men , who for the prime of their age were called principes : the rest that remain'd were named triarii , as varro saith , quod tertio ordine extremis sub sidio deponuntur : these were alwayes the eldest and best-experienced men , and were placed in the third division of the battell , as the last help and refuge in all extremitie . polybius saith that in his time the velites , hastati , and principes did consist of men apiece , and the triarii never exceeded the number of . although the generall number of a legion were augmented : whereof l●psius alledgeth these reasons ; first , because these triarii consisted of the best of the souldiers , and so might countervail a greater number in good worth and valour . secondly , they seldome came to buckle with the enemy , but when the controversy grew very doubtfull . lastly , we may well conjecture that the voluntaries and extraordinary followers ranged themselves amongst these triaries , and so made the third battell equall to either of the former : but howsoever they never exceeded the number of . and by this it appeareth that in polybius his time the common rate of a legion was . in this division of their men , consisted the ground of that well-ordered discipline ; for in that they distinguished them according to their yeares and ability , they reduced their whole strength into severall classes ; and so disposed of these different parts , that in the generall composition of their whole body , every part might be fitted with place and office , acc●●ding as his worth was answerable to the same : and so they made not only a number of grosse , but a number distinct by parts and properties ; that from every accident which met with any part of the army , the judgement might determine how much or how little it imported the whole body : besides the great use which they made of this distinction in their degrees of honour and preferment , a matter of no small consequence , in the excellency of their government . the souldiers at their enrollement being thus divided according to their yeares and ability , they then reduced them into smaller companies , to make them fitter for command and fight : and so they divided the hastat● , principes , and triarii , each of them into companies , making of those three sorts of souldiers small regiments , which they called manipuli : and again , they subdivided every maniple into two equal parts , and called them ordines , which was the least company in a legion , and according to the rate set down by polybius , contained souldiers . in every ordo there was a centurion or captain , and a lieutenant , whom they named optio or tergiductor . the maniples of the triarii were much lesser then the maniples of either the hastati or the principes ; forasmuch as their whole band consisted but of men . the velites were put into no such companies , but were equally distributed amongst the other maniples ; and therefore the hastati , principes and triarii were called subsignani milites , to make a difference between them and the velites , which were not divided into bands , and so consequently had no ensigne of their own , but were distributed amongst the other companies : so that every maniple had velites attending upon it . and now i come to the description of a cohort , which the history here mentioneth . the word cohors in latine doth signify that part of ground which is commonly inclosed before the gate of a house , which from the same word we call a court : and varro giveth this reason of the metaphor . as in a farm house , saith he , many out-buildings joyned together make one inclosure ; so a cohort consisteth of severall maniples joyned together in one body . this cohort consisted of three maniples ; for every legion had ten cohorts , which must necessarily comprehend those thirty maniples : but these three maniples were not all of one and the same kind of souldiers , as three maniples of the hastati , three of the principes , and three of the triarii , as patricius in his paralleli seemeth to affirm ; for so there would have remained an odd maniple in every kind , that could not have been brought into any cohort : but a cohort contained a maniple of the hastati , a maniple of the principes , and a maniple of the triarii ; and so all the thirty maniples were included into ten cohorts , and every cohort was as a little legion , forasmuch as it consisted of all those sorts of souldiers that were in a legion . so that making a legion to contain five thousand men , a cohort had five hundred ; and so these six cohorts which he encamped on the other side of the river under the command of titurius sabinus , contained three thousand souldiers : but if you make a legion to consist but of four thousand two hundred , which was the more usuall rate , there were two thousand five hundred and twenty souldiers in these six cohorts . by this therefore it may appear that a legion consisted of four sorts of souldiers , which were reduced into ten cohorts , and every cohort contained three maniples , and every maniple two orders , and every order had his centurion marching in the head of the troup , and every centurion had his optionem , or lieutenant , that stood in the tail of the troup . when a legion stood ranged in battell ready to confront the enemy , the least body or squadron that it contained was a maniple ; wherein the two orders were joyned together , making joyntly ten in front , and twelve in file : and so every five files had their centurion in front , and lieutenant in the rereward , to direct them in all adventures . in the time of the emperours , their battalions consisted of a cohort , and never exceeded that number how great soever the army were . polybius distinguishing a maniple into two centuries or orders , saith , that the centurion first chosen by the tribunes , commanded the right order , which was that order which stood on the right hand , known by the name of primus ordo ; and the centurion elected in the second course , commanded the left order ; and in the absence of either of them , he that was present of them two commanded the whole maniple . and so we find that the centurion of the first place was called prior centuri● : in which sense caesar is to be understood , where he saith that all the centurions of the first cohort were slain , praeter principem priorem . from whence we gather two specialities : first , the priority between the centurions of the same maniple ; for a cohort consisting of three maniples , whereof the first maniple were triarii , the second principes , and the third hastati , and every maniple containing two orders , and every order a centurion , he saith that all the centurions of this cohort were slain , saving the first or upper centurion of the principes . the second thing which i observe , is the title of the first cohort : for these ten cohorts whereof a legion consisted , were distinguished by degrees of worthinesse ; and that which was held the worthiest in the censure of the electors , took the priority both of place and name , and was called the first cohort ; the next , the second cohort ; and so consequently unto the tenth and last . neither did the legions want their degrees of preeminence , both in imbattelling and in encamping , according either to the seniority of their inrollment , or the favour of their generall , or their own vertue : and so we read that in these wars in gallia the tenth legion had the first place in caesars army . and thus much concerning the divisions and severall companies of a legion , and the degrees of honour which they held in the same . upon this description it shall not be amisse briefly to lay open the most apparent commodities depending upon this discipline ; the excellency whereof more plainly appeareth , being compared to that order which nature hath observed in the frame of her worthiest creatures : for it is evident that such works of nature come nearest to perfect excellency , whose materiall substance is most particularly distinguished into parts , and hath every part indued with that property which best agreeth to his peculiar service . for being thus furnished with diversity of instruments , and these directed with fitting abilities , the creature must needs expresse many admirable effects , and discover the worth of an excellent nature : whereas those other bodies that are but slenderly laboured , and find lesse favour in natures forge , being as abortives , or barbarously composed , wanting the diversity both of parts and faculties , are no way capable of such excellent uses , nor fit for such distinct services , as the former that are directed with so many properties , & inabled with the power of so wel-distinguisht faculties . which better works of nature the romans imitated in the architecture of their army , dividing it into such necessary and serviceable parts as were best fitting all uses and imploiments ; as first legions , and legions into cohorts , and cohorts into maniples , and maniples into centuries or orders , and these into files ; wherein every man knew his place , and kept the same without exchange or confusion : and thus the universall multitude was by order disposed into parts , untill it came unto a unity . for it cannot be denied but that these centuries were in themselves so sensibly distinguished , that every souldier carried in his mind the particular map of his whole century : for in imbattelling , every century was disposed into five files , containing twelve in a file ; whereof the leaders were alwayes certain , and never changed but by death or some other speciall occasion ; and everie leader knew his follower , and every second knew the third man , and so consequently unto the last . upon these particularities it plainly appeareth how easy a matter it was to reduce their troups into any order of a march or a battell , to make the front the slank , or slank front , when they were broken and disrankt to rally them into any form , when every man knew both his own and his fellows station . if any companies were to be imploied upon sudden service , the generall idea of the army being so deeply imprinted in the mind of the commanders , would not suffer them to e●re in taking out such convenient troups , both for number and quality , as might best agree with the safety of the army , or nature of the action . at all occasions and opportunities these principles of advantage offered themselves as ready means to put in execution any design or stratagem whatsoever : the project was no sooner resolved of , but every man could readily point out the companies that were ●it to execute the intention . and which is more important in regard of the life and spirit of every such part , their sodality was sweetned , or rather strengthened with the mutuall acquaintance and friendship one of another ; the captain marching alwayes in the head of the troup , the ensign in the midst , and the lieutenant in the rereward , and every man accompanied with his neighbour and his friend : which bred a true and unfeigned courage , both in regard of themselves and of their followers . besides these specialities , the places of title and dignity depending upon this order were no small means to cut off all matter of civile discord , and intestine dissension : for here every man knew his place in the file , and every file knew his place in the century , and every century in the maniple , and every maniple in the cohort , and every cohort in the legion , and every legion in the army ; and so every souldier had his place according to his vertue , and every place gave honour to the man , according as their discipline had determined thereof . the want of this discipline hath dishonoured the martiall government of this age with blo●dshed and murthers ; whereof t●ance is too true a witnesse , as well in regard of the french themselves , as of our english forces that have been sent thither to appeale their tumults : for through defect of this order , which allotteth to every man his due place , the controversy grew between sir william drurie and sir john burrowes , the issue whereof is too well known to the world : wherein as our commanders in france have been negligent , so i may not forget to give due commendation to the care which is had of this point amongst the english troups in the service of the states in the united provinces , where they are very curious in appointing every man his place in the file , and every file in the troup , and find much benefit thereby , besides the honour of reviving the roman discipline . to conclude this point , i will only touch in a word the benefit which the romans found in their small battalions , and the disadvantage which we have in making great squadrons . and first it cannot be denied but that such troups stand best appointed for disposition and array of battell , which standing strong to receive a shock , bring most men to ●ight with the enemy : for the principall things which are required in setting of a battell , are so to order the troups , that the depth in slank may serve conveniently to withstand the assault , taking up no more men then may well serve for that purpose , and giving means to the rest to fight with the enemy : and in these two points were both their defensive and offensive considerations comprehended . but smaller troups and battalions afford this conveniency better then great squadrons , which drown up many able men in the depth of their ●lanks , and never suffer them to appear , but when the breaking of the squadron doth present them to the butchery of the enemy . the macedonian phalanx , as i have noted in the first book , never carried above sixteen in slank , and brought five hundred to fight in front . and these little battalions ( considering them as they stood in battell ray ) made as great a front or greater then that of the phalanx , keeping a depth answerable to the same ; besides the second and third battell , which alwayes were to succour them , which the phalanx wanted : neither would their thick and close imbattelling admit any such succour behind them . now if we compare the advantages and discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these , we shall find great odds between them . these great squadrons are not feasible but in plain and open places , where they may either stand immoveable , or make easy and slow motions without shaking or disordering their body : but the lesser are a scantling for all places , champain or wooddy , levell or uneven , or of what site or quality soever . and to conclude , if two or three ranks of these great battalions chance to be broken and disordered , the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said ranks are , and hath lesse means to rally it self then any other lesser company : but if any violence chance to rout a maniple , it proceedeth no further in the army then that part which it taketh : neithe can the disranking of any one part betray the safety of the army to disorder and confusion , forasmuch as their distinction served to cut off such inconveniences , and yet no way hindered the generall uniting of their strength into one body . more may be said concerning this matter ; but i only point at it , and leave the due consideration thereof to the judgement of our commanders , and return to our history . chap. iv. the belgae attempt the surprize of bibrax * : caesar sendeth succour unto it . there was a town called bibrax , belonging to the state of rhemes , about eight miles from caesars camp , which the belgae thought to have surprised as they came along to meet with caesar ; and suddenly assaulted it with such fury , that the townsmen could hardly hold out the first day . the celtae and belgae use one and the same manner in assaulting a town : for having beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers , they never cease flinging of stones untill they find the wall naked of defendants ; and then casting themselves into a testudo , they approach to the gate and undermine the walls . which thing was easily effected here ; for so great was the number of them that threw stones and darts , that it was impossible for the defendants to abide upon the walls . assoone as the night had made an end of the assault , iccius of rhemes , a man of great birth and authority in his countrey , who at that time was governour of the town , and had been before with caesar , to treat and conclude a peace , sent him word by messengers , that if there came not present succour , he was not able to hold out any longer . the same night about midnight ( using the same messengers for guides ) he sent both numidian and cretian archers , & slingers of the iles of baleares to relieve the town ; by meanes whereof the townsmen were put in good hope to make their party strong , and the enemy made hopelesse of winning the town : and therefore after a small stay , having depopulated their fields , and burned their villages and out-buildings , they marched with all their power towards caesars camp , and within lesse then two miles of the army they incamped their whole host ; which , as was gathered by the smoke and fire , took up more ground then eight miles in breadth . the first observation . in the description of their assault , we are to observe two circumstances . the first is , the manner they used in a sudden surprise : the second is , the form and quality of a testudo . although caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a town as peculiar to the galles , yet we may not think but that the romans used it as often as they had occasion to surprise any city : but because the galles knew no other means to take a town but this , therefore he setteth it down as peculiar unto them . the romans called this manner of assault corona ; and so we read oftentimes this phrase , cingere urbem corona , forasmuch as the souldiers inclosed the town with a circle , and so resembled a crown or garland . ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of souldiers which encompassed a town : and josephus telleth of jotapata , which the romans besieged duplici peditum corona , with a double circle of footmen : and besides these , there was a third circle of horsemen outmost of all . there is no further matter to be observed but this , that in surprising a town , they incircled it round about with thick continued ranks of men , and where they found the wall weakest , there they entred as they could . the second observation . the testudo requireth a larger discourse , and is lively described in livie after this manner . in the amphitheatre , where the people did often assemble to see strange sights and publick shews , were brought in ( saith he ) sixty lusty young men , who after some motion and seemly march , cast themselves into a square troup , and roofing their heads close with their targets , the first rank which made the front of the testudo , stood up right on their feet ; the second rank bowed it self somewhat lower ; the third and fourth ranks did more incline themselves , and so consequently unto the last rank , which kneeled on the ground : and so they made a body resembling halfe the side of an house , which they called testudo . unto this squadron so strongly combined together came two souldiers running some an hundred and fifty foot off , and threatning each other with their weapons , ran nimbly up the side of the roof ; and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy that would have entred upon it , sometimes again encountering each other in the midst of it , leaped up and down as steadily as if they had been upon firm ground . and which is more strange , the front of a testudo being applyed to the side of a wall , there ascended many armed men upon the said testudo , and fought in an equall height with other souldiers that stood upon the said wall to defend it . the dissimilitude in the composition was this , that the souldiers that were in front , and in the sides of the square , carried not their targets over their heads as the other did , but covered their bodies with them ; and so no weapons either cast from the wall , or otherwise thrown against it , could any way hurt them ; and whatsoever weight fell upon the testudo , it quickly glyded down by the declivity of the roof , without any hurt or annoiance at all . thus far livie goeth ; neither do i know what to say further of it : the chiefest use thereof was in a surprise or sudden attempt against a town , before the townsmen were throughly prepared to defend the same . this invention served them to approach the wall with safety , and so either to undermine it , or to climb up : and to that end they oftentimes erected one testudo upon another . tacitus saith that the souldiers climbed upon the wall super iteratam testudinem , by one testudo made upon another . and this was the ancient form and use of a testudo in a sudden assault or surprise . dio cassius in the acts of antony saith , that being galled with the parthian archers , he commanded his whole army to put it self into a testudo : which was so strange a sight to the parthians , that they thought the romans had sunk down for wearinesse and faintnesse ; and so forsaking their horses , drew their swords to have made execution : and then the romans , at a watch-word given , rose again with such a fury , that they put them all to sword and ●light . dio describeth the same testudo after this manner : they placed , saith he , their baggage , their light-armed men and their horsemen in the midst ; and those heavy-armed footmen that carried long gutter-tiled targets , were in the utmost circles next unto the enemy : the rest ( which bare large ovall targets ) were thronged together throughout the whole troup , and so covered with their targets both themselves and their fellowes , that there was nothing discerned by the enemy but a roof of targets , which were so tiled together , that men might safely go upon them . further , we oftentimes read that the romans cast themselves into a testudo , to break through an enemy , or to rout and disrank a troup . and this use the romans had of a testudo in field services , and only by the benefit of their target . it was called a testudo in regard of the strength , for that it covered and sheltred as a shell covereth a fish . and let this suffice concerning a testudo . the third observation . thirdly , we may observe how carefully caesar provided for the safety of such succours as he sent unto bibrax : for he commanded the same messengers that came from the town to direct them , as the best and surest guides in that journey ; least peradventure through ignorance of the way , they might fall into inconveniences or dangers . a matter of no small consequence in managing a war ; but deserveth an extraordinary importunity to perswade the necessity of this diligence : for a generall that hath perfectly discovered the nature of the country through which he is to march , and knoweth the true distances of places , the quality of the wayes , the compendiousnesse of turnings , the nature of the hills , and the course of the rivers , hath all these particularities as main advantages , to give means of so many severall attempts upon an enemy . and in this point hannibal had a singular dexterity , and excelled all the commanders of his time , in making use of the way by which he was to passe . but he that leadeth an army by an unknown and undiscovered way , and marcheth blindfold upon uncertain adventures , is subject to as many casualties and disadvantages as the other hath opportunities of good fortune . let every man therefore perswade himself that good discoverers are as the eyes of an army , and serve for lights in the darknesse of ignorance , to direct the resolutions of good providence , and make the path of safety so manifest , that we need not stumble upon casualties . caesar in his journey to ariovistus , used the help of divitiacus the heduan , in whom amongst all the galles he reposed greatest confidence , to discover the way , and acquaint him with the passages : and before he would undertake his voyage unto * britanie , he well informed himself by merchants and travailers of the quantity of the iland , the quality of the people , their use of war , and the opportunity of their havens . neither was he satisfied with their relations , but he sent caius volusenus in a ship of war , to see what he could further discover concerning these points . suetonius addeth moreover , that he never carried his army per insidiosa itinera , through places where they were subject to be way-laid , unlesse he had first well discovered the places . concerning the order which skilfull leaders have observed in discoveries , we are to know that this point consisteth of two parts ; the one , in understanding the perfect description of the country ; the second , in observing the motions of the enemy . touching the first , we find as well by this as other histories , that the romans used the inhabitants of the country for guides , as best acquainted with their native places , that they might not erre in so important a matter ; provided alwaies that their own scouts were ever abroad to understand what they could of themselves , that they might not altogether rely upon a strangers direction . the motions of the enemy were observed by the horsemen : and these for the most part were veterani , well experienced in the matter of warre , and so the generall received sound advertisements : and yet they were not too forward upon any new motion , unlesse they found it confirmed by divers wayes ; for some espials may erre , either through passion or affection , as it happened in the hel●●tian war. if therefore the use and benefit which prudent and wise commanders made of this ●●igence , or the misfortune which the want of this knowledge brought upon the ignorant , have any authority to perswade a circumspect care herein , this little that hath been spoken may be sufficient for this point . the fourth observation . the souldiers which caesar sent to relieve bibrax were archers of creta and numidia , and slingers of the iles baleares , which are now called majorica and minorica : which kind of weapon because it seemeth ridiculous to the souldiers of these times , whose conceits are held up with the fury of these fiery engines , i will therefore in brief discover the nature and use thereof . the latines ( saith isidore ) called this weapon funda , quod ex ea fundantur lapides , because out of it stones are cast . plinie attri●uteth the invention thereof to the islander● called baleares . florus in his book and ● chap. saith that these baleares used three sorts of slings , and no other weapon besides ; and that a boy had never any meat given him before he had first struck it with a sling . strabo distinguisheth these three sorts of slings which the baleares used , and saith that they had one sling with long reines , which they used when they would cast afarre off ; and another with short reines , which they used near at hand ; and the third with reines of a mean sise , to cast a reasonable distance . lipsius saith that in columna antonina at rome he observed that the balearean was made with one sling about his head , another about his belly , and the third in his hand ; which might be their ordinary manner of carrying them . the matter whereof they were made was threefold : the first was hemp or cotton , the second hair , and the third sinews ; for of either of these stuffs they commonly made them . the form and fashion of a sling resembled a platted rope , somewhat broad in the middest , with an ovall compasse , and so by little and little decreasing into two thongs or reines . their manner of slinging was to whirle it twice or thrice about their head , and so to cast out the bullet . virgil speaking of mezentius saith , ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habera . he fetcht the rein three times about his head , but vegetius preferreth that skill which cast the bullet with once turning it about the head . in suidas we find that these baleares did commonly cast a stone of a pound weight : which agreeth to these names in caesar , fundas librales . the leaden bullets are mentioned by salust , in the warre with jugurth , and by livie , where he saith that the consul provided great store of arrows , of bullets , and of small stones to be cast with slings . this weapon was in request amongst divers nations , as well in regard of the readinesse and easy reiterating of the blow , as also for that the bullet fled very farre , with great violence . the distance which they could easily reach with their sling , is expressed in this verse , fundū varro vocat , quem possis mittere funda . fundum according to varro is so much ground as a man may sling over . which vegetius interpreteth to be six hundred foot . their violence was such , as the same authour affirmeth in his first book and sixteenth chap. that neither helmet , gaberdine , nor co●selet could bear out the blow ; but he that was hit with a sling , was slain sine invidia sanguinis , as he saith in the same place . lucrece , ovid , and lucan , three of the latine poets say , that a bullet skilfully cast out of a sling went with such violence , that it melted as it flew : whereof seneca giveth this reason , motion , saith he , doth extenuate the ayre , and that extenuation or subtilty doth inflame ; and so a bullet ca●● out of a sling melteth as it flieth . but howsoever ▪ diodorus siculus affirmeth that these balearean slingers brake both target , head-piece , or any other armour whatsoever . there are also two other sorts of slings , the one mentioned by livie , and the other by vegetius . that in livie is called cestrophendo , which cast a short arrow with a long thick head : the other in vegetius is called fustibalus , which was a sling made of a cord and a staffe . but let this suffice for slings and slingers , which were reckoned amongst their light-armed souldiers , and used chiefly in assaulting , and defending towns and fortresses , where the heavy-armed souldiers could not come to buckle ; and present the place of our harquebusiers , which in their proper nature are levis armatur● milites light-armed souldiers , although more terrible then those of ancient times . chap. v. caesar confronteth the belgae in form of battell , but without any blow given : the belgae attempt the passing of the river axona ; but in vain , and to their losse : they consult of breaking up the war. caesar at the first resolved not to give them battel , as well in regard of their multitude , as the generall fame and opinion conceived of their valour : notwithstanding he daily made triall by light skirmishes with his horsemen , what the enemy could do , and what his own men durst do . and when he found that his own men were nothing inferiour to the belgae , he chose a convenient place before his camp , and put his army in battell : the bank where he was encamped rising somewhat from a plain levell , was no larger then would suffice the front of the battell ; the two sides were steep , and the front rose aslope by little and little , untill it came again to a plain , where the legions were imbattelled . and least the enemy abounding in multitude , should circumvent his men and charge them in the flank as they were fighting , ( which they might easily do with their number ) he drew an overthwart ditch behind his army from one side of the hill to the other , six hundred paces in length ; the ends whereof he fortified with bulwarks , and placed therein store of engines . and leaving in his camp the two legions which he had last enrolled in lombardy , that they might be ready to be drawn forth when there should need any succour , he imbattelled his other six legions in the front of the hill , before his camp. the belgae also bringing forth their power , confronted the romans in order of battell . i here lay between both the armies a small marish : over which the enemy expected that caesar should have passed , and caesar on the other side attended to see if the belgae would come over , that his men might have charged them in that troublesome passage . in the mean time the cavalry on both sides incountered between the two battells : and after long expectation on either side , neither party adventuring to passe over , caesar having got the better in the skirmish between the horsemen , thought it sufficient for that time , both for the encouraging of his own men , and the contesting of so great an army , and therefore he conveighed all his men again into their camp. from that place the enemy immediately took his way to the river axona , which lay behind the romans camp : and there finding foords , they attempted to passe over part of their forces , to the end they might either take the fortresse which q. titurius kept , or break down the bridge , or spoile the territories of the state of rhemes , and cut off the romans from provision of corne . caesar having advertisement thereof from titurius , transported over the river by the bridge all his horsemen , and light-armed numidians , with his slingers and archers , and marched with them himself . the conflict was hot in that place : the romans charging their enemies as they were troubled in the water , slew a great number of them ; the rest like desperate persons , adventuring to passe over upon the dead carkases of their fellowes , were beaten back by force of weapons : and the horsemen incompassed such as had first got over the water , and slew every man of them . when the belgae perceived themselves frustrated of their hopes of winning bibrax , of passing the river , and of drawing the romans into places of disadvantage , and that their own provisions began to fail them ; they called a councell of war , wherein they resolved that it was best for the state in generall , and for every man in particular , to break up their camp , and to return home unto their own houses : and into whose confines or territories soever the romans should first enter , to depopulate and wast them in hostile manner , that thither they should hasten from all parts , and there give them battell ; to the end they might rather try the matter in their own country , then abroad in a strange and unknown place , and have their own houshold provision alwayes at hand to maintain them . and this the rather was concluded , for as much as they had intelligence , that divitiacus with a great power of the hedui approached near to the borders of the bellovaci ; who in that regard made hast homeward to defend their country . the first observation . first we may observe the art which he used to countervail the strength of so great a multitude , by chusing out so convenient a place , which was no broader in front then would suffice the front of his battel : and having both the sides of the hill so steep , that the enemy could not ascend nor climb up , but to their own overthrow ; he made the back-part of the hill strong by art , and so placed his souldiers as it were in the gate of a fortresse , where they might either issue out or retire at their pleasure . whereby it appeareth how much he preferred security and safety before the vain opinion of fool-hardy resolution , which savoureth of barbarisme rather then of true wisedome : for he ever thought it great gain to loose nothing ; and the day brought alwayes good fortune , that delivered up the army safe unto the evening ; attending untill advantage had laid sure principles of victory : and yet caesar was never thought a coward . and now it appeareth what use he made by passing his army over the river , and attending the enemy on the further side , rather then on the side of the state of rhemes : for by that means he brought to passe , that whatsoever the enemy should attempt in any part or quarter of the land , his forces were ready to trouble their proceedings ; as it happened in their attempt of bibrax : and yet notwithstanding he lost not the opportunity of making slaughter of them as they passed over the river . for by the benefit of the bridge which he had fortified , he transported what forces he would , to make head against them as they passed over ; and so he took what advantage either side of the river could afford him . the second observation . and here the reader may not marvell , if when the hils are in labour , they bring forth but a mouse ; for how soon is the courage of this huge army abated ? or what did it attempt worthy such a multitude ? or answerable to the report which was bruted of their valour ? but being hastily carried together by the violence of passion , were as quickly dispersed upon the sight of an enemy : which is no strange effect of a sudden humour . for as in nature all violent motions are of short continuance , and the durability or lasting qualitie of all actions proceedeth from a slow and temperate progression ; so the resolutions of the mind that are carried with an untemperate violence , and savour so much of heat and passion , do vanish away even with the smoak thereof , and bring forth nothing but leasurable repentance . and therefore it were no ill counsell for men of such natures , to qualify their hasty resolutions with a mistrustfull lingering ; that when their judgement is well informed of the cause , they may proceed to a speedy execution . but that which most bewrayeth their indiscreet intemperance in the hot pursuit of this enterprise is , that before they had scarce seen the enemy , or had opportunity to contest him in open field , their victuals began to fail them : for their minds were so carried away with the conceit of war , that they had no leisure to provide such necessaries as are the strength and sinew of the war. it was sufficient for every particular man to be known for a souldier in so honourable an action , referring other matters to the care of the state. the states in like manner thought it enough to furnish out fourty or fifty thousand men apiece , to discharge their oath , and to save their hostages , committing other requisites to the generall care of the confederacy : which being directed by as unskilfull governours , never looked further then the present multitude , which seemed sufficient to overthrow the roman empire . and thus each man relied upon anothers care , and satisfied himself with the present garbe . so many men of all sorts and qualities , so many helmets and plumed crests , such strife and emulation what state should seem in greatest forwardnesse , were motives sufficient to induce every man to go , without further inquiry how they should go . and herein the care of a generall ought especially to be seen , considering the weaknesse of particular judgements , that having the lives of so many men depending altogether upon his providence , and engaged in the defence of their state and country , he do not fail in these main points of discipline , which are the pillars of all warlike designes . to conclude this point , let us learn by their errour so to carry a matter ( especially of that consequence ) that we make it not much worse by ill handling it , then it was before we first took it to our charge ; as it here happened to the belgae . for their tumultuous armes sorted to no other end , then to give caesar just occasion to make war upon them , with such assurance of victory , that he made small account of that which was to follow , in regard of that which had already happened : considering that he should not in all likelihood meet with the like strength again , in the continuance of that war. and this was not only gravius bellum successori tradere , to leave a more considerable war unto his successour , as it often falleth out in the course of a long continued war ; but to draw a dangerous war upon their heads that otherwise might have lived in peace . chap. vi. the belgae break up their camp , and as they return home , are chased and slaughtered by the romans . this generall resolution being entertained by the consent of the whole councell of warre , in the second watch they departed out of their camp with a great noise and tumult , without any order ( as it seemed ) or government , every man pressing to be formost on his journey , and to be first at home : in such a turbulent manner , that they seemed all to run away . whereof caesar having notice by his spies , and mistrusting some practise , not as yet perceiving the reason of their departure , he kept his army within his camp. in the dawning of the day , upon certain intelligence of their departure , he sent first his horsemen under q. pedius and l. aurunculcius cotta two legates , to stay the rereward , commanding labienus to follow after with three legions : these overtaking the belgae , and chasing them many miles , slew a great number of them . and while the rereward sta●ed , and valiantly received the charge of the romans , the vantguard being out of danger , and under no government , assoon as they head the alarm behind them , brake out of their ranks and betook themselves to flight : and so the romans slew them as long as the sun gave them light to pursue them ; and then sounding a retreat , they returned to their camp. observation . it hath been an old rule amongst souldiers , that a great and negligent errour committed by an enemy , is to be suspected as a pretence to treachery . we read of fulvius a legate in the roman armie lying in tusc●nie ; the consul being gone to rome to perform some publick duty , the tuscans took occasion by his absence to try whether they could draw the romans into any inconvenience ; and placing an ambuscado near unto their camp , sent certain souldiers attired like shepherds , with droves of cattell to passe in view of the roman army : who handled the matter so , that they came even to the rampier of the camp . whereat the legate wondering as at a thing void of reason , kept himself quiet untill he had discovered their treachery , and so made frustrate their intent . in like manner caesar not perswaded that men should be so heedlesse , to carry a retreat in that disorderly and tumultuous manner , would not discamp his men to take the opportunity of that advantage , untill he had found that to be true , which in all reason was unlikely . and thus belgae were chased and slaughtered by three legions of the romans , for want of government and order in their departure . chap. vii . caesar followeth after the belgae into the countrey of the suessones ; and there besiegeth noviodunum * . the next day after their departure , before they could recover themselves of their fear and flight , or had time to put themselves again in breath , caesar , as it were continuing still the chase and victory , led his army into the countrey of the * suessones , the next borderers unto the men of rhemes : and after a long journey came unto noviodunum a town of good importance , which he attempted to take by surprise , as he passed along by it . for he understood that it was altogether unfurnished of defensive provision , having no forces within to defend it : but in regard of the breadth of the ditch and height of the wall , he was for that time disappointed of his purpose : and therefore having fortified his camp , he began to make preparation for a siege . the night following the whole multitude of the suessones , that had escaped by flight , were received into the town : howbeit when the vineae were with great expedition brought unto the wall , the mount raised , and the turrets built , the galles being amazed at the highnesse of the workes , such as they had never seen nor heard of before , and the speed which was made in the dispatch thereof , sent ambassadours to caesar , to treat of giving up the town ; and by the mediation of the men of rhemes obtained their suit . the first observation . in this relation we may observe the industrious art which the romans used in assaulting , & taking holdes & towns ; wherein we find three sorts of engines described , vinea , agger , and turres . caesars march where in euery legion had his cariadges in front agger , which we call a mount , is described in divers histories to be a hill or elevation made of earth and other substance , which by little and little was raised forward , untill it approached near unto the place against which it was built ; that upon this mount they might erect fortresses and turrets , and so fight with an advantage of height . the matter of this mount was earth and stones , faggots and timber . josephus saith that at the siege of jerusalem the romans cut down all the trees within mile compasse , for matter and stuff to make a mount . the sides of this agger were of timber , to keep in the loose matter : the forepart which was towards the place of service , was open without any timber-work ; for on that part they still raised it , and brought it nearer the walls . that which was built at massilia was foot high , and that at avaricum foot high and foot broad . josephus and egesippus write that there was a fortresse in judea cubites high : which sulla purposing to win by assault , raised a mount cubites high ; and upon it he built a castle of stone cubites high , and fifty cubites broad ; and upon the said castle he erected a turret of cubites in height , and so took the fortresse . the romans oftentimes raised these mounts in the mouth of a haven , and commonly to over-top a town , that so they might fight with much advantage . amongst other engines in use amongst the romans , their moveable turrets were very famous : for they were built in some safe place out of danger , and with wheels put under them were driven to the walls of the town . these turrets were of two sorts , either great or little : the lesser sort are described by vitruvius to be sixtie cubites high , and the square side seventeen cubites ; the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the breath at the base , and so they stood sure without any danger of falling . the corner pillars were at the base nine inches square , and six inches at the top : there were commonly stories in these little turrets , and windowes in every story . the greater sort of towers were cubites high , and the square side was cubites , the breadth at the top was a fifth part of the base ; and in every one of these were commonly stories . there was not one and the same distance kept between the stories ; for the lowest commonly was cubites and inches high , the highest story cubites , and the rest cubites and a third . in every one of these stories were souldiers and engines , ladders and casting bridges , by which they got upon the wall and entered the town . the forepart of these turrets was covered with iron and wet coverings , to save them from fire . the souldiers that removed the tower to and fro , were alwayes within the square thereof , and so they stood out of danger . the new water-work by broken-wharfe in london much resembleth one of these towers . the second observation . upon the building of these mighty engines , it was no marvell if the suessones submitted themselves to such powerfull industry . for whatsoever is strange and unusuall , doth much affright the spirits of an enemy , & breed a motion of distrust & diffidency , when as they find themselves ignorant of such warlike practises : for novelty alwayes breedeth wonder ; in as much as the true reasons and causes being unknown , we apprehend it as diverse from the usuall course of things , and so stand gazing at the strangenesse thereof : and wonder , as it addeth worth to the noveltie , so it inferreth diffidencie , and so consequently fear , the utter enemy of martiall valour . chap. viii . caesar carrieth his army to the territories of the bellovaci , ambiani and the nervii . caesar taking for pledges the chiefest of their citie , and amongst the rest king galba's own two sons , upon the delivery of all their armes received the suessones to mercy : and from thence led his army against the bellovaci ; who having conveyed both themselves and their goods into the town called bratuspantium , and understanding that caesar was come within five mile of the place , all the elder sort came forth to meet him , signifying by the stretching forth of their hands , and by their suppliant words , that they yielded themselves up to caesars disposall , and would no longer bear armes against the people of rome . and so again when he was come near the town , and had there set down his army , the very boyes and women appearing upon the walls with extended hands ( as their custome is ) besought sought peace of the romans . for these divitiacus became a mediatour , who after the belgae had broken up their camp , had dismissed his heduan forces and was returned to caesar . the hedui , saith he , have alwayes found in the bellovaci a faithfull and friendly disposition to their state : and if they had not been betrayed by their nobility ( who made them believe that the hedui were brought in bondage by the romans , and suffered all villany and despight at their hands ) they had never withdrawn themselves from the hedui , nor consented to conspire against the romans . the authours of this counsel perceiving into what great misery they had brought their countrey , were fled into britanie : wherefore not only the bellovaci , but the hedui also in their behalf besought him to use his clemency towards them . which thing if he did , it would very much greaten the esteem & authority of the hedui amongst the belgae , who formerly in their wars had recourse to them for supplies and assistance . caesar , in regard of the hedui and divitacus , promised to receive them to mercy ; but for asmuch as the state was very great , and more populous and powerfull then other towns of the belgae , he demanded six hundred hostages . which being delivered and their armour brought out of the town , he marched from thence into the coast of the ambiani : who without further lingering , gave both themselves and all that they had into his power . vpon these bordered the nervii ; of whom caesar found thus much by inquiry , that there was no recourse of merchants unto them , neither did they suffer any ●●ine , or what thing else might tend to riot , to be brought into their countrey : for they were perswaded that by such things their courage was much abated , and their vertue weakened . further , he learned that these nervii were a savage people , and of great valour ; often accusing the rest of the belgae for yielding their necks to the roman yoak , openly affirming that they would neither send embassadours , nor take peace upon any condition . caesar having marched three dayes journey in their country , understood that the river * sabis was not past ten miles from his camp ; and that on the further side of this river all the nervii were assembled together , and there attended the coming of the romans . with them were joyned the at●ebates and veromandui , whom they had perswaded to abide the same fortune of war with them . besides they expected a power from the aduatici . the women and such as were unmeet for the field , they bestowed in a place unaccessible for any army , by reason of fens and bogs and marishes . vpon this intelligence , caesar sent his discoverers and centurions before to chuse out a fit place to incamp in . now whereas many of the surrendred belgae and other galles were continually in the roman army , certain of these ( as it was afterward known by the captives ) observing the order which the romans used in marching , came by night to the nervii , and told them that between every legion went a great sort of carriages ; and that it was no matter of difficulty , as soon as the first legion was come into the camp , and the other legions yet a great way off , to set upon them upon a suddain before they were disburdened of their carriages , and so to overthrow them : which legion being cut off and their stuffe taken , the rest would have small courage to stand against them . it much furthered this advice , that forasmuch as the nervii were not able to make any power of horse , but what they did they were wont to do with foot , that they might the better resist the cavalry of their borderers , whensoever they made any rode into their marches , their manner was to cut young trees half asunder , and bowing the tops down to the ground , plashed the boughes in breadth , and with thorns and briars planted between them they made them so thick , that it was impossible to see through them , so hard it was to enter or passe through them : so that when by this occasion the passage of the roman army must needs be hindered , the nervii thought the foresaid counsell not to be neglected . the place which the romans chose to incamp in was a hill of like levell from the top to the bottome , at the foot whereof ran the river sabis : and with the like levell on the other side rose another hill directly against this , to the quantity of two hundred paces ; the bottom whereof was plain and open , and the upper part so thick with wood , that it could not easily be looked into . within these woods the ●ervians kept themselves close : and in the open ground , by the river side , were only seen a few troups of horse , and the river in that place was about three foot deep . caesars march where the enemy was neerer at hand ▪ observation . this treacherous practice of the surrendred belgae hath fortunately discovered the manner of caesars march , as well in safe passages , as in dangerous and suspected places : which is a point of no small consequence in martiall discipline , being subject to so many inconveniences , and capable of the greatest art that may be shewed in managing a war. concerning the discreet carriage of a march , by this circumstance it may be gathered that caesar principally respected safety , and secondly conveniency . if the place afforded a secure passage , and gave no suspicion of hostility , he was content in regard of conveniency , to suffer every legion to have the oversight of their particular carriages , and to insert them among the troups , that every man might have at hand such necessaries as were requisite , either for their private use or publick discipline . but if he were in danger of any sudden attempt , or stood in hazard to be impeached by an enemy , he then omitted convenient disposition in regard of particular use , as disadvantageous to their safety ; and carried his legions in that readinesse , that if they chanced to be engaged by an enemy , they might without any alteration of their march or incumbrance of their carriages , receive the charge in that form of battell as was best approved by their military rules , and the ancient practice of their fortunate progenitours . the old romans observed likewise the same respects : for in unsafe and suspected places they carried their troups againe quadrato , in a square march , which , as livie seemeth to note , was free from all carriage and impediments which might hinder them in any suddain alarme . neither doth that of * hirtius any way contradict this interpretation , where he saith that caesar so disposed his troups against the bellovaci , that three legions marched in front , and after them came all the carriages , to which the tenth legion served as a rereward ; and so they marched pene agmine quadrato almost in a square march . * seneca in like manner noteth the safety of agmen quadratum , where he saith that where an enemy is expected , we ought to march agmine quadrato ready to fight . the most materiall consequence of these places alledged is , that as oft as they suspected any onset or charge , their order in a march little or nothing differed from their usuall manner of imbattelling ; and therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march , inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were observed in quadrata acie , in a square body . for that triple forme of imbatteling which the romans generally observed in their fights , having respect to the distances between each battel , contained almost an equall dimension of front and file : and so it made aciem quadratam a square body ; and when it marched , agmen quadratum a square march . polybius expresseth the same in effect , as often as the place required circumspection ; but altereth it somewhat in regard of the carriages : for he saith that in time of danger , especially where the country was plain and champain , and gave space and free scope to clear themselves , upon any accident the romans marched in a triple battel of equall distance one behind another , every battell having his severall carriages in front . and if they were by chance attacked by an enemy , they turned themselves according to the opportunity of the place either to the right of left hand ; and so placing their carriages on the one side of their army , they stood imbattelled ready to receive the charge . the contrary form of marching , where the place afforded more security , and gave scope to conveniency , they named agmen longum a long march or train ; when almost every maniple or order had their severall carriages attending upon them , and strove to keep that way which they found most easy both for themselves and their impediments . which order of march as it was more commodious then the former in regard of particularity , so was it unsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected : and therefore caesar much blamed sabinus and cotta for marching , when they were deluded by ambiorix , longissimo agmine in a very long train ; as though they had received their advertisements from a friend , and not from an enemy . and albeit our modern wars are farre different in quality from them of ancient times , yet in this point of discipline they cannot have a more perfect direction then that which the romans observed , as the two poles of their motions , safety and conveniencie : whereof the first dependeth chiefly upon the provident disposition of the leaders ; and the other will easily follow on , as the commodity of every particular shall give occasion . concerning safety in place of danger , what better course can be taken then that manner of imbattelling , which shall be thought most convenient if an enemy were present to confront them ? for a well-ordered march must either carry the perfect forme of a battel , or contain the distinct principles and elements thereof , that with little alteration it may receive that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can afford it . first therefore a prudent and circumspect leader , that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march , is diligently to observe the nature and use of each weapon in his army , how they may be placed for greatest use and advantage , both in respect of their different and concurring qualities , as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed : and this knowledge will consequently inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattelling , as the said forces are capable of ; which , if it may be observed in a march , is no way to be altered . but if this exactnesse of imbattelling will not admit convenient carriage of such necessary adjuncts as pertain to an army , the inconvenience is to be relieved with as little alteration from that rule , as in a wary judgement shall be found expedient ; that albeit the form be somewhat changed , yet the principles and ground , wherein their strength and safety consisteth , may still be retained . neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point : he may exemplify the practices of many great and experienced commanders , what sort of weapon marched in front , and what in the rereward , in what part of the army the munition marched , and where the rest of the carriage was bestowed , according as their severall judgements thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences . but the issue of all will fall out thus ; that he that observed this rule before prescribed , did seldome miscarry through an unsafe march . let a good martia list well know their proper use in that diversity of weapons in his army , how they are serviceable or disadvantageous , in this or that place , against such or such an enemy ; and he will speedily order his battel , dispose of his march , and bestow his carriages , as shall best fall out both for his safety and conveniency . caesars custome was to send his cavalry and light-armed footmen before the body of his army , both to discover and impeach an enemy ; for these troups were nimble in motion and fit for such services : but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front , the horsemen marched in the tayl of the army , and gave security where there was most cause of fear . but if it happened that they were found unfit to make good the service in that place , as oftentimes it fell out , and especially in africa against the numidians ; he then removed them as he best found it convenient , and brought his legionary souldiers , which were the sinews and strength of his forces , and marched continually in the bulk of the army , to make good that which his horsemen could not perform . and thus he altered the antique prescription and uniformity of custome , according as he found himself best able to disadvantage an enemy , or make way to victory . chap. ix . the romans begin to fortify their camp : but are interrupted by the nervii . caesar maketh hast to prepare his forces to battell . the roman horsemen , with the slingers and archers , passed over the river , and encountred the cavalry of the enemy : who at first retired back to their companies in the wood , and from thence sallied out again upon them ; but the romans durst not pursue them further then the plain and open ground . in the mean time the six legions that were in front , having their work measured out unto them , began to fortify their camp . but as soon as the ne●vii perceived their former carriages to be come in sight , which was the time appointed amongst them to give the charge , as they stood imbattelled within the thicket , so they rushed out with all their forces , and assaulted the roman horsemen : which being easily beaten back , the nervii ran down to the river with such an incredible swiftnesse , that they seemed at the same instant of time to be in the woods , at the river , and charging the legions on the other side : for with the same violence having passed the river , they ran up the hill to the roman camp , where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment . caesar had all parts to play at one instant : the flag to be hung out , by which they gave the souldiers warning to take arms , the battel to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet , the souldiers to be recalled from their work , and such as were gone farre off to get turf and matter for the rampier , to be sent for , the battel to be ordered his men to be incouraged , and the sign of battel to be given : the most of which were cut off by shortnesse of time , and the sudden assault of the enemy . the first observation . as the romans excelled all other nations in many good customes , so especially in their camp-discipline they strove to be singular : for it seemed rather an academy , or a city of civile government , then a camp of souldiers ; so carefull were they both for the safety , and skilfull experience of their men at arms. for touching the first , they never suffered their souldiers to lodge one night without a camp , wherein they were inclosed with ditch and rampier , as in a walled town : neither was it any new invention or late found out custome in their state , but in use amongst the ancient romans , and in the time of their kings . their manner of encamping was included within these circumstances . porta praetoria the romaine campe porta dceumana the generals tent being thus placed , they considered which side of the pavilion lay most commodious for forrage and water , and on that side they lodged the legions , every legion divided one from another by a street or lane of fifty foot in breadth ; and according to the degree of honour that every legion had in the army , so were they lodged in the camp , either in the midst which was counted most honourable , or towards the side which was of meaner reputation . and again , according to the place of every cohort in his legion , so was it lodged nearer the pavilion of the emperour , towards the heart of the camp ; and so consequently every maniple took place in the cohort , distinguishing their preeminence by lodging them either toward the middle or to the outsideward , according as they distinguished the place of their legions . there went a street of fifty in breadth overthwart the midst of all the legions , which was called quintana , for that it divided the fifth cohort of every legion from the sixth . between the tents of the first maniples in every legion and the praetorium , there went a way of a hundred foot in breadth throughout the whole camp , which was called principia ; in this place the tribunes sat to hear matters of justice , the souldiers exercised themselves at their weapons , and the leaders and chief commanders frequented it is as a publick place of meeting ; and it was held for a reverent and sacred place , and so kept with a correspondent decency . on either side the emperours pavilion , in a direct line to make even and straight the upper side of the principia , the tribunes had their tents pitched , every tribune confronting the head of the legion whereof he was tribune : above them , towards the head of the camp , were the legates and treasurer : the upper part of the camp was strengthened with some select cohorts and troups of horse , according to the number of legions that were in the army . polybius describing the manner of encamping which the romans used in his time , when as they had commonly but two legions in their army , with as many associates , placeth the ablecti and extraordinarii , which were select bands and companies , in the upper part of the camp , and the associates on the outside of the legions . the ditch and the rampier that compassed the whole camp about , was two hundred foot distant from any tent : whereof polybius giveth these reasons ; first , that the souldiers marching into the camp in battell array , might there dissolve themselves into maniples , centuries and decuries , without tumult or confusion ; for order was the thing which they principally respected , as the life and strength of their martiall body . and again , if occasion were offered to sally out upon an enemy , they might very conveniently in that spacious room put themselves into companies and troups : and if they were assaulted in the night , the darts and fire-works which the enemy should cast into their camp , would little indamage them , by reason of the distance between the rampier and the tents . their tents were all of skins and hides , held up with props , and fastened with ropes : there were eleven souldiers , as vegetius saith , in every tent , and that society was called contubernium , of whom the chiefest was named decanus , or caput contubernii . the ditch and the rampier were made by the legions , every maniple having his part measured out , and every centurion overseeing his century ; the approbation of the whole work belonged to the tribunes . their manner of intrenching was this : the souldiers being girt with their swords and daggers , digged the ditch about the camp , which was alwayes eight foot in breadth at the least , and as much in depth , casting the earth thereof inward ; but if the enemy were not far off , the ditch was alwayes eleven or fifteen or eighteen foot in latitude and altitude , according to the discretion of the generall : but what scantling soever was kept , the ditch was made directis lateribus , that is , as broad in the bottom as at the top . the rampier from the brim of the ditch was three foot in height , and sometimes four , made after the manner of a wall , with green turfes cut all to one measure , half a foot in thicknesse , a foot in breadth , and a foot and a halfe in length . but if the place wherein they were incamped would afford no such turfe , they then strengthened the loose earth which was cast out of the ditch with boughs and faggots , that it might be strong and well-fastened . the rampier they properly called agger : the outside whereof , which hung over the ditch , they used to stick with thick and sharp stakes , fastened deep in the mound , that they might be firm ; and these for the most part were forked stakes ; which made the rampier very strong , and not to be assaulted but with great difficulty . varro saith that the front of the rampier thus stuck with stakes , was called vallum a varicando , for that no man could stride or get over it . the camp had four gates : the first was called praetoria portae , which was alwayes behind the emperours tent ; and this gate did usually look either toward the east , or to the enemy , or that way that the army was to march . the gate on the otherside of the camp opposite to this , was called portae decumana , a decimis cohortibus ; for the tenth or last cohort of every legion was lodged to confront this gate : by this gate the souldiers went out to fetch their wood , their water , and their forrage , and this way their offendours were carried to execution . the other two gates were called portae principales , forasmuch as they stood opposite to either end of that so much respected place which they called principia , only distinguished by these titles , laeva principalis and dextra , the left and the right-hand principall gate . all these gates were shut with doors , and in standing camps fortified with turrets , upon which were planted engines of defence , as balistae , catapulta , tolenones , and such like . the romans had their summer camps , which they termed aestiva , and their winter camps , which they called hiberna , or hibernacula . their summer camps were in like manner differenced , according to the time which they continued in them . for if they remained in a place but a night or two , they called them castra or mansiones ; but if they continued in them any long time , they called them aestivas or sedes : and these were more absolute , as well in regard of their tents , as of their fortification , then the former wherein they stayed but one night . the other which they called hiberna had great labour and cost bestowed upon them , that they might the better defend them from the winter season . of these we read , that the tents were either thatched with straw , or roofed with boards , and that they had their armory , hospital , and other publick houses . these camps have been the beginning of many famous towns , especially when they continued long in a place , as oftentimes they did , upon the banks of euphrates , danow , and the rhene . the order which they alwayes observed in laying out their camp was so uniform , and well known to the romans , that when the centurions had limited out every part , and marked it with different ensignes and colours , the souldiers entred into it as into a known and familiar city ; wherein every society or small contubernie knew the place of his lodging : and which is more , every particular man could assign the proper station of every company throughout the whole army . the use and commodity of this incamping i briesly touched in my first book : but if i were worthy any way to commend the excellency thereof to our modern souldiers , or able by perswasion to restablish the use of incamping in our wars , i would spare no pains to atchieve so great a good , and vaunt more in the conquest of negligence , then if my self had compassed a new-found-out means : and yet reason would deem it a matter of small difficulty , to gain a point of such worth in the opinion of our men , especially when my discourse shall present security to our forces , and honour to our leaders , majesty to our armies , and terrour to our enemies , wonderment to strangers , and victory to our nation . but sloth hath such interest in this age , that it commendeth vain-glory and fool-hardinesse , contempt of vertue and derison of good discipline , to repugne the designes of honour , and so far to overmal●●reason , that it suffereth not former harms to bear witnesse against errour , nor correct the ill atchievements of ill directions : and therefore ceasing to urge this point any further , i will leave it to the carefull respect of the wise . the second observation . the fury of the enemy and their sudden assault so disturbed the ceremonies which the roman discipline observed , to make the souldiers truely apprehend the weight and importance of that action , which might cast upon their state either soveraignty or bondage , that they were all for the most partomitted : notwithstanding they are here noted under these title ; the first was vexillum proponendum , quod erat insigne cum ad arma concurri oporteret , the hanging out the flag , which was the sign for betaking themselves to their arms : for when the generall had determined to fight , he caused a skarlet coat or red flag to be hung out upon the top of his tent , that by it the souldiers might be warned to prepare themselves for the battel ; and this was the first warning they had ; which by a silent aspect presented bloud and execution to their eyes , as the only means to work out their own safety , and purchase eternall honour . the second was signum tuba dandum , the proclaiming the battel by sound of trumpet : this warning was a noise of many trumpets , which they termed by the name of classicuma calando , which signifieth calling ; for after the eye was filled with species sutable to the matter intended , they then hasted to possesse the eare , and by the sense of hearing to stir vp warlike motions , and fill them with resolute thoughts , that no diffident or base conceits might take hold of their mindes . the third was milites cohortandi , the encouraging of the souldiers : for it was thought convenient to confirm this valour with motives of reason , which is the strength and perfection of all such motions . the use and benefit whereof i somewhat inlarged in the helvetian war , and could afford much more labour to demonstrate the commodity of this part , if my speech might carry credit in the opinion of our souldiers , or be thought worthy regard to men so much addicted to their own fashions . the last was signum dandum , the sign giving ; which , as some think , was nothing but a word , by which they might distinguish and know themselves from their enemies . hirtius in the war of africk saith , that caesar gave the word felicity ; brutus and cassius gave liberty ; others have given virtus , deus nobiscum , triumphus imperatoris , and such like words , as might be ominous to a good successe . besides these particularities , the manner of their delivery gave a great grace to the matter . and that was distinguished by times and cues ; whereof caesar now complaineth , that all these were to be done at one instant of time : for without all controversy , there is no matter of such consequence in it self , but may be much graced with ceremonies and complements , which like officers or attendants add much respect and majesty to the action ; which otherwise being but barely presented , appeareth far meaner and of lesse regard . chap. x. the battel between caesar and the nervii . in these difficulties two things were a help to the romans : the one was the knowledge and experience of the souldiers ; for by reason of their practice in former battels , they could as well prescribe unto themselves what was to be done , as any other commander could teach them . the other was , that notwithstanding caesar had given commandment to every legate , not to leave the work or forsake the legions untill the fortifications were perfected ; yet when they saw extremity of danger , they attended no countermand from caesar , but ordered all things as it seemed best to their own discretion . caesar having commanded such things as he thought necessary , ran hastily to incourage his souldiers , and by fortune came to the tenth legion ; where he used no further speech , then that they should remember their ancient valour , have couragious hearts , and valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies . and forasmuch as the enemy was no further off , then a weapon might be cast to incounter them , he gave them the sign of battel : and hastening from thence to another quarter , he found them already closed and at the incounter . for the time was so short and the enemy so violent , that they wanted leisure to put on their head-pieces , or to uncase their targets : so that what part they lighted into from their work , or what ensign they first met withall , there they stayed ; least in seeking out their own companies , they should lose that time as was to be spent in fighting . the army being imbattelled rather according to the nature of the place , the declivity of the hill , and the brevity of time , then according to the rules of art ; as the legions incountred the enemy in divers places at once , the perfect view of the battel being hindred by those thick hedges before spoken of , there could no succours be placed any where ; neither could any man see what was needfull to be done : and therefore in so great uncertainty of things , there happened divers casualties of fortune . the souldiers of the ninth and tenth legion , as they stood in the left part of the army , casting their piles with the advantage of the hill , did drive the atrebates , breathlesse with running and wounded in the incounter , down into the river ; and as they passed over the water , slew many of them with their swords . neither did they stick to follow after them over the river , and adventure into a place of disadvantage , where the battel being renewed again by the enemy , they put them to flight the second time . in like manner two other legions , the eleventh and the eighth having put the veromandui from the upper ground , fought with them upon the banks of the river ; and so the front and the left part of the camp was well-near left naked . for in the right cornet were the twelfth and seventh legions , whereas all the nervii , under the conduct of boduognatus , were heaped together ; and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side , and other some to possesse themselves of the highest part of the camp . at the same time the roman horsemen , and the light-armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them , and were at first all put to flight by the enemy , as they were entering into the camp , met with their enemies in the face , and so were driven to fly out another way . in like manner the pages , and souldiers boyes , that from the decumane port and top of the hill had seen the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit over the river , and were gone out to gather pillage , when they looked behind them , and saw the enemy in their camp , betook them to their heels as fast as they could . at the same time rose a great hubbub and outcry of those that came along with the carriages , who being extremely troubled and dismayed at the businesse , ran some one way and some another . which accident so terrified the horsemen of the treviri ( who for their prowesse were reputed singular amongst the galles , and were sent thither by their state to aid the romans ) first when they perceived the roman camp to be possesst by a great multitude of the enemy , the legions to be overcharged and almost inclosed about , the horsemen , slingers , and numidians to be dispersed and fled , that without any further expectation they took their way homeward , and reported to their state that the romans were utterly overthrown , and that the enemy had taken their carriages . caesar departing from the tenth legion to the right cornet , finding his men exceedingly overcharged the ensignes crowded together into one place , and the souldiers of the twelfth legion so thick thronged on a heap , that they hindred one another ; all the centurions of the fourth cohort being slain , the ensign-bearer kill'd , and the ensign taken , and the centurions of the other cohorts either slain , or sore wounded ; amongst whom pub. sextus baculus , the primipile of that legion , a valiant man , so grievously wounded that he could scarce stand upon his feet ; the rest not very forward , but many of the hindmost turning taile and forsaking the field ; the enemy 〈◊〉 the other side giving no respite in front , although he fought against the hill , nor yet sparing the open side , and the matter brought to a narrow issue , without any means or succour to relieve them : he took a target from one of the hindmost souldiers , ( for he himself was come thither without one ) and pressing to the front of the battel , called the centurions by name , and incouraging the rest , commanded the ensignes to be advanced toward the enemy , and the maniples to be inlarged , that they might with greater facility and readinesse use their swords . the first observation . this publius sextus baculus was the chiefest centurion of the twelfth legion , being the first centurion of that maniple of the triarn that was of the first cohort in that legion : for that place was the greatest dignity that could happen to a centurion ; and therefore he was called by the name of centurio primipili , or simply primipilus , and sometimes primiopilus , or primus centurio . by him were commonly published the mandates and edicts of the emperour and tribunes : and therefore the rest of the centurions at all times had an eye unto him ; and the rather for that the eagle , which was the peculiar ensign of every legion , was committed to his charge and carried in his maniple . neither was this dignity without speciall commodity , as may be gathered out of divers authours . we read farther , that it was no disparagement for a tribune , after his tribuneship was expired , to be a primipile in a legion ; notwithstanding there was a law made , i know not upon what occasion , that no tribune should afterward be primipile . but let this suffice concerning the office and title of p. s. baculus . the second observation . and here i may not omit to give the target any honour i may : and therefore i will take occasion to describe it in caesars hand , as in the place of greatest dignity , and much honouring the excellency thereof . polybius maketh the target to contain two foot and an half in breadth , overthwart the convex surface thereof , and the length four foot , of what form or fashion soever they were of : for the romans had two sorts of targets amongst their legionaries ; the first carried the proportion of that figure which the geometricians call ovall , a figure of an unequall latitude , broadest in the 〈◊〉 , and narrow at both the ends like unto an egge , described in plano : the other sort was of an equall latitude , and resembled the fashion of a gutter-tile , and thereupon was called scutum imbricatum . the matter whereof a target was made was a double board , one fastened upon another with lint and buls glew , and covered with an oxe hide , or some other stiffe leather ; the upper and lower part of the target were bound about with a plate of iron , to keep it from cleaving ; and in the midst there was a bosse of iron or brasse , which they called umbo . romulus brought them in first among the romans , taking the use of them from the sabines . the wood whereof they were made was for the most part either sallow , alder , or fig-tree : whereof plinie giveth this reason ; forasmuch as these trees are cold and waterish , and therefore any blow or thrust that was made upon the wood , was presently contracted and shut up again . but forasmuch as the target was of such reputation among the roman armes , and challenged such interest in the greatnesse of their empire , let us enter a little into the consideration of the use & commodity thereof ; which cannot be better understood then by that comparison which polybius hath made between the weapons of the romans and the macodonians : and therefore i have thought good to insert it in these discourses . and thus it followeth . of the difference of the roman and macedonian weapons . i promised in my sixth book that i would make a comparison between the weapons of the romans and macedonians : and that i would likewise write of the disposition of either of their armies , how they do differ one from another ; and in what regard the one or the other were either inferiour or superiour : which promise i will now with diligence endeavour to perform . and forasmuch as the armies of the macedonians have given so good testimonies of themselves by their actions , by overcoming the armies as well of asia as of greece , and that the battels of the romans have conquered as well those of africa , as all the eastern countries of europe ; it shall not be amisse , but very profitable , to search out the difference of either ; especially seeing that these our times have not once , but many times seen triall both of their battels and forces : that knowing the reason why the romans do overcome , and in their battel carry away the better , we do not as vain men were wont to do , attribute the same to fortune , and esteem them without reason happy victours ; but rather looking into the true causes , we give them their due praises , according to the direction of reason and sound judgement . concerning the battels between hannibal and the romans , and concerning the romans losses , there is no need that i speak much . for their losses are neither to be imputed to the defect of their armes , or disposition of their armies ; but to the dexterity and industry of hannibal . but we have intreated thereof when we made mention of the battels themselves ; and the end it self of that warre doth especially confirm this our opinion : for when they had gotten a captain equall with hannibal , even consequently he with all his victories vanished . and he had no sooner overcome the romans , but by and by rejecting his own weapons , he trayned his army to their weapons : and so taking them up in the beginning , he continued them on unto the end . and pyrrhus in his war against the romans did use both their weapons and order , & made as it were a medly both of the cohort and phalanx : but notwithstanding it served him not to get the victory , but alwayes the event by some means or other made the same doubtful : concerning whom it were not unfit that i should say something , least in being altogether silent , it might seem to prejudice this mine opinion . but notwithstanding i will hasten to my purposed comparison . now touching the phalanx , if it have the disposition and forces proper to it , nothing is able to oppose it self against it , or to sustain the violence thereof ; as may easily by many documents be approved . for when an armed man doth stand firm in the space of three foot in so thick an arraie of battel , and the length of their pikes being according to the first basis or scantling sixteen foot , but according to the true and right conveniency of them fourteen cubites , out of which are taken four allowed for the space between the left hand , which supporteth the same , and the butt end thereof , whiles he stands in a readinesse to attend the encounter ; being thus ordered , i say , it is manifest that the length of ten cubites doth extend it self before the body of every armed man , where with both his hands he doth advance it ready to charge the enemy . by which meanes it followeth that some of the pikes do not only extend themselves before the second , third , and fourth rank , but some before the foremost , if the phalanx have his proper and due thicknesse , according to his naturall disposition , both on the sides and behind : as homer maketh mention when he saith , that one target doth enclose and fortify another ; one head-piece is joyned to another , that they may stand united & close together . these circumstances being rightly and truly set down , it must follow that the pikes of every former rank in the phalanx do extend themselves two cubites before each other , which proportion of difference they have between themselves : by which may evidently be seen the assault and impression of the whole phalanx , what it is , and what force it hath , consisting of sixteen ranks in depth or thicknesse . the excesse of which number of ranks above five , forasmuch as they cannot commodiously couch their pikes without the disturbance of the former , the points of them not being long enough to enlarge themselves beyond the foremost ranks , they grow utterly unprofitable , and cannot man by man make any impression or assault : but serve only by laying their pikes upon the shoulders of those which stand before them , to sustain and hold up the swayes and giving back of the former ranks which stand before them , to this end , that the front may stand firm and sure ; and with the thicknesse of their pikes they do repell all those darts , which passing over the heads of those that stand before , would annoy those ranks which are more backward . and farther , by moving forward with the force of their bodies , they do so presse upon the former , that they do make a most violent impression . for it is impossible that the foremost ranks should give back . this therefore being the generall and particular disposition of the phalanx , we must now speak on the contrary part touching the properties and differences , as well of the armes , as of the whole disposition of the roman battel . for every roman souldier for himself and his weapon , is allowed three foot to stand in , and in the incounter are moved man by man , every one covering himself with his target , and mutually moving whensoever there is occasion offered . but those which use their swords , do fight in a more thin and distinct order ; so that it is manifest that they have three foot more allowed them to stand in both from shoulder to shoulder , and from back to belly , that they may use their weapons with the better commodity . and hence it cometh to passe that one roman souldier taketh up as much ground , as two of those which are to encounter him of the macedonian phalanx : so that one roman is as it were to oppose himself against ten pikes , which pikes the said one souldier can neither by any agility come to offend , or else at handy blowes otherwise annoy : and those which are behind him are not only unable to repell their force , but also with conveniency to use their own weapons . whereby it may easily be gathered , that it is impossible that any battel being assaulted by the front of a phalanx , should be able to sustain the violence thereof , if it have his due and proper composition . what then is the cause that the romans do overcome , and that those that do use the phalanx are voyd of the hope of victory ? even from hence , that the roman armies have infinite commodities , both of places and of times to fight in . but the phalanx hath onely one time , one place , and one kind whereto it may profitably apply it self : so that if it were of necessity that their enemy should encounter them at that instant , especially with their whole forces , it were questionlesse not only not without danger , but in all probability likely that the phalanx should ever carry away the better . but if that may be avoyded , which is easily done , shall not that disposition then be utterly unprofitable , and free from all terrour ? and it is farther evident that the phalanx must necessarily have plain and champain places , without any hinderances or impediments , as ditches , uneven places , vallies , little hils and rivers ; for all these may hinder and disjoyn it . and it is almost impossible to have a plain of the capacity of twenty stadia , much lesse more , where there shall be found none of these impediments . but suppose there be found such places as are proper for the phalanx : if the enemy refuse to come unto them , and in the mean time spoil and sack the cities and country round about , what commodity or profit shall arise by any army so ordered ? for if it remain in such places , as hath been before spoken of , it can neither relieve their friends , nor preserve themselves . for the convoies which they expect from their friends are easily cut off by the enemy , whiles they remain in those open places . and if it happen at any time that they leave them upon any enterprise , they are then exposed to the enemy . but suppose that the roman army should find the phalanx in such places , yet would it not adventure it self in grosse at one instant , but would by little and little retire it self ; as doth plainly appear by their usuall practice . for there must not be a conjectur of these things by my words only , but especially by that which they do . for they do not so equally frame their battel , that they do assault the enemy altogether , making as it werebut one front : but part make a stand , and part charge the enemy , that if at any time the phalanx do presse them that come to assault them and be repelled , the force of their order is dissolved . for whether they pursue those that retire , or fly from those that do assault them , these do disjoyn themselves from part of their army ; by which meanes there is a gap opened to their enemies , standing and attending their opportunity : so that now they need not any more to charge them in the front , where the force of the phalanx consisteth , but to assault where the breach is made , both behind and upon the sides . but if at any time the roman army may keep his due propriety and disposition , the phalanx by the disadvantage of the place being not able to do the like , doth it not then manifestly demonstrate the difference to be great between the goodnesse of their disposition , and the disposition of the phalanx ? to this may be added the necessities imposed upon an army : which is , to march through places of all natures , to encamp themselves , to possesse places of advantage , to besiege , and to be besieged ; and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in view of the enemy . for all these occasions necessarily accompany an army , and oftentimes are the especiall causes of victory , to which the macedonian phalanx is no way fit or convenient ; forasmuch as neither in their generall order , nor in their particular disposition , without a convenient place , they are able to effect any thing of moment : but the roman army is apt for all these purposes . for every souldier amongst them being once armed and ready to fight , refuseth no place , time nor occasion ; keeping alwayes the same order , whether he fight together with the whole body of the army , or particularly by himself man to man. and hence it happeneth , that as the commodity of their disposition is advantageous , so the end doth answer the expectation . these things i thought to speak of at large , because many of the graecians are of an opinion that the macedonians are not to be overcome . and again , many wondered how the macedonian phalanx should be put to the worse by the roman army , considering the nature of their weapons . thus far goeth polybius in comparing the weapons and embattelling of the romans , with the use of arms amonst the macedonians : wherein we see the pike truly and exactly ordered , according as the wise gracians could best proportion it with that form of battel , which might give most advantage to the use thereof : so that if our squadrons of pikes jump not with the perfect manner of a phalanx , ( as we see they do not ) they fall so much short of that strength , which the wisdome of the grecians and the experience of other nations imputed unto it . but suppose we could allow it that disposition in the course of our warres , which the nature of the weapon doth require ; yet forasmuch as by the authority of polybius , the said manner of imbattelling is tied to such dangerous circumstances of one time , one place , and one kind of fight , i hold it not so profitable a weapon as the practice of our times doth seem to make it , especially in woody countries , such as ireland is , where the use is cut off by such inconveniences as are noted to hinder the managing thereof . and doubtlesse , if our commanders did but consider of the incongruity of the pike and ireland , they would not proportion so great a number of them in every company as there is ; for commonly half the company are pikes , which is as much as to say in the practice of our wars , that half the army hath neither offensive nor defensive weapons , but onely against a troup of horse . for they seldome or never come to the push of pike with the foot companies , where they may charge and offend the enemy : and for defence , if the enemy think it not safe to buckle with them at hand , but maketh more advantage to play upon them afarre off with shot , it affordeth small safety to shake a long pike at them , and stand fair in the mean time to entertain a volley of shot with the body of their battalion . as i make no question but the pike in some services is profitable , as behind a rampier , or at a breach ; so i assure my self there are weapons , if they were put to triall , that would countervail the pike , even in those services wherein it is thought most profitable . concerning the target , we see it take the hand , in the judgement of polybius , of all other weapons whatsoever , as well in regard of the divers and sundry sorts of imbattelling , as the quality of the place wheresoever : for their use was as effectuall in small bodies and centuries , as in grosse troups and great companies ; in thin and spacious imbattelling , as in thick-thronged testudines . neither could the nature of the place make them unserviceable ; for whether it were plain or covert , levell or unequall , narrow or large , if there were any commodity to fight , the target was as necessary to defend as the sword to offend : besides the conveniency which accompanieth the target in any necessity imposed upon an army , whether it be to march through places of all natures , to make a fast march , or a speedy retreat , to incamp themselves , to possesse places of advantage , to besiege and to be besieged , as polybius saith , with many other occasions which necessarily accompany an army . the use of this weapon hath been too much neglected in these later ages , but may be happily renewed again in our nation , if the industry of such as have laboured to present it unto these times in the best fashion , shall find any favour in the opinion of our commanders . concerning which target i must needs say thus much , that the light target will prove the target of service , whensoever they shall happen to be put in execution : for those which are made proof are so heavie and unwieldy ( although they be somewhat qualified with such helps as are annexed to the use thereof ) that they overcharge a man with an unsupportable burthen , and hinder his agility and execution in fight with a weight disproportionable to his strength . for our offensive weapons , as namely the harquebusiers and musketiers , are stronger in the offensive part , then any armes of defence , which may be made manageable and fit for service . neither did the romans regard the proof of their targets further then was thought fit for the ready use of them in time of battel , as it appeareth in many places both in the civil wars , and in these commentaries : for a roman pile hath oftentimes darted through the target , and the body of the man that bare it , and fastened them both to the ground ; which is more then a musket can well do , for the bullet commonly resteth in the body . and although it may be said that this was not common , but rather the effect of an extraordinary arme ; yet it serveth to prove that their targets were not proof to their offensive weapons , when they were well delivered , and with good direction . for i make no doubt but in their battels there were oftentimes some hinderances , which would not suffer so violent an effect as this which i speak off : for in a volley of shot we must not think that all the bullets fly with the same force , and fall with the like hurt ; but as armour of good proof will hardly hold out some of them , so slender armes , and of no proof , will make good resistance against others . and to conclude , in a battell or incounter at hand , a man shall meet with more occasions suiting the nature and commodity of this light target , then such as will advantage the heavy target of proof , or countervail the surplus of weight which it carrieth with it . some men will urge , that there is use of this target of proof in some places and in some services : which i deny not to those that desire to be secured from the extremity of peril . but this falleth out in some places , and in some particular services ; and hindereth not but that the universall benefit of this weapon consisteth in the multitude of light targetiers , who are to manage the most important occasions of a warre . thus much i am further to note concerning the sword of the targetiers , that according to the practice of the ●mans , it must alwayes hang on the right side ; for carrying the target upon the left arm , it cannot be that the sword should hang on the left side , but with great trouble and annoiance . and if any man say , that if it hang on the right side it must be very short , otherwise it will never be readily drawn out : i say , that the sword of the targetiers , in regard of the use of that weapon , ought to be of a very short scantling , whenas the targetier is to command the point of his sword within the compasse of his target , as such as look into the true use of this weapon will easily discover . but let this suffice concerning the use of the pike and the target . chap. xi . the battel continueth , and in the end caesar overcometh . at the presence of their generall the souldiers conceived some better hopes ; and gathering strength and courage again , when as every man bestirred himself in the sight of the emperour , the brunt of the enemy was a little stayed . caesar perceiving likewise the seventh legion , which stood next unto him , to be sore over-laid by the enemy , commanded the tribunes by little and little to joyn the two legions together , and so by joyning back to back , to make two contrary fronts ; and being thus secured one by another from fear of being circumvented , they began to make resistance with greater courage . in the mean time the two legions that were in the rereward to guard the carriages , hearing of the battel , doubled their pace , and were descried by the enemy upon the top of the hill . titus labienus , having won the camp of the nervii , and beholding from the higher ground what was done on the other side of the river , sent the tenth legion to help their fellowes : who understanding by the horsemen and lackies that fled in what case the matter stood , and in what danger the camp , the legions , and the generall was , made all the haste they possibly could . at whose coming there happened such an alteration and change of things , that even such as were sunk down through extreme grief of their wounds , or leaned upon their targets , began again to fight afresh ; and the pages and the boyes perceiving the enemy amazed , ran upon them unarmed , not fearing their weapons . the horsemen also striving with extraordinary valour to wipe away the dishonour of their former flight , thrust themselves in all places before the legionary souldiers . howbeit the enemy in the utmost peril of their lives shewed such manhood , that at fast as the foremost of them were overthrown , the next in place bestrid their carcasses , and fought upon their bodies : and these being likewise overthrown , and their bodies heaped one upon another , they that remained possest themselves of that mount of dead carcasses , as a place of advantage , and from thence threw their weapons , and intercepting the piles returned them again to the romans . by which it may be gathered that there was great reason to deem them men of haughtie courage , that durst passe over so broad a river , climbe up such high rocks , and adventure to fight in a place of such inequality ; all which their magnanimity made easy to them . the battel being thus ended , and the nation and name of the nervii being well-near swallowed up with destruction the elder sort with the women and children , that before the battel were conveyed into ilands and bogs , when they heard thereof , and saw now that there was nothing to hinder the conquerour , nor any hope of safety to the conquered , by the consent of all that remained alive sent embassadours to caesar , and yielded themselves to his mercy ; and in laying open the misery of their state affirmed , that of six hundred senatours they had now left but three , and of sixty thousand fighting men , there was scarce five hundred that were able to bear armes . caesar , that his clemencie might appear to a distressed people , preserved them with great care , granting unto them the free possession of their townes and countrey , and streightly commanding their borderers not to offer them any wrong or injury at all . observation . and thus endeth the relation of that great and dangerous battel , which ramus complaineth of as a confused narration , much differing from the direct and methodicall file of his other commentaries . but if that rule hold good which learned rhetoricians have observed in their oratory , that an unperfect thing ought not to be told in a perfect manner ; then by ramus leave , if any such confusion do appear , it both savoureth of eloquence , and well suteth the turbulent carriage of the action , wherein order and skill gave place to fortune , and providence was swallowed up with peradventure . for that which h●rtius saith of the overthrow he gave to pharnaces , may as well be said of this , that he got the victory , plurimum adjuvante deorum benignitate , qui cum omnibus belli casibus intersunt , tum praecipue iis quibus nihil ratione potuit administrari , by the very great favour and assistance of the gods ; who as they give aid in all cases of war , so especially in those where reason and good skill are at a losse . for so it fell out in this battel , and the danger proceeded from the same cause that brought him to that push in the battel with pharnaces : for he well understood that the nervii attended his coming on the other side the river sabis : neither was he ignorant how to fortifie his camp in the face of an enemy without fear or danger , as we have seen in his warre with ariovistus ; when he marched to the place where he purposed to incamp himself with three battels , and caused two of them to stand ready in armes to receive any charge which the enemy should offer to give , that the third battel in the mean time might fortify the camp. which course would easily have frustrated this stratagem of the nervii , and made the hazard lesse dangerous : but he little expected any such resolution , so contrary to the rules of militarie discipline , that an enemy should not stick to passe over so broad a river , to climbe up such steep and high rocks , to adventure battel in a place so disadvantageous , and to hazard their fortune upon such inequalities . and therefore he little mistrusted any such unlikely attempt , wherein the enemy had plotted his own overthrow , if the legions had been ready to receive them . which may teach a generall that which caesar had not yet learned , that a leader cannot be too secure in his most assured courses , nor too carefull in his best advised directions ; considering that the greatest means may easily be prevented , and the safest course weakened with an unrespected circumstance : so powerfull are weak occurrences in the main course of the weightiest actions , and so infinite are the wayes whereby either wisdome or fortune may work . neither did this warm him to provide for that which an enemy might do , how unlikely soever it might seem unto him ; as appeareth by that accident in the battel with pharnaces . which practise of attempting a thing against reason and the art of warre , hath found good successe in our modern warres , as appeareth by the french histories : notwithstanding it is to be handled sparingly , as no way favouring of circumspect and good direction , forasmuch as temeritas non semper felix , rashnesse does not alwayes speed well , as fabius the great answered scipio . the chiefest helps which the romans found , were first the advantage of the place ; whereof i spake in the helvetian warre . secondly , the experience which the souldiers had got in the former battels , which much directed them in this turbulent assault ; wherein they carried themselves as men acquainted with such casualties . lastly , the valour and undanted judgement of the generall , which overswaied the perill of the battel , and brought it to so fortunate an end . wherein we may observe , that as in a temperate course , when the issue of the battel rested upon his directions , he wholly intented warinesse and circumspection : so in the hazard and perill of good hap , he confronted extremity of danger with extremity of valour , and over-topt fury with a higher resolution . chap. xii . the aduatici betake themselves to a strong hold , and are taken by caesar . the * aduatici before-mentioned coming with all their power to aid the nervii , and understanding by the way of their overthrow , returned home again ; and forsaking all the rest of their towns and castles , conveyed themselves and their wealth into one strong and well-fortified town , which was compassed about with mighty rocks and steep downfalls , saving in one place of two hundred foot in breadth , where there was an entry by a gentle and easy ascent : which passage they had fortified with a double wall of a large altitude , and had placed mighty great stones and sharp beames upon the walls , ready for an assault . this people descended from the cimbri and teutoni , who in their journey into italy , left such carriages on this side of the rhene , as they could not conveniently take along with them , and men to look to them : who , after the death of their fellowes , being many yeares disquieted by their neighbours , sometimes invading other states , and sometimes defending themselves , at length procured a peace , and chose this place to settle themselves in . at the first coming of the roman army , they sallied out of the town , and made many light skirmishes with them : but after that caesar had drawn a rampier about the town of twelve foot in height , fifteen miles in compasse , and had fortified it with castles very thick about the town , they kept themselves within the wall . and as they beheld the vines framed , the mount raised , and a tower in building afarre off ; at first they began to laugh at it , and with scoffing speeches from the wall , began to aske with what hands , and with what strength , especially by men of that stature ( for the romans were but little men in respect of the galles ) a tower of that huge massie weight should be brought unto the walles . but when they saw it removed , and approaching near unto the town ( as men astonished at the strange and unaccustomed sight thereof ) they sent embassadours to caesar to intreat a peace , with this message ; they believed that the romans did not make war without the speciall assistance of the gods , that could with such facility transport engines of that height , and bring them to incounter at hand , against the strongest part of their town : and therefore they submitted both themselves and all that they had to caesars mercy , desiring one thing of him earnestly , which was , that if his goodnesse and clemency ( which they had heard so high praises of ) had determined to save their lives , he would not take away their arms from them ; forasmuch as all their neighbours were enemies unto them , and envied at their valour ; neither were they able to defend themselves , if they should deliver up their armour : so that they had rather suffer any inconvenience by the people of rome , then to be butcherly murthered by them , whom in former time they had held subject to their command . to this caesar answered ; that he would save the city rather of his own custome , then for any desert of theirs , so that they yielded before the ram touched the wall ; but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present delivery of their armes : for he would do by them as he had done by the nervii , and give commandment to their neighbours , that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of rome . this answer being returned to the city , they seemed contented to do whatsoever he commanded them : and thereupon casting a great part of their armour over the wall into the ditch , insomuch as they fill'd it almost to the top of the rampier , and yet ( as afterward was known ) concealing the third part , they set open the gates , and for that day carried themselves peaceably . towards night caesar commanded the gates to be shut , and the souldiers to be drawn out of the town , least in the night the townsmen should be any way injured by them . but the aduatici , having consulted together before ( forasmuch as they believed that upon their submission the romans would either set no watch at all , or at the least keep it very carelesly ) partly with such armour as they had retained , and partly with targets made of bark , or wrought of wicker , which upon the suddain they had covered over with leather , about the third watch , where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest , they issued suddainly out of the town with all their power : but signification thereof being presently given by fires , as caesar had commanded , the romans hasted speedily to that place . the enemy fought very desperately , as men in the last hope of their welfare , incountering the romans in a place of disadvantage , all their hopes now lying upon their valour : at length , with the slaughter of four thousand , the rest were driven back into the town . the next day , when caesar came to break open the gates , and found no man at defence , he sent in the souldiers , and sold all the people and spoil of the town : the number of persons in the town amounted to fifty three thousand bondslaves . the first observation . in the surprise attempted by the belgae upon bibract , i set down the manner which both the galles and the romans used in their sudden surprising of a town : whereof if they failed ( the place importing any advantage in the course of war ) they then prepared for the siege in that manner as caesar hath described in this place . they invironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier , and fortified the said rampier with many castles and fortresses , erected in a convenient distance one from another ; and so they kept the town from any forreign succour or reliefe : and withall secured themselves from sallies , or other stratagems which the townsmen might practice against them . and this manner of siege was called circumvallatio ; the particular description whereof i referre unto the history of alesia , where i will handle it according to the particulars there set down by caesar . the second observation . the ram , which caesar here mentioneth , was of greatest note amongst all the roman engines , and held that place which the canon hath in our wars . vitruvius doth attribute the invention thereof to the carthaginians , who at the taking of cadiz , wanting a fit instrument to raze and overthrow a castle , they took a long beam or timber-tree , and bearing it upon their armes and shoulders , with the one end thereof they first brake down the uppermost rank of stones ; and so descending by degrees they overthrew the whole tower . the romans had two sorts of rams ; the one was rude and plain , the other artificiall and compound : the first is that which the carthaginians used at cadiz , and is pourtrayed in the column of tra●an at rome . the compound ram is thus described by josephus ; a ram , saith he , is a mighty great beam , like unto the mast of a ship , and is strengthened at one end with a head of iron fashioned like unto a ram , and thereof it took the name . this ram is hanged by the midst with ropes unto another beam , which lieth crosse a couple of pillars : and hanging thus equally balanced , it is by force of men thrust forwar and recoild backward , and so beateth upon the wall with his iron head : neither is there any tower so strong , or wall so broad , that is able to stand before it . the length of this ram was of a large scantling ; for plutarch affirmeth that antony in the parthian war had a ram fourescore foot long . and vitruvius saith that the length of a ram was usually one hundred and six , and sometimes one hundred and twenty ; and this length gave great strength and force to the engine . it was managed at one time with a whole century or order of souldiers ; and their forces being spent , they were seconded with another century ; and so the ram played continually upon the wall without intermission . josephus saith that titus , at the siege of jerusalem , had a ram for every legion . it was oftentimes covered with a vine , that the men that managed it might be in more safety . it appeareth by this place , that if a town had continued out untill the ram had touched the wall , they could not presume of any acceptation of rendry ; forasmuch as by their obstinacy they had brought in perill the lives of their enemies , and were subdued by force of armes , which affordeth such mercy as the victor pleaseth . the third observation . the aduatici , as it seemeth , were not ignorant of the small security which one state can give unto another , that commendeth their safety to be protected by it : for as architas the pythagorean saith , a body , a family , and an army are then well governed , when they contain within themselves the causes of their safety ; so we must not look for any security in a state , when their safety dependeth upon a forreign protection . for the old saying is , that neque murus , neque amicus quisquam teget , quem propria arma non texere , neither wals nor friends will save him , whom his own weapons do not defend . although in this case the matter was well qualified by the majesty of the roman empire , and the late victories in the continent of gallia ; whereof the hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses : but amongst kingdomes that are better suted with equality of strength and authority , there is small hope of safety to be looked for , unlesse the happy government of both do mutually depend upon the safety of either nation , for that which polybius observed in antigonus king of macedonia , taketh place for the most part amongst all princes ; that kings by nature esteem no man either as a friend or an enemy , but as the calculation of profit shall find them answerable to their projects . and contrariwise it cutteth off many occasions of practices and attempts , when it is known that a state is of it self able and ready to resist the designes of forreign enemies , according to that of manlius ; ostendite modo bellum , pacem habebitis : videant vos paratos ad vim , jus ipsi remittent , do but shew them war , and you shall have peace : let them see you are provided to repell force , and they will do you nothing but right . the fourth observation . the manner of signifying any motion or attempt by fire , was of great use in the night season , where the fortification was of so large an extension : for fire in the night doth appear far greater then indeed it is ; forasmuch as that part of the aire which is next unto the fire , as it is illuminated with the light thereof , in a reasonable distance cannot be discerned from the fire it self , and so it seemeth much greater then it is in substance . and contrariwise in the day time it sheweth lesse then it is ; for the clear brightnesse of the air doth much obscure that light which proceedeth from a more grosse and materiall body : and therefore their custome was to use fire in the night , and smoak in the day , suting the transparent middle with a contrary quality , that so it might more manifestly appear to the beholder . the fifth observation . and albeit after the victory , the romans inflicted divers degrees of punishment , according to the malice which they found in an enemy ; yet as flavius lucanus saith in livie , there was no nation more exorable , nor readier to shew mercy then the romans were . the punishments which we find them to have used towards a conquered nation were these ; either they punished them by death , or sold them for bondslaves sub corona , or dismissed them sub jugum , or merced them in taking away their territories , or made them tributary states . of the first we find a manifest example in the third of these commentaries , where caesar having overthrown the veneti by sea , inasmuch as they had retained his embassadours by force , contrary to the law of nations , he put all the senate to the sword , and sold the rest sub corona . festus saith that an enemy was said to be sold sub corona , inasmuch as the captives stood crowned in the market-place where they were set out to sale : as cato saith in his book de re militari , ut populus sua opera potius ob rem bene gestam coronatus supplicatum eat ; quam re male gesta coronatus vaeneat ; that the people may rather for well performing go to supplicate crowned , then for ill performance be sold crowned . and gellius affirmeth the same thing , but addeth also another reason , forasmuch as the souldiers that kept them while they were in selling , incircled them round about to keep them together ; and this round-about-standing was called corona . festus saith that oftentimes they used a spear , and therefore they were said to be sold sub hasta : forasmuch as amongst the greeks , by the spear or pike was signified the power of armes , and majestie of empires . when they dismissed them sub jugum , their order was to erect three trees like a pair of gallowes , under which they caused all the captives to passe , as a sign of bondage : for they had so conquered them by force of armes , that they laid upon their neck the yoak of thraldome . livie saith that quintius the dictator dismissed the aequos sub jugum ; and this jugum was made of three speares , whereof two were stuck upright in the ground , and the third was tied overthwart them . the souldiers that passed sub jugum were ungirt , and their weapons taken from them , as festus saith . sometimes again they took away their lands and territories , and either sold it for money , and brought it into the treasury , or divided the land amongst the roman people , or let it out to farmerent : of all which livie hath many pregnant examples . of the second sort , the selling of the veii in his fifth book , and of samnites in his ninth book . of the third , that remarkable example of passing the two consuls t. veturius calvinus , and spurius postumius , with the legates , tribunes , and whole roman army sub jugum , by caius pontius leader of the samnites , in his ninth book . of the fourth , in all kinds thereof frequently through his history . chap. xiii . crassus taketh in all the maritime cities that ly to the ocean : the legions carried into their wintering camps . the same time pub. crassus , whom he had sent with one legion to the veneti , unelli , osis●●● , curiosolitae , sesuvii , aulerci , and rhedones , being the maritime cities that lay to the ocean , advertised him that all those states had yielded themselves to the people of rome . the warres being thus ended , and all gallia being settled in peace , there went such a fame of this warre among other barbarous people , that from nations beyond the rhene there came embassadours to caesar , offering both hostages , and obedience to whatsoever he commanded them . but caesar , forasmuch as he then hasted into lombardie , after he had placed his legions in their wintering campes , willed them to repair unto him again in the beginning of the next sommer . he himself therefore , after he had first disposed his army into winter-quarters amongst the carnutes , andes , and turones , cities next to those places where his warres had been , took his journey forthwith for italy . for these things , upon the sight of caesars letters , a generall supplication was proclaimed in rome for fifteen dayes together : which honour before that time had happened to no man. the third commentary of the warres in gallia . the argument . this commentarie beginneth with an accident which happened in the latter end of the former sommer , wherein the belgae had so lean a harvest : and then it proceedeth to the war between caesar and the veneti ; crassus and the aquitani ; titurius sabinus and the curiosolitae ; and titus labienus with the treviri . chap. i. sergius galba being sent to clear the passage of the alpes , is besieged by the seduni and veragri . caesar taking his journey into italy , sent sergius galba with the twelfth legion and part of the horsemen unto the nantuates , veragri and seduni , whose territories are extended from the river rhone and the lake lemanus , unto the tops of the highest alpes , the end of this voyage was chiefly to clear the alpes of thieves and robbers , that lived by the spoile of passengers that travailed between italy and gallia . galba having order , if he found it expedient , to winter in those parts , after some fortunate incounters , and the taking of some castles and holds . embassadours coming to him from round about , and giving hostages for their fidelity he concluded a peace , and resolved to place two cohorts of his legion amongst the nantuates , and himself to winter with the other cohorts in a town of the veragri named octodurus . this town being sited in a narrow valley , and incircled about with mighty high hills , was divided by a river into two parts ; whereof he gave one part to the galles , and the other he chose for his wintering camp , and fortified it about with a ditch and a rampier . after he had spent many dayes of wintering , and given order that corn should be brought thither for provision ; he had intelligence upon a sudden , that the galles in the night time had all left that part of the town that was allotted unto them ; and that the hills which hung over the valley wherein the town stood , were possess'd with great multitudes of the seduni and veragri . the reasons of this sudden commotion were chiefly the paucity of the roman forces , not making a compleat legion , forasmuch as two cohorts wintered amongst the nantuates ; besides many particular souldiers that were wanting some being gone to fetch in provisions , and others upon other necessary occasions . and besides their being thus contemptible in regard of themselves , the place afforded such advantage , that they were perswaded by reason of the steep declivity of the hill , that the romans would not indure the brunt of the first assault . besides this , it grieved them exceedingly to have their children taken from them under the title of hostages ; and the alpes , which nature had exempted from habitation , & placed as bounds between two large kingdomes , to be seised upon by the roman legions , not for their passage so much , as for their perpetuall possession , & to be united to their province . vpon these advertisements galba ; not having as yet finished the fortification of his camp , nor sufficiently made provision of corn and forrage for the winter season , in that he little feared any motion of war , being secured of their amity and obedience , both by hostages and rendry , presently called a councell of warre , to determine what course was best to be taken . in which councell the minds of many were so amazed with the terrour of so unexpected a danger , when they beheld the hills pestered with armed souldiers , the passages taken and intercepted by the enemy , and no hope left of any succour or relief , that they could think of no other way for their safety , then leaving behind them their baggage and impediments , to sallie out of their camp , and so to save themselves by the same way they came thither . notwithstanding the greater part concluded to referre that resolution to the last push , and in the mean time to attend the fortune of the event , and defend the camp. observation . vvhich advise although at this time it sorted to small effect , yet it better suted the valour of the romans , and savoured more of tempered magnanimity then that former hazard , which argued the weaknesse of their minds , by their over-hasty and too forward resolution . for as it imported greater danger , and discovered a more desperate spirit , to break through the thickest troups of their enemies , and so by strong hand to save themselves by the help of some other fortune ; so it manifested a greater apprehension of terrour , and a stronger impression of fear , which can afford nothing but desperate remedies : for desperate and inconsiderate rashnesse riseth sooner of fear , then of any other passion of the mind . but such as beheld the danger with a lesse troubled eye , and qualified the terrour of death with the life of their spirit , reserving extremity of help to extremity of perill , and in the mean time attended what chances of advantage might happen unto them upon any enterprise the enemy should attempt ; they , i say , so gave greater scope to fortune , and inlarged the bounds of changing accidents . chap. ii. the enemy setteth upon the wintering camp : galba overthroweth them . the councell being dismissed , they had scarce time to put in execution such things as were agreed upon for their defence , but the enemy , at a watch-word given , assaulted the camp on all sides with stones and darts , and other casting weapons . the romans at first when their strength was fresh , valiantly resisted the brunt of the charge ; neither did they spend in vain any weapon which they cast from the rampier ; but what part soever of their camp seemed to be in greatest danger , and want of help , thither they came with succour and relief . but herein they were overmatched ; for the enemy being spent and wearied with fight , whensoever any of them gave place and forsook the battel , there were alwayes fresh combatants to supply it . but the romans , by reason of their small number , had no such help : for their extremity in that point was such , that no man was permitted neither for wearinesse nor wounds to forsake his station , or abandon his charge . and having thus fought continually the space of six hours when both strength & weapons wanted , the enemy persisting with greater fury to fill the ditch , & break down the rampier , & their hopes relying upon the last expectation , p. s. bacu. the primipile of that legion , whom we said to be so sore wounded in the nervian battel , and caius volusenus tribune of the souldiers , a man of singular courage and wisdome , ran speedily to galba and told him , that the onely w●y of safety was to break out upon the enemy , and to try the last refuge in that extremity . whereupon they called the centurions , and by them admonised the souldiers to surcease a while from fighting , and onely to receive such weapons as were cast into the camp ; and so to rest themselves a little and recover their strength : and then at a watch-word to sallie out of their camp , and lay their safety upon their valour . which the souldiers executed with such alacrity and courage of spirit , that breaking out at all the gates of the camp , they gave no leisure to the enemy to consider what was done , nor to satisfie his judgement touching so unexpected a noveltie . and thus fortune being suddenly changed , the romans encompassing those who came with full expectation of spoiling their camp , slew more then the third part of thirty thousand , and put the rest to flight , not suffering them to stay upon the hills near about them . having thus overthrown the enemies whole strength , and taken their armes , they drew again into their quarters . observation . which strange alteration lively describeth the force of ●ovelty , and the effectuall power of unexpected adventures : for in the first course of their proceeding , wherein the romans defended the camp , and the galles charged it by assault , the victory held constant with the galles , and threatned death and mortality to the romans . neither had they any means to recover hope of better successe , but by trying another way ; which so much the more amazed the galles , in that they had vehemently apprehended an opinion of victory , by a set fight continuing the space of six houres , without any likelihood of contrariety or alteration . which practise of frustrating a design intended by an indirect and contrary answer , served the romans oftentimes to great advantage ; as besides this present example , in this commentary we shall afterward read , how titurius sabinus defeated the unelli with the same stratagem , and overthrew them by eruption and sallying out , when they expected nothing but a defensive resistance from the rampier . from whence a commander may learn to avoid two contrary inconveniences , according as the quality of the warre shall offer occasion : first ( if other things be answerable , which a judicious eye will easily discover ) that a sally made out at divers ports of a hold , will much mitigate the heat of a charge , and controll the fury of an enemy . and on the other side , he that besiegeth any place , what advantage soever he hath of the defendant , may much better assure himself of good fortune , if he appoint certain troups in readinesse to receive the charge of any eruption , that the rest that are busily imployed in the assault may provide to answer it without disorder or confusion . which order if the galles had taken , they had not in likelihood so often been deceived . chap. iii. galba returneth into the province : the vnelli give occasion of a new warre . after this battell , galba unwilling to try fortune any further , and considering that he had met with businesses which he never dreamed of when first he came thither to quarter , especially finding himself in want both of corn and forrage , having first burned the town , the next day he returned towards the province , and without let or resistance brought the legion safe into the nantuates , and from thence to the * allobroges , and there he wintered . after these things were dispatched , caesar supposing for many reasons that all gallia was now in peace , and that there was no further fear of any new warre , the belgae being overthrown , the germans thrust out , and the seduni amongst the alps subdued and vanquished , in the beginning of the winter was gone into illyricum , having a great desire to see those nations . but there grew a suddain tumult and dissension in gallia upon this occasion : pub. crassus wintering with the seventh legion in aniou near unto the ocean , and finding scarcity of corn in those parts , he sent out the prefects of the horsemen and tribunes into the next cities to demand corn , and other provisions for his legion : of whom titus terrasidius was sent unto the * unelli , marcus trebius to the * curiosolitae , q. velanius and titus silius to the * veneti . these veneti were of greatest authority amongst all the maritime nations in that coast , by reason of their great store of shipping , with which they did traffick in britanie , and exceeded all their neighbour states in skill and experience of sea-faring matters ; having command of as many ports as lay to those seas , and the most part of such as used those seas tributaries to their state. these veneti first adventured to retain silius and velanius , hoping thereby to recover their hostages which they had given to crassus . the finitimate cities induced by their authority and example , ( as indeed the resolutions of the galles are sudden and hasty ) for the same reason laid hold upon trebius and terrasidius ; and sending speedy ambassages one unto another , conjured by their princes and chiefest magistrates to do nothing but by common consent , and to attend all the same event of fortune ; soliciting also other cities and states , rather to maintain that liberty which they had received of their ancestours , then to indure the servile bondage of a stranger . the first observation . the circumstance in this history which noteth the sudden breaking out of wars , when the course of things made promise of peace , sheweth first , what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse in calculating the nativity of after-chances : which so seldome answer the judgement we give upon their beginnings , that when we speak of happinesse , we find nothing but misery ; and contrariwise , it goeth often well with that part which our art hath condemned to ill fortune . and therefore i do not marvel , if when almost all nations are at odds , and in our best conceits threaten destruction one to another , there happen a sudden motion of peace : or if peace be in speech , soothing the world with pleasing tranquillity , and through the uncertainty of our weak probabilities , promise much rest after many troubles ; there follow greater wars in the end then the former time can truly speak of . which being well understood , may humble the spirits of our haughty politicians , that think to comprehend the conclusions of future times under the premises of their weak projects , and predestinate succeeding ages according to the course of the present motion : when an accident so little thought of shall break the main stream of our judgement , and falsify the oracles which our understanding hath uttered . and it may learn them withall , how much it importeth a wise commander to prevent an evill that may crosse his designe , ( how unlikely soever it be to happen ) by handling it in such manner as though it were necessarily to confront the same . for then a thing is well done , when it hath in it self both the causes of his being , and the direct means to resist the repugnancy of a contrary nature : and so hap what will , it hath great possibility to continue the same . the second observation . this practice of the veneti may instruct a circumspect prince in cases of this nature , to have a more watchfull eye over that province or city which shall be found most potent and mighty amongst the rest , then of any other inferiour state of the same nature and condition : for as example of it self is of great authority , making improbabilities seem full of reason , especially when the intention shall sympathize with our will ; so when it shall happen to be strengthened with powerfull means , and graced with the act of superiour personages , it must needs be very effectuall to stir up mens minds to approve that with a strong affection , which their own single judgement did no way allow of . and therefore equality bringeth this advantage to a prince , which differency cannot afford , that albeit example do set on foot any rebellious motion , yet no supereminency shall authorise the same . chap. iiii. caesar having advertisement of these new troubles , hasteth into gallia , and prepareth for the warre . all the maritime states being by this means drawn into the same conspiracy , they sent an embassage unto crassus in the name of them all , that if he would have his men again , he must deliver up the hostages which he had taken from them . whereof caesar being certified by crassus , inasmuch as he was then a great way distant from his army , he commanded gallies and ships of warre to be built upon the river * loire , which runneth into the ocean , and that gallie-men , mariners , and ship-masters should be mustered in the province : which being speedily dispatched , as soon as the time of the year would permit him , he came into gallia . the veneti and the rest of the confederacy understanding of caesars arrivall , and considering how hainous a fact they had committed , in detaining the ambassadours and casting them into irons , whose name is held sacred and inviolable amongst all nations ; prepared accordingly to answer so eminent a danger , and especially such necessaries as pertained to shipping and sea-fights . the observation . from hence i may take occasion briefly to touch the reverent opinion which all nations , how barbarous soever , have generally conceived of the quality and condition of embassadours : and what the grounds are of this universally received custome , which in all ages and times hath held authenticall . and first we are to understand that all mankind ( as indued with the same nature and properties ) are so linked together in the strict alliance of humane society , that albeit their turbulent and disagreeing passions ( which in themselves are unnaturall , as proceeding from corruption and defect ) drive them into extream discord and disunion of spirit , and break the bonds of civile conversation , which otherwise we do naturally affect ; yet without a necessary entercourse and traffick of society , we are not able to keep on foot the very discord it self in terms of reason and orderly proceeding , but all parts will be blended with disordered confusion and go to wrack , for want of these mutuall offices performed by messengers : so streight are the bonds of nature , and so powerfull are the laws which she enacteth . and therefore if it were for no other end which might sort to the benefit of either party , ( as there are many good uses thereof ) yet to hold up the quarrell and keep it from falling , making war according to the grounds of reason , the entercourse of messengers is not to be interrupted , nor their persons to be touched with hatefull violence : but that which the common reason of nations hath mad● a law , ought as religiously to be observed as an oracle of our own belief . secondly , forasmuch as the end of war is , or at the least should be , peace , which by treaty of mutuall messenge●s is principally to be confirmed , to the end that no people may seem so barbarous as to maintain a war which onely intendeth bloud , and proposeth as the chiefest object the death and mortality of mankind , no way respecting peace and civile government ; such as refuse the entercourse of messengers , as the means of amity and concord , are justly condemned in the judgement of all nations as unworthy of humane society . last of all , it is an injury of great dishonour , and deserveth the reward of extream infamy , to revenge the master his quarrell upon a servant , and punish embassadours for the faults of their state : considering that their chiefest duty consisteth in the faithfull relation of such mandates as they have received ; which may as well tend to the advancement and honour of that city to which they are sent , as to the dishonour and ruine of the same , whereof the messengers take no notice . and therefore whether we desire war or peace , the free liberty & holy order of embassadours is reverently to be respected , and defended from brutish and unnaturall violence . chap. v. the proceedings of either party in the enterance of this warre . the veneti conceived great hope of their enterprise , by reason of the strength of their situation : forasmuch as all the passages by land were broken and cut off with armes and creeks of the sea ; and on the other side navigation and entrance by sea was so troublesome and dangerous , in that the romans were altogether unacquainted with the channels and shelves of the coast , and there were so few ports . neither did they think that the roman army could long continue there without corn , which was not to be had in those quarters . and if it happened that the course of things were carried contrary to this probable expectation , yet they themselves were strong in shipping , whereas the romans had none at all : neither had they knowledge of the flats and shallows , ports and islands of that coast where they were to fight . and to conclude , they should find the use of navigation in that narrow sea to be far different from that which they were accustomed unto in the vast and open ocean . in this resolution they fortified their townes , stored them with provision , and brought all their shipping to vannes , against whom caesar ( as it was reported ) would begin to make war , taking the osismi , lexovii , nannetes , ambialites , morini , menapii , diablintres , as consorts and partakers in this quarrell . notwithstanding these difficulties , many motives stirred up caesar to undertake this war : as namely the violent detaining of the roman knights ; their rebellion after they had yielded themselves by rendry , and given hostages of their loyalty ; the conspiracy of so many cities , which being now neglected , might afterward incite other nations and states to the like insolency . and therefore understanding that almost all the galles were inclining to novelty and alteration , and of their own nature were quick and ready to undertake a war ; and further , considering that all men by nature desired liberty , and hated the servile condition of bondage , he prevented all further insurrections of the other states with the presence of the roman forces in severall places at once ; and sent titus labienus with the cavalry unto the * treviri , that bordered upon the rhene : to him he gave in charge to visit the men of rhemes and the rest of the belgae , to keep them in obedience ; and to hinder such forces as might peradventure be transported over the river by the germans , to further this rebellious humour of the galles . he commanded likewise pub. crassus with twelve legionary cohorts and a great part of the horse to go into aquitane , least there might come any aid from those nations , & such considerable forces joyn together . he sent also q. titurius sabinus with three legions unto the lexovii , curiosolitae , and unelli , to disappoint any practice which rebellioks minds might intend . and making d. brutus chief admirall of the navy , & of those french ships which he had got together from the pictones , santones , & other provinces which continued quiet & obedient , he gave him in charge to make towards vannes with what speed he could : and he himself marched thitherward with the foot forces . the observation . in the first book i observed the authority which the roman leaders had to undertake a war , without further acquainting the senate with the consequence thereof : in this place let us observe the care and circumspection which the generals had , who did not undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon a humour , or any other flender motion ; but diligently weighing the circumstances thereof , and measuring the perill and hazard of the war , with the good and consequence of the effect , informed their judgements of the importance of that action , and so tried whether the benefit would answer their labour . and thus we find the reasons particularly delivered that moved caesar first to undertake the helvetian war ; and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with ariovistus ; then followeth the necessity of that war with the belgae ; and now the motives which induced him to this with the ma●itime cities of bretagne ; and so consequently of his passage into germany , or what other enterprise he attempted : which he layeth down as the grounds and occasions of those wars , and could not be avoyded but with the losse and dishonour of the roman empire . further , let us observe the means he used to prevent the inclination of the galles , and to keep them in subjection and peaceable obedience , by sending his men into divers quarters of that continent , and so setling the wavering disposition of the further skirts with the weight of his army , and the presence of his legionary souldiers , which he sent ready to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning , that they might not break out to the prejudice and diminution of the roman empire , and the good successe of his proceedings : besides the advantage which he gained in the opinion of the enemy ; whom he so little feared concerning the upshot of that quarrell , that he had dispersed t●e greatest part of his army upon other services , the rest being sufficient to end that war. chap. vi. the manner of their shipping , and their sea-sight . the situation of almost all these cities was such , that being built in points & promontories , they could not at ful sea , which happened alwayes twice in houres , be approached by foot-forces nor yet with shipping ; for again in an ebbe the vessels were laid on the groun● and so left as a prey to the enemy . and if the romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equall to the walls of the town , and were at the point of entering and taking it ; yet the townsmen having such store of shipping , would easily convey both themselves and their carriages into the next towns , and there help themselves with the like advantage of place . and thus they deluded caesar the greatest part of the sommer : for the roman fleet by reason of continuall windes and foul weather , durst not adventure to put out of the river loire into so vast a sea , wherein the havens and roads were few , and farre distant one from another , and the tides great . the shipping of the galles was thus built and rigged : the keel was somewhat flatter then the romans shipping , the better to bear the ebbes and shallowes of that coast : the fore-deck was altogether erect and perpendicular ; the poupe was made to bear the hugenesse of the billowes and the force of the tempest . and in a word they were altogether built for strength : for the ribs and seats were made of beams of a foot square , fastned with iron pinnes of an inch thick : in stead of cables they used chaines of iron ; and raw hides and skins for sailes , either for want of linen , or ignorant of the use thereof , or because sailes of linen would hardly serve to carry ships of that burthen , or endure the tempestuousnesse of those seas , and the violence of the winds . the meeting and conflict of the roman navy with this kind of ships was such , that they only excelled them in celerity and speedy nimblenesse with force of oars ; but in all other things , either concerning the nature of the place , or the dangers of the foul weather , were farre inferiour unto them : for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beak-heads , nor cast a weapon to any purpose into them by reason of their altitude , and high-built bulkes . and if any gust chanced in the mean time to rise , that forced them to commit themselves to the mercy of the weather , their shipping would better bear the rage of the sea , and with greater safety shelter it self amongst flats and shallowes , without fear of rocks or any such hazard : of all which chances the roman navy stood continually in danger . observation . and here let it not seem impertinent to the argument which we handle , considering the generall use which we islanders have of navigation , briefly to set down the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea , as far forth as shall seem necessary to the knowledge of a souldier : which albeit they may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret : yet forasmuch as they stand for true principles of regularity , and well-approved rules in our art of navigation , let us take them for no lesse then they effect , and give them that credit in our imagination , which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heavens : that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposall ; yet forasmuch as they serve to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstancy of motion , we esteem of them as they effect , and not as they are . considering then the globe of the world , as it maketh a right sphear ( for in that position the naturalists chiefly understand celestiall influence to have operation in this liquid element of the water ) it is divided by the horizon and meridian into four quarters : the first quarter is that between the east horizon and the noon meridian , which they call a flowing quarter ; the second from the noon meridian to the west horizon , which they make an ebbing quarter ; the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian , which they likewise call a flowing quarter ; and again from the midnight meridian to the east horizon , the second ebbing quarter : and so they make two flowing quarters , and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heaven . the instruments of these sensible qualities and contrary effects are the sun and the moon , as they are carried through these distinct distinct parts of the heaven . and although experience hath noted the moon to be of greatest power in watry motions ; yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sun yieldeth in this miracle of nature . first therefore we are to understand , that when the moon or the sun begin to appear above the right horizon , and enter into that part of the heaven which i termed the first flowing quarter , that then the sea beginneth to swell : and as they mount up to their meridian altitude , so it increaseth untill it come to a high floud . and again , as those lights passing the meridian decline to the west , and run the circuit of the ebbing quarter , so the water decreaseth and returneth again from whence it came . again , as they set under the west horizon , and enter into the second flowing quarter , so the sea beginneth again to flow , and still encreaseth untill they come to the point of the night meridian : and then again it refloweth , according as the sun and moon are carried in the other ebbing quarter from the night meridian to the west horizon . and hence it happeneth that in conjunction or new of the moon , when the sun and the moon are carried both together in the same flowing and ebbing quarters , that then the tides and ebbs are very great : and likewise in opposition or full of the moon , when these lights are carried in opposite quarters , which we have described to be of the same nature , either ebbing or flowing , that then in like manner the tides are great : forasmuch as both these planets , through the symbolizing quarters wherein they are carried , do joyn their forces to make perfect this work of nature in the ebbing and flowing of the sea. and contrariwise in a quadrate aspect ( as the astronomers call it ) or quarter age of the moon , whenas the moon is carried in a flowing quarter , and at the same instant the sun doth happen to be in an ebbing or decreasing quarter , as the course of nature doth necessarily require , then are the tides lessened , as daily experience doth witnesse . and forasmuch as both the right horizon and the meridian also divide every diurnall circle , which either the sun or the moon make in their revolutions , into equall parts ; it followeth that every tide is continually measured with the quantity of six houres : and therefore that which caesar here saith must needs be true , that in the space of twelve houres there are alwayes two high tides . and least any man should imagine that every inland city standing upon an ebbing and flowing river , may take the computation of the tide according to this rule ; let him understand that this which i have delivered is to be conceived principally of the sea it self , and secondarily of such ports and havens as stand either near or upon the sea : but where a river shall run many miles from the sea , and make many winding meanders before it come to the place of calculation , it must needs lose much of this time before mentioned . and thus much i thought convenient to insert in these discourses touching the ebbing and flowing of the sea , as not impertinent to martiall knowledge . concerning the shipping of the romans , whereof posterity hath only received the bare names , and some few circumstances touching the manner of their equipage , the criticks of these times have laboured to set forth a fleet answerable to that which the terms and title mentioned in history seem to report : but yet the gain of their voyage doth not answer their charge . for many men rest unsatisfied , first touching the names themselves , whereof we find these kindes ; names longas . onerarias . actuarias . triremes . quadriremes . quinqueremes . the first we may understand to be gallies or ships of service ; the second ships of burthen ; the third ships that were driven forward with force of oares ; and the rest sounding according to their names , for i dare not intitle them with a more particular description . now whether these names longas and actuarias , were a severall sort of shipping by themselves , or the generall names of the quadriremes , triremes and quinqueremes , forasmuch as every kind of these might be called both longas and actuarias ; as it yet remaineth in controversy , so it is not much materiall to that which we seek after . but that which most troubleth our sea-criticks is , in what sense they may understand these vocabularies , triremes , quadriremes , and quinqueremes : whether they were so termed in regard of the number of rowers or water-men that haled continually at an oare , as the custome of the gallies is at this day ; or otherwise , because a trireme had three orders of oares on either side , a quadrireme four , and a quinquereme sive , whereof they took their distinction of names . such as hold that a trireme had on each side three ranks of oares , and so consequently of a quadrireme and quinquereme , alledge this place of livie to make good their opinion . in the wars between rome and carthage , laelius meeting with asdrubal in the streights of gibralta , each of them had a quinquereme and seven or eight triremes a piece : the current in that place was so great that it gave no place to art , but carried the vessels according to the fall of the billow : in which uncertainty the triremes of the carthaginian closed with the quinquereme of laelius ; which either because she was pondere tenacior , as livie saith , or otherwise for that pluribus remorum ordinibus scindentibus vertices , facilius regeretur , in regard of the pluralitie of banks of oares which resisted the billow and steamed the current , she sunk two of the triremes , and so got the victorie . from hence they prove that a quinquereme had plures remorumordines then a trireme had ; and therefore it took the name from the plurality of banks of oares , and not from the number of men that rowed at an oare . but the contrary opinion doth interpret ordo remorum to be a couple of oares one answering another on each side of the vessell , which we call a pair of oares : so that a quinquereme being far greater and longer then a trireme , had more paires of oares then a trireme had , and those oares were handled with five men at one oare , according to the use of our gallies at this day . but to leave this , and come to their manner of sea-sights : we must understand that the romans wanting the use of artillery , and managing their shaps of war with force of oares , failed not to make use of their art in their conflicts and encounters by sea : for all their ships of service , which we term men of war , carried a strong beak-head of ●●on , which they called rostrum , with which they ran one against another , with as great violence and fury as their oares could carry them . and herein art gave great advantage ; for he that could best skill to turn his ship with greatest celerity , and so frustrate an offer , or with speedy and strong agitation follow an advantage , commonly got the victory . in the battel which d. brutus had with the massilians , we read that two triremes charging the admirall wherein brutus was , one at the one side and the other at the other , brutus and his mariners so cunningly handled the matter , that when they should come to the hurt , they speedily in a trice of time wound themselves from between them , and the two triremes met with such a carriere one against another , that one brake her beak-head , and the other split with the blow . for this skill and fortune withall euphranor ; the rhodian was of great fame in caesars time although his end found too true the saying of the historian , that whom fortune honoureth with many good haps , she oftentimes reserveth to a harder destiny ; as other sea-men besides euphranor can truly witnesse . this first brunt being ended , when they came to grapple and bording one of another , then the art and practices of their land services came in use : for they erected turrets upon their decks , and from them they sought with engines and casting-weapons , as slings , arrowes , and piles ; and when they entered , they fought with sword and target . neither did the le●●onary souldier find any difference when he came to the point between their fight at sea and that at land ; saving that they could not be martialled in troups and bands , in regard whereof the sea-service was counted more base and dishonourable ; and the rather , inasmuch as it decided the controversy by slings and casting-weapons , which kind of fight was of lesse honour then buckling at handy-blowes . chap. vii . the battel continueth : and caesar overcometh . the romans having taken one town after another , the enemies still conveyed themselves to the next ; so that caesar deeming it but lost labour , whilst he could neither hinder their escape , nor do them any mischief , resolved to wait the coming of his navy . which was no sooner arrived , but the enemy descrying it , presently made out saile of ships wel-appointed and furnished in all respects to oppose them . neither did brutus the admiral , nor any tribune or centurion in his navy know what to do , or what course of fight to take : for the shipping of the galles was so strong , that the beak-head of their quinqueremes could perform no service upon them ; and although they should raise turrets according to their use , yet these would not equall in height the poup of the enemies shipping ; so that therein also the galles had advantage . for as the romans could not much annoy them with their weapons , in regard they lay so low under them ; so on the contrary their darts must needs fall with great advantage upon the romans . yet one thing there was amongst their provisions which stood them in great stead : for the romans had provided great sharp hooks or sickles , which they put upon great and long poles ; these they fastened to the tackling which held the main-yard to the mast ; and then haling away their ship with force of oares , they cut the said tackling , and the main-yard fell down . whereby the galles , whose only hope for their navy consisted in the sailes and tackling , lost at one instant both their sailes and the use of their shipping : and then the controversy fell within the compasse of valour , wherein the romans exceeded the galles ; and the rather , inasmuch as they fought in the sight of caesar and the whole army , no valiant act could be smothered in secret ; for all the hills and clifts which afforded near prospect into the sea , were covered with the roman army . their main-yards being cut down , and the romans ( though every ship of theirs had two or three of the enemyes about it ) indeavouring with great fury to boord them , failed not to take many of their ships : which the galles perceiving , and finding no remedy nor hope of resistance , began all to fly , and turning their ships to a fore-wind , were upon a sudden so becalmed , that they were able to make no way at all . which fell out very fitly for the romans , who now fighting ship to ship easily took them , insomuch that of so great a navy very few ( through the help of the evening ) escaped to land , after they had fought the space of eight houres : with which battel ended the warre with the veneti , and the rest of the maritime nations . for all sort of people both young and old , in whom there was either courage , counsell , or dignity , were present at this battell , and all the shipping they could possibly make was here ingaged , taken and lost ; so that such as remained knew not whither to go , nor how to defend their towns any longer ; and therefore yielded themselves to caesar : towards whom he used the greater severity , that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people not to violate the law of nations by injurying embassadours : for he slew all the senate with the sword , and sold the people for bond-slaves . the observation . in this battel i chiefly observe the good fortune which usually attendeth upon industry : for amongst other provisions which the diligence of the romans had furnished out to the use of this war , they had made ready these hookes , not for this intent wherein they were imployed , but at all occasions and chances that might happen , as serviceable complements rather then principall instruments : and yet it so fell out , that they proved the only meanes to overthrow the galles . which proveth true the saying of caesar , that industry commandeth fortune , and buyeth good successe with extraordinary labour : for industry in action is as importunity in speech , which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason , and striveth through continuall pursuit , to make good the motives by often inculcations ; and at length findeth that disposition which will easily admit whatsoever is required . in like manner diligence and laboursome industry , by circumspect and heedfull carriage , seldome fail either by hap or cunning to make good that part whereon the main point of the matter dependeth . for every action is entangled with many infinite adherents , which are so interessed in the matter , that it succeedeth according as it is carried answerable to their natures . of these adherents , some of them are by wisdome foreseen , and directed to that course which may fortunate the action ; the rest being unknown , continue without either direction or prevention , and are all under the regiment of fortune ; forasmuch as they are beyond the compasse of our wisest reach , and in the way either to assist or disadvantage . of these industry hath greatest authority , inasmuch as she armeth her self for all chances , whereby she is said to command fortune . chap. viii . sabinus overthroweth the vnelli * , with the manner thereof . while these things happened in the state of vannes , l. titurius sabinus entreth with his forces into the confines of the unelli . over these viridovix ruled , who was at present made commander in chief of all the revolted cities , which furnished him with a great & potent army . besides this the * aulerci , * eburonices , and lexovii having slain their senate , because they would not countenance the warre , shut their gates , and joyned with viridovix . also there came great multitudes to them out of gallia , men of broken fortunes , thieves and robbers , whom the hope of prey and spoil had made to preferre the warres before husbandry and day-labour . sabinus incamping himself in a convenient place , kept his souldiers within the rampier . but viridovix being lodged within lesse then two miles of sabinus his camp , brought out his forces daily , and putting them in battel gave him opportunity to fight if he would : which sabinus refused in such sort , that he began not only to be suspected by the enemy of cowardise , but to be taunted with the reprochfull speeches of his own souldiers . the opinion of his being fearfull thus setled in the minds of the enemy , he used all means to increase it , and carried it so well , that the enemy durst approach the very rampier of the camp. the colour that he pretended was , that he thought it not the part of a legate , in the absence of the generall , to sight with an enemy of that strength , but upon some good opportunity , or in a place of advantage . in this generall perswasion of fear , sabinus chose out a subtle-witted gall , an auxiliarie in his army , whom he perswaded with great rewards and further promises to fly to the enemy , and there to carry himself according to the instructions which he should give him . this gall coming as a revolter to the enemy , laid open unto them the fear of the romans ; the extremity that caesar was driven into by the veneti ; and that the night following sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his camp , and to make all the haste he could to relieve caesar . vpon which advertisement , they all cryed out with one consent , that this opportunity was not to be omitted ; but setting apart all other devises , they would go and assault the roman camp . many circumstances perswaded the galles to this resolution : as first the lingring and doubt which sabinus had made , when he was offered battel ; secondly , the intelligence which this fugitive had brought ; thirdly , the want of victuals , wherein they had been negligent and unadvisedly carelesse ; fourthly , the hope they conceived of the war of vannes ; and lastly , for that men willingly believe that which they would have come to passe . the force of these motives was so strong , that they would not suffer viridovix nor the rest of the captains to dismisse the councell , untill they had yielded that they should take armes , and go to the roman camp. which being granted , they gathered rubbish and faggots to fill up the ditch ; and with cheerfull hearts , as though the victory were already gotten , they marched to the place where sabinus was incamped ; which was the top of a hill , rising gently from a levell ▪ the quantity of one thousand pases . hither the galles hasted with all expedition : and to the intent the romans might not have so much time as to put on their armour , the galles for haste ran themselves out of breath . sabinus incouraging his souldiers , gave the sign of battel ; and sallying out at two severall gates of his camp upon the enemy , who were hindred with their loads of rubbish , it fell out that through the opportunity of the place , the wearinesse and unexperience of the enemy , the valour of the roman souldier , and their exercise informer battels , that the galles could not indure the brunt of the first incounter , but presently betook themselves to flight . ours being fresh and lusty pursued after and slew great numbers of them : then chasing their horse , suffered very few of them to save themselves by flight . and so it happened , that at one time sabinus had news of the overthrow at sea , and caesar of sabinus victory by land. vpon these victories all the cities and states yielded themselves to titurius : for as the galles are prompt to undertake a warre ; so are they weak in suffering , and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof . observation . this practice of a counterfeit fear was often put in use by the roman leaders , as well to disappoint the expectation of an enemy , as to draw them into an inconvenience , and so to defeat them of their greatest helps in time of battel . caesar coming to succour the camp of cicero , made such use of this art , that he put to rout a great army of the galles with a handfull of men : which i will refer unto the place where it is particularly set down by caesar . the chiefest thing in this place which brought them to their overthrow was disappointment : for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of small consequence , to be frustrated of a setled expectation , when the mind shall dispose her self to one only intent , and in the upshot meet with a counterbuffe to crosse her purposes , and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained : how much more then in things of such importance , when we shall proceed in a course of victory , and humour our conceits with that we wish and would have to happen , and in the end meet either with bondage or death , must our best wits be appalled , having neither respite nor means to think how the evil may be best prevented ? which the wise romans wel understood , and counted it no dishonour to be reproched with shamefull cowardise , by such as knew not the secrets of wisdome ; while they in the mean time foresaw their good fortunes , shrowded under the cloak of a pretended distrust . let these examples instruct a leader so to take the opportunity of any such fortune , that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline , as well for the better effecting of the design , as for his own safety , and the security of his army . for order is as the sinews and strength of martiall discipline , uniting the particular members into the firm composition of a wel-proportioned body : and so it maketh it more powerfull then any number of disunited parts , how able or infinite soever . i might here alledge infinite examples to confirm this truth : but let the battel of dreux serve for all ; wherein the protestants , overcharging the catholick army , followed the retreat so hard , that they quickly became masters of the field ; and then neglecting martiall discipline , fell in confusedly with the broken multitude , to make the victory more glorious by slaughter and mortality . the duke of guise all this while budged not a foot ; but in unexampled patience kept his regiment close together , and would not suffer them to rescue their generall that was taken , untill the regiment of the prince of condie was likewise dispersed and broken : and then perceiving no difference of order between the victor protestant and the vanquished catholick , he dissolved that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspence , and so changed the fortune of the day , that he took the chiefest of their princes prisoners , with little or no losse of his own men : so powerfull is order in the deeds of armes , and of such consequence in obtaining victory . and thus we have first seen the inconveniences which a counterfeit fear , well dissembled , may cast upon a credulous and unadvised enemy , when pretence and appearance hath brought them into an errour , which their own credulity doth afterward avouch : and secondly , what strength and safety consisteth in order ; and how powerfull it is to throw down , and to set up . chap. ix . the proceedings of crassus in aquitanie . at the same instant of time it happened also , that pub. crassus coming into aquitania ( which both in regard of the large extension of the countrey , as also for the multitude of the inhabitants , was named the third part of gallia ) and considering that he was to make warre in those parts where l. valerius praeconius the legate was slain , and the army overthrown , and where lucius manlius was fain to fly , with the losse of his carriages ; he thought that his affaires required no mean diligence : and therefore having made provision of corn , and mustered many auxiliary forces , and * sent for many valiant and prudent men by name from tolouse , carcasone , and narbone , cities bordering upon the province , he carried his army into the confines of the sontiates . which was no sooner known , but they levied great forces both of horse and foot , and with their horse , in which their principall strength consisted , charged upon the romans in their march : which being easily repelled , as ours followed the retreat , suddenly the infantry of the galles shewed it self in a valley as it lay in ambush . these setting upon the romans renewed the battel , and there the fight continued hot a long time . the sontiates being animated with the former victories , saw all the hope of aquitanie rely upon their vertue ; and the romans on the other side desired to shew what they were able to do of themselves , without their grand captain , and under the conduct of a young souldier . at length the enemy overwaged with prowesse , and wearied with wounds , betook themselves to flight ; of whom the romans slew a great number , and then marched directly to the town of the sontiates , and laid siege unto it : the siege grew hot , the romans approaching the walles with vines , turrets , and mounts . the townsmen defended themselves sometimes by sallying out , sometimes by undermining the mounts and fortifications , wherein the aquitani are very skilfull . but when they perceived the industry of the romans to exceed all that they were able to do , they intreated crassus to accept their rendry . which being granted , and all the army intending the delivery of their armes , adcantuanus their chief magistrate fled out in the mean time at another port of the city , with six hundred devoted companions , whom they called soldurii ; whose manner is to enjoy all good things in common with those whom they have chosen for their friends ; and if any misfortune befall them , either to dy with them , or presently kill themselves : neither was it ever known in the memory of man , that any of them refused to dy when his friend was slain . but as they attempted to escape , the souldiers that kept that part of the fortification , as they signified his evasion by a clamour and shout , the rest betook themselves to armes , and so after a sharp conflict repelled him again into the town ; where he desired to be taken in the number of the submissive multitude ; which was granted . crassus , having taken hostages of them , went into the confines of the vocates and tarusates . the first observation . these skilfull and experienced men which crassus sent for out of all the cities in aquitani● , were those whom the romans called evocati , such as were free from warfare , and exempted by their laws from giving their names in musters , either by reason of their yeares , or the magistracy which they had born , or for some other causes which gave them that priviledge : and in that regard were sent for by letters , intreating their assistance in the carriage of that war , as men well acquainted with the nature of such businesses . their places were nothing inferiour to the centurions for advise and direction , although they had no part in command or authority . the second observation . in this fight we may further observe their manner of defence against mounts and cavalieros ; which we find chiefly to be mines . josephus in the jewish war saith , that the romans having raised an exceeding high mount , the jews undermined the same with such art , that as they digged underneath , they supported the mount with huge props and planks that it might not shrink : and watching a time of greatest advantage , they set all the timber-work which underpropped the mount on fire ; which taking fire with the help of brimstone and pitch , the mount fell upon a sudden , to the great terrour & amazement of the romans . at the siege of avaricum , we find how the galles by undermining did take the earth from the mount , as fast as it was carried unto it by the romans ; and so kept it from rising , and made it uneffectuall . but if it were for the most part made of wood , or other combustible matter , they sought then by all means to burn it ; as it happened at the siege of massilia : and oftentimes when both burning and undermining failed , they confronted it with another mount within the walles , to disappoint the disadvantage by equall contesting of it , and so made it unprofitable . concerning mines , thus much may i say without prejudice to that art , that the chiefest points to be respected are these : first , the true distance to a designed place ; which is best got by instrument , and help of geometry , where other marks of certainty are wanting . secondly , the direction of the mine , that we may not erre in our course which the compasse affordeth . thirdly , the strengthening of the mine with timber-work , if need require . lastly , the countermining and crosse-meeting . all which parts have very many circumstances , and require a larger discourse then may be thought pertinent for this place . the third observation . the strange contract between these soldurii and their chieftain may well deserve a place amongst these observations , especially considering the obligatory conditions which either party stood bound to o●serve : for the captain was to make his soldurii partakers of all his happinesse in this life , in regard whereof they were to take ●ar● of whatsoever ill chance or disaster should happen to befall him . if death , which is the last end of all sensuall misery , took hold of their head , these devoted were tied voluntarily to follow him the self-same way : neither in any memory was there ( saith he ) ever man found that refused to dy , if he to whom he was devoted chanced to be slain . which bloudy league of amity as it was repugnant to the course of nature , multiplying particular destiny to a generall calamity ; so was it dangerous in a wel-ordered state , if the ring-leader were either ambitious , or sought to practice any thing contrary to good government : for he himself would presume much upon the assistance of his soldurii ; and they on the other side must needs wish well to his attempts , that were so interessed in his life and death . chap. x. the galles raise new forces against crassus . the barbarous galles were much troubled , that a town of that strength both by nature and art should so soon be taken ; and therefore they sent embassadours into all quarters , conjured one with another , confirmed their covenants with mutuall hostages , and levied what power they were able to make ; sending for aid out of spain , and from other states that bordered upon aquitanie . at the coming of these forces they began to make warre with a great power , and with many souldiers of great fame : for they appointed such leaders as had seen the experience of sertorius his warres , and were great in the opinion of men for their skill and knowledge in the art militarie . these , according to the custome of the people of rome , began to take places of advantage , to fortifie their camp , and to intercept the romans from free passage of convoyes , and necessary intercourses . which when crassus perceived , and considering withall that his own forces were so few that he could not well dismember them upon any service or advantage , and that the enemy went out at his pleasure , kept the passages , and left notwithstanding a sufficient garrison in his camp , by which means corn and provision would in time grow scarce with him , whilst the enemy waxed every day stronger ; he thought it his best course not to linger any longer , but presently to give them battel . the matter being referred to a councell of warre , when he understood that all men were of the same opinion , he appointed the next day to give them battel : and in the dawning putting his men in a double battel , and placing the auxiliarie forces in the middest , he attended to see what the enemy would do . the galles , although they were perswaded that they might adventure battel , both in regard of their multitude and ancient prowesse of warre , as also in respect of the paucity of the romans ; yet they thought it better to block up the passages , and so cut off all carriages and convoies of corn , and so the victory would follow without bloudshed : and if the romans for want of corn should offer to make a retreat , they would then set upon them as they marched , wearied with travell , heavily laden with their burthens , and dejected in their spirits . this resolution being approved by the whole councell of the galles , when the romans imbattelled their forces , they kept their men within their camp. the first observation . this sertorius had followed the faction of marius and cinna , and when sylla had overthrown both the elder and younger marius , he fled into spain , and there maintained the quarrell on foot against pompey and metellus , and overthrew them in many battels : but in the end was treacherously slain by perpanna at a banquet . he was a man of great spirit , and of admirable dispatch ; and under him were these captaines brought up which caesar commendeth for their skill in armes . the second observation . in histories propounding to our consideration the deeds and monuments of former ages , we may observe two especiall means which the great commanders of the world have entertained to atchieve victory , and over-master their enemies : the first by cunning and wise carriage of a matter before it come to triall by blows ; the second by forceable means and waging of battel : the one proceeding from wisdome and the better faculties of the soul ; and the other depending upon the strength and ability of the body . concerning the first , it hath ever been held more honourable , as better suting the worth of the spirit and the divine essence of our nature , so to direct the course of an action , that the adverse part may be weakned by wit , and prevented in the projects of their better fortunes by anticipation of means and occasions , and so through advantages taken from their own proceedings , to be driven to that exigent which may determine of the controversy before they come to blows , and conclude the matter by terms of art taken from the directions of good providence . for to speak a truth , the action of battel , as it is the last part in that faculty , so it is the worst in regard of christian duty , and better fitteth the progeny of lamech his second wife ( which the divines do note to be born to the ruine and destruction of mankind ) then the children of grace , whose joy consisteth in peace and love . caesar in the first of the civile wars respected the same thing , but from other grounds : for having shut up afranius and petreius in a place of disadvantage , so as he might have cut them off without further trouble ; yet forasmuch as he foresaw the victory coming towards him without blow or wound , he thus answered his captains that were earnest upon the enemy ; cur , etiam secundo praelio , aliquos ex suis amitteret ? cur vulnerari pateretur optime de se meritos milites ? cur denique fortunam periclitaretur ? why should he lose any of his souldiers in battel , though he got the day ? why should he suffer those to be wounded who had deserved so highly at his hands ? or why should he hazard his good fortune ? and this course did these galles take which under sertorius had learned the roman art , and the roman industry : and were now become so expert , that they had almost beaten the romans at their own weapon . this first means is principally to be imbraced , as the safest way in these uncertain and casuall events : for that which resteth upon corporall strength , and maketh execution the means to a conclusion , is very terrible even to the better party , full of hazard , and of little certainty . for it were a miracle of fortune never heard of yet , so to carry a battel upon what advantage or means soever , that the victor army should buy so great a fortune without bloudshed or losse of men ; and erect a trophy to honour at the sole cost of the enemy , without losse or expense of his own treasure . and for the uncertainty in a battel , who knoweth not what infinite chances and changes may happen in every small moment of time , to turne the fortune of the day to this or that partie , and make both sides unconstant in their affections , by presenting them interchangeably with hope and fear , joy and sorrow ? and therefore caesar thought it not best to tempt the waywardnesse of fortune , when by other means he might obtain his desires . this , i say , is chiefly to be imbraced , if our means will afford us that happinesse : but howsoever i hold it wisedome so to entertain this course of victory , that we omit not the chiefest helps of furtherance when it cometh to blows ; but to think of this conquest by art and wit , as necessary if our means will serve us to compasse it ; & of the other , as necessary whether we will or no : for the history maketh it plain , that when brutus found himself destitute of means to undertake that course of victory which proceedeth from providence and discreet carriage , he then betook himself necessarily to the later , and by the help of battel sought to free himself from those disadvantages into which the galles had brought him . the third observation . i observe further out of this place , that what course soever be taken , a discreet leader will not easily forgoe an advantage without great assurance of a better fortune , nor change the certainty of a benefit upon probabilities of other hopes , untill it have paid him the interest of his expectation , and wrought that effect which it promised to perform . for so he might forgo his fortune , by presuming too much upon the favour of future chances , which are often seen to crosse our purposes , rather then to further the way which is taken . the fourth observation . further i observe this double battel to be answerable to the paucity of the roman forces : for their usuall manner was to make a triple battel , that the first might have a second and a third help ; but where their number would not afford that commodity , they then made two battels , that there might be the succour of a second supply . but they never fought with one single battel , for ought that may be gathered by their histories . the fifth observation . the last thing which i observe is the place where crassus bestowed the auxiliary forces , in the disposition of his troups to battel , which is here said to be in mediam aciem ; for as their armies were divided into three battels , so every battel was divided into three parts , the two cornets and the battel , wherein these auxiliary forces were in this service bestowed : of these he afterward saith , that inasmuch as he durst not put any confidence in them , he commanded them to serve the romans in time of battel with stones and weapons , and to carry earth and turf to the mount. the reason why suspected troups are placed in the battel , rather then in either of the cornets , is , for that the battel hath not such scope to fling out , or take advantage of place to do mischief , as the cornets have : for wheresoever there have been set battels fought , the strength of their army consisted alwayes in the cornets , as the two principall instruments of the battel ; and as long as these stood sound , the victory went alwayes certain on that part ; for the cornets both kept the enemy from incompassing about the body of their army , and had the advantage also of charging upon the open side of their adversary . at the battel of cannae , hannibal put the weakest of his forces in the battel , and advancing them towards the enemy left the two cornets behind : so that when the enemy came to charge upon the battel , they easily beat them back , and as they followed the retreat fell in between the two cornets , wherein the strength of the army consisted ; and being by them incompassed on each side , were defeated and overthrown . and thus we see the advantage which a generall hath when his two cornets stand firm , although the battel shrink in the encounter . hannibal in the battel he had with scipio in africk placed the strangers in the front and in the rereward ; according peradventure as he found their number , and the use of their armes : which are circumstances to be considered in this case , and depend rather upon the judgement of a generall , then of any prescription that can be given in this matter . chap. xi . crassus taketh the camp of the galles : and with their overthrow endeth that warre . crassus understanding their drift , and finding his men chearfull and willing to fight , the whole army crying out that they would stay no longer , but immediately set upon the enemies in their camp , incouraged his souldiers , and to the contentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged : and as some began to fill up the ditch , and others with casting weapons to beat the galles from the rampier , he commanded the auxiliary forces , of whom he had no great assurance , to bring stones and weapons to the souldiers that fought , and to carry earth and turf to the mount , that so they might make a shew of fighting . and on the other side , as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance , & to cast their weapons from the higher ground to the great hurt of the roman souldier ; the horsemen in the mean time riding about the camp of the galles , brought word to crassus , that the rampier at the decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places , but would admit an easy entrance . crassus dealt earnestly with the commanders of the horse to incourage their men with great promises and rewards , and instructed them what he would have done . they , according to their instructions , took four cohorts that were left in the camp fresh and no way tired , and carrying them a further way about , that they might not be discovered by the enemy , while all mens eyes and minds were intent upon the fight , they speedily came to the place of the fortifications which the horsemen had found to be weak ; which being easily broken down , they had entered the camp before the enemy either saw them or could tell what was done . and then a great clamour and shout being heard about that place , the roman legions renewing their force , as it falleth out alwayes in hope of victory , began to charge them afresh with great fury . the galles being circumvented on each side , and despairing of their safety , casting themselves over the rampier , sought by flight to escape the danger . but forasmuch as the countrey was open and champain , the horsemen pursued them with that execution , that of fifty thousand which came out of aquitanie and spain , there scarce remained the fourth part . vpon the news of this fight the most part of the aquitani yielded to caesar , and of their own accord gave him hostages : amongst these were the tarbelli , bigerriones , preciani , vocates , tarusates , elusates , garites , ausci , garumni , sibutzates , and cocasates . only some few that lived farther off , trusting upon the coming on of winter , held off and did not submit themselves . observation . from this place brancatio taketh occasion to dispute , how an enemy that is strongly incamped , and for some advantage will not remove , may be dislodged whether he will or no. a point of great consequence in matter of warre , and therefore deserveth due consideration . concerning which he layeth this down for a maxime , that all sorts and strong holds are taken by the foot ; and that camps and lodgings are taken by the head . by which is meant , that he who purposeth to win a fortresse well manned and provided , must first get the foot , and take hold of the ditch , and then seise himself upon the rampier , and so get the place : for he saith that mounts and eminent elevations are of little use against fortresses or sconses , unlesse they over-top them ; which may be easily prevented , by raising the parapet of the fortresse in front , and the curtain in slank , according as the enemy shall carry his mounts aloft ; and so they shall never come to over-top the holds . but all camps and lodgings are taken by the head ; that is , by mounts and elevations , which by the advantage of their height command the champain : for he holdeth it impossible to raise a mount within the camp in so short a time , to contest that which the enemy shall make without . this foundation being laid , he proceedeth to discover a way how to raise a mount , maugre the enemy , which shall dislodge them by force of artillery , or murther them all within their trenches . and this he taketh from caesar at the siege of gergobia . the substance of the matter consisteth in a double d●tch , running like unto the line which the 〈◊〉 call helicall . by this double ditch he maketh his approach to any place of most advantage , where he may in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to play upon any quarter of the camp. the censure of this practice i referre to our judicious souldiers , who may , if it please them , take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in brancatio himself . thus much i dare affirm in the behalf of these works , that they were of high esteem amongst the romans , whom daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to 〈…〉 the readiest means both for security and victory . and if our souldiers could be brought to 〈◊〉 the commodity of these works , either by perswasion or impulsion , it were the best part of their warlike practices : but our men had 〈◊〉 upon desperate adventures , and seek victory in the jaws of death , then to clear all hazard with pains and diligence . chap. xii . caesar undertaketh the warre with the menapii and morini . at the same time also , although the sommer was almost at an end , yet forasmuch as all gallia was in peace , and the * morini only with the * menapii stood out in armes , and had never either sent embassadour , or otherwise treated of peace ; caesar thinking that war might quickly be ended , led his army into their countrey . at his coming he found them to carry their warres farre otherwise then the rest of the galles had done : for understanding that the greatest nations of gallia , which had waged battel with the romans , were beaten and overthrown ; and having whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories , they conveyed both themselves and their goods into those quarters . caesar coming to the beginning of the woods , began to fortify his camp , not discovering any enemy near about him ; but as his men were dispersed in their charges , they suddenly sallyed out of the woods , and assaulted the romans ; but being speedily driven in again , with the losse of many of them , as the romans followed them farre into the woods , they had some few of their men slain . the time that remained caesar resolved to spend in cutting down the woods : and least the souldiers might be taken unawares while they were busied in that work , he caused them to place all the trees which they cut down on either side of the army , that they might serve for a defence against sudden assaults . a great quantity of ground was thus rid within a few dayes , so that their goods and cattell was ta●en by the romans : but they themselves were fled into thicker woods . at which time there happened such a continuall rain , as forced them to leave off the work ; and the souldiers could no longer indure to ly in sents of skinnes : and therefore caesar , after he had wasted and spoiled their countrey , burned their towns and their houses , carryed back his army , and placed them amongst the aulerci , lexovii , & in other cities to winter in , which were subdued in the late wars . observation . the irish rebels having the like commodity of woods and bogges , do entertain the like course of warre as the morini did with caesar . the meanes which he used to disappoint them of that practice was , to cut down the woods ; which if it be thought monstrous in this age , or ridiculous to our men of war , let them consider that the roman discipline wrought greater effects of valour , then can be made credible by the use of these times . for besides their exquisite discipline , which of it self was able to frame patterns of unexampled magnanimitie , their industry was admirable in the execution thereof , and carried it with such uncessant travell , that the souldiers thought it great happinesse when they came to wage battel with the enemy ; and could have meanes to quit their continuall travell with the hazard of their lives . neither let it seem strange that the romans undertook to cut down the woods ; but rather let us admire their facility in so difficult a task : for as the history witnesseth , magno spacio paucis diebus confecto , incredibili celeritate , a great quantity of ground was rid in a few dayes , with incredible speed . and after the woods were cut down , they took more paines in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder any suddain assault , then they did in cutting it down : which deserveth as great admiration as the former part . there is another place in the sixth book of these commentaries , which expresseth more particularly the nature of such warres , and may serve to acquaint us with that which caesar did in these difficulties . the eburones , or the men of liege , had the like commodity of woods and bogges , and made use of them in the warre they had with caesar . the matter , saith he , required great diligence , not so much in regard of the perill of the whole army ( for there could no danger come from an enemy that was frighted and dispersed ) as the safety of every particular souldier , which in part did pertain to the welfare of the whole army . for the desire of a bootie carried many of the souldiers farre from the body of the army ; and the woods being full of unknown and secret passages , would not suffer them to go either thick together , or close imbattelled . if he desired to have the warre ended , and the race of those wicked men to be rooted out , he must of force make many small companies , and divide his men into many bodies : but if he would have the maniples to keep at their ensignes , as the discipline and custome of the roman army required , then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemy . neither did they want courage to lay ambushments , and to circumvent such as they found alone straggling from their companies . in these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could do , providing rather to be wanting in the offensive part ( although all mens minds were set on fire with revenge ) then to hurt the enemy with the losse of the roman souldier . caesar sent messengers to the bordering states , to come out and sack the eburones , and they should have all the prey for their labour : that the life of the galles rather then his legionary souldiers , might be hazarded in those woods ; as also that with so great a multitude , both the race and name of that people might be quite extinguished . there are many particularities in this relation which concern the true motion of the irish wars , which may be better observed by such as know those warres by experience , then by my self that understand them only by relation : and therefore to prevent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases , i will leave it to be done by themselves . and thus endeth the third commentary . the fourth commentary of the warres in gallia . the argument . the usipetes and tenchtheri are driven to seek new seats in gallia ; they drive the menapii out of their territories : but in the end are overthrown by caesar . that warre being ended , he maketh a bridge upon the rhene , and carrieth his army over into germany . he taketh revenge upon the sicambri ; and giveth liberty to the ubii : returneth into gallia , and carrieth his army over into britanie ; with the occurrences of that warre . chap. i. the vsipetes * and tenchtheri * bring great multitudes of people over the rhene into gallia . the nature of the suevi . the winter following , pompey and crassus being consuls , the usipetes and tenchtheri , two german nations , passed over the rhene with great multitudes of people , not farre from the place where it falleth into the sea . the reason of their slitting was , the ill intreaty which for many years together they had received of the suevi , the greatest and warlikest nation amongst the germans . for these suevi had one hundred cantons or shires , which yearly furnished their warres with a thousand men apiece ; and kept as many at home to maintain both themselves and their armies abroad : and these the year following were in armes , and the other stayed at home and performed the like duty ; and so by this means they all continued their experience both of tillage and matter of warre . no man had any ground proper to himself , neither might they abide longer then a year in one place . they lived chiefly upon cattell and milk , and used much hunting ; which was the cause ( what through the quality of their diet , their continuall exercise , and liberty of life , being never brought up to any calling or tyed to any discipline , nor urged to any thing against their disposition ) that they were strong and of a large stature : and they had used themselves so to it , that they never cared for any cloathing in the coldest place they came in , more then skins and hides , which covered but part of their body , the rest being naked : and they wash their bodies usually in the rivers . they have merchants that frequent their ports , not so much to bring them any commodities from abroad , as to buy the prey and spoil they take in warre . and whereas the galles take much delight in oxen and other beasts , and stick not to give any price for them ; the germans care not for the bringing of them amongst them , but rather use their own mishapen ugly cattel , which by daily inuring they bring to perform any service . their horsemen oftentimes in time of battel forsook their horse , and fought on foot ; their horses being taught to stand still in one place , that when they would they might return unto them . neither was there any thing accounted more base , or uselesse in the course of their life , then to use furniture for horses : and therefore they would adventure to charge upon great troups of horse that used equipage , with a few of their own quality . they admitted no wine to be brought in unto them , least it might effeminate their warlike inclination , or make them unapt for labour . the greatest honour in their opinion was , to have then bordering territories ly waste and desolate : for so it would be thought that many states together could not resist their conquering valour : and it was reported that the countrey lay waste from the suevi one way six hundred miles together . the observation . by this practice of the suevi it appeareth how little a naked resolution of valour availeth , when it wanteth the ornaments of moral 〈◊〉 and civile discretion , to make use of that greatnesse which prowesse hath obtained : for notwithstanding that they were a nation both warlike and of good ability , they were so vainly carried on with a conceit of manhood , that it sorted to no other end then to maintain barbarisme at home , and desolation abroad ; whereas true valour is alwayes subordinate to the preservation of commonweals , and is as the defensive armes of civile society . which i have the rather noted , inasmuch as it resembleth an humour that aboundeth in this age , especially in the particular haviour of our young gallants ; whose naked valour revealing it self only in the lie and in the stabb , for want of other assistant vertues to temper the heat of so brittle a metall , leadeth them into such inconveniences and disordered actions , that it changeth the nature thereof into giddy-headed rashnesse ; and in lieu of vertues guerdon , is repaied with irrision . chap. ii. the motives inducing the vsipetes to come over the rhene into gallia . next unto these suevi inhabited the ubii , a very ample and potent state : and through their entercourse and traffick with merchants , being seasoned also with the manners of the galles their neighbours , somewhat more civil then the rest of the germans . with these the suevi had often waged battel : and albeit they could not expel them out of their countrey , forasmuch as their state was very great and populous ; yet by continuall incursions they brought them under , and much weakened their estate . in the same case were the usipetes and tenchtheri before mentioned : for having made head against the suevi for many years together , they were constrained in the end to forsake their possessions , and wandering the space of three years through the continent of germany , at last they arrived where the * menapii inhabited the banks on either side the river rhene : who being terrified with the arrivall of such a multitude , forsook all their dwellings beyond the river , and planted themselves on this side of the water , to hinder the germans from further passage . the usipetes with their associates having tried all means , and not finding themselves able to passe over by force for want of boats , nor by stealth by reason of the diligent watch of the menapii , fained a retreat to their old habitation : and after three dayes journey , their horsemen in one night speedily returned again , and slew the menapii both unguarded and unprovided , for they upon the departure of the germans , feared not to return over the river into their towns and houses . these being slain and their shipping taken , they got over the river before the rest of the menapii had any notice of their coming : by which means they easily dispossessed them of their dwelling places , and lived that winter upon the provision they found there . caesar understanding of these things , and fearing the weaknesse of the galles , inasmuch as they are sudden and quick in their resolutions , and withall desirous of novelty , he durst no way trust their unconstancy : for it was their practice and custome to stay travellers and passengers , and inquire of them what they either heard or knew concerning any thing that had happened ; and the common people would flock about merchants in faires and markets , and learn of them whence they came , and what news they brought from thence : and by these rumours and hearsayes they directed the main course of their actions ; whereof they could not but soon repent themselves , being grounded upon such weak intelligence as was usually coined to please the multitude . which custome being known , caesar to prevent a greater warre , hasted to his army sooner then he was wont to do . observation . such as have spent their time in the contemplation of nature , and have made diligent search of the temperature and quality of climates and nations , have all with one consent made choler the regent of the french complexion ; distinguishing the people with such attributes as the said humour usually breedeth . neither have these conditions which caesar so long ago observed in the ancient galles , any disresemblance from that which the learned of this age have delivered concerning the nature of the said inhabitants ; but that irresolute constitution , which breeds such novelties and contrarieties of actions , continueth the same unto these times in the inhabitants of that country , notwithstanding the alteration of customes and people , or what else so long a time hath changed : which argueth the unresistable power of celestiall influence , establishing an uniformity of nature , according as the site of the place lieth capable of their powerfull aspect . the reason of the diversity in the temperature of nations which are differenced by north and south , is not without apparent cause attributed to their propinquity or distance from the course of the sun , which distinguisheth by heat and cold the northern and southern climates of the earth , and separateth the inhabitants thereof by the dominion of their active qualities . but the reason why two nations which are both in the same climate , and under the same parallel , receiving the vertue of the celestiall bodies by the same downfall and rebound of their beams , being differenced only by east and west , are so much disunited in nature , and so unlike in disposition , is not so apparant : whether it be , as some have imagined , forasmuch as the all-inclosing sphear , which remaineth quiet and immoveable above the circuit of the first motor , hath his parts diversly distinguished with variety of properties , which by continuall reference and mutuall aspect are imprinted in the correspondent quarters of the earth , and so keep a perpetuall residency of one and the same quality in one and the same place , and make also the variety of fashions in such parts as otherwise are equall favourites of the heavens majesty , by receiving an equall measure of light , heat and vertue ; or whether the said quarters of the earth are in themselves diversly noted with severall qualities , which appropriate the self-same influence to their particular nature , and so alter it into many fashions ; or whether there be some other unknown cause : i will leave every man to satisfy himself with that which seemeth most probable unto him , and proceed to the discovery of this cholerick passion . wherein i will endeavour to shew how impatiency , sudden resolution , and desire of novelty , are naturall adjuncts of this humour . and if caesar made use of this philosophy in the managing of that war , let it not be thought impertinent to the knowledge of a generall to enter into the consideration of this learning . wherein first i must lay for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall , that the motions of the mind are either quick or slow , according as the complexion is tempered either with heat or cold : for as the phlegmaticall humour is of a moist , cold and heavy nature , begetting weak and grosse spirits , and benumming the instruments with a livelesse disability ; so is the motion of the internall faculties proceeding likewise after a slow manner , according to the quality of the instruments whereby it moveth : and therefore men of this waterish constitution are no way apt to receive an impression , nor to entertain any sensible apprehension , unlesse it be beaten into them with often and strong repetitions ; and then also they proceed as slowly in discoursing of the consequence , and linger in the choice of their resolutions . on the contrary part , this flava bilis , being of a hot piercing nature , and resembling the active vertue of the fire , doth so purify the instruments of sense , and quicken the spirits with the vivacity of motion , that they take the first impression as perfectly , as if it had been oftentimes presented unto them with many strong circumstances . and thence it happeneth , that inasmuch as the species is so readily received , and possesseth the apprehending faculty with such facility of entrance , that it moveth the other powers of the soul with as great efficacy at the first conception , as if it had been brought in with troups of probabilities , and strengthened with manifest arguments of undoubted truth . it followeth therefore ( by reason of the subtile and fit disposition of the instruments , which proceedeth from heat the chiefest quality in choler ) that the object is at the first moment so strongly setled in the first receiving faculty , that the other powers of the mind with as great speed manifest their offices concerning the apprehension , and deliver a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception : which maketh them so impatient of delay , and so suddenly to alter their former resolutions , not suffering the discoursive power to examine the substance thereof by conference of circumstances , nor to give judgement according to the course of our intellectuall court . it behoveth therefore every man in that unsteady disposition , especially in matter of moment , to be suspicious of his own credulity , and not to give place to resolution , before his judgement be informed by discourse of the strength or weaknesse of the conceived opinion . but to leave these speculative meditations to philosophers of learned conceit ; forasmuch as the right use of passions is either true wisdome , or cometh nearest to the same ; i will only touch in a word what degree of choler best befitteth a souldier , or how it availeth or disadvantageth in matter of war. and first it cannot be denied , that there is almost no passion that doth more eclipse the light of reason , or sooner corrupteth the sincerity of a good judgement , then this of anger which we now speak of : neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it self in his own actions , or followeth them with greater heat in the execution . and if the truth chance to shew it self , and convince a false pretended cause as the authour of that passion , it oftentimes redoubleth the rage even against truth and innocency . piso condemned a souldier for returning from forraging without his companion , being perswaded that he had slain him : but at the instant of the execution the other that was missing returned , and with great joy of the whole army they were carried to the generall , thinking to have much gratified him with the manifestation of the truth : but he through shame and despight , being yet in the torture of his wrath , redoubled his anger , and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall , he made three culpable for that he found one innocent ; the first because the sentence of death was past against him , and was not to be recalled without the breach of law : the second for that he was the cause of the death of his companion : and thirdly the executioner , for not obeying his commandment . concerning matter of war , as it consisteth of differenced parts , so hath choler divers effects . in case of discourse and consultation , whenas the powers of the mind ought to be clear of all violent affections , it greatly darkeneth the understanding , and troubleth the sincerity of a good judgement , as caesar noted in his speech to the senate concerning catiline : and therefore a commander must by all means endeavour to avoyd even the least motions of so hurtfull a passion , and season his affections with that gravity and constancy of spirit , that no turbulent disposition may either hinder his understanding , or withhold his will from following that course , which reason appointeth as the best means to a fortunate successe ; alwayes remembring that all his actions are presented upon a stage , and passe the censure of many curious beholders , which applaud grave and patient motions , as the greatest proof of true wisdome , and disallow of passionate and head-strong affection , as derogating from the sincere carriage of an action , how just soever otherwise it seemeth . concerning execution and fury of battel , i take anger to be a necessary instrument to set valour on foot , and to overwage the difficulties of terrour with a furious resolution : for considering that the noblest actions of the mind stand in need of the impulsions of passions , i take anger to be the fittest means to advance the valiant carriage of a battel ; for as fear is treacherous and unsafe , so anger is confident and of an unquencheable heat . and therefore a commander ought by all means to suggest matter of anger against an enemy , that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard , and thirst after the day of battel , to satisfy their fury with the bloud of their adversaries . if any urge that it hath been heretofore observed of the galles , that in the beginning of a battell they were more then men , and in the later end they were lesse then women ; and therefore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for service , as we seem to make it : i answer , that there is a difference between a disposition to choler , such as was observed in the galles , and the passion of anger well kindled in the mind : for the first is subject to alteration and contrariety of actions ; but the other is furious , invincible , never satisfyed but with revenge . and so that of aristotle is proved true , that anger serveth oftentimes as a weapon to vertue : whereunto some answer very pleasantly , saying , it is a weapon of a strange nature ; for we do manage other weapons , and this doth manage us ; our hand guideth not it , but it guideth our hand ; it possesseth us , & not we it , as it happened in the reign of tiberius amongst the mutinous legions at vetera : and therefore a commander ought to take great heed , whom he maketh the object of that anger which kindleth in his army . for as it is a passion of terrible execution , and therefore needeth to be wisely directed ; so is it dangerous in regard of obedience , which was the only thing which caesar required in his souldiers . but to leave this hasty matter , and fall nearer that which we seek after : i may not omit the prognostication which caesar made of the consequence of this accident , by the naturall disposition of the people ; the event whereof proved the truth of his predictions : which sheweth what advantage a learned generall that hath been somewhat instructed in the school of nature , hath gained of him whom only experience hath taught the active rudiments of the war , and thinketh of no further lession in that art , then that which the office of a serjeant or lancepresado containeth . chap. iii. caesar cometh to his army , marcheth towards the germans , and by the way treateth of conditions of peace . caesar being come to his army , found that to have happened which he before suspected : for some of the states of gallia had sent messengers unto the germans , to leave the banks of rhene , and to come further into the continent , where they should find ready whatsoever they desired . whereupon the germans began to make further incursions , and to waste the land as farre as the confines of the * eburones and the condrusi , who were under the protection of the treviri . the princes of the galles being called together , caesar thought it best to dissemble what he had discovered concerning their revolt ; and confirming their minds with an approbation of their loialty , he commanded certain troups of horse to be levied , and resolved to make war upon the germans : and having made provision of corn , he directed his march towards them . from whom , as he was on the way within a few dayes journey of their camp , he received this message : the germans as they were not willing to make war upon the romans first , so they would not refuse to make triall of their manhood if they were justly provoked ; for their ancient custome was to answer an enemy by force , and not by treaty : yet thus much they would confesse , that they came thither very unwillingly , being driven by violence out of their possessions . if the roman people would accept of their friendship , and either give them territories to inhabit , or suffer them to keep that which they had got by the law of armes , they might prove profitable friends unto them . they only yielded to the suevi , to whom the gods in feats of arms were inferiour ; any other nation they would easily conquer . to this caesar answered what he thought fit ; but the purport of his speech was , that he could not make any league with them if they continued in gallia : neither was it probable that they that could not keep their own , would get possessions out of other mens hands : gallia had no vacant place to entertain so great a multitude : but if they would they might find a welcome amongst the * ubii , whose agents were at that instant in his camp , complaining of the injury of the suevi , and desiring aid against them ; thus much he himself would intreat of the ubii . the messengers went back with these mandates , promising within three dayes to return again to caesar : in the mean time they desired him not to bring his army any nearer their quarters . which request caesar denyed . for understanding that a few dayes before a great part of their cavalry were passed over the mosa to the ambivariti , there to pillage and get provisions , he suspected that this delay imported nothing more then the return of their horsemen . the river mosa hath its rise from the mount vogesus in the dominions of the lingones , and having run farre , it receives the river * walis , which is a part of the rhene : these two joyning make the island of the batavi : fourscore miles below which it falleth into the sea . the rhene ariseth amongst the lepontii , a people inhabiting the alpes ; and after a tedious course through the nantuates , helvetii , sequani , mediomatrices , triboci and treviri , drawing near the sea , it divides into severall branches , and so makes many considerable islands , most of which are inhabited by savage and barbarous people , some whereof live only upon fish and the eggs of birds : after this the river empties it self at severall mouthes into the ocean . when caesar was come within twelve miles of their camp , their ambassadours returned , and meeting him on the way , entreated him earnestly to march no further towards them . but being denyed of their suit , they besought him to send to those troups of horse which marched before the army , that they should not fight nor make any hostile incounter ; and that he would give them leave to send messengers to the ubii : of whose entertainment they would willingly accept , if the princes and senate would swear faith and safe continuance unto their people : neither would they require more then three dayes to negotiate this businesse . caesar conceived this intreaty to import nothing else then the return of their horsemen that were absent in pillage , whom they expected within three dayes ; notwithstanding he promised them to march but four miles further that day , to a convenient watring-place , and bade that a considerable number of them should come thither to him next day , that he might know what they desired : in the mean time he sent to the commanders of the horse that were before , not to provoke the enemy to fight ; and if they were set upon , to sustain the charge untill he came nearer with the army . the first observation . first , we may observe his dissembling of the practice of the galles with the germans ; and the incouragement which he gave them in a faithfull and loyall affection to the people of rome , when he himself knew they had started from that duty which both their honour and a good respect of their friends required : for he well understood that his presence did take away all scruple of any further motion in that kind ; and therefore to have objected unto them their errours , had not been to heal , but to discover their wound . only he took the way to cut off their hopes of any practices which they might attempt against the roman people ; and held them in the mean time in the apparance of faithfull friends , that they might not be discouraged by the detection of their revolt . the second observation . secondly , upon this resolution that there was no league to be made with the germans if they continued on this side the rhene , we may observe how he entertained a treaty of peace , with such consents and denials , as might manifest his readinesse to further what he made shew of , and not weaken the means of his best advantage . for as he was content they should take a quiet farewell of gallia , and plant themselves in the possessions of the ubii ; so was he loath to yield to any condition which might disadvantage his forcible constraint , or weaken his command , if perswasion failed : for he well knew that powerfull means to effect that which he required , would further the course of a peaceable conclusion , and carry more authority in a parlee , then any other motive how reasonable soever . moreover we may observe how carefull he was not to impose upon the germans a necessity of fighting ; but opened a passage ( by propounding unto them the association of the ubii ) by which they might avoyd the hazard of battel . which thing was alwayes observed by commanders of ancient times , who diligently searching into the nature of things , found that neither of those noble instruments whereby man worketh such wonders ( i mean the hand and the tongue ) had ever brought so many excellent works to that type of perfection , unlesse they had been forced thereunto by necessity : and therefore we are wisely to handle the course of our actions , least while we stand too strict upon a violent guard , we give occasion to the enemy , by the way of antiperistasis , to redouble his strength , and so furnish him with that powerfull engine , which vetius mescius calleth ultimum and maximum telum , the last and greatest weapon ; the force whereof shall better appear by these examples . some few of the samnites , contrary to the articles of peace between them and the romans , having made incursions into the territories of the roman confederats , the senate of that state sent to rome to excuse the fact , and to make offer of satisfaction . but being rejected , claudius pontius generall of their forces , in an excellent oration which he made , shewed how the romans would not hearken to peace , but chose rather to be revenged by war ; and therefore necessity constrained them to put on arms : justum est bellum ( saith he ) quibus necessarium ; & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis spes est , that war is just which is necessary ; and it is piety in those men to take up arms , who have no hope but in taking up arms . the issue thereof was , that the samnites intrapped the romans in a place of advantage , so that they were forced upon dishonourable terms to save their lives , as it is at large in the ninth book of livie . caius manlius conducting the roman legions against the veii , part of the veian army had entred the roman camp ; which manlius perceiving , he hasted with a band of men to keep the breach , and to shut in the veii : which they no sooner perceived , but they fought with that rage and fury that they slew manlius ; and had overthrown the whole camp , had not a tribune opened them a passage by which they fled away . in like manner camillus , the wisest of the roman captains , being entered into the city of the veii , that he might take it with greater facility , and disarme the enemy of that terrible weapon of necessity , he caused it to be proclaimed , that no veian should be hurt that was found unarmed . whereupon every man cast away his weapon , and so the town was taken without bloudshed . let a souldier therefore take such hold of occasions and opportunities as are offered unto him , that in time of battel he may seem to cast necessity upon his own cause , and retain it in his pay : considering how the power thereof altereth the works of nature , and changeth their effects into contrary operations ; being never subject to any ordinance or law , and yet making that lawfull which procedeth from it . chap. iiii. the germans , contrary to their own request made to caesar , set upon the roman horsemen , and overthrow them . notwithstanding the germans request concerning the truce , assoon as they saw the roman horsemen , which were in number five thousand ( whereas the germans had not above eight hundred horse , those that went over the mosa to forrage not being yet returned ) they charged upon the romans not expecting any hostile incounter , inasmuch as their embassadours were newly departed from caesar , and had obtained that day of truce : but being set upon , they made what resistance they could . the germans , according to their usuall custom , for sook their horse , and fighting on foot ran our horses into the bellies , and overthrew many of our men , so that they easily put the romans to flight ; who never looked back , untill they came into the sight of the legions . in that battel were slain roman horsemen , & amongst the rest piso an aquitane , a valiant man , and born of noble parentage , whose grandfather was the chief ruler in his city , and called friend by the roman senate . this piso seeing his brother compassed about by the enemy , brake in upon them and rescued him : but having his horse wounded under him in the action , and being dismounted , he fought stoutly on foot , till such time as the enemy hemm'd him in , and gave him in , and gave him severall wounds ; then he fell down . which his brother seeing afarre off ( for he had left the battel ) he clapp'd spurrs to his horse , and rushing upon the throng to rescue him , was there slain . after this battel caesar thought it not safe either to hearken to any conditions , or to receive any message from them that by fraud and deceit had sought for peace , and meant nothing but warre : and to attend any longer untill their horsemen returned , was but to give them that advantage against him , especially considering the weaknesse of the galles , amongst whom the germans by this battel had gained great reputation ; and therefore he durst not give them space to think upon it . observation . this cunning of the germans offereth occasion to speak somewhat concerning that main controversie of policie , which is , whether the actions of princes and great commanders are alwayes to be attended with integrity and faithfull accomplishment thereof . wherein i will only set down such arguments and grounds of reason , which vertue and morall honesty on the one part , ( for we will make it no question to a christian mind ) and the daily practice of states-men on the other side , alledge to make good their contrary assertions . the great politicians of the world , that commend vertue in a shew , and not in esse and being , and study to maintain their states only with humane reason , not regarding the authority of divine ordinance , set this down as a maxime in their art ; that he that is to negotiate a matter , and meaneth to bring it to an end sorting to his contentment , must in all respects be like qualified , both in judgement and disposition , as the party is with whom he dealeth : otherwise he cannot be sufficiently prepared to hold himself strong in the matter , which he undertaketh . for a wrastler that cometh with mere strength to incounter another that hath both strength and cunning , may beshrew his strength that brought him thither , to be cast by skill , and be laught at as an unworthy champion for serious sports : in like manner in this universall confusion of infidelity , wherein subtilty flyeth at so high a pitch , he that thinketh with simplicity of spirit to wind through the labyrinths of falshood , and avoyd the snares of deceit , shall find himself too weak for so difficult a task , and beshrew his honesty , if he regard his commodity . for it is the course that every man taketh which must bring us to the place to which every man goeth : and he that opposeth himself against the current of the world , may stand alone in his own conceit , and never attain that which the world seeketh after . forasmuch therefore as craft and deceit are so generall , it behoveth a man of publick negotiations to carry a mind apt and disposed to these qualities . this was signified by that which ancient writers report of achilles , who was sent to chiron the centaur , half a man and half a beast , to be instructed in the rudiments of princely carriage ; that of the brutish part he might learn to strengthen himself with force and courage , and of the humane shape so to manage reason , that it might be a fit instrument to answer or prevent whatsoever mans wit might forge to overthrow it . neither ought a private man to wonder at the strangenesse of these positions , considering that the government of kingdoms and empires is carried with another bias , then that which concerneth particular affairs in a wel-ordered state : wherein truth-breakers and faithlesse dissemblers are worthily condemned , inasmuch as they necessarily enforce the ruine thereof . but these that sit at the helm of government , and are to shape the course of a state according to the variation of times and fortunes , derive their conclusions from other principles , whereof inferiour subjects are no more capable then men are able to understand the works of the gods : and therefore they are called arcana imperii , secrets of state , to be reverenced rather then lookt into . to conclude , the affairs of particular persons are of so short extension , and incircled in so small a compasse , that a mean capacity may easily apprehend the advantages or inconveniences which may ensue upon the contract ; and therefore it is requisite they should stand to the adventure , and their judgement is worthily taxed with the losse : but the businesses of the commonweal are both subject to so many casualties of fortune , and rely upon such unexpected accidents , that it is impossible for any spirit , how provident soever , to foresee the issue in that variety of chances . besides that every particular subject is much interessed in the fortune of the event , and may justly chalenge an alteration of the intended course , rather then suffer shipwrack through the errour of their pilot : and so the safety of the state doth balance out the losse of credit in the governour . on the other side , such as zealously affect true honour , affirm vertue to be the same both in prince and people ; neither doth condition of state or calling , or the quality of publick or private businesses alter the nature and essence of goodnesse : for to deprive the tongue of truth and fidelity were to break the bond of civile society , which is the basis and ground-plot of all states and commonweals . they do not deny but that a wise prince may so carry a treaty , that he may seem to affect that most which he least intendeth ; or answer doubtfully concerning the propositions ; and that he may use with great honour the practices and stratagems of war , when the fortune of both parties consisteth upon their own industry : but to break any covenants agreed upon may well get a kingdome , but never honourable reputation . and thus they contend concerning the means whereby a state is continued in happy government : whereof thus much i dare say by the warrant of this history , that he who fal●●fieth his word upon advantage , howsoever he regardeth his honour , had need to pay them home in regard of his own safety : for if they once recover the losse , and get any advantage against those truth-breakers , they will find as little favour as the germans did with caesar . chap. v. caesar marcheth directly to the camp of the germans , and cutteth them all in pieces , and so endeth that warre . vpon these considerations , caesar manifesting his resolution to the legates and questor , there happened a very fortunate accident . for the next day very early in the morning , most of the princes and chiefest of the germans came unto caesar into his camp , to excuse their fraudulent practice , and withall to continue their petition of truce . whereof caesar was exceeding glad , and caused them to be kept in hold ; and at the same instant brought his army out of the camp , commanding his horsemen to follow the legions , because they had been daunted with so late an overthrow : and making a triple battel , marched speedily eight miles , and so came upon the germans before they had notice what had happened . who being terrified with our sudden arrivall , and the departure of their own leaders , knew not whether it were their best course to bring forth their forces , or defend their camp , or otherwise to seek their safety by flight . which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the roman souldiers , but calling to mind their perfidious treachery , they brake into the camp , and were at first a little resisted . in the mean time the women and children ( for they had brought all they had over the rhene ) fled every one away : which caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them . the germans hearing the clamour and scr●echings behind their backs , and seeing their friends pursued and slain , did cast away their weapons , forsake their ensigns , and fled out of the camp : and coming to the confluence of the mase and the rhene , such as had escaped cast themselves into the river ; where what through fear , wearinesse , and the force of the water , they were all drowned . in this conflict the romans lost not a man. the number of the enemy was , with women and children . to them whom he had retained in his camp , he gave leave to depart : but they fearing the cruelty of the galles for the mischief they had done them , desired that they might continue with the romans : which caesar agreed unto . observation . this relation affordeth little matter of war , but only a severe revenge of hatefull treachery : notwithstanding i will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the quaestor and the legates ; and shew what place they had in the army . and first concerning the quaestor , we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people , in the same court which was called to create the generall . his office was to take charge of the publick treasure , whether it came out of their a●rarium for the pay of the army , or otherwise was taken from the enemy . of him the souldiers received their stipend , both in corn and money : and what other booties were taken from the enemy , he either kept them or sold them for the use of the commonweal . the legates were not chosen by the people , but appointed by the senate , as assistants and coadjuto●s to the emperour for the publick service , and were altogether directed by the generall , in whose absence they had the absolute command : and their number was for the most part uncertain , but proportioned according to the number of legions in the army . chap. vi. caesar maketh a bridge upon the rhene , and carrieth his army over into germany . the german war being thus ended , caesar thought it necessary to transport his army over the rhene into the continent of germany for many causes : whereof this was not the least , that seeing the germans were so easily perswaded to bring their colonies and their vagrant multitudes into gallia , he thought good to make known unto them , that the roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the rhene into germany . moreover , those troups of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the germans , being gone as i said before for spoil and provision over the mosa , after they saw their friends overthrown , were fled into the confines of the sicambri , and joyned with them . to whom when caesar sent messengers to demand them to be sent unto him , they answered that the roman empire was limited by the rhene : and if the germans were interdicted gallia , why should caesar challenge any authority in their quarters ? lastly the ubii , who amongst all the rest of the germans had only accepted of caesars friendship , and given pledges of their fidelity , had made earnest sute unto him to send them aid against the suevi ; or at the least to transport his army over the rhene : that would serve their turns , that would be help and incouragement enough to them ; for the name and opinion of the roman army was so great , and of such fame , what with ariovistus overthrow , and this last service , that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest nations of germany , so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends . for these reasons caesar resolved to passe the rhene ; but to carry his army over by boat was neither safe , nor for his own honour , nor the majesty of the people of rome . and albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty , by reason of the breadth , swiftnesse and depth of the river , to make a bridge : yet he resolved to try what he could do , otherwise he determined not to passe over at all . and so he built a bridge after this manner . at two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square , sharpened at the lower end , and cut answerable to the depth of the river : these he let down into the water with engines , and drove them in with commanders , not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile , but gablewise , and bending with the course of the water : opposite unto these he placed two other trees , joyned together after the same fashion , being forty foot distant from the former , by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottome of the water , and reclining against the course of the river . these two pair of couples thus placed he joyned together with a beam of two foot square , equall to the distance between the said couples , and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins : whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such , that the greater the violence of the stream was , and the faster it fell upon the timber-work ▪ the stronger the bridge was united in the couplings and joynts . in like manner he proceeded with couples and beams , untill the work was brought unto the other side of the river : and then he laid straight planks from beam to beam , and covered them with hurdles ; and so he made a floor to the bridge . moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters , which being fastened to the timber-work ▪ did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water : and on the upper side of the bridge , at a reasonable distance , he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats , or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge . within ten dayes that the timber began to be cut down and carried ▪ the work was ended , and the army transported . caesar leaving a strong garison at either end of the bridge , went into the confines of the sicambri . in the mean time embassadours came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the romans : whom caesar answered courteously , and required hostages of their fidelity . observation . it shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge , as well in regard of the ingenious architecture thereof , as also that we may somewhat imitate caesar ; whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and el●quence , in presenting unto us the subtilty of his invention in such manner of handy-works , as upon any other part of his actions ; as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witnesse : besides the fortifications at alesia , and the intrenchments in britany , for the safety of his shipping , with many other works , which he might well record as the greatest designes of an heroick spirit , and the wonderfull effects of magnanimous industry , that succeeding ages might not boast either of art or prowesse which his vertue had not expressed , or otherwise might wonder at that worth which they themselves could not attain unto . and to that purpose he entertained vuruvius the father of architecture , and as worthily to be imitated in that faculty , as his master caesar is in feats of armes . by whose example a great commander may learn , how much it importeth the eternity of his fame to beautify his greatest designes with art , and to esteem of such as are able to intreat the mathematicall muses to shew themselves under the shape of a sensible form ; which albeit , through the rudenesse of the matter , fall far short of the truth of their intellectuall nature , yet their beauty expresseth such a majesty of art , that no time will suffer the memory thereof to perish . the workmanship of this bridge consisted chiefly in the oblique situation of the double posts , whereof the first order bending with the stream , and the lower rank against the stream , when they came to be coupled together with overthwart beams , which were fastened in the couplings with braces which he nameth fibulas , the more violent the stream fell upon the work , the faster the joynts of the building were united , as may better appear by a modell of that making , then can be expressed by any circumstance of words . i might hence take occasion to speak of the diversity of bridges , and of the practices which antiquity hath devised to transport armies over rivers : but inasmuch as it is a common subject for all that undertake this military task , and hath been handled by lapsius upon the occasion of this bridge , i will refer the reader to that place ; and only note the singular disposition of this action , inasmuch as caesar made the means correspondent to that end which he intended . for considering that the chiefest end of his passage was , to let the germans understand that the power of the roman empire was not bounded with the rhene , and that a river could not so separate their territories , but that they were able to joyn both the continents together , and make a common road-way where it seemed most unpassable : he thought it best to passe over his army by a bridge , that so the germans might know the power of his forces , and also conceit their territo●ies as united unto gallia , or to be united at the pleasure of the romans with a firm isthmus , and plain passage by foot , which in times past had alwayes been separated by a mighty river . neither would a transportation by boat have wrought that effect , forasmuch as the daily use thereof was so familiar to the germans , that it nothing altered their imagination of an unaccessible passage : but when they saw so strange a thing attempted , and so suddenly performed , they would easily understand that they were not so farre off , but that they might be overtaken , and so direct their demeanour accordingly . let this suffice therefore to prove that a passage over a river by a bridge is more honourable , safe , and of greater terrour to the enemy , then any other way that can be devised ; especially if the river carry any depth , such as the rhene is : otherwise , if it have either shallows or fords , whereby men may wade over without any great incumbrance , it were but lo●● labour to stand about a bridge , but rather to think of it as of a place incumbred with such hindrances as men often meet with in a march . chap. vii . caesar taketh revenge upon the sicambri : giveth liberty to the ubii ; and returneth again into gallia . the sicambri understanding that caesar was making a bridge over the rhene , prepared themselves to fly ; and at the perswasion of the usipetes & tenchtheri forsook their country , and conveyed themselves and their possessions into woods and solitary deserts . caesar continuing a few dayes in their quarters , having set on fire their villages and houses , and burned up their corn and provision , came to the ubii , promising them aid against the suevi : by whom he understood , that assoon as the suevi had intelligence that he went about to make a bridge , calling a councell , according to their manner , they sent unto all quarters of their state , that they should forsake their towns , and carry their wives and children and all that they had into the woods ; and that all that were able to bear armes should make head in one place , which they appointed to be the midst of their country ; and there they attended the coming of the romans , and were resolved in that place to give them battel . which when caesar understood , having ended all those things in regard whereof he came into germany , which was chiefly to terrify the germans , to be revenged upon the sicambri , to set the ubii at liberty ; having spent in all eighteen dayes beyond the rhene , and done enough as well in regard of his own honour , as the good of the commonweal , he returned into gallia , and brake up the bridge . chap. viii . caesar thinketh of a voyage into britanie : he enquireth of merchants concerning the nature of that people . although the summer was almost spent , and that in those parts the winter hastened on a pace , inasmuch as all gallia inclineth to the north ; notwithstanding he resolved to go over into britanie , ●orasmuch as he understood that in all the former wars of gallia , the enemy had received most of their supply from thence . and although the time of the year would not suffer him to finish that war ; yet he thought it would be to good purpose , if he went only to view the island , to understand the quality of the inhabitants , and to know their coast , their ports , and their landing-places , whereof the galles were altogether ignorant ; for seldome any man but merchants did travell unto them . neither had they discovered any thing but the sea-coast , and those regions which were opposite unto gallia . and therefore calling merchants together from all quarters , he neither could understand of what quantity the island was ; what nations , or what power they were that inhabited ●t ; what use or experience of war they had ; what laws or customes they used ; nor what havens they had to receive a navy of great shipping . observation . as the germans had oftentimes stirred up motions of rebellion amongst the galles , by sending their superfluous multitudes into their kingdome ; so the britans had upheld most of their wars , by furnishing them with such supplies as from time to time they stood in need of . so that if caesar or the roman people would rest secure of their quiet and peaceable government in gallia , as they had chastised the insolencie of the germans , and sent them back again with greater losse then gain ; so was it necessary to make the britans know , that their assistance in the war of gallia would draw more businesses upon them then they were well able to manage . for as i have noted in my former discourses , the causes of an unpeaceable government are as well externall and forreign , as internall and bred in the body ; which need the help of a physician to continue the body in a perfect state of health , & require as great a diligence to qualify their malicious operations , as any internall sicknesse whatsoever . in the second commentary i briefly touched the commodity of good discovery : but because it is a matter of great consequence in the fortunate carriage of a war , i will once again by this example of caesar remember a generall not to be negligent in this duty . suetonius in the life of our caesar reporteth , that he never undertook any expedition , but he first received true intelligence of the particular site and nature of the country , as also of the manners and quality of the people ; and that he would not undertake the voyage into britany , untill he had made perfect discovery by himself of the magnitude and situation of the island . which suetonius might understand by this first voyage , which caesar would needs undertake in the later end of a summer , although it were , as he himself saith , but to discover . it is recorded by ancient writers , that those demi-gods that governed the world in their time , gave great honour to the exercise of hunting , as the perfect image of war in the resemblance of all parts , and namely in the discovery and knowledge of a country ; without which all enterprises , either of sport in hunting , or earnest in wars , were frivolous and of no effect . and therefore xenophon in the life of cyrus sheweth , that his expedition against the king of armenia was nothing but a repetition of such sports as he had used in hunting . howsoever , if the infinite examples registred in history , how by the dexterity of some leaders it hath gained great victories , and through the negligence of others irrecoverable overthrows , are not sufficient motives to perswade them to this duty ; let their own experience in matters of small moment manifest the weaknesse of their proceedings , when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they have in hand . but let this suffice in the second place to prove the necessity of good discovery , and let us learn of caesar what is principally to be inquired after in the discovery of an unknown country : as first , the quantity of the land ; secondly , what nations inhabite it ; thirdly , their use of war ; fourthly , their civile government ; and lastly , what havens they have to receive a navy of great shipping . all which circumstances are such principall arteries in the body of a state , that the discovery of any one of these demands would have given great light concerning the motion of the whole body . chap. ix . caesar sendeth c. volusenus to discover the coast of britanie ; and prepareth himself for that voyage . caesar sent out caius volusenus with a galley to discover what he could concerning these things , with charge that having made perfect discovery , he should return again unto him as speedily as might be : he himself marching in the mean time with all his forces unto the * morini ; forasmuch as from thence lay the shortest cut into britanie . thither he commanded that ships should be brought from all the maritime cities of that quarter , and namely that fleet which he had built the year before for the war at vannes . in the mean time his resolution being known , and carried into britanie by merchants and others , many private states of that island sent embassadours unto him , promising him hostages of their loyalty , and signifying their readinesse to submit themselves to the roman empire . to these he made liberall promises , exhorting them to continue in that obedience ; and so sent them back again . and with them he sent comius , whom he had made king of arras , whose wisdome and vertue he held in good account , and whom he took to be faithfull to him , and of great authority in those regions . to him he gave in charge to go to as many of the states as he could , and perswade them to accept of the friendship of the roman empire , and acquaint them that caesar himself would presently follow after . volusenus having taken what view of the countrey he could ( for he durst not go on shore to commit himself to the barbarisme of the enemy ) after five dayes returned to caesar , and related unto him all that he had discovered . whilst caesar stayed in those parts for the furnishing of his fleet , the morini sent messengers unto him , excusing themselves for their former faults , that being a rude and barbarous people , and altogether unacquainted with our customes , they had made war against the people of rome ; and withall manifesting their readinesse to obey his commands . caesar not willing to leave any enemy behind him , or to engage in a new war at this time of the year , or to neglect his voyage into britanie for such small matters , willingly accepted of their submission , having first received many hostages of them : and having made ready eighty ships of burthen , which he thought sufficient to transport two legions , he divided the gallies to the questor , the legates , and the commanders of the horse . there were also eighteen ships of burthen more , which lay wind-bound at a port eight miles off , and them he appointed for the horsemen . the rest of the army he committed to q. titurius sabinus and luc. aurunculcius cotta , commanding them to go to the confines of the menapii , & into those parts of the morini who had sent no embassadours to him : and appointed p. sulp. rufus a legate to keep the port with a sufficient garrison . chap. x. caesar faileth into britanie , and landeth his men . these things being thus d●spatched , having a good wind , in the third watch he put out to sea , commanding his horsemen to ●mbark themselves at the further port and follow him ; which was but slowly performed . he himself arrived upon the coast about the fourth hour of the day , where he found all the clifts possessed with the forces of the enemy . the nature of the place was such , that the hils lay so steep over the sea , that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground upon the lower shore : and therefore he thought it no fit landing-place ; notwithstanding he cast anchour untill the rest of the navy were come up unto him . in the mean time calling a councell of the legates and tribunes , he declared unto them what advertisements he had received by volusenus , and told them what he would have done ; and withall admonished them that the course of military affairs , and especially sea matters , that had so sudden and unconstant a motion , required all things to be done at a beck , and in due time . the councell being dismissed , having both wind and tide with him , he weighed anchours , and sailed eight miles from that place , unto a plain and open shore . the britains perceiving the romans determinations , sent their horse and chariots ( which they commonly use in war ) before , & the rest of their forces followed after to the place where the romans intended to land . caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men for these respects : the ships were so great that they could not be brought near unto the shore ; the souldiers in strange and unknown places , having their hands laden with great and heavy weapons , were at one instant to go out of the ship , to withstand the force of the billow , and to fight with the enemy ; whereas the britains either standing upon the shore , or making short sallies into the water , did boldly cast their weapons in known and frequented places , and managed their horses accustomed to such services . the romans being terrified with these things , and altogether unskilfull of this kind of fight , did not use the same courage as they were wont to do in land-services . which when caesar perceived , he caused the gallies , that were both strange to the britains , & readier for use , to be removed from the sh●ps of burthen , and to be rowed up and down , and laid against the open side of the enemy ; that from thence with slings , engines , and arrowes , the enemy might be beaten up from the water side : which stood the romans in good stead . for the britains being troubled with the strangenesse of the gallies , the motion of their oares , and the unusuall kind of engines , were somewhat dismayed , and began to retire back , and give way to the romans . but the souldiers still lingering , and especially for fear of the depth of the sea , the eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the gods that it might fall out happily to the legion , if you will , saith he , forsake your eagle , o ye souldiers , and betray it to the enemy ; for mine own part , i will do my duty both to the commonweal and to my imperator . and hav●ng spoken this with a loud voice , he cast himself into the sea , and carried the eagle towards the enemy . the romans exhorting one another not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed , they all leaped out of the ship : which when others that were near at hand perceived , they followed them with as great alacrity , and pressed towards the enemy to encounter with them . the fight on both parts was very eager : the romans ( not being able to keep any order of battel , nor to get any firm footing , nor to follow their ensignes , forasmuch as every man kept with those ensignes which he first met withall ) were wonderfully troubled . but the enemy acquainted with the flats and shallows , as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships , putting spurs to their horse , would set upon them incumbred and unprepared , and many of them would over-lay a few : others would get the advantage of the open side , and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troups of them . which when caesar perceived , he caused the shipboats and smaller vessels to be manned with souldiers ; and where he saw need of help , he sent them to rescue such as were overcharged . assoon as the romans got footing on the firm land , they made head together and charged the enemy , and so put them to flight : but they were not able to follow them , nor take the island at that time , for want of horsemen , which thing was only wanting to caesars wonted fortune . the fifth observation . upon this circumstance of landing , i may justly take occasion to handle that controversy which hath been often debated by our english captains ; which is , whether is be better in question of an invasion , and in the absence of our shipping , to oppose an enemy at his landing upon our coast , or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore , and retire our forces into some inland place , and there attend to give him battel . it seemeth that such as first set this question on foot , and were of an opinion that we ought not by any meanes to incounter an enemy at his landing , for so we might much endanger our selves and our countrey , did ground themselves upon the authority of monsieur de langey not observing the difference between an island and a continent . for where he setteth down that position , he plainly aimeth at such princes as border one upon another in the same continent : but where their territories are disjoyned by so great a bar as the ocean , & they have not such means to surprise one another , it were mere folly to hold good that rule , as shall better appear by the sequele of this discourse . wherein i will first lay down the reasons that may be urged to prove it unsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing , not as being urged by that party ( for i never heard any probable motive from them which might induce any such opinion ) but set down by such as have looked into the controversies , both with experience and good judgement . and first it may be objected , that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing , as well in regard of the uncertainty of place , as of time : for being ignorant in what place he will attempt a landing , we must either defend all places of accesse , or our intentions will prove m●re frivolous ; and to perform that , it is requisite that our defensive forces be sufficient according to the particular quality of every place subject to danger : which , considering the large extension of our maritime parts , and the many landing-places on our coast , will require a greater number of men then this island can afford . and although it could furnish such a competent number as might seem in some sort sufficient , yet the uncertainty of the time of the enemies arrivall would require that they should be lodged either upon , or near the places of danger many dayes at least , if not many weeks , before the instant of their attempt ; which would exhaust a greater masse of treasure , then could be well afforded by the state. secondly , it may be objected that all our landing-places are of such disadvantage for the defendants , that it were no safety at all to make head against him at the landing : for inasmuch as such places are open and plain , they yield no commodity to shelter the defendants from the fury of the artillery , wherewith the enemy will plentifully furnish their long boats and landing vessels ; which beating upon the beach ( for most of our landing-places are of that quality ) will so scatter them , that no man shall be able to endure the inconvenience thereof . the third objection may arise from the disparity both of numbers , and condition of the forces of either party . for the first , it must needs be granted that the defendants , being to guard so many places at once , cannot furnish such numbers to every particular place for defence , as the assailants may for offence . concerning the quality of the forces , it is without question that a great and potent prince ( for such a one it must be that undertaketh to invade the territories of so absolute and well-obeyed a princesse as her majesty is ) would draw out the 〈◊〉 of his souldiery wheresoever ; besides the ga●●ant troups of voluntaries which do commonly attend such services . now these being h●s qualified and drawn into one head , and being to make as it were but one body , how can it be reasonably imagined ( the time and place of their attempt being uncertain ) that the defendants should equall them with forces of like vertue and experience . these are the reasons which may be drawn from the disadvantage which they have that go about to oppose an enemy at his landing : the rest that have been urged by such as maintain ●his opinion , are either 〈◊〉 to the question , or taken altogether from false grounds . but before i proceed to the answer of these reasons , i will ●ay this down for a principle , that it is impossible for any forreign prince , how puissant soever , to make such a preparation as shall be fitting to invade a state so populous , and respective of their sovereign ( notwithstanding the pretences devised to dissemble the same ) but it must of necessity be discovered before it can be made able to put any thing in execution : which i might enlarge by particularizing the infinite equipage which is required for so great a fleet . but i will rest my self in the example of the year eighty eight , which proveth the discovery of the pretended invasion before it could come to execution . concerning therefore the first objection , it cannot indeed be denied but the place of the enemies landing will be doubtfull , and therefore our ●●re must generally extend it self to all places of accesse : but that our defensive forces are not sufficient in a competent manner to guard all such places , according as the necessity of them shall require , that is the point in question . to prove that our forces are sufficient , we must necessarily enter into particularities , wherein i will take kent for a president , as not altogether unacquainted with the state thereof ; which , if i deceive not my self , is a shore of as large extension upon the maritime parts as any other within this kingdome . for the breadth thereof enlarging it self from the point of n●sse by lyd , which is the uttermost skirt upon the coast of sussex , unto margate upon the coast of essex , is by computation about twenty four miles : but notwithstanding this large circuit , who knoweth not that the sixth part thereof is not subject to the landing of such an enemy as we speak of ; partly in regard of the hugenesse of the cliffs , which do inclose a great part of that skirt , and partly in regard that much of that quantity which may be landed upon hath such eminent and difficult places near adjoyning , as an army that should put it self there on shore , should find it self , being opposed but by a small force , so streightened , as they would not easily find a way out , without apparant ruine of their whole forces . further , it cannot be denied but that generally along the coast of kent there are so many rocks , shelves , flats , and other impediments , that a navie of great ships can have no commodity to anchour near the shore ; and for the most part the coast lieth so open to the weather that the least gale of wind will put them from their anchour : all which particularities duly considered , it will appear that this large sk●●t of kent will afford a far lesser part fit for the landing of an army , then was thought of at the first . and were it that so publick a treatise as this is would admit with good discretion such an exact relation as falleth within my knowledge concerning this point , i would undertake to make it so evident , by the particular description both of the number , quantity , and quality of the places themselves , as no man of an indifferent judgement would imagine our forces to be insufficient to afford every of them such a safe and sure guard , as shall ●e thought requisite for the same . but forasmuch as it is unfitting to give such particular satisfaction in this publick discourse , give me leave , submitting my self alwayes to better judgements , to give a generall taste of that means as would secure all places with a competent number of men . having shewed you before the circuit of the maritime parts of ke●t , i would observe this order : first , to make a triple division of all such forces as shall be appointed for this service ; as for example , i will suppose the number to be twelve thousand , of which i would lodge three thousand about the point of nesse , and three thousand about margate , and six thousand about f●ulks●on , which i take to be as it were the centre ; for my greatest care should be so to dispose of them , as they might not only succour one another in the same shire , but as every shire lordereth one upon another , so they should mutually give help one unto another , as occasion should be ●ffered : as if the enemy should attempt a landing about nesse , not only the six thousand lodged as before should march to their succours , but such also of the sussex forces as were near unto that part , and so likewise of the ●est . by which you may see , how great a force would in few houres ●e assembled for the renforcing of any of these out-skirts ; and the rather , forasmuch as the one half of the whole forces are thus lodged in the centre of the shire , which is nearer to all parts then any other place whatsoever . there would also in the quartering of them an especiall care ●e had to the places of danger , as might be answerable to the importance thereof : for my meaning is not to lodge them close together , but to stretch them out along the coast by regiments and companies , as the country might afford best opportunity to entertain them . now concerning the later part of this objection , which urgeth the uncertainty of time when the enemy shall make his approches , i hold it most requisite that our defensive forces should be drawn into a head , before the enemy should be discovered near our coast , ready to put himself on shore : for it were a grosse absurdity to imagine that companies could upon such a sudden be assembled , without confusion ; and make so long a ma●ch , with such expedition as the necessity of the occasion would require . now , for that husbanding respect of her majesties 〈◊〉 , which ●s urged to such extremity , as it would be unsupportable for this state to ●e●r , as i doubt not but good intelligence would much qualify that supposed immoderate expence ; so i assure my self , that men of ●ound judgement will deem it much out of season to dispute about unnecessary th●ift , when the whole kingdome is brought in question of being made subject to a stranger . ut jugule●● homines surgunt de nocte latrones : non experg●scer●s , ut te ●psum serves ? thieves rise by night to cut the throats of men . wilt not thou then arise to save thy self ? the enemy ( peradventure ) hath kept thirty thousand men in pay two months before , to make havock of our country , and to ●ring us into perpetuall thraldome ; shall we 〈◊〉 it much to maintain sufficient forces upon 〈◊〉 coast , to assure our selves that no such 〈◊〉 shall enter into our country ? the 〈◊〉 of this charge would be qualified by our good 〈◊〉 , which would proportion our attendance with the necessity which is imposed upon us to be carefull in businesses of this nature . let this suffice therefore to prove that our forces are sufficient to keep the sea-coast , and that the uncertainty of time when the enemy will make his attempts , ought not to hinder us from performing that duty which the care and respect of our prince and countrey imposeth upon every good subject ; which is the substance of the first reason which i set down in the beginning of this discourse . now concerning the second reason , which urgeth the disadvantage of the place in regard of the fury of the enemies artillery ; true it is , that such places as yield the enemy commodity of landing are for the most part plain and open , and afford naturally no covert at all . what then ? shall a souldier take every place as he findeth it , and use no art to qualify the disadvantages thereof ? or shall a man forgo the benefit of a place of advantage , rather then he will relieve with industry the discommodity of some particular circumstance ? i make no question but an ingenious commander , being in seasonable time lodged with convenient forces upon any of those places , yea upon the beach it self , which is as unapt to make defensible as any place whatsoever , would use such industry as might give sufficient security to his forces , and over-weigh the enemy with advantage of place ; especially considering that this age hath afforded such plentifull examples of admirable inventions in that behalf . but this cannot be done , if our forces do not make head before the instant of the enemies attempt , that our commanders may have some time to make ready store of gabio●s , and hand-baskets , with such moveable matter as shall be thought fit for that service . neither let this trouble any man ; for i dare avouch it , that if our forces are not drawn into a head before the enemy be discovered upon the coast , although we never mean to oppose their landing , but attend them in some in-land place to give them battel , our commanders will be far to seek of many important circumstances , which are requisite in a matter of that consequence . and therefore let us have but a reasonable time to bethink our selves of these necessaries , and we will easily overcome all these difficulties , and use the benefit of the firm land to repell an enemy , weakned with the sea , tossed with the billow , troubled with his weapons , with many other hinderances and discouragements , which are presented unto him both from the land and the sea. he that saw the landing of our forces in the island of fiall in the year ninety seven , can somewhat judge of the difficulty of that matter : for what with the working of the sea , the steepnesse of the cliffs , and the troublesomnesse of their armes , the souldiers were so incumbred , that had not the enemy been more then a coward , he might well with two hundred men have kept us from entering any part of that island . concerning the third objection , this briefly shall be sufficient , that we are not so much to regard that our forces do equall them in number , as to see that they be sufficient for the nature of the place , to make it good against the enemies landing : for we know that in places of advantage and difficult accesse , a small number is able to oppose a great ; and we doubt not but , all circumstances duly considered , we shall proportionably equall the enemy both in number and quality of their forces : alwayes presupposed , that our state shall never be destitute of sufficient forces trained and exercised in a competent manner , to defend their country from forreign enemies . for the neglect thereof were to draw on such as of themselves are but too forward to make a prey of us , and to make us unapt not only to oppose an enemies landing , but to defend our selves from being overrun , as other nations living in security without due regard thereof have been . and thus much concerning the answer to those three reasons , which seem to prove that an enemy is not to be resisted at his landing . now if we do but look a little into the discommodities which follow upon the landing of an enemy , we shall easily discover the dangerousnesse of this opinion : as first , we give him leave to live upon the spoil of our country ; which cannot be prevented by any wasting , spoiling , or retiring of our provisions , in so plentifull a country as this is , especially considering that we have no strong towns at all to repose our selves upon . whereof we need no further testimony then is delivered unto us out of the seventh book of these commentaries , in that war which caesar had with vercingetor●x . secondly obedience , which at other time is willingly given to princes , is greatly weakned at such times ; whereby all necessary means to maintain a war is hardly drawn from the subject . thirdly , opportunity is given to malecontents and ill-disposed persons either to make head themselves , or to fly to the enemy . fourthly , 't is madnesse to adventure a kingdome upon one stroke , having it in our disposition to do otherwise : with many other disadvantages which the opportunity of any such occasion would discover . the second observation . the word imperator , which the eagle-bearer attributeth to caesar , was the greatest title that could be given to a roman leader : and as zo●aras in his second tome saith , was never given but upon some great exploit , and after a just victory obtained ▪ and then in the place where the battel was fought , and the enemy overthrown , the generall was saluted by the name of imperator with the triumphant shout of the whole army ; by which acclamation the souldiers gave testimony of his worth , and made it equivalent with the most fortunate commanders . this ceremony was of great antiquity in the roman empire , as appeareth by many histories , and namely by tacitus , where he saith that tiberius gave that honour to blesus , that he should be saluted imperator by the legions ; which he sheweth to be an ancient dignity belonging to great captains , after they had foiled the enemy with an eminent overthrow . for every victory was not sufficient whereby they might challenge so great an honour , but there was required ( as it seemeth ) a certain number of the enemies to be slain . appian in his second book saith , that in old time the name of imperator was never taken but upon great and admirable exploits : but in his time ten thousand of the enemy being slain in one battel was a sufficient ground of that honour . cicero saith that two thousand slain in the place , especially of thracians , spaniards or galles , did worthily merit the name of imperator . howsoever , it seemeth by the same authour that there was a certain number of the enemy required to be slain , where he saith , se just a victoria imperatorem appellatum , that he was called imperator upon a due and full victory . chap. xi . the britans make peace with caesar , but break it again upon the losse of the roman shipping . the britans being overthrown in this battel , assoon as they had recovered their safety by fligh● , they presently dispatched messengers to caesar to intreat for peace , promising hostages , and obedience in whatsoever he commanded . and with these ambassadours returned comius of arras , whom caesar had sent before into britany , and whom the britans at his first landing with caesars mandates , had seized upon and thrown into prison ; but after the battel they released him , and becoming now suitours for peace , threw all the blame thereof upon the multitude , excusing themselves as ignorant of it , and so desiring to be pardoned . caesar complained ; that whereas they sent unto him into gallia to desire peace , notwithstanding at his coming they made war against him without any cause or reason at all ; but excusing it by their ignorance , he commanded hostages to be delivered unto him : which they presently performed in part , and the rest being to be set further off , they promised should likewise be rendered within a short time . in the mean while they commanded their people to return to their possessions , and their rulers and princes came out of all quarters to commend themselves and their states to caesar . the peace being thus concluded , four dayes after that caesar came into britany , the eighteen ships which were appointed for the horsemen , put out to sea with a gentle wind : and approching so near the coast of britany , that they were within view of the roman camp , there arose such a sudden tempest , that none of them were able to hold their course ; but some of them returned to the port from whence they came , other some were cast upon the lower part of the island , which lieth to the west-ward , and there casting anchour took in so much water , that they were forced to commit themselves again to the sea , and direct their course to the coast of gallia . the same night it happened that the moon being in the full , the tides were very high in those seas ; whereof the romans being altogether ignorant , both the gallies that transported the army which were drawn up upon the shore were filled with the tide , and the ships of burthen that lay at anchour were shaken with the tempest . neither was there any help to be given unto them ; so that many of them were rent and split in pieces , and the rest lost both their anchours , cables and other tackling , and by that means became altogether unserviceable . where at the whole army was exceedingly troubled ; for there was no other shipping to recarry them back again , neither had they any necessaries to new furnish the old ; and every man knew that they must needs winter in gallia , forasmuch as there was no provision of corning those places where they were . which thing being known to the princes of britany , that were assembled to conferre of such things as caesar had commanded them to perform , when they understood that the romans wanted both their horsemen , shipping and provision of corn , and conjecturing of the paucity of their forces by the small circuit of their camp , ( that which made it of lesse compasse then usual being , that ca●sar had transported his souldiers without such necessary carriages as they used to take with them ; ) they thought it their best course to rebell , and to keep the romans from corn and convoyes of provision , and so prolong the matter untill winter came on . for they thought that if these were once overthrown and cut off from returning into gallia , never any man would afterward adventure to bring an army into britany . therefore they conspired again the second time , and conveyed themselves by stealth out of the camp , and got their men privily out of the fields , to make head in some convenient place against the romans . the first observation . concerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea , and the causes thereof , it hath already been handled in the second book : to which i will add thus much , as may serve to shew how the romans became so ignorant of the spring-tides , which happen in the full and new of the moon . it is observed by experience , that the motion of this watery element is altogether directed by the course of the moon ; wherein she exerciseth her regency according as she findeth the matter qualified for her influence . and forasmuch as all mediterranean seas , and such gulfs as are inclosed in sin●es and bosomes of the earth , are both abridged of the liberty of their course , and through the smallnesse of their quantity , are not so capable of celestiall power as the ocean it self ; it consequently followeth that the tuscan seas , wherewith the romans were chiefly acquainted , were not so answerable in effect to the operation of the moon as the main sea , whose bounds are ranged in a more spacious circuit , and through the plentious abundance of his parts , better answereth the vertue of the moon . the ocean therefore being thus obedient to the course of the celestiall bodies , taking her course of slowing from the north , falleth with such a current between the orcades and the main of norvegia , that she filleth our channel between england and france with great swelling tides , and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters then in any other parts of the world . and hence it happeneth that our river of thames , lying with her mouth so ready to receive the tide as it cometh , and having withall a plain levelled belly , and a very small fresh current , taketh the tide as far into the land as any other known river of europe . and for this cause the romans were ignorant of the spring-tides in the full of the moon . the second observation . such as either by their own experience , or otherwise by observation of that which history recordeth , are acquainted with the government of commonweals , are not ignorant with what difficulty a nation that either hath long lived in liberty , or been governed by commanders of their own chusing , is made subject to the yoak of bondage , or reduced under the obedience of a stranger . for as we are apt by a naturall inclination to civile society ; so by the same nature we desire a free disposition of our selves and possessions , as the chiefest end of the said society : and therefore in the government of a subdued state , what losse or disadvantage happeneth to the victour , or how indirectly soever it concerneth the bond of their thraldome , the captive people behold it as a part of their adversaries overthrow ; and conceive thereupon such spirits as answer the greatnesse of their hope , and sort with the strength of their will , which alwayes maketh that seem easy to be effected which it desireth . and this was the reason that the britans altered their resolution of peace , upon the losse which the romans had received in their shipping . chap. xii . caesar new tri●ameth his late shaken navy : the britans set upon the romans as they harvested ; but were put off by caesar . caesar , although he had not discovered their determination , yet conjecturing of the event by the losse of his shipping , and by their delay of giving up hostages , provided against all chances : for he brought corn daily out of the fields into his camp ; and took the hulls of such ships as were most dismembred , and with the timber and brasse thereof he mended the rest that were beaten with the tempest , causing other necessaries to be brought out of gallia . which being handled with the great industry and travell of the souldiers , he lost only twelve ships , and made the other able to abide the sea. while these things were in action , the seventh legion being sent out by course to fetch in corn , and little suspecting any motion of war , as part of the souldiers continued in the field , and the rest went & came between them and the camp , the station that watched before the gate of the camp gave advertisement to caesar , that the same way which the legion went there appeared a greater dust then was usually seen . caesar suspecting that which indeed was true , that the britans were entred into some new resolution , he took those two cohorts which were in station before the port , commanding other two to take their place , and the rest to arm themselves , and presently to follow him ; and went that way where the dust was descried . and when he had marched some distance from the camp , he saw his men overcharged with the enemy , and scarce able to sustain the assault , the legion thronged together on a heap , and weapons cast from all parts amongst them . for when they had harvested all other quarters , there remained one piece of corn , whither the enemy suspected the romans would at last come , and in the night time conveighed themselves secretly into the woods , where they continued untill the romans were come into the field : and as they saw them disarmed , dispersed , and occupied in reaping , they suddenly set upon them , and slaying some few of them , routed the rest , and incompassed them about with their horsemen and chariots . their manner of fight with chariots was , first to ride up and down , and cast their weapons as they saw advantage ; and with the terrour of their horses and ratling of their wheels to disorder the companies ; and when they had wound themselves between any troups of horse , they forsook their chariots , and fought on foot : in the mean time the guiders of their chariots would drive a little aside , and so place themselves , that if their masters needed any help , they might have an easy passage unto them . and thus they performed in all their fights both the nimble motion of horsemen , and the firm stability of footmen ; & were so ready with daily practice , that they could stay in the declivity of a steep hill , & turn short or moderate their going as it seemed best unto them , and run along the beam of the coach & rest upon the yoak , or harnesse of their horses , & return as speedily again at their pleasure . the romans being thus troubled , caesar came to rescue them in very good time : for at his coming the enemy stood still , & the souldiers gathered their spirits unto them , & began to renew their courage that was almost spent . caesar taking it an unfit time either to provoke the enemy or to give him battel , continued a while in the same place , & then returned with the legions into the camp. while these things were a doing , and the romans thus busied , the britans that were in the field conveighed themselves all away . the first observation . by this we plainly find that there were usually two cohorts ( which according to the rate of one hundred and twenty in a maniple amounted to the number of . men ) which kept the day-watch before the gate of the camp , and were alwayes in readinesse upon any service . the commodity whereof appeareth by this accident : for considering that the advertisement required haste and speedy recourse , it greatly furthered their rescue , to have so many men ready to march forward at the first motion , that they might give what help they could untill the rest of their fellowes came in . the second observation . their manner of fight with chariots is very particularly described by caesar , and needeth not to be stood upon any longer : only i observe that neither in gallia , nor any other country of europe , the use of chariots is ever mentioned ; but they have ever been attributed as a peculiar fight unto the eastern countries , as sutable to the plain and levell situation of the place , whereof we find often mention in the scripture . which may serve for an argument of geoffrey of monmouth , to prove the britans descent from troy in asia , where we likewise find mention of such chariots . the third observation . thirdly , we may observe the discreet and moderate temper of his valour , and the means he used to make his souldiers confident in his directions : for notwithstanding the britans had exceedingly urged him to make hazard of a present revenge ; yet finding it an unfit time , ( inasmuch as his men had been somewhat troubled with the fury of the britans ) he thought it best to expect some other opportunity . and again , to avoid the inconveniences of a fearfull retreat , he continued a while in the same place , to imbolden his men with the sight of the enemy . and this manner of proceeding wrought a full perswasion in his souldiers that his actions were directed with knowledge , and with a carefull respect of their safety : which gave his men resolution when they were carried upon service , being assured that what service soever they were imployed upon was most diligently to be performed , as a matter much importing the fortunate issue of that war : whereas if they had perceived that headstrong fury ( which carrieth men on with a desire of victory , and never looketh into the means whereby it may be obtained ) had directed the course of their proceedings , they might with reason have drawn back from such imployments , and valued their safety above the issue of such an enterprise . and hence ariseth that confident opinion which the souldiers have of a good generall ; which is a matter of great importance in the course of war. chap. xiii . the britans make head with their forces ; and are beaten by caesar : his return into gallia . after this for many dayes together there followed such tempests and foul weather , that both the romans were constrained to keep their camp , and the britans were kept from attempting any thing against them . but in the mean time they sent messengers into all quarters , publishing the small number of the roman forces , and amplifying the greatnesse of the booty , and the easy means offered unto them of perpetuall liberty , if they could take the roman camp. shortly upon this , having gathered a great company both of horse & foot , they came to the place where the romans were incamped . caesar ( although he foresaw the event by that which before had hapned , that if the enemy were beaten back , he would avoid the danger by flight ) yet having some thirty horse , which comius of arras had carried with him at his coming into britany , he imbattelled his legions before his camp , and so gave them battel . the enemy not being able to bear the assault of the roman souldiers , turned their backs and fled : the romans followed them as far as they could by running on foot , and after a great slaughter , with the burning of their towns far and near , they returned to their camp. the same day the britans sent messengers to caesar to intreat for peace ; whom he commanded to double their number of hostages , which he commanded to be carried into gallia . and forasmuch as the aequinoctium was at hand , he thought it not safe to put himself to the sea in winter with such weak shipping : and therefore having got a convenient time he hoised sail a little after midnight , and brought all his ships safe unto the continent . two of these ships of burthen , not being able to reach the same haven , put in somewhat lower into the land : the souldiers that were in them which were about three hundred being set on shore , and marching towards their camp , the morini , with whom caesar at his going into britany had made peace , in hope of a booty , first with a few of their men stood about them , commanding them upon pain of death to lay down their weapons : and as the romans by casting themselves into an orbe began to make defence , at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about six thousand of the enemy . which thing being known , caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieve them . in the meantime the romans sustained the force of the enemy , and fought valiantly about the space of four hours ; and receiving themselves only some few wounds , they slew many of the enemy . as soon as the roman horsemen came in sight , the enemy cast away their weapons and fled , and a great number of them fell by the horsemen . observation . of all the figures which the tactici have chosen to make use of in military affairs , the circle hath ever been taken for the fittest to be applyed in the defensive part , as inclosing with an equall circuit on all parts whatsoever is contained within the circumference of that area : and therefore geometry termeth a circumference a simple line , forasmuch as if you alter the site of the parts , and transport one arch into the place of another , the figure notwithstanding will remain the same , because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference . which property as it proveth an uniformity of strength in the whole circuit , so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end , this is front or this is flank : so doth that which euclide doth demonstrate in the third of his elements , concerning the small affinity between a right line and a circle ( which being drawn to touch the circumference , doth touch it but in a point only ) shew the greatnesse of this strength in regard of any other line , by which it may be broken . which howsoever they seem as speculative qualities , conceived rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension ; yet forasmuch as experience hath proved the strength of this figure in a defensive part , above any other manner of imbattelling , let us not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties , which discover the causes of this effect : neither let us neglect this part of military knowledge , being so strong a means to maintain valour , and the sinew of all our ability : for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an army . neither ought there any action in a wel-ordered discipline to be irregular , or void of order . and therefore the romans did neither eat nor sleep without the direction of the consul , or chief commander ; otherwise their valour might rather have been termed fury then vertue : but when their courage was ranged with order , and disposed according to the occurrences of the time , it never failed as long as the said order continued perfect . it appeareth therefore how important it is for a commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling , and to weigh the nature thereof , that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion . the romans termed this figure orbis , which signifieth a round body both with a concave and a convex surface : in resemblance whereof i understand this orbe of men imbattelled to be so named ; which might peradventure consist of five , or more , or fewer ranks , inclosing one another after the nature of so many circles described about one centre ; so that either the midst thereof remained void , or otherwise contained such carriages and impediments , as they had with them in their march . this form of imbattelling was never used but in great extremity : for as it was the safest of all other , so it gave suspicion to the souldiers of exceeding danger , which abated much of their heat in battel ; as will hereafter appear by the testimony of caesar himself in the fifth commentary , upon the occasion which happened unto sabinus and cotta . chap. xiiii . the next day caesar sent titus labienus a legate , with those legions which he had brought out of britany , against the revolted morini ; who having no place of refuge because their bogs and fens were dryed up , where they had sheltred themselves the year before , they all fell under the power of his mercy . q. titurius and a. cotta the legates , who had led the legions against the menapii , after they had wasted their fields , cut up their corn , burned their houses ( for the menapii were all hid in thick woods ) returned to caesar . these things being thus ended , caesar placed the wintering camps of all his legions amongst the belgae ; to which place two only of all the cities in britany sent hostages unto him , the rest neglecting it . these wars being thus ended , upon the relation of caesars letters , the senate decreed a supplication for the space of twenty dayes . observation . in the end of the second commentary we read of a supplication granted by the senate for fifteen dayes ; which was never granted to any man before that time since the first building of the city : but forasmuch as in this fourth year of the wars in gallia it was augmented from fifteen unto twenty dayes , i thought it fit to refer the handling thereof unto this place . we are therefore to understand , that whensoever a roman generall had carried himself well in the wars , by gaining a victory , or enlarging the bounds of their empire , that then the senate did decree a supplication to the gods in the name of that captain . and this dignity was much sought after : not only because it was a matter of great honour , that in their names the temples of their gods should be opened , and their victories acknowledged with the concourse and gratulation of the roman people ; but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph , which was the greatest honour in the roman government : and therefore cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph . and livie in his book saith that it was long disputed on in the senate , how they could deny one that was there present to triumph , whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected . the manner of the ceremony was , that after the magistrate had publickly proclaimed it with this form or stile , quod bene & feliciter rempublicam administrasset , that he had happily and succesfully administred the affairs of the common-weal , the roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands , went to all the temples of the gods , and there offered sacrifices , to gratulate the victory in the name of the generall . in which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity . it seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two dayes at the most , as appeareth by livie in his third book , where he saith that the victory gained by two severall battels was spitefully shut up by the senate in one dayes supplication ; the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy , and celebrating it with greater devotion then the former . upon the victory which camillus had against the veii there were granted four dayes of supplication ; to which there was afterward a day added , which was the usuall time of supplication unto the time that pompey ended the war which they called mithridaticum , when the usuall time of five dayes was doubled and made ten , and in the second of these commentaries made fifteen , and now brought to twenty dayes . which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing , which the romans propounded both at home & abroad to such as endeavoured to inlarge their empire , or manage a charge to the benefit of their commonwealths . and thus endeth the fourth commentary . the fifth commentary of the wars in gallia . the argument . caesar causeth a great navy to be built in gallia : he carrieth five legions into britany , where he maketh war with the britans on both sides the river thames . at his return into gallia most of the galles revolt ; and first the eburones , under the conduction of ambiorix , set upon the camp of q. titurius the legate , whom they circumvent by subtilty , and then besiege the camp of cicero : but are put by , and their army overthrown by caesar . chap. i. caesar returneth into gallia : findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers , and commandeth it to be brought to the haven itius . lucius domitius and appius claudius being consuls , caesar at his going into italy from his winter-quarters ( which he yearly did ) gave order to the legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could , & to repair the old ; commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea , for the speedier lading and unlading of them , and because the tides in these seas were very great : and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse , he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places , and all of them to be made for the use of oares , to which purpose their low building served very conveniently . other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of spain . caesar , after an assembly of the states in lombardy , went presently into illyricum , where he heard that the pirustae infested the province by their incursions . assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers , and appointed them a rendezvous . which the pirustae hearing of , they sent embassadours presently to him , excusing the businesse as not done by publick consent , and expressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded . caesar having heard their message , appointed them to give hostages , and to bring them by such a day , or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city . hostages were brought by the appointed time ; whereupon caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities , and to punish as they saw cause for it . these things being over , he returned forthwith into lombardy , and thence to his army in gallia . the observation . this itius portus floide thinketh to be callis ; others take it to be saint omer : partly in regard of the situation of the place , which being in it self very low , hath notwithstanding very high banks , which incompasse the town about , and in times past was a very large haven . to this may be added the distance from this town to the next continent of the island of britany , which strabo maketh to contain . stadia ; which agreeth to the french computation of . leagues : caesar maketh it thirty miles . this is the haven which pliny calleth britannicum portum morinorum . chap. ii. caesar preventeth new motions amongst the treviri , and goeth to his navy . dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into britain : his flight and death . caesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse , himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the treviri , in regard they neither came to the assembly of states , nor were obedient to his commands , and were farther reported to sollicite the germans beyond the rhene to new commotions . this city was the most powerfull of all gallia for matter of horse , having likewise a great force of foot , and lying so conveniently upon the rhene for assistance : wherein there was at th●s time a contention betwixt induciomarus and cingetorix who should be chief ruler . cingetorix , as soon as he heard of the coming of caesar with his army , came in to him , assuring him of the fidelity of his party , and their constancy to the friendship of the people of rome ; discovering withall unto him the present proceedings amongst the treviri . on the contrary induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could , resolving upon nothing else then war : securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood arduenna , which is a very large wood , beginning at the rhene , and running through the middle of the treviri , to the borders of the people of rheims . while things were thus preparing , divers of the chief of the city , some through the favour they bare to cingetorix , others affrighted at the coming of our army , came forth to caesar ; and since they could not do it for the whole city , they endeavoured to make every man his own peace . induciomarus seeing this , and fearing to be left at last alone , sent embassadours to caesar , excusing what he had done in not coming to him , which he sa●d was done onely to keep the city the better in obedience ; for if all the nobility should have left it , the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles : that the city was now at his command , and if caesar would give leave , he was ready to wait upon him in his camp , and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet . caesar , albeit he well knew why all this was spoken , as also what had put him besides his former resolution , yet rather then spend the summer in those parts , having all things in readinesse for his british war , he commanded induciomarus to come to him , and bring two hundred hostages with him . induciomarus did as caesar commanded , and withall brought along with him his son and all that had any near relation unto him : whom caesar bade be of good chear , and exhorted to continue firme in his duty and fidelity . after this calling to him the chief of the treviri man by man , he reconciled them to cingetorix , as well looking at the desert of the man himself , as at his own interest and advantage , to have such a man bear the chief sway in his city , who had expressed so notable affection and goodwill towards him in this businesse . it troubled induciomarus not a little to find his respect and authority thus impaired ; insomuch that he who before was no friend to us , being vexed at this became a bitter enemy . things thus setled here , caesar came with his legions back to the port called itius : where he understood that forty ships which were built amongst the meldae were hindred by tempests that they could not keep their course , but were forced back from whence they came ; the rest were well provided and ready to set saile . hither also were gathered all the cavalry in france , to the number of four thousand , and the chief men of every city : some few of which , whose fidelity caesar had had experience of , he intended to leave at home ; and to take the rest along with him for hostages , lest in his absense they should begin any new stirs in gallia . amongst the rest was dumnorix the heduan formerly mentioned . him of all the rest caesar intended to take with him , knowing him to be a man desirous of change , greedy of rule , a man of courage and resolution , and one of greatest authority amongst the galles . besides this , dumnorix had given out at a meeting of the hedui , that caesar had conferred upon him the government of the city : which much troubled the hedui , yet they durst not send any man to caesar to hinder or revoke it . this caesar came to hear of . when he saw he must go with the rest , first he besought with all the intreatyes he could that he might stay in gallia ; alleging one while that he was afraid of the sea , having as yet never been used to sailing , another while that he had some religious accounts that kept him here . when he perceived this would not serve his turn , but go he must , he began to deal with the rest of the chief men of the galles , taking them man by man , & perswading them to continue in their own country ; telling them that it was not without ground caesar went about to despoile gallia thus of its nobility , his drift being to carry them over into britain and there murther them , whom he was affraid to put to death amongst their friends at home . he went farther , to ingage them to fidelity , and to tye them by oath to proceed upon joynt consultation to the acting of what should be thought of most concernment and behoof for the good of gallia . these things were by divers persons related to caesar : who as soon as he knew thereof , in regard of the great respect he bare to the heduan state , he resolved by all meanes possible to curb and deter dumnorix from those courses : & in regard that he saw him thus to increase in his madnesse , he thought it seasonable to prevent his endamaging either the commonwealth or himself . so staying in the place where he was about twenty five dayes , the north-west wind ( a wind that usually blowes in those parts ) all that while hindering his putting to sea ; he made it much of his business to keep dumnorix quiet , and yet at the same time to spye out the whole drift of his designs . at last the wind and weather serving , he commanded his souldiers and horsemen on shipboard . and whilst every mans mind was taken up about this , dumnorix with the rest of the heduan horsemen , unknown to caesar , had left the camp , and were marching homewards . which when caesar heard , he stopt his voyage , and letting every thing else alone , sent a great part of his cavalry to attach him , and bring him back , with command that if he stood upon his defense and did not readily obey , they should dispatch him . for he could not believe that this man could mean any good to him if he once got home , since he made so light of his commands when present with him . the horse having overtaken him , he stood upon his guard and made resistance , imploring also the aide of those that were with him ; still crying out , that he was a free-born man and of a free city . whereupon they , as they were commanded , hemm'd him in , and so killed him : the heduan horsemen returning every man to caesar . chap. iii. caesar saileth into britain : landeth his forces , and seeketh the enemy . caesar having prepared all things in readinesse , he left labienus in the continent with three legions , and two thousand horse , both to keep the haven and make provision of corne , and also to observe the motion of the galles , and to doe according as he saw time and occasion , and with five legions , and the like number of horse as he left in the continent , about sun-setting he put out to sea with a soft south-wind , which continued until midnight ; & then ceasing he was carried with the tide untill the morning ; when he perceived that the iland lay on his left hand : and again as the tide changed , he laboured by rowing to reach that part of the iland where he had found good landing the year before . wherin the souldiers deserved great commendation ; for by strength and force of oares , they made their great ships of burthen to keep way with the gallies . about high noon they arrived in britany with all their ships : neither was there any enemy seen in that place : but as afterward caesar understood by the captives , the britans had been there with a great power , but being terrified with the infinite number of shipping which they discovered from the shore ( for with the ships of provision , and private vessels which severall persons had for their own convenience , there were in all above either hundred ) they forsook the shore , and hid themselves in the upland country . caesar having landed his men , and chosen a convenient place to incamp , assoon as he understood by the captives where the enemy lay , in the third watch of the night he marched towards them ; leaving ten cohorts and three hundred horse under quintus atrius for a garrison to his shipping : which he the lesse feared , because it lay at anchour in a soft and open shore . he marched that night about twelve mile before he found the enemy . the britans sending out their horse and chariots to a river that ran between them and the romans , and having the advantage of the upper ground , began to hinder the romans and to give them battell : but being beaten back with our horsemen , they conveyed themselves into a wood . the place was strongly fortified both by art and nature , and made for a defence ( as it seemeth ) in their civill wars : for all the entrances were shut up with great trees layd overthwart the passages . and the britans shewed themselves out of the wood but here and there , not suffering the romans to enter the fortification . but the souldiers of the seventh legion , with a testudo which they made , and a mount which they raised , took the place , and drave them all out of the woods , without any losse at all , saving some few wounds which they received . but caesar forbade his men to follow after them with any long pursuit , because he was both ignorant of the place , and a great part of that day being spent , he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his camp. observation . caesar having taken what assurace of peace he could with the galles , both by carrying the chiefest of their princes with him , and by leaving three legions in the continent to keep the vulgar people in obedience ; he imbarked all his men at one place , that they might be all partakers of the same casualties , and take the benefit of the same adventures : which being neglected the year before , drew him into many inconveniences for want of horse , which being imbarked at another haven , met with other chances , and saw other fortunes , and never came to him into britany . the place of landing in this second voyage was the same where he landed the year before ; and by the circumstances of this history , may agree with that which tradition hath delivered of deale in kent , where it is said that caesar landed . in the first year we find that he never removed his campe from the sea shore , where he first seated himself ; although his men went out to bring in corne , as far as they might well return again at night : but now he entred further into the iland , and within twelve miles march came unto a river , which must needs be that of canterbury , which falleth into the sea at sandwich . in that hee saith that the garrison of his shipping consisted of ten cohorts , which i have said to be a legion : we must understand that caesar left not an entire legion in that garrison ; but he took ten cohorts out of his whole forces , peradventure two out of every legion , and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping . chap. iv. caesar returneth to his navies , to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before . the next day early in the morning he divided his forces into three companies , & sent them out to pursue the enemy : but before they had marched any far distance , and came to have the rereward of the enemy in view , there came news from q. atrius , with whom he left the ten cohorts , and the charge of the shipping , that the night before there was such a tempest at sea , that the whole navy was either fore beaten , or cast on shore ; and that neither anchour nor cable could hold them , nor yet the sailers endure the force of the weather : and that there was great loss in the shipping , by running against one another in the violence of the tempest . upon these news caesar caused the legions to be called back again , and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further . he himself returned to the navy ; where he found that to be true which he had heard , and that about forty ships were lost , and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines . first therfore he chose ship-wrights and carpenters out of the legions , and caused others to be sent for out of gallia , and wrote to labienus to make ready what shipping he could . and although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour , yet he thought it best to hale up all the ships on shore , and to inclose them within the fortification of his camp . in this business he spent ten daies , without intermission either of night or day , until he had drawn up the ships , and strongly fortified the camp ; leaving the same garrison which was there before , to defend it . the observation . wherein we may behold the true image of undaunted valour , & the horrible industry ( as tully termeth it ) which he used to prevent fortune of her stroke in his business , and comprehend casualties and future contingents within the compasse of order , and the bounds of his own power ; being able in ten dayes space to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazard of wind & weather , & to make his camp the road for his navy , that so he might rest secure of a means to return at his pleasure . chap. v. the britans make cassivellaunus generall in this war. the iland , and the manners of the people described . caesar returning to the place from whence he came , found far greater forces of the britans there assembled then he left when he went to the navy : and that by publick consent of the britans the whole government of that war was given to cassivellaunus , whose kingdom lay divided from the maritime states with the river thames , beginning at the sea , and extending it self four score miles into the iland . this cassivellaunus made continual war with his neighbour states : but upon the coming of the romans they all forgot ther home-bred quarrels , and cast the whole government upon his shoulders , as the fittest to direct in that war. the inner part of britany is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be born in the iland ; and the maritime coast by such as came out of belgia , either to make incursions or invasions ; and after the war was ended they continued in the possessions they had gained , and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came . the country is very populous , and well inhabited with houses , much like unto them in gallia . they have great store of cattel ; and use brass for mony , or iron rings weighed at a certain rate . in the mediterranean parts there is found great quantity of tyn , and in the maritime parts , iron ; but they have but little of that : their brasse is brought in by other nations . they have all sorts of trees that they have in gallia , excepting the fig and the beech. their religion will not suffer them to eat either hare , hen , or goose ; notwithstanding they have of all sorts , as well for novelty as variety . the country is more temperate , and not so cold as gallia . the island lyeth triangle-wise ; whereof one side confronteth gallia , of which side that angle wherein kent is , the usuall place of landing from gallia , pointeth to the east , and the other angle to the south . this side containeth about mile . another side lyeth toward spain and the west , that way where ireland lyeth , being an island half as big as england , and as far distant from it as gallia . in the mid-way between england and ireland lyeth an iland called mona , besides many other smaller ilands ; of which some write , that in winter-time for thirty dayes together they have continuall night : whereof we learned nothing by inquiry ; only we found by certain measures of water , that the nights in england were shorter then in the continent . the length of this side , according to the opinion of the inhabitants , containeth seven hundred miles . the third side lieth to the north and the open sea , saving that this angle doth somewhat point towards germany . this side is thought to contain eight hundred miles . and so the whole island containeth in circuit miles . of all the inhabitants they of kent are most courteous and civile ; all their country bordering upon the sea , and little differing from the fashion of gallia . most of the in-land people sow no corn , but live with milk and flesh , clothed with skins , & having their faces painted with a blew colour , to the end they may seem more terrible in sight : they have the hair of their head long , having all other parts of their body shaven saving their upper lip . their wives are common to ten or twelve , especially brethren with brethren , & parents with children ; but the children that are born , are put unto them unto whom the mother was first given in marriage . observation . in the descriptions of the ancient britans we may first observe their pedegree , according to the heraldry of that time : wherein we must understand , that in those ages the nations of the world thought it no small honour to derive their descent from a certain beginning , and to make either some of their gods , or some man of famous memory the father of that progeny , and founder of their state ; that so they might promise a fortunate continuance to their government , being first laid and established by so powerfull a means . but if this failed , they then bragged of antiquity , and cast all their glory upon the fertility of their soil , being so strong and fruitfull that it yielded of it self such a people as they were . and so we read how the athenians , forasmuch as they were ignorant from whence they came , ware an oaken leaf , in token that they were bred of the earth where they dwelled . and hereupon also grew the controversy between the egyptians and the scythians concerning antiquity : wherein the egyptians seemed to have great advantage , because of the fertility and heat of of their country ; whereas the scythians inhabited a cold climate , unfruitfull , and an enemy to generation . of this sort were the britans that inhabited the mediterranean part of the island : who not knowing from whence they came , nor who first brought them thither , satisfied themselves with that common received opinion , that they were born and bred of the earth . the sea-coast was possest by such as came out of the continent , and retained the names of the cities from whence they came , as a memoriall of their progenitours . the form of the island is very well described , and measured out according to the scale of our modern geographers . for concerning the difference of longitude between the eastern angle of kent , and the furthest point of cornewall , they make it eight degrees ; which in a manner jumpeth with caesars dimensuration . the other sides are somewhat longer : and therefore tacitus in the life of agricola , compareth it to a carpenters axe , making that side which bordereth upon france to resemble the edge , and the other two sides to incline by little and little one towards another , and so make the island narrower at the top , according to the form of that instrument . he setteth down the whole compasse of the island , according to the manner of the ancient geographers ; who by the quantity of the circuit did usually judge of the content : not considering that the area of every figure dependeth as well on the quantity of the angle , as the length of the side . concerning the temperature of britany in regard of the cold winters in france , we must understand that britany hath ever been found of a more temperate constitution in regard of sharp and cold winters , then any other country lying under the same parallel : whether the cause thereof may be imputed to the continual motion of the sea about the island , which begetteth heat , as some have imagined ; or to the site thereof in regard of other continents from whence the wind alwayes riseth , & carrieth with it the nature of the country by which it passeth ; ( & so the island having no other continent lying north to it , from whence the wind may rise , but all for the most part upon the south , hath no such cold winds to distemper it , as other parts of germany , which are under the same parallel : but the southern wind , which is so frequent in britany , tempereth the air with a mild disposition , and so keepeth it warm ; or whether it besome other unknown cause , our philosophers rest unsatisfied . but as touching gallia it may be said , that forasmuch as it beareth more to the south then this iland doth , the aire thereof ( by reason of the continual heat ) is of a far purer disposition ; and so pierceth more then this grosser aire of britany , and carrieth the cold further into the pores ; and so seemeth sharper , and of a far colder disposition . this iland which caesar nameth mona , is known at this time by the name of man , and lieth between cumberland and ireland . ptolemy calleth it monaeda . tacitus calleth anglesey by the name of mona , peradventure from the nomination of the britans , who called it tyrmon , the land of mon. concerning those places where the night continueth in the midst of winter for thirty daies together , they must be sited . degrees beyond the circle artick , and have a day in summer of like continuance , according to the rules of astronomy . in that he found the nights in britany shorter then in the continent , we must understand it to be onely in summer : for the more oblique the horizon is , the more uneven are the portions of the diurnall circles which it cutteth ; and the nearer it cometh to a right horizon , the nearer it cometh to an equality of day and night : and hence it happeneth , that in summer time , the nights in france are longer then here in england ; and in winter , shorter . the like we must understand of all southern and northern countries . to conclude , i may not omit the civility of the kentish men , and their courteous disposition above the rest of the britans , which must be imputed to that ordinary course which brought civility unto all other nations : of whom such as were first seated in their possessions , and entertained society , were the first that brought in civill conversation , and by little and little were purified , and so attained to the perfection of civill government . so we find that first the assyrians and babylonians ( as nearest to the mountains of armenia where the ark rested , and people first inhabited ) reduced their states into commonweales or monarchies of exquisite government , flourishing with all manner of learning and knowledge ; when as yet other countries lay either waste , or overwhelmed with barbarisme . from thence it flowed into egypt ; out of egypt into greece ; out of greece into italy ; out of italy into gallia ; and from thence into england : where our kentish men first entertained it , as bordering upon france , and frequented with merchants of those countries . chap. vi. divers skirmishes between the romans and the britans . the cavalry of the enemy and their chariots gave a sharp conflict to the roman horsemen in their march : but so that the romans got the better every way , driving them with great slaughter to the woods and hills , and loosing also some of their own men , being too venturous in the pursuit . the britans after some intermission of time , when the romans little thought of them , and were busied in fortifying their camp , came suddainly out of the woods , and charged upon those that kept station before the camp. caesar sent out two the chiefest cohorts of two legions , to second their fellowes . these two cohorts standing with a small alley between them , the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kind of fight , boldly brake through the thickest of the enemy , & so retired in safety to their fellows . that day quintus laberius durus , a tribune of the souldiers , was slain . the britans were repelled with moe cohorts , which caesar sent to second the former . and forasmuch as the fight happened in the view of all the camp , it was plainly perceived that the legionary souldiers , being neither able for the weight of their armour to follow the enemy as he retired , nor yet daring to go far from their severall ensigns , was not a fit adversary to contest this kind of enemy : and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger , inasmuch as the enemy would retire back of purpose , and when they had drawn them a little from the legions , they would then light from their chariots , and incounter them with that advantage which is between a footman and a horseman . furthermore , they never fought thick and close together , but thin , and at great distances , having stations of men to succour one another , to receive the weary , and to send out fresh supplies . observation . upon this occasion of their heavy armour , i will describe a legionary souldier in his compleat furniture , that we may better judge of their manner of warfare , and understand wherein their greatest strength consisted . and first we are to learn , that their legionary souldiers were called milites gravis armaturae , souldiers wearing heavy armour , to distinguish them from the velites , the archers , slingers , and other light-armed men . their offensive armes were a couple of piles , or as some will but one pile , and a spanish sword , short and strong , to strike rather with the point then with the edge . their defensive armes were a helmet , a corslet , and boots of brasse , with a large target ; which in some sort was offensive , in regard of that umbo which stuck out in the midst thereof . the pile is described at large in the first book , and the target in the second . the sword , as polybius witnesseth , was short , two-edged , very sharp , and of a strong point . and therefore livy in his . book saith , that the galles used very long swords without points ; but the romans had short swords , readier for use . these they called spanish swords , because they borrowed that fashion from the spaniard . the old romans were so girt with their swords , as appeareth by polybius , and their monuments in marble , that from their left shoulder it hung upon their right thigh , contrary to the use of these times ; which , as i have noted before , was in regard of their target , which they carried on their left arme . this sword was hung with a belt of leather , beset with studs , as varro noteth . and these were their offensive weapons . their helmet was of brasse , adorned with three ostrich feathers of a cubit in length ; by which the souldier appeared of a larger stature , and more terrible to the enemy , as polybius saith in his sixth book . their breast-plate was either of brasse or iron , jointed together after the manner of scales , or platted with little rings of iron : their boots were made of bars of brass , from the foot up to the knee . and thus were the legionary souldiers armed , to stand firme , rather then to use any nimble motion , and to combine themselves into a body of that strength , which might not easily recoile at the opposition of any confrontment : for agility standeth indifferent to help either a retreat or a pursuit ; and nimble-footed souldiers are as ready to flie back , as to march forward ; but a weighty body keepeth a more regular motion , and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe . so that whensoever they came to firme buckling , and felt the enemy stand stiff before them , such was their practice and exercise in continuall works , that they never fainted under any such task , but the victory went alwaies clear on their side . but if the enemy gave way to their violence , and came not in but for advantage , and then as speedily retired before the counterbuffe were well discharged , then did their nimbleness much help their weakness , and frustrate the greatest part of the roman discipline . this is also proved in the overthrow of sabinus and cotta , where ambiorix finding the inconvenience of buckling at handy-blowes , commanded his men to fight a far off ; and if they were assaulted , to give back , and come on again as they saw occasion : which so wearied out the romans that they all fel under the execution of the galles . let this suffice therefore to shew how unapt the romans were to flie upon any occasion , when their armour was such that it kept them from all starting motions , and made them sutable to the staied and well assured rules of their discipline , which were as certain principles in the execution of a standing battell ; and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit , or a flight . concerning the unequal combat between a horseman and a footman , it may be thought strange that a footman should have such an advantage against a horseman , being overmatched at least with a sextuple proportion both of strength and agility : but we must understand that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere , so in speedy and nimble turning at hand , wherein the substance of the combate consisteth , the footman far exceedeth the horseman in advantage , having a larger mark to hit by the horse , then the other hath . besides the horseman ingageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speed of his horse , his wounds and his death do consequently pull the rider after , his fear or fury maketh his master either desperate or slow of performance , and what defect soever ariseth from the horse , must be answered out of the honour of the rider . and surely it seemeth reasonable , that what thing soever draweth us into the society of so great a hazard , should as much as is possible be contained in the compasse of our own power . the sword which we manage with our owne hand affordeth greater assurance then the harquebuse , wherein there are many parts belonging to the action , as the powder , the stone , the spring , and such like ; whereof if the least fail of his part , we likewise faile of our fortune . but how probable soever this seemeth , this is certain , that in the course of the roman wars the horse were ever defeated by the foot , as is manifestly proved in the first of these books . chap. vii . caesar giveth the britans two severall overthrowes . the next day the enemy made a stand upon the hills a far off from the camp , and shewed themselves not so often ; neither were they so busie with our horsemen as they were the day before . but about noon , when caesar had sent out three legions and all his cavalry to get forrage , under the conduction of caius trebonius a legate , they made a suddain assault upon the forragers , and fell in close with the ensignes & the legions . the romans charged very fiercely upon them , and beat them back : neither did they make an end of following them , untill the horsemen trusting to them , put them all to flight , with the slaughter of a great number of them ; neither did they give them respite either to make head , to make a stand , or to forsake their chariots . after this overthrow all their auxiliary forces departed from them ; neither did they afterward contend with the romans with any great power . caesar understanding their determination , carried his army to the river thames , and so to the confines of cassivellaunus ; which river was passable by foot but in one place only , and that very hardly . at his coming he found a great power of the enemy to be imbattelled on the other side , and the bank fortified with many sharp stakes , and many other also were planted covertly under the water . these things being discovered to the romans by the captives and fugitives , caesar putting his horse before , caused the legions to follow suddenly after : who notwithstanding they had but their heads clear above the water , went with that violence , that the enemy was not able to endure the charge , but left the bank , and betook themselves to flight . observation . this attempt of caesar seemeth so strange to brancatio , that he runneth into strange conclusions concerning this matter : as first , that he that imitateth caesar may doubt of his good fortunes ; for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war : and that a great commander hath nothing common with other leaders : but especially he crieth out at the basenesse of the britans , that would suffer themselves so cowardly to be beaten . but if we look into the circumstances of the action , we shall find both art and good direction therein : for being assured by the fugitives that the river was passable in that place , and in that place only , he knew that he must either adventure over there , or leave cassivellaunus for another summer , which was a very strong inducement to urge him to that enterprise . the difficulty whereof was much relieved by good direction , which consisted of two points ; first , by sending over the horsemen in the front of the legions , who might better endure the charge of the enemy then the footmen could , that were up to the neck in water ; and withall to shelter the footmen from the fury of the enemy . secondly , he sent them over with such speed , that they were on the other side of the water before the enemy could tell what they attempted : for if he had lingered in the service , and given the enemy leave to find the advantage which he had by experience , his men had never been able to have endured the hazard of so dangerous a service . it is hard to conjecture at the place where this service was performed ; for since the building of london bridge , many foords have been scoured with the current and fall of the water , which before that time carried not such a depth as now they do . chap. viii . the conclusion of the brittish war. caesar returneth into gallia . cassivellaunus having no courage to contend any longer , dismissed his greatest forces , and retaining only four thousand chariots , observed our journeys , keeping the wood-countries , and driving men and cattell out of the fields into the woods , where he knew the romans would come : and as their horse strayed out either for forrage or booty , he sent his chariots out of the woods by unknown wayes , and put their horsemen to great perill : in regard whereof the horsemen durst never adventure further then the legions , neither was there any more spoil done in the country , then that which the legionary souldiers did of themselves . in the mean time , the trinobantes , being almost the greatest state of all those countries ( from whom mandubratius had fled to caesar into gallia , for that his father imanuentius holding the kingdome , was slain by cassivellaunus ) sent embassadours to caesar , to offer their submission , and to intreat that mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of cassivellaunus , & sent unto them to take the kingdome . caesar having received from them forty pledges , & corn for his army , sent mandubratius unto them . the trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers , the cenimagni , seguntiaci , ancalites , bibroci and cassi yielded themselves to caesar . by these he understood that cassivellaunus his town was not far off , fortified with woods & bogs , & well stored with men & cattell . the britans call a town , a thick wood inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier , made for a place of retreat , when they stood in fear of incursions from the borderers . thither marched caesar with his army , & found it well fortified both by art and nature : & as he assaulted it in two severall places , the enemy unable to keep it , cast himself out of the town by a back way : and so he took it . where he found great store of cattel , and slew many of the britans . while these things were a doing , cassivellaunus sent messengers into kent , which as was said lies upon the sea , and wherein there were four severall kings , cingetorix , carvilius , taximagulus and segonax : them he commanded with all the power they could make to set upon the camp where the navy was kept . the kings coming to the place were overthrown by a sally which the romans made out upon them , many of them being slain , and lugotorix a great commander taken prisoner . this battell concurring with the former losses , and especially moved thereunto with the revolt of the forenamed cities , cassivellaunus intreated peace of caesar by comius of arras . caesar being determined to winter in the continent , for fear of suddain commotions in gallia , and considering that the summer was now far spent , and might easily be lingred out , he commanded pledges to be brought unto him , and set down what yearly tribute the britans should pay to the romans ; giving withall a strict charge to cassivellaunus to do no injury either to mandubratius or the tribonantes . the hostages being taken , he carried back his army to the sea , where he found his shipping repaired : which as soon as he had caused to be set aflote , in regard partly of the great number of prisoners he had , and that some of his ships were cast away , he determined to carry his army over at twice . and so it happened , that of so great a fleet , at so many voyages , neither this year nor the year before there was not any one ship missing which carried over our souldiers : onely of those which were to be sent back to him after they had landed the first half , and those which labienus caused afterwards to be made , threescore in number , few could make to the place , the rest were all kept back . which caesar having for some time expected in vain , and fearing that the time of year would not long serve for sailing , for the equinoctiall was at hand ; was forced to dispose his souldiers closer and in lesse room . so taking the opportunity of a calme sea , he set sail about the beginning of the second watch , and came to land by break of day , his whole fleet arriving in safety . observation . and thus ended the war in britany : which affordeth little matter of discourse , being indeed but a scambling war , as well in regard of the britans themselves , who after they had felt the strength of the roman legions , would never adventure to buckle with them in any standing battell ; as also in regard there were no such towns in britany as are recorded to have been in gallia , which might have given great honour to the war , if there had been any such to have been besieged and taken in by caesar . and although tacitus saith that britany was rather viewed then subdued by caesar , being desirous to draw that honour to his father in law agricola ; yet we find here that the trinobantes , which were more then either the skirt or the heart of britany ( for our historians do understand them to have inhabited that part which lieth as far as yorkshire and lancashire ) were brought under the roman empire by caesar : who was the first that ever laid tribute upon britany in the behalf of the people of rome ; or cast upon them the heavy name of a subdued people . the second observation . but least i may seem negligent in these occurrences of britany , as not deeming the alteration happening in this iland by the power of rome worthy due memory ; i will briefly set down the state thereof from this area , during the lives of the twelve emperours . iulius caesars next successours , first augustus and then tiberius , thought it policy to restrain the infinite desire of inlarging the roman empire , & so left this entrance into britany unseconded . caius is said to have had a meaning to invade it , but did nothing . claudius transported legions and aides , and first sent aulus plautius governour , and after him ostorius , who overthrew king caradocus in battell , and shewed him at rome to claudius , to agrippina , and the lords of the senate : who affirmed the sight to be no lesse honourable then when p. scipio shewed s●phaces , or l. paulus perses . him didius gallus succeeded , who being old and full of honour , thought it sufficient to keep that which his predecessours had gotten . next unto didius came veranius , onely memorable in dying the first year of his propraetorship : but suetonius paulinus following , got a great name , first by invading anglesey , strong with inhabitants , and a receptacle for fugitives ; secondly , by overthrowing boadicea queen of the iceni , in a battell comparable to the victories of old times : wherein fourscore thousand britans were slain , with the losse of foure hundred roman souldiers . but being thought to be over-severe , he left his charge to petronius turpilianus ; who composing former troubles with a milder carriage , was succeeded by trebellius maximus ; whose easie course of government taught the britans good manners , and made the souldiers first wanton with ease , and then mutinous : which by his gentle intreaty being ended without bloud-shed , he left his place to vectius bolanus , of like loosenesse of discipline , but in stead of obedience got much good will. the errours of these three soft propraetors were holpen by petilius caerealis , a great commander , and worthy his place ; he subdued the brigantes , and left the place to iulius frontinus , who with no lesse happinesse vanquished the silures . the last was agricola , fortunate in divers battells against the britans , and as unhappy in his reward ; for domitian maligning his honour , first discharged him of his place , and then , as it is thought , poisoned him . and this was the state of britany under the twelve emperours . chap. ix . caesar disposeth his legions into their wintering camp , and quieteth the carnutes . after he had put his ships in harbour , and held a councell of the galles at * samarobrina ; forasmuch as that year , by reason of the drought , there was some scarcity of corn in gallia , he was constrained to garrison his army , and to disperse them into more cities then he had done the years before . and first he gave one legion to caius fabius , to be led among the morim ; another to quintus cicero , to be carried to the nervii ; another to l. roscius , to be conducted to the essui ; a fourth he commanded to winter amongst the men of rhemes , in the marches of the treviri , under t. labienus ; three he placed in belgium , with whom he sent mar. crassus his questor , l. munatius plancus and c. trebonius , legates ; he sent one legion , that which he had last inrolled beyond the river po in italy , with five cohorts , unto the eburones , the greatest part of whose country lyeth between the mase and the rhene , and was under the command of ambiorix and cativulcus ; with them he sent q. titurius sabinus and lucius aurunculeius cotta . by distributing his legions in this manner , he thought to remedy the scarcity of corn ; and yet the garrisons of all these legions , excepting that which roscius carried into a quiet and peaceable part , were contained within the space of one hundred miles . and untill his legions were setled , and their wintering camps fortified , he determined to abide in gallia . there was amongst the carnutes a man of great birth called tasgetius , whose ancestours had born the chief rule in their state. this man , for his singular prowesse and good will towards him , for he had done him very good service in all his wars , caesar restored to the dignity of his forefathers . before he had reigned three years , his enemies with the complotment of divers of his citizens kill'd him in the open streets : which thing was complained of to caesar . who fearing in regard so many men had a hand in it , lest that the city should by their instigation revolt , commanded l. plancus immediately to march with his legion thither from his quarters in belgium , and there to winter : and whomsoever he could learn to be the ring-leaders in the death of tasgetius , he should take hold of them , and send them to him . mean while caesar had notice from all his legates and quaestors to whom he had delivered his legions , that they were setled in winter garrisons , and their garrisons fortified . the first observation . i have heard it oftentimes contradicted by some that understand not the weight of a multitude , when it was said , that an army keeping head continually in one part of a kingdome , was more burthensome to the common-wealth in regard of the expence of victuals , then when it was dispersed into particular cities and families , before the time of the master and inrollment : for , say they , in the general account of the publick weale it differeth nothing , whether a multitude of . men be maintained with necessary provisions in one intire body together , or dispersed particularly throughout every part of the countrey ; forasmuch as every man hath but a competent quantity allotted unto him , which he cannot want in what sort or condition of life soever he be ranged : neither doth the charge of a multitude grow in regard they are united together , but in regard they amount to such a multitude wheresoever . but such as look into the difference with judgement , shall find a marvellous inequality , both in regard of the portion of victualls which is spent , and the means whereby it is provided : for first we must understand , that an army lying continually in one place , falleth so heavy upon that part that it quickly consumeth both the fat and the flesh , ( as they say ) and leaveth nothing unspent , which that part can afford them ; and without further supply of provisions would in a small time come to utter destruction . this want then must be relieved by taking from the plenty of other bordering quarters , to furnish the wants of so great a multitude : wherein there cannot be observed that proportion of moderate taking , to victuall the army with a sufficient competency , but the partiall respect which the purveiours and victuallers will have to their private commodity , will quickly make an inconvenience either in the countrey from whence it is taken , or in the army for which it is provided , according as the errour may best advantage their particular , what discipline soever be established in that behalf . whereas on the contrary part , when every particular man of that multitude shall be billetted in a severall family , throughout all parts of the kingdome , the charge will be so insensible in regard of the expence of the said families , that the country will never feel any inconvenience . and if every housholder that had received into his house one of the said army , should give a true account of that which riseth above his ordinary expence by the addition of one man , it would fall far short of that treasure which is necessarily required to maintain the said number of men united together into one body . neither doth the difference consist in the quantity of victualls which every man hath for his portion , whether they be dispersed or united ; but in the manner of provision , and the means which is used to maintain them : wherein every master or steward of a family endeavoureth to make his provisions at the best hand , and so to husband it that it may serve for competency , and not for superfluity ; and by that means the generall plenty of the countrey is maintained , and the common-wealth flourisheth by well-directed moderation . but in the victualling of an army there is no such respect had which may any way advantage the publick good ; for there the gain of the purveiour riseth by expence and superfluous wasting , rather then by thrift and saving frugality : and so the common-wealth is weakened by the ill-husbanding of that great portion of victuall which is allowed for so great a multitude . and if they should have such variety of viands in an army as they have when they are in severall families , it were unpossible it should continue any time together . and therefore the romans , notwithstanding the exactnesse of their discipline , could afford their armies no other provision but corn and larde , as well in regard of the commodity which that kind of diet afforded them in the course of their wars , as also for the good of that country wherein they were resident . and if it so fell out , that the extremity of the season , or any other cause had brought a dearth into the land , there was no readier way to help that inconvenience , then by dispersing their armies into divers quarters ; which caesar disposed with that care , that they might be as near together as they could . the second observation . concerning the choice of their souldiers and their manner of inrolement , i had rather refer the reader to polybius , then enter into the particular discourse of that action ; which was carried with such gravity and religious ceremonies , as might best serve to possesse their minds of the weight and consequence of that businesse . but forasmuch as the largenesse of their empire and the necessity of their occasions would not admit that the inrolement should still be made at rome amongst the citizens , as it appeareth by this legion which was inrolled beyond the river po , it consequently followeth , that such ceremonies which were annexed to the place , were altogether omitted : and therefore i cannot speak of that which the old romans did in that part of their discipline , as a thing continued unto caesars time . but he that desireth to see the manner of their choice , with such complements as might adde both a reverent respect and a majesty to the work , let him read polybius of that argument . chap. x. ambiorix attempteth to surprise the camp of sabinus and cotta ; and failing , practiseth to take them by guile . fifteen daies after the legions were setled in their wintering-camps , there began a sudden tumult and rebellion by the means of ambiorix and cativulcus , who having received sabinus and cotta into their confines , and brought them in corn to the place where they lay ; at the inducement of induciomarus of triers , they stirred up their people to rebellion : and suddenly surprising those that were gone abroad to get wood , came with a great power to assault the camp . but when our men had took arms , and were got up upon the rampier , and had overmatched them in a skirmish of horse , which made a sally out of the camp upon the galles ; ambiorix despairing of good successe , withdrew his men from the assault : and then after their manner they cryed unto us , that some of our company should come and speak with them , for they had somewhat to discover touching the publick state , whereby they hoped all controversies might be ended . whereupon caius carpineius a roman horseman , and one of titurius his familiar friends , and one q. junius a spaniard , who divers times before had been sent by caesar to ambiorix , were sent out to treat with them . ambiorix first acknowledged himself much indebted to caesar for many courtesies ; in that by his means he was freed from a pension which he payed to the aduatici ; and for that both his own son and his brothers son , whom the aduatici had held in prison under the name of hostages , were by caesar released and sent home again . and touching the assault of the camp , he had done nothing of himself , but by the impulsion of the state ; among whom such was his condition , that the people had as great authority over him , as he himself had in regard of the people : who were likewise inforced to this war , because they could not withstand the sudden insurrection of the galles , whereof his smal means might be a sufficient argument . for his experience was not so little , to think himself able with so small a power to overthrow the people of rome ; but it was a generall appointment throughout all gallia , upon this day to assault all caesars garrisons , to the end that one legion might not give relief unto another . galles could not easily deny the request of galles , especially when it concerned their publick liberty . now having satisfied that duty which he owed to his country , he had respect to caesar & his benefits ; in regard whereof he admonished them , and prayed titurius for the hospitality that had been between them , that he would look to the safety of himself and his souldiers . there was a great number of germans that had already passed the rhene , and would be here within two days : and therefore let them adv●se themselves , whether they thought it good before the next borderers perc●ived it , to depart with their souldiers out of their wintering-places either to cicero or labienus , of whom the one was not past fifty mile off , and the other a little further . for his own part he promised them thus much , and confirmed it by oath , that they should have sa●e passage through his territories ; for so he should both do a pleasure to his countrey in disburthening it of garrisons , and shew himself thankfull to caesar for his benefits . this spee●h being ended ambiorix departed , and carpineius and junius made report thereof to the legates . observation . leander his counsell , to use the foxes skin where the lions faileth , doth shew that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with errour , then the powers of our body are overcome with force . for oftentimes the mind is so disquieted with the extremity of perturbation , that neither the apprehension can take sound instructions , nor the judgement determine of that which is most for our good ; but according as any passion shall happen to reigne in our disposition , so are we carried headlong to the ruine of our fortune , without sense of errour , or mistrust of well-succeeding : whereas the body continueth firme in his own strength , and is subject onely to a greater weight of power , by which it may be subdued and overthrown . it behoveth us therefore to take good heed , that our surest hold be not unfastned by the subtilty of the fox , when it hath continued firm against the force of the lion : and that the treachery of the spirit do not disadvantage those meanes , which either our own power or opportunity hath gained in our actions . wherein a commander cannot have a better rule for his direction , then to beware that violence of passion do not hinder the course of sound deliberation : and withall to be jealous of whatsoever an enemy shall , either by speech or action , seem to thrust upon him , how colourable soever the reasons may be which are alledged to induce him thereunto . for first , if the mind be not conf●●med by the vertue of her better faculties to resist the motion of fruitlesse apprehensions , it may easily be seduced ( either by fear or vain imagination , diffident conceptions or over-easie credulity , with many other such disturbing powers ) from that way which a good discretion , and an understanding free from passion would have taken . first therefore i hold it necessary to have the consistory of our judgement well setled with a firme resolution , and with the presence of the mind , before we enter into deliberation of such things as are made happy unto us by good direction . and then this , amongst other circumstances , will give some help to a good conclusion , when we consider how improbable it is that an enemy , whose chiefest care is to weaken his adversary , and bring him to ruine , should advise him of any thing that may concern his good ; unlesse the profit which he himself shall thereby gather , do far exceed that which the contrary part may expect . i grant that in civile wa●s , where there are many friends on either party , and have the adverse cause as dear unto them as their own , there are oftentimes many advertisements given , which proceed from a true and sincere affection , and may advantage the party whom it concerneth , as well in preventing any danger , as in the furtherance of their cause ; and therefore are not altogether to be neglected , but to be weighed by circumstances , and accordingly to be respected ; whereof we have many pregnant examples in the civile wars of france , & particularly in monsieur l● no● his discourses : but where there are two armies , different in nation , language and humour , contending for that which peculiarly belongeth unto one of them , where care to keep that which is dearest unto them possesseth the one , and hope of gain stirreth up the other , there is commonly such an universall hatred between them , that they are to look for small advantage by advertisements from the enemy . which if the romans had well considered , this subtle gall had not dispossest them of their strength , nor brought them to ruine . chap. xi . the romans call a councell upon this advertisement , and resolve to depart , and joyn themselves to some other of the le●ions . the romans being troubled at the suddainnesse of the matter , albeit the things were spoken by an enemy , yet they thought them no way to be neglected ; but especially it moved them , for that it was incredible that the eburones , being base and of no reputation , durst of themselves make war against the people of rome . and therefore they propounded the matter in a councell : wherein there grew a great controversie among them . l. aurunculeius , and most of the tribunes , and centurions of the first orders , thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashly , nor to depart out of their wintering-camps without expresse commandment from caesar ; forasmuch as they were able to resist never so great a power , yea even of the germans , having their garririsons well fortified : an argument whereof was , that they had valiantly withstood the first assault of the enemy , and given them many wounds . neither wanted they any victualls ; and before that provision which they had was spent , there would come succour from other garrisons and from caesar . and to conclude , what was more dishonourable or ●avoured of greater inconstancy , then to consult of their weightiest affairs by the advertisement of an enemy ? titurius urged vehemently to the contrary , that it then would be too late for them to seek a remedy , when a greater power of the enemy , accompanied with the germans , were assembled against them ; or when any blow were given to any of the next wintering-camps . he took caesar to be gone into italy ; for otherwise the carnutes would not have adventured to kill tasgetius , neither durst the eburones have come so proudly to the camp . let them not respect the authour , but the thing it self : the rhene was not far off , and he knew well that the overthrow of ariovistus , and their former victories were grievous to the germans . the galles were vexed with the contumelies they had received , being brought in sub●ection to the roman empire , and having lost their former reputation in deeds of arms. and to conclude , who would imagine that ambiorix should enterprise such a matter without any ground or certainty therof ? but howsoever things stood , his counsell was sure and could bring no harm : for if there were no worse thing intended , they should but go safely to the next garrisons ; or otherwise , if the galles conspired with the germans , their onely safety consisted in celerity . as for the counsell of cotta and such as were of the contrary opinion , what expectation could be had thereof ? wherein if here were not present danger , yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege . the disputation being thus continued on either part , and cotta with the centurions of the first orders earnestly repugning it ; do as please you , since you wil needs have it so , saith sabinus , ( and that he spake with a loud voice , that a great part of the souldiers might well heare him ) for i am not he that most feareth death among you : let these be wise ; and if any mischance happen unto them , they shall ask account thereof at thy hands , inasmuch as if thou wouldest let them , they might joyn themselves within two daies to the next garrisons , and with them sustain what chance soever their common destiny should allot them , and not perish with famine and sword , like a people cast off and abandoned from their fellows . after these words they began to rise out of the councell ; but hold was laid upon them both : entreaty was made that they would not by their dis●ension and obstinacy bring all unto a desperate hazard ; the matter was all one whether they went or staied , so that they all agreed upon one thing ; whereas in disagreeing there was no liklihood of well doing . the disputation was prolonged untill midnight ; at length cotta yielded , and the sentence of sabinus took place . and thereupon it was proclaimed that they should set forth by the break of day . the rest of the night was spent in watching . every souldier sought out what he had to carry with him , and what he should be constrained to leave behind him of such necessaries as he had prepared for winter . all things were disposed in such sort , to make the souldiers believe that they could not stay without danger , and that the danger might be augmented by wearying the souldiers with watching . observation . by the resolution in this disputation it appeareth how little a grave and wise deliberation availeth , when it is impugned with the violence of passion , according to the truth of my former observation : for the matter was well reasoned by cotta , and his positions were grounded upon things certain , and well known to the whole councell ; and yet the fear of sabinus was such , that it carried the conclusion by such supposed assertions as the quality of his passion had ratified for true principles ; being grounded altogether upon that which the enemy had suggested , and not upon any certain knowledge of the truth . neither is it often seen when a councell disputeth upon matters of such consequence , that their deliberations are altogether clear from such troublesome motions , but that it will somewhat incline to the partiality of a strong affection ; so powerfull is passion in the government of the soul , and so interessed in the other faculties . and this is one cause of the uncertainty of mans judgment , from whence all contrary & different opinions do arise . neither is this so strange a matter , that a councel of war should so much vary in case of deliberation , when as many especial points of military discipline remain yet undecided , having the authority of the great commanders of all ages to ratifie the truth on either part ; whereof i could alledge many examples . but concerning the issue and event of our deliberations , what can be more truly said then that of the poet ? et male consultis pretium est prudentia fallax , nec fortuna probat causas sequiturque merentes ; sed vaga per cunctos nullo discrimine fertur . sciliee●●st aliud quod nos cogatque regatque majus , et in proprias ducat mortalia leges . notwithstanding , forasmuch as our wisdome is not so subject to fortune , but that it may comprehend within it self the good direction of most of the occurrences which fall within the course of our business● ▪ or if we must needs miscarry , yet it somewhat helpeth our ill fortune to think that we went upon best probabilities ; it shall not be amisse to set down some rules for the better directing of a mature consultation . wherein we are to understand that as all our knowledge ariseth from some of our senses , and our senses comprehend only particularities , which being carried unto the apprehension are disposed into formes and degrees , according as they either concur or disagree in their severall properties ; from whence there arise intellectuall notions , and rules of art , wherein the science of the said particulars consisteth : so he that intendeth to debate a matter with sound deliberation , must descend from confused conceptions and a knowledge in generall , to the exact distinction of particular parts , which are the occurrences to be directed , and the materiall substance of every action . he therefore that can give best direction , either by experience or judicious discourse , concerning such particularities as are incident to the matter propounded , can best advise which is the safest way to avoid the opposition of contradicting natures . but to make this somewhat plainer , i will alledge two examples : the one modern in case of consultation ; the other ancient , and may seeme not so pertinent to this matter , in regard it is a meer apology : yet forasmuch as it freely censureth the quality of particular circumstances , it may give great light to that which we seek after . the modern example is taken out of guicerardin , from the wars which lewis the french king had with the pope and the venetians , concerning the state of ferrara and the dutchy of millain : wherein there arose a controversie among the french captains , whether it were better to go directly to seek the enemy , who albeit they were lodged in a strong and secure place , yet there was hope that with the vertue of arms and importunity of artillery they might be dislodged , and driven to retreat ; or otherwise to take the way either of modena or bolognia , that so the enemy for fear of losing either of those towns might quit their hold , and by that means ferrara should be freed from the war. monsieur chaumont the general of the french inclined to the former advise : but trivulce , a man of great authority and experience , having been an executioner in . battells , reasoned thus in particulars to the contrary . we debate ( saith he ) to go seek the enemy to fight with him ; and i have alwayes heard great captains hold this as a firm principle , not to attempt the fortune of a battell , unless there be either an offer of an especial advantage , or otherwise compulsion by necessity . the rules of war give it to the enemy that is the invader , and hath undertaken the conquest of ferrara , to seek to assail and charge us ; but to us , to whom it is sufficient to defend our selves , it cannot be but impertinent to undertake an action contrary to all direction and discipline of war. i am of opinion , which is confirmed by evident reason , that there is no possibility to execute that devise but to our harms and disadvantage : for we cannot go to their camp but by the side of a hill , a streight and narrow way , where all our forces cannot be imployed ; and yet they with small numbers will make resistance , having the opportunity of the place favourable to their vertues . we must march by the rising of a hill , one horse after another , neither have we any other way to draw our artillery , our baggage , our carts and bridges , but by the streight of the hill : and who doubteth not but in a way so narrow and cumbrous , every artillery , every cart , or every wheel that shall break will stay the army a whole hour at the least ? by which impediments every contrary accident may put us to disorder . the enemy is lodged in covert , provided of victuals and forrage ; and we must incamp all bare and naked , not carrying with us that which should serve for our necessary nouriture , but expect the things to come after , which in reason ought to go with us . to attempt new enterprises , whereof the victory is lesse certain then the perill , is contrary to the gravity and reputation of a leader ; and in actions of the war , those enterprises are put to adventure that are done by will and not by reason . many difficulties may compell us to make our abode there two or three dayes ; yea the snows and rains , joined with the extremity of the season , may suffice to detain us : how shall we then do for victualls and forrages ? what shall we be able to do in the wars , wanting the things that should give us strength and sustenance ? what is he that considereth not how dangerous it is to go seek the enemy in a strong camp , and to be driven at one time to fight against them & against the discommodity of the place ? if we compell them not to abandon their camp , we cannot but be inforced to retire ; a matter of great difficulty in a country so wholly against us , and where every little disfavour will turn to our great disadvantage , &c. and thus proceeded that grave discourse , in the discovery of the particular occurrences incident to that enterprise ; which being laied open to their confused judgements , did manifestly point at the great disadvantages which were to be undergone by that attempt . the other example is of more antiquity , taken out of tacitus , and concerneth the arraignment of certain senators for the friendship that had past between sejanus and them . amongst whom m. terentius thus answered for himself , according as it hath of late been published by translation . it would be peradventure less behovefull for my estate to acknowledge , then to deny the crime i am charged with : but hap what hap may , i will confesse that i have been sejanus friend , and that i desired so to be , and that after i had obtained his friendship i was glad of it . i had seen him joint-officer with my father in the government of the praetorian cohort , and not long after in managing the city affairs , and matters of war : his kinsmen and allies were advanced to honour : as every man was inward with sejanus , so he was graced by caesar : and contrariwise such as were not in his favour lived in fear , and distressed with poverty . neither do i alledge any man for an example of this ; all of us who were not privy to his last attempts , with the danger of my only estate i will defend : not sejanus the vulsiniensis , but a part of the claudian and iulian family , which by alliance he had entred into . thy son in law , caesar , thy companion in the consulship , and him who took upon him thy charge of administring the common-wealth , we did reverence and honour . it is not our part to judge of him whom thou dost exalt above the rest , nor for what considerations : to thee the highest judgement of things the gods have given , and to us the glory of obedience is left . we look into those things which we see before our eyes , whom thou dost inrich , whom thou dost advance to honours , who have greatest power of hurting or helping ; which sejanus to have had no man will deny . the princes hidden thoughts , or if he go about any secret drift it is not lawfull to sound , and dangerous ; neither shalt thou in the end reach unto them . think not only , lords of the senate , of sejanus last day ; but of sixteen years ▪ in which we did likewise fawn upon and court satrius and pomponius ; and to be known unto his freed men and partners was reckoned for a high favour . what then ? shall this defence be generall , and not distinguished , but a confusion made of times past and his later actions ? no : but let it by just bounds and terms be divided : let the treasons against the commonwealth , the intentions of murdering the emperour be punished ; but as for the friendships , duties , pleasures and good turns , the same end shall discharge and quit thee , o caesar , and us . the constancy of this oration prevailed so much , that his accusers were punished with exile . and thus we see how particularities decide the controversy , and make the way plain to good direction . chap. xii . the romans take their journey towards the next legion ; and are set upon by the galles . as soon as the day-light appeared , they set forth of their camp ( like men perswaded that the counsel had been given them not by an enemy , but by ambiorix an especiall friend ) with a long-tailed march , and as much baggage as they were able to carry . the galles understanding of their journey by their noise and watching in the night , secretly in the woods some two miles off layed an ambuscado in two severall places of advantage , and there attended the coming of the romans : and when the greatest part of the troups were entred into a valley , suddenly they shewed themselves on both sides the vale , pressing hard upon the rereward , and hindering the foremost from going up the hill , and so began to charge upon the romans in a place of as great disadvantage for them as could be . then at length titurius , as one that had provided for nothing beforehand , began to tremble , ranne up and down , and disposed his cohorts , but so fearfully and after such a fashion , as if all things had gone against him ; as it happeneth for the most part to such as are forced to consult in the instant of execution . observation . it now plainly appeareth by this negligent and ill-ordered march , and the unlooked for incounter which the galles gave them , that fear had ratified in the judgement of sabinus the smooth suggestion of ambiorix , with an approbation of a certain truth ; and layed that for a principle , which a discourse free from passion would have discerned to be but weak , and of no probability : which so much the more amazed titurius , by how much his apprehension had erred from the truth , and betrayed good counsell to a course full of danger ; which , as caesar noteth , must needs fall upon such , as are then to seek for direction when the businesse requireth execution . i have handled already the inconveniences of disappointment , and therefore at this time will but bring it only into remembrance , that we may take the greater care to prevent an accident of that nature : wherein as the best remedy for an evil is to foresee it , according to the saying , praevisa pereunt mala , evils foreseen fall of themselves ; so the greatest mischief in an evil is when it cometh unthought of , and besides our expectation , for then it falleth upon us with a supernaturall weight , and affrighteth the mind with a superstitious astonishment , as though the divine powers had prevented our designments with an irremediable calamity , and cut off our appointment with a contrary decree : although peradventure the thing it self carry no such importance , but might be remedied , if we were but prepared with an opinion that such a thing might happen . it were no ill counsell therefore , what resolution soever be taken , to make as full account of that which may fall out to crosse our intentions , as that which is likely to happen from the direction of our chiefest projects ; and so we shall be sure to have a present mind in the midst of our occasions , and feel no further danger then that which the nature of the thing inforceth . chap. xiii . the romans cast themselves into an orbe , and are much discouraged . but cotta , who had before thought that these things might happen by the way , and for that cause would not be the authour of the journey , was not wanting in any thing that concerned their common safety : for both in calling upon the souldiers and incouraging them , he executed the place of a commander ; and in fighting , the duty of a souldier . and when they found that , by reason of the length of their troup , they were not able in their own persons to see all things done , and to give direction in every place ; they caused it to be proclaimed , that they should all for sake their baggage , and ●ast themselves into an orbe . which direction although in such a case it be not to be reproved , yet it fell out ill favouredly : for it both abated the courage of the romans , & gave the enemy greater incouragement , inasmuch as it seemed that that course was not taken but upon a great fear and in extremity of perill . moreover it hapened , as it could not otherwise chuse , that the souldiers went from their ensignes , to take from the carriages such things as were most dear unto them : and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weepings . but the barbarous galles were not to learn how to carry themselves . for their commanders caused it to be proclaimed , that no man should stir out of his place ; for the prey was theirs , and all that the romans had laid apart was reserved for them : and therefore let them suppose that all things consisted in the victory . the romans were equall to the galles both in number of men and valour ; and albeit they were destitute of good captains and of good fortune , yet they reposed in their manhood all the hope of their safety : and as often as any cohort issued out , they failed not to make a great slaughter of the enemy on that part . the first observation . i have already handled the nature of an orbe , with such properties as are incident to a circle ; wherein i shewed the conveniency of this figure , in regard of safe and strong imbattelling . i will now add thus much concerning the use thereof , that as it is the best manner of imbattelling for a defensive strength , and therefore never used but in extremity ; so we must be very carefull that the sudden betaking of our selves to such a refuge do not more dismay the souldiers , then the advantage of that imbattelling can benefit them . for unlesse a leader be carefull to keep his men in courage , that their hearts may be free from despair and amazement , what profit can there arise from any disposition or body soever , when the particular members shall be senselesse of that duty which belongeth unto them ? for order is nothing but an assistance to courage , giving means to manage our valour with advantage . in the war of africk we rea● , that caesars legions being incircled about with great multitudes of enemies , were forced to make an orbe ; but he quickly turned it to a better use , by advancing the two cornets two contrary wayes ; and so divided the enemy into two parts , and then beat them back , to their great disadvantage . the second observation . i need not stand upon this order which the galles here took concerning pillage , that no souldier should forsake his station , or disrank himself in hope of spoil ; which is a thing that from the very infancy of wars hath often changed the fortune of the day , and sold the honour of a publick victory for private lucre and petty pilfering . amongst other examples , let that which guicciardine reporteth of the battel of taro suffice to warn a well-directed army , as well by the good which charles the eighth of that name king of france received at that time , as by the losse which the italians felt by that disorder , not to seek after pillage untill the victory be obtained . the third observation . the insufficiency of these commanders , whereof caesar now complaineth as the only want which these romans had to clear themselves of this danger , bringeth to our consideration that which former times have made a question ; which is , whether is were the vertue of the roman leaders , or the valour of their souldiers , that inlarged their empire to that greatnesse , and made their people and senate lords of the world . polybius weighing the causes of a victory which the carthaginians gained of the romans , by the counsell and good direction of one zantippus a grecian , having before that time received divers overthrows during the time of those wars in africk ; concludeth that it was more in the worthinesse of the commanders , then in any extraordinary vertue of the souldiers , that the romans atchieved so many conquests . and besides the present example of zantippus , he confirmed his opinion with the proceedings of hannibal ; who from the beginning of the second punick war , still gained of the roman empire , enlarging the territories of carthage , and streightning the jurisdiction of mighty rome , untill it had got a leader matchable to that subtle carthagiman , and found a scipio to confront their hannibal . to this may be added that famous battel between the old romans and the last latines ; wherein both parties were equally ballanced , both in number and quality of their souldiers , having both the same armes , the same use of their weapons , and the same discipline , as if it had been in a civile war. neither could fortune tell by the presence of their armies where to bestow her favour , or where to shew her disdain ; but that the worthinesse of the roman leaders brought the odds in the tryall , and made rome great with the ruine of the latines . whereby it appeareth how much it importeth the whole fortune of the army , to have a leader worthy of the place which he holdeth : forasmuch as nothing doth make a greater difference of inequality between two equall armies , then the wisedome and experience of a grave commander , or the disability of an unskilfull leader ; which are so powerfull in their severall effects , that there is greater hope of a herd of harts led by a lion , then of so many lions conducted by a hart. chap. xiv . ambiorix directeth the galles how they might best fight with advantage , and frustrate the weapons of the roman souldiers . the which thing when ambiorix perceived , he commanded his men to throw their casting weapons afar off , and keep themselves from coming near at hand , and where the romans charged them to give way , for that by reason of the lightnesse of their armes and their daily exercise the romans could do them no harm : and again , as they saw them ret●re to their ensignes , then to pursue them . which commandment was so diligently observed by the galles , that as oft as any cohort sallied out of the orbe to give an assault , the enemy gave back as fast as they could ; and in the mean time there was no help but that part must be left naked and open to the inconvenience of casting weapons : and again , as they retired to their place , they were circumvented , as well by them that had given place unto them , as by such as stood next about them . and if they went about to keep their ground , they could neither help themselves by their manhood , nor standing thick together avoid the darts that such a multitude cast upon them . a●d yet notwithstanding these inconveniences , besides the wounds which they had received , they stood still at their defence ; and having so spent the greatest part of the day ( for they had fought eight houres together ) they committed nothing dishonourable , or unworthie of themselves . the observation . i have spoken already of the manner of the roman fight , consisting altogether in good disposition of imbattelling , and in firm standing , and buckling at handy-blowes : as may appear by this circumstance , where ambiorix forbiddeth his men to buckle with them , but to give back and follow on again , as the lightnesse of their armes gave them opportunity . in like manner in the first book of the civile wars , in the battel between caesar and afranius , it appeareth that caesar his souldiers were bound to keep their array , not to leave their ensignes , nor without a weighty occasion to forsake their stations appointed them : whereas the afranians fought thin and scattered here and there ; and if they were hard laid unto , they thought it no dishonour to retire and give back , as they had learned of the portugals and other barbarous nations . chap. xv. the romans are overthrown . then t. baluentius , who the year before had been primipile of that legion , a valiant man and of great authority , had both his thighs darted through with a javelin ; and q. lucanius , of the same order , valiantly fighting to succour his son , was sla●n ; and l. cotta the legate , as he busily incouraged all the cohorts and centuries , was wounded in the mouth with a sling . titurius moved with these things , as he beheld ambiorix afar off incouraging his men , sent c● . pompeius unto him , to intreat him that he would spare h●m and his souldiers . ambiorix answered , that ●f he were desirous to treat , he might : for he hoped to obtain so much of the people , to save the souldiers ; but for himself , he should haue no harm at all : for the assurance whereof he gave him his faith . titurius imparted the matter to cotta , and that if he liked that they two should goout of the battell , and have conference with ambiorix , he doubted not but to obtain of him the safety of themselves and their souldiers . cotta absolutely denied to go to an armed enemy , and continued resolute in that opinion . titurius commanded such tribunes and centurions as were present to follow him ; and when he came near to ambiorix , being commanded to cast away his arms , he obeyed , and willed those that were with him to do the same . in the mean time while they treated of the conditions , and ambiorix began a solemn protestation of purpose , titurius was by little and little incompassed about and slain , then , according to their custome , they cried victory ; and taking up a houling , charged the romans with a fresh assault , and routed their troups . there l. cotta fighting valiantly was slain , & the most part of the souldiers with him . the remnant retired into their camp ; amongst whom l. petrosidius the eagle-bearer , when he saw himself overcharged with enemies , threw the eagle within the rampier , and fighting with a great courage before the camp was slain . the rest with much ado indured the assault untill night : and in the night , being in despair of all succour , slew themselves every man. a few that escaped from the battell came by unknown wayes through the woods to labienus , and certified him how all things had fallen out . observation . and thus have we heard of the greatest losse that ever fell at any one time upon caesar his army , from the time that he was first proconful in gallia , unto the end of his dictatorship . for in the two overthrows at dyrrach●um he lost not above men , and in that at gergovia not so many : but here fifteen cohorts were cut in pieces , which amounted to the number of men or therea●out . which maketh cowardise and ill direction the more hatefull , in regard that the great victory which his valour obtained in pharsalia cost him but the lives of two hundred men . the resolution of such as returned to the camp witnesseth the exceeding valour of the roman souldier , if a valiant leader had had the managing thereof ; or if cotta alone had been absolute commander , there had been great hope of better fortune in the successe . but here it happened as it commonly doth , that where there are many that are equall sharers in the chief authority , the direction for the m●st part followeth him that is more viole●t in opinion then the rest : which being a property rather of passion then of judicious discourse , forceth a consent against the temperate opposition of a true discerning understanding . and so consequently it falleth out , that one coward having place and authority in the councell , doth either infect or anni●ilate the sound deliberations of the rest of the leaders : for his timorousnesse flieth alwayes to extremities , making him rash in consultation , peremptory in opinion , and base in case of perill ; all which are enemies to good direction , and the onely instruments of mischieving fortune . chap. xvi . ambiorix hasteth to besiege cicero , and stirreth up the aduatici , the nervii , and so raiseth a great power . ambiorix took such spirits unto him upon this victory , that with his horsemen he went immediately unto the aduatici , being the next borderers upon his kingdom , without intermission of night or day , commanding his footmen to follow him . the aduatici upon his opening the matter being stirred up to commotion , the next day after he came to the nervii , exhorting them not to let slip this occasion of recovering to themselves perpetuall liberty , and revenging them of the romans for the wrongs they had received . he told them that two legates were already slain , and a great part of the army overthrown : it was now no great matter suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with cicero ; to the performance whereof the offered himself to be their assistant . these remonstrances easily perswaded the nervii ; and therefore they dispatched speedy messengers to the centrones , grudii , leuaci , pleumosii and gorduni , who were all under their dominion , and raised very great forces ; and ●ith them they hasted to the camp where cicero wintered , before any inkling of the death of titurius was brought unto him . observation . the ambitious and working spirit of ambiorix , that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble state to so high a point of resolution , that they durst adventure upon the roman legions , being setled in the strength of their empire by the memory of so many victories in gallia , wanted now no means to make an overture to a universall commotion , propounding liberty and revenge to the galles ( two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people ) if they would but stretch out their hands to take it , and follow that course which his example had proved sure and easie . which may serve to shew , that he that will attempt upon doubtfull and unsafe principles , will take great advantage from a probable entrance , and make a small beginning a sufficient means for his greatest designs . chap. xvii . cicero defendeth his camp from the surprise of the nervii , and prepareth himself against a siege . it happened to cicero also ( as it could not otherwise chuse ) that many of the souldiers that were gone into the woods for timber and munition , were cut off by the sudden approach of the enemies horsemen . these be●ng c●rcumvented , the eburones , nervii , and aduatici , with all their confederates and clie●●s began to assault the camp. the romans betook them speedily to their weapons , and got upon the ramp●er . with much adoe they held out that day : for the galles trusted much upon celerity ; hoping if they sped well in that action , to be victors ever after . cicero dispatched letters with all speed to caesar , promising great rewards to him that ●●ould carry them : but all the wayes were so fore-laied that the messengers were taken . in one night there was built in t●e camp one hundred and twenty towers , of such timber as was brought in for fortification ; and whatsoever wanted of the rest of the work was perfected . the enemy the next day with a far greater power assaulted the camp , and filled up the d●tch . ●he romans made the like defence as they had done the day before ; the like was continued divers dayes after . the romans made no intermission of their work at any part of the night , nor gave any rest either to the sick or the wound●d . whatsoever was needfull for the next dayes assault , was provided in readiness the night before : a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared , and many murall piles were made ; the towers were 〈◊〉 in their stories ; pinacles and parap●ts ●ere set up of hurdles ; and cicero himself being sickly and of a weak constitution , took not so much leasure as to rest himself in the night time : so that the souldiers of their own accord compelled him by intreaty to spare hims●●f . observation . this q. cicero is said to be the brother of marcus 〈◊〉 the famous oratour , and to him were the letters sent which are found in his ●pistles directed quinto fratri . in this action 〈◊〉 carriage deserved as great reputation in the true censure of honour , as ever his brother did for his el●quence pro rostris . and if it had been the 〈◊〉 fortune to h●ve performed the like service . 〈…〉 ●ave made it the greatest exploit that ever● 〈◊〉 had atchieved by arms . wherein partic●●●●ly may be commended the diligence and industry which was used , in raising so many 〈◊〉 in so small a time ; for providing the 〈◊〉 before such things as were necessary for the next dayes defence ; for making so many stakes h●rdened in the end with fire for the defence of the rampier ; and for the store of these murall p●les , which resembled the form of the ordinary pile , but were far greater and weightier , in regard they were to be cast from the rampier ; which gave them such advantage by reason of the height , that being cast by a strong and well practised arm , they were very effectuall and of great terrour . chap. xviii . the nervii propound the same things to cicero which ambiorix had done to sabinus ; but are reject then the princes and chief commanders of the nervii , which had any entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with cicero , signified their desire to speak with him . which being granted , they propounded the same things which ambiorix had used to deceive sabinus ; all gallia were in arms ; the germans were come over the rhene ; caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering-camps ; sabinus and his men were cut in pieces ; and for the more credit to it they shew him ambiorix . they said , they were much deceived if they expected any help from those who were at present scarce able to help themselves . notwithstanding they carried this mind to cicero and the people of rome , that they refused nothing but their wintering among them , which they would not suffer to be made a common practise . they might depart in safety whither they would , without disturbance or fear of danger . cicero onely made this answer ; that it was not the custome of the people of rome to take any article or condition from an armed enemy ; but if they would lay their arms aside , let them use his furtherance in the matter , and send some to negotiate it with caesar : there was great hope , in regard of his justice and equity , that they should not return unsatisfied . observation . the first attempt which ambiorix made upon the camp of sab●nus and cotta was but short ; but here , what with the pride of the former victory , and the great multitude of the assailants , they continued it longer , in hope to carry it by assault . for the first assault of a place , especially when it cometh by way of surprise , is of greater hope to the assailant , and of greater danger to the defendant , then such as afterward are made in the sequele of the war : for after the first brunt the heat of the enemy is much abated , as well through the nature of a hot desire , which is most violent in the beginning , and afterward groweth cold and remisse , as also with the harms and peril which they meet with in the incounter ; and on the contrary side , the defendants having withstood the first fury , wherein there is most terrour and distrust , grow more confident and better assured of their manhood , and in experience of their strength stand firm against any charge whatsoever . chap. xix . the nervii besiege cicero with a ditch and a rampier , and work means to set fire on their tents . the nervii disappointed of this hope , carried a ditch and a rampier round about the camp : the rampier was eleven foot high , and the ditch fifteen foot deep : which they had learned of the romans , partly by being conversant among them certain years before , and partly by the prisoners and captives which they had taken . but they had no iron tools fit for that purpose , but were driven to cut up turf with their swords , and gather earth with their hands , and carry it away with their mantles and gaberd●nes . whereby may be gathered what a multitude of men there were at the siege ; for in lesse then three hours they finished the fortification of fifteen miles in circuit . the dayes following the enemies built towers to the height of the rampier , prepared great hooks and strong penthouses , or safegards of boards and timber , according as the captives had given them instruction . the seventh day of the siege being a very windy day , they cast hot bullets of clay out of slings , & burning darts upon the cabines of the romans , which after the manner of the galles were that●hed with straw . these cabines were quickly set on fire , which by the violence of the wind was carried over all the camp . the enemy pressing forward with a great clamour , as though the victory were already gotten , began to bring their turrets and testudines to the rampier , and to scale it with ladders . but such was the valour of the roman souldiers , that albeit they were scorched on all sides with fire , and over-charged with multitude of weapons , and saw all their wealth burned before their face ; yet no man forsook the rampier , or scarce looked back at that which had happened , but they all fought valiantly , and with an 〈◊〉 courage . ●his was the sorest day the romans had , and yet it had this issue , that a very great number of the enemies were slain and wounded ; for they ha● so thronged themselves under the rampier , that the hindmost hindred the foremost from retiring back . the flame at length abating , and the enemies having brought on one of their towers to the very works , the centurions of the third cohort drew back themselves and their men from the place where they stood , and with signs and voices called to the enemies to enter if they thought good : but none of them durst approach . then did they by casting stones from all parts beat them from the works , and set their tower on fire . observation . this one example may serve to shew the excellency of the roman discipline , and the wisedome of the first founders of that art. for they perceiving that the fortune of wars consisted chiefly in the mastering of particular occurrences , trained their souldiers in that forme of discipline as might struggle with inconveniences , and strong oppositions of contradicting accidents ; and so overwage all difficulties and hinderances with a constant perseveration and a courage invincible . for the great attempting spirit of an ambitious commander , that seeketh to overtop the trophies of honour with the memory of his exploits , will quickly perish by his own direction , if the instruments of execution be weaker then the means which lead him to his designments . for where the weight is greater then the strength , the engine will sooner break then lift it up . let a discreet leader therefore so levell his thoughts , that his resolution may not exceed the ability of his particular means : but first let him be well assured what his souldiers can do , before he resolve what he will do : or otherwise let him so inable them by discipline and instructions , according to the example of the old romans , that their worth may answer the height of his desires , and follow his aspiring mind with a resolution grounded upon knowledge and valour ; and so making their ability the ground of his designs , he shall never faile of means to perform what he intendeth . the want of this consideration hath within these late years repaied our commanders in many parts of christendome with losse and dishonour , when as they have measured the humour of their poor needy and undisciplined souldier by the garb of their ambitious thoughts , and so laid such projects of difficulty , as were very unsutable in the particularity of occurrences to that which their souldiers were fit to execute . chap. xx. the emulation between two centurions , pulfio and varenus , with their fortunes in the incounter . there were in that legion two valiant men , titus pulfio and l. varenus , centurions , coming on apace to the dignity of the first orders . these ●wo w●re at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another , and every year contended for place of preferment with much strife and emulation . pulfio , at a time that the fortification was very sharply assaulted , called to varenus , and asked him why he now stood doubtfull ; or what other place he did look for to make triall of his manhood . this is the day , sa●th he , that shall decide our controversies . and when he had spoken these words , he went out of the fortification ; and where he saw the enemy thickest , he fiercely set upon them . then could not varenus hold himself within the rampier , but for his credite sake followed after in a reasonable distance . pulfio cast his pile at the enemy , and struck one of the multitude through that c●me running out against him . he being slain , the enemies cover him with their shields , and all cast their weapons at pulfio , giving him no respite or time of retreat . pulfio had his target struck through , and the dart stuck fast in his girdle . this chance turned aside his scabbard , and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword ; in which disadvantage the enemy pressed hard upon him . varenus came and rescued him . immed●ately the whole multitude , thinking pulfio to be sla●n with the dart , turned to varenus : who speedi●y betook him to his sword , and ca●e to handy-stroaks ; & having slain one , he put the rest somewhat back . but as he followed over-hastily upon them , he fell down . him did pulfio rescue being circumvented and in danger : & so both of them , having slain many of the enemy , retired to their camp in safety , to their great honour . thus fortune carried as well the contention , as the encounter of them both , that being enemies , they neverthelesse gave help to save each others life , in such sort as it was not to be judged which of them deserved greatest honour . observation . caesar inserteth ▪ this accident of the two centurions , as worthy to be related amongst the deeds of armes contained in these commentaries . wherein we are first to observe the grounds of this quar●ell , which was their continuall strife for place of preferment , which they sought after , by shewing their valour in time of danger , and approving their worth by the greatnesse of their desert : a contention worthy the roman discipline , & may serve for a pattern of true honour full of courage , accomplished with vertue . for these simultates which desire of honour had cast between them , brought forth emulation , which is the spurr of vertue , far from enmitie or hatefull contention : for the difference between these two qualities is , that enmitie hunteth after destruction , & only rejoyceth in that which bringeth to our adversary utter ruine , dishonour , or ill atchievement ; but emulation contendeth only by well deserving to gain the advantage of another mans fame , that useth the same ●eans to attain to the like end ; and is alwayes mixed with love , in regard of the affinity of their affections , and the sympathy of their desires , not seeking the overthrow of their competitour , but succouring him in time of danger , and defending him from foul and unfortunate calamity , that he may still continue to shew the greatnesse of his worth , by the opposition of inferiour actions , which are as a lesser scantling of desert to measure the estimation of the others honour . a vertue rare and unknown in these dayes , and would hardly find subjects to be resident in , if she should offer her help in the course of our affairs , or sue to be entertained by the crooked dispositions of our times : for we can no sooner conceive the thoughts that breed emulation , but it turneth presently to hatred , which is followed to the uttermost of our malice , and resteth better satisfied with the miserable end of our opposed partner , then with thousand of trophies deservedly erected to our honour . which maketh me wonder , when i look into the difference of these and those ages , whether it were the discipline of that time which brought forth such honest effects of vertue , to their glory and our ignominy , having learned better rules then were known unto them ; or whether the world weakened with age , want strength in these times to bring forth her creatures in that perfection as it did in those dayes ; or what other cause hath made our worst affections so violent , and our better faculties so remisse and negligent , that vertue hath no part in us but words of praise , our whole practice being consecrated to actions of reproach . the injuries , murthers , scandalous carriages of one towards another , which in these dayes are so readily offered and so impatiently digested , will admit no satisfaction but private combate ; which in the first monarchies was granted only against strangers & forreign enemies , as the only objects of arms and wrath , and capable of that justice which the private sword should execute : for they well perceived that these single battels were as sparkles of civile discord , and intestine wars ; although not so apparent in the generall view of their state , yet as odious in particular , and as dishonourable to good government . and if there were a true record of such as have been either slain or wounded within these fourty years , either in this kingdome , or in france , or in germany , by this licentious and brutish custom● , i make no question but they would amount to a number capable of that fearfull stile which is attributed to civile wars . neither is there any law , how rigorous or hard soever , that can give reliefe to this disorder , but the restraint will draw on as great enormities , and as intolerable in a good governmen● . 〈◊〉 king of the lumbards for●ade his subj●●ts this manner of combate : but shortly afte● he was constrained to recall the edict for the avoiding of greater evils ; although he protested the thing to be both inhumane and barbarous . the like edict was published in france by philip the fair ; but was within two years revoked again at the instant request of his su●jects , in regard of the murthers and assasinats committed in that kingdome . the onely remedy that i find to take effect in this case , was that of late time which the prince of melphe in pi●mo●t invented to prevent this evill : for perceiving how ordinary quarrels and bloud-shed were in his camp , he assigned a place between two bridges for the performance of the du●ilum , with this charge , that he that had the w●●st should alwaies be slain , & cast from the bridge into the water . the danger joyned with dishonour ( which by this decree attended such as undertook private combate ) made the souldiers wiser in their carriage , and put an end to their sedition and civile discords . but that which is yet worst of all is , that custome hath now made it so familiar , that every 〈◊〉 seemeth sufficient to call the matter to a private combate : a crosse look calleth another mans honour in question ; but the word lye is of as great consequence as any stab or villany whatsoever . whereat we may well wonder , how it happeneth that we feel our selves so much exasperated at the reproach of that vice which we so ordinarily commit : for in the custome of these times , to cast upon us the lye is the greatest in jury that words can do unto us ; and yet there is nothing more frequent in our mouth . it may be a property in our nature , to stand chiefly in the defence of that corruption unto which we are most subject . i speak not this to qualifie the foulnesse of this vice ; for i hold a lyer to be a monster in nature , one that contemneth god , and feareth man , as an ancient father saith : but to shew the crookednesse of our disposition , in disdaining to acknowledge that fault which we so commonly commit . but i would fain learn when honour first came to be measured with words : for from the beginning it was not so . caesar was often called to his face thief and drunkard , without any further matter : and the liberty of invectives which great personages used one against another , as it began , so it ended with words . and so i think our lie might too ; for i take him that returneth the lie , and so letteth it rest untill further proof , to have as great advantage in the reputation of honour as the former that first gave the disgrace . chap. xxi . ci●●ro findeth means to advertise caesar of this accident ; who hasting , raiseth the siege , and putteth the enemy to a great ●laughter . as the siege grew daily hoter a●d sharper , and specially for that a great part of the souldiers were laid up with wounds , and the matter brought into a few mens hands that were able to make any defence ; so they sent out letters and messengers the more often to caesar : of whom some were taken , and in the sight of our souldiers tortured to death . there was one within the place besieged of the nation of the nervii , called vertico , of honest parentage , who in the beginning of the siege had fled to cicero , and carried himself faithfully in that service . this man did cicero chuse , perswading him with hope of liberty , and other great rewards , to carry letters to caesar : which he took , and having t●ed them up in his dart , travelled as a gall amongst the galles , without any suspicion , and so came to caesar . of whom he understood how dangerously cicero and the legion was beset . caesar having received those letters about the eleventh hour of the day , d●spatched presently a messenger to m. c●assus the treasurer in the country of the bellovaci , twenty five miles off , commanding the legion to set out at midnight , and speedily to come unto him . crassus set out and came along with the messenger . he sent another post to c●ius fabius the legate , to bring that legion to the confines of the atrebates , through which he was to passe . and wrote in like manner to labienus , that if it stood with the conveniency of the state , he should bring his legion to the territories of the nervii : for the rest of the army that were further off he thought good not to expect . he drew four hundred horse or thereabouts from the nearest wintering-camps . and being advertised about the third hour ( by the fore-runners ) of crassus coming , he marched that that day twenty miles . he made crassus governour of samarobrina , & gave him one legion for the defence thereof ; in regard that the baggage of the whole army , the hostages of the provinces , the publick transactions and letters , together with all the corn which he had got for the provision of the winter , was left in that place . fabius , according to his directions , without any delay met him with his legion . labienus understanding of the death of sabinus , and the slaughter of the cohorts , & knowing also that the whole forces of the treviri were marching toward him , doubted that if his setting forward out of his winter station should seem as a stealing away , he should not be able to undergo the charge of the enemy , whom a late victory had made insolent : and therefore informed caesar by his letters , what danger it would be to draw the legion from their wintering-camp ; relating what had hapned amongst the eburones , & how that all the forces of the treviri , both horse and foot , lay but three miles distant from his camp. caesar allowing of these reasons , howsoever his hope of three legions was fallen unto two , yet his whole trust was in celerity , as the onely means of all their safeties : and so by great journeys came into the consines of the nervii ; where he understood by the captives how matters passed with cicero , and what danger he was in . at what time he perswaded a certain horseman of the galles , by great rewards offered unto him , to carry a letter unto cicero ; which he sent writ in greek characters , least his purposes should be discovered , if the letter had been intercepted : advising , that if he could not come to his presence , he should tye it to the string of a dart , and so cast it into the fortifications . he advertised them by his letter that he was on the way with the legions , and would be there instantly to raise the siege , exhorting him to persevere in his wonted gallantry . the gall fearing some danger , followed the directions , and cast it into the works by a dart ; which fell by chance upon a turret , and there stuck two dayes before it was perceived : the third day a souldier finding it , took it down and brought it to cicero ; who read it publickly in the assembly of the souldiers , and put them all into exceeding great joy . and at the same time the smoak of their fires began a far off to be discovered ; which put them out of all doubt of the approach of the legions . the galles being advertised thereof by their discoverers , left the siege , and made towards caesar with all their power ; which consisted of men or thereabouts ▪ cicero finding himself at liberty , sought out the same vertico before mentioned , to carry letters to caesar ; advising him to be wary and diligent in his passage : signifying by those letters that the enemy had left the siege , & turned all his forces towards him . which letters being brought unto caesar about midnight , he certified his party of the contents thereof , and prepared them by incouragement to fight . the next day as soon as it began to be light he removed his camp ; & having marched about four miles , he discovered the multitude of the enemy beyond a great valley and a river . it was a matter of exceeding danger to give battell to so great a number in a place of disadvantage : and forasmuch as he knew that cicero was freed of the siege , he thought he might the better forbeare to make such haste ; and thereupon sate down , and in as indifferent a place as he could chuse fortified his camp. which being of it self very little , as not having scarce seven thousand men , and those without any carriages ; yet he lessened it as much as he could by narrowing the usuall streets ther of , to the end he might the better defend it , if happily the enemy might be drawn to ingage himself seriously in any attempt upon the same . in the mean time having sent out discoverers into all parts , he informed himself which way he might most conveniently passe over the valley . the same day , after small incounters of the cavalry at the water , either party contained themselves within their fortifications : the galles , as expecting greater forces , which were not yet come ; and caesar , that by a counterfeit fear he might draw the enemy to the place where he was lodged on this side the valley , and so strike the battell before his camp ; and if he could not bring it so about , then upon discovery of the wayes , to passe the valley and the river with lesse danger . as it began to be day-light the cavalry of the enemy came near unto the camp , and began to skirmish with our horsemen . caesar of set purpose commanded the horsemen to fall back , and to betake themselves into the camp : and withall to fortifie their camp on all sides with a higher rampier , to stop up the gates ; and in doing of these things to carry themselves tumultuously , and with a feigned show of great fear . with which inducements the enemy was so drawn on , that he brought over all his forces , and imbattelled them in an unequall and disadvantageous place . our men being drawn from the ra●pier ( to make the matter more apparent ) they were imboldened to come nearer , and to cast weapons from all parts into our works : sending heralds round about with proclamation , that if any gall or roman would come over unto them before the third hour , he should be taken into their safe protection ; but after that time there was no hope of any such reception . and they did so contemn our party , that whereas the ports were shut up for a shew with a single row of turfs , to the end they might appear to be made up in such manner that they could not be broken open ; some of them began to break down the rampier with their hands , and others to fill up the ditches . which caesar perceiving , sallied out at all the ports at once ; and sending out the cavalry , put the enemy so suddainly to flight , that not one of them resisted by way of fighting : insomuch as he slew a great number of them , and put them all besides their arms. but because he feared to follow them far , in regard of the woods and bogs that lay in their passage , ( being unwilling to hazard himself upon the least occasion of danger ) he returned with all his forces in safety , and the self-same day came to cicero . where he admired the towers , the mantlets and works which were begun and prepared by the enemy : and drawing out the legion , he found that the tenth man had not escaped without wounds . by all which circumstances he understood , with what danger and va●lour the businesse had been caried . he commended cicero and the legion according to their merit ; calleth out by name such centurions and tribunes of the souldiers , as by testimony of cicero were found to have deserved extraordinarily in that service ; informed himself by the captives of the certainty of sabinus & cotta's misfortune . the next day he spake publickly to the souldiers , opened the particulars of that matter , and then seasoned them with comfort and incouragement ; shewing that the losse which happened through the fault and temerity of a legate , was to be born with better patience : and the rather forasmuch as by the assistance of the immortall gods , and by their own vertue , the losse was redeemed in such a fashion , as neither the enemy did long joy it , nor themselves were long afflicted with grief for the same . observation . the passages in this chapter are of great variety , and do give occasion of much discourse . but that which is most remarkeable is , that to exceed in forces and troups of men , may be a means to bring a party to an overthrow : for an extraordinary power doth alwayes beget an opinion sorting to their own desires , and can hardly think of any other end then that which s●●●th with security and victorious successe ; which being crossed in any materiall circumstance , and put besides the course of their intendments , whereby they faile of what they expected , doth consequently draw all the other way , and changeth hope into mishap : as it fared here with the galles upon caesars suddain sallying out of the camp. chap. xxii . the commotions of the states of gallia ▪ induciomarus attempting great matters , is slain , and the countrey quieted . in the mean time the report of caesars victory was carried to labienus with incredible speed , through the countrey of those of rheims : insomuch as being fifty miles distant from that place where cicero wintered , and that the overthrow was given about three of the clock in the afternoon , there was a shout at the camp-gate before midnight ; whereby the men of rheims congratulated labienus for that victory . the fame whereof being carried to the treviri , induciomarus , that purposed the next day to besiege labienus , fled in the night time , and carried all his forces back to the treviri . caesar remanded fabius with his legion into their winter stations : he himself with three legions determined to winter about samarobrina . and forasmuch as there were such commotions throughout all gallia , himself resolved to abide with the army all the winter . for upon the newes of the overthrow of sabinus , almost all the states of gallia did enter into a consultation of war ; sent messengers and ambassadours into all parts , to make overtures for future resolutions , and to understand in what place the war might best be set on foot ; holding their conventicles by night in secret and desert places : in such manner as there passed not a day during all that winter which brought not some new care or trouble to caesar , whilst he was daily advertised of new meetings and conspiracies amongst the galles . amongst others he had intelligence from l , roscius the leg ate , whom he had set over the thirteenth legion , that great forces of those states and cities of the galles that are called armoricae were assembled together to fight against him , and were come within eight miles of his camp : but understanding of caesars victory , they fell back in such a fashion as though they meant to flye away . but caesar having called unto him the princes and chief men of every state , terrifying some , as seeming to understand their complotments , and perswading others , kept a great part of gallia in obedience . howbeit the senones ( a strong people , and of great authority amongst the galles ) went about by a publick decree to kill cavarinus , whom caesar had set to be king over them ; ( whose brother moritasgus at caesars coming into gallia , and whose ancestours formerly were possessed of that kingdom ) which he perceiving fled away , and was prosecuted to the very borders , and so driven as well out of his private house as of his kingdome . and having sent embassadours to caesar to satisfie him herein ; whereas he commanded the whole senate to come unto him , they refused to obey his warrant . so much it prevailed amongst barbarous people , that there were some found that durst avouch the undertaking of a war. which made such an alteration in the minds of all men , that besides the hed●i and the state of rheims , whom caesar had in great favour and respect , ( the one for their ancient and perpetuall fidelity to the people of rome , and the other for their late services in the war of gallia ) there was almost no state free from suspicion . insomuch as i know not well whether it may not be wondred at or no , as well for many other reasons , as specially for that they greatly grieved , that they who excelled all other nations in deeds of arms , had now lost their reputation so far , as they were forced to bear the yoke of the people of rome . the treviri and induciomarus lost no time of all that winter , but sent commissioners beyond the rhene , solliciting the cities , and promising moneys , with confident aslurance that the greatest part of our armie was already cut off , and that which was left was but a small remainder of the same : and yet for all that no people of the germans could be perswaded to passe the rhene . for having twice made triall to their cost , in the war of ariovistus , and in the passage of the * tenchtheri , they would tempt fortune no further . induciomarus cast down from his hope , did notwithstanding train and gather forces , got horses from the bordering states , and with great rewards drew unto him banisht and condemned men from all parts of gallia ; and did thereby get such an opinion throughout all that continent , that embassadours came flocking unto him from all quarters , and sought his favour both in publ●ck and private . when he understood that men made to him of their own accord , and that on the one side the senones and carnutes were ●nstigated with a remembrance of their offences , and on the other side the nervii and aduatici made provision of war against the romans , and that he should not want voluntary forces , if he did but once go out of his confines ; he gave order to call a councell of arms : which according to the manner of the galles , was alwayes the beginning of a war , being such as constrained all the men that were of years , by the common law of the land , to assemble together in arms : and he that came last , was in the sight of all the rest put to death with exquisite torture . in that councel he took order to proclaim cingetorix the chief of the other faction , and his son in law , ( who , as we have before declared , had followed caesar , and not left him in any of those services ) a traytor to the state , and that his goods should be confiscated . that being done , he published in the councell , that he was sent for by the senones and the carnutes , and many other states of gallia : whether he meant to go through the territories of the inhabitants of rhemes ; and that he would harry and waste their country . but first his purpose was to take the camp of labienus , and accordingly gave order what he would have done . labienus being in a camp exceedingly fortified , as well by nature as by art , did not fear any danger that might happen to himself or the legion ; but rather studied not to let passe any occasion to carry the matter handsomely and to purpose . and therefore being advertised by cingetorix and his allies , what speech induciomarus had delivered in the councell , he sent messengers to all the confining cities , and commanded horsemen to be sent unto him by a certain day . in the mean time induciomarus rid up and down almost every day with all his cavalry under his camp ; sometimes to view the site thereof , otherwhile to parlee , or else to terrifie the souldier : and his horsemen for the most part would cast their weapons within the rampier . labienus kept all his men within the fortifications , and did what he could to make the enemy b●lieve that he was sore afraid . and as induciomarus came daily with greater contempt to the camp , one night having taken in the cavalry of the bordering cities , which he had formerly sent for , he kept all his party ( by good guarding ) within his camp with such diligence , that their reception could not possibly be bruited abroad , or carried to the treviri . in the mean time induciomarus , according to his wonted custome , approached near the camp , and there spent a great part of the day : the horsemen cast their weapons , and with words of high reproach called out our men to fight ; without any word given in answer by them . and a little before the evening , as they dispersed themselves and departed , upon a suddain labienus let out all the cavalry at two ports , commanding them that after the enemy was put to slight ( which he saw would necessarily happen ) that every one should make after induciomarus ; and that no man should so much as wound any other enemy , before they saw him slain ; being very unwilling to give him time to escape , while the souldiers were ingaged with the rest : and propounded great rewards to them that slew him . he sent out also several cohorts to assist the horse . fortune made good that direction : for as all made after one , induciomarus was surprised in the foord of a river , and slain , and his head was brought back into the camp . the horsemen returning , slew as many of the rest as they could take . this thing being known , all the forces of the eburones and nervii which were met together departed home ; and after that time caesar had gallia better setled in quietnesse . observation . as the misfortune which befell sabinus and cotta put all gallia into troubles and commotions ; so the head of induciomarus reduced all into peace . according as it is said of the spaniard , that in some cases one man is worth a thousand . and thus endeth the fifth commentary . the sixth commentary of the wars in gallia . the argument . this summers commentary setteth forth the malice of an enemy that refuseth open encounter , but keeping himself in the fastnesse of his holds , forceth the adverse party either to leave him untouched , or to seek him out upon disadvantage : together with such casualties annexed to the matter , as the power of fortune doth commonly intermingle with such occurrences : as also the manners and fashions of life then in use amongst the germans and galles . chap. i. caesar fearing a greater commotion in gallia , mustereth more forces . caesar for many reasons expecting greater troubles in gallia , appointed m. silanus , c. antistius reginus , and t. sextius , legates in his army , to make a new choise , and muster up more souldiers ; and withall he intreated cneius pompeius proconsul , forasmuch as he continued at the city about publick businesses , that he would recall to their ensignes , and send unto him such souldiers as were before discharged of the consuls oath : for he thought it very materiall for the future time to the opinion of the galles , when they should see italy so mighty , that if they had received any losse by the casualtyes of war , they could not only in a short time make a supply thereof , but augment their army with greater forces . which when pompey had granted , both for the good of the commonwealth and caesars friendship , the choise being speedily by his ministers performed , before the winter was ended three legions were inrolled and brought unto him , whereby the number of cohorts were doubled which were lost with q. titurius : and withall he made experience both by the speed and by the forces , what the wealth and discipline of the people of rome could do . the first observation . notwithstanding any former purpose , i will begin this commentary with the manner of the choise which the romans used when they mustred souldiers for an intended war : and will lay it first down as the basis and groundsil of all military architecture , and carried by them with such a ceremonious and grave respect , as might best expresse the seriousnesse of the action , and make the souldiers understand what consequence the sequele imported . polybius , who only remaineth of them that have written of the ancient fashion of the roman war , amongst other parts of their discipline , hath left unto posterity a compendious relation of their musters and enrollments , which with the help of other histories may be thus understood . upon the choise of their consuls in the beginning of every year , their custome was to enroll four legions , two for either consul . at which enrollment they first chose fourteen tribunes out of the body of their gentlemen , whom they called equites . these fourteen were such as had served five years in the wars , whereby they became eligible of that dignity . and again , they chose ten other tribunes out of the commonalty , being such as had seen ten years service : grounding this custome upon another law , which commanded the equites to serve ten , and the pedites or commons twenty whole years before they could be freed and discharged from the wars . and therefore according to the proportion of their stipendary time , as the equites were admitted tribunes at five years , so were the legionary footmen at ten , as at half their compleat time of serving in the wars . the generall respect which the romans had in the choise of every particular man , from the highest to the lowest , was included in the circumstances of their age , and of their wealth . the age which they deemed fit to endure the labours of war , was from seventeen to six and forty , for so saith tubero concerning the first limit of military ability , that servius did inrole souldiers from the age of seventeen years , adjudging such to be sit for the service of the common-weale . and censor●nus expresseth the second with an etymology of the name , where he saith , that men were called juvenes unto the age of forty six years , quod rempublicam in re militari possint juvare , because till then they were able to help and serve their country in war. in this ability of years we are to understand that the law required every man to perfect the compleat number of twenty years stipend ; if there were occasion of so many wars in that space of nine and twenty years , which is comprehended between seventeen and forty six . the wealth , which is the second circumstance that made men capable of military dignity , was necessarily required to amount to the value of drachmas quadringentas , as polybius saith , which by the latine phrase was termed quaterna millia aeris : such as were not worth so much , were neglected in this choise , and reserved for sea-service : neither was it lawfull for any man to attain to any office or magistracy within the city , untill he had merited ten years stipend . upon a resolution to make an inrolement , which was almost every year , the consuls did proclaim a day when all men of military age were to present themselves . upon which day the roman youth being assembled in the city , and then in the capitol , the fourteen tribunes elected out of the body of the equites , divided themselves according as they were chosen by the people into four parts ; forasmuch as in former time the whole forces of their empire consisted of four legions or regiments , whereof i have discoursed at large in the former book . and the four tribunes first chosen were allotted to the first legion , the three next to the second legion , the four other to the third , and the three last to the fourth . in like manner the ten tribunes which were taken out of the common body of the people , divided themselves into four parts : and the two first chosen were inrolled in the first legion , the three next in the second legion , the two following in the third legion , and the three last in the fourth . by which ingenious and discreet allotment it came to passe that the communalty were intermingled in the government of their armies with the gentlemen , in such an excellent mixture , that the equites were either superiour or equal to the plebeii ; notwithstanding that every legion had an equall number of tribunes . the election being thus far carried , the tribunes of every legion sate them down by themselves : the people being divided first into their tribes , and then into their classes and centuries , casting lots which tribe should be taken ; and out of that tribe whereon the lot fell they drew fou● men , as equall as they could both in age and habitude , who being brought forth , the tribunes of the first legion made the first choise of one of those four ; then the tribunes of the second legion had their choise , they of the third legion took the next , and the fourth had the last man. and again out of the same tribe were other four chosen ; and then the tribunes of the second legion began first to make their choise , and so consequently the first legion had the last man. again four other being chosen , the tribunes of the third legion had the first election , and in that course the second legion had the last man. and by this alternate and successive election it came to passe , that every legion was equally compounded both in quality and in number . the inrolement proceeding in this manner untill their numbers were full ; the tribunes of every legion assembled their severall troups together , and took one out of every regiment , and gave an oath unto him that he should execute and obey , according to his power , whatsoever was commanded him by his generall : the rest being particularly called , were sworn to keep the same oath which their fore-man had taken . and thus we see both who were the electors , who were eligible , and the manner of their choise . wherein we may observe what means they used to ingage every particular man with an interest in the generall cause : for they thought it not sufficient to force men out by publick authority , and to bind them si●mply to that service by the mandates of their empire , considering the labours and difficulties of war , which oftentimes are able to dull the edge of the greatest spirit , and to cause omissions of duty in the most honest and obedient minds ; but they tyed them likewise with such particular respects , as did both concern the possessions of their fortune , and the religion of their soul . for it is observed concerning mans actions , that unlesse the mind do faithfully affect the execution , it may be carried with such a perfunctory service , as shal betray the true intent to no effect , and deceive the end of that which was promised by designment . and therefore they refused to inrole any man that had not a convenient proportion of wealth , to maintain a stedfast and well-resolved courage , and to settle the motions of a staggering mind , when they bethought themselves that the publick duties wherein they were ingaged , were the defensive powers of their empire , and the means whereby the publick weale continued happy : and so by consequence their private fortunes were assured from violence , and preserved onely by an effectuall observance of their military discipline . i grant that it is not altogether wealth that doth grace & formalize the actions of men ; for in some cases penury and want makes men more valorous , according to the answer which a souldier once made to lucullus : ibit eo quo vis , qul zonam perd●dit , inquit . whither you will hee 'l go who 's lost his purse . notwithstanding , forasmuch as the publick cause is either misprised or well affected , according as it doth concern every man in particular ; as who will doubt of the uttermost diligence of those mariners , that have their vessell fraught with their own goods ? or contrariwise , who will blame a mercenary pilot for making peace with death , with the losse of other mens merchandise ? for patria est ubicunque bene est , that 's a mans country where he is well , as one truely saith ; and the estimation we have of this life is entertained onely by the benefits we hold by our life : therefore it much importeth a state to have such agents to negotiate the publick businesses , as are ingaged in the same by the interest of their own particular . neither was it sufficient in that government to chuse men of ability both i● their body and in their substance , but they found it necessary to bind their conscience with a religious consecration , and to swear a faithfull obedience to their generall , which with the reverence of the place , being the capitoll , and other ceremonies of majesty attending the inrolement , doth manifestly shew how much the romans imputed to this part of their discipline , being the foundation of the sequele of that action . the second observation . secondly , i observe the benefit which an opulent and able state may make of any losse or misfortune received by an enemy : which consisteth chiefly in the reinforcing , or , if it may be , in the redoubling of such troups as the casualties of war have consumed . for it much abateth the spirit of a people , and turneth the pride of a victory into discouragement and faintness of heart , when they see their best and most fortunate indeavours atchieve nothing but a reiteration of their labours , and are driven to begin again that work which with much difficulty and hazzard they had once overcome . for it is the end that maketh any labour to be undertaken , being a otherwise nothing but a pain of the body & vexation of the spirit . and herefore when it shall be found either circular , or of many confrontments , before it can answer the designments of our mind , we chuse rather to forgo that contentment which the accomplishment of our desires would afford us , then to buy it with such a measure of trouble , as exceedeth that which the proportion of our means seemeth able to effect . in regard whereof the ancient sages of the world made a task of this quality to be one of hercules labours , by faining the serpent hydra to be of this nature , that when one head was smitten off , two other heads grew out presently from the same stump : and so his labour multiplied his travell , and his valour increased the difficulty of his work . it was caesars custome in other cases , to have such a beginning of strength at his first entrance into a war , as by continuance might be augmented , and rather increase then decay upon the resistance of an enemy . so he began the war in gallia with six legions , continued it with eight , and ended it with ten : he began the civile war but with one legion ; he arrived at brundusium with six ; he followed pompey into greece with fifteen thousand foot and five thousand horse ; and ended that war with two and twenty thousand foot and a thousand horse . he began the war at alexandria with three thousand two hundred foot , and ended it with six legions . he began the war in africk ▪ with six , and ended it with eight legions . and thus he imitated naturall motion , being stronger in the end then in the beginning , and made his army as a plant like to grow great , and sprowt out into many branches , rather then to die or decay for want of strength or fresh reinforcing . chap. ii. the treviri sollicite the germans and some of the states of gallia . caesar carrieth four legions into the territories of the nervi● . induciomarus being slain , as is related in the former book , the * treviri gave the government unto his kinsfolk : who intermitted no time to sollicite their borderers with the germans , and to prom●se them mony for the wars . when they could not prevail with their neighbours , they tryed those that were farther off : and having ●ou●d som● that hearkened to their designes , they confirmed their league with a mutuall oath , giving pledges for assurance of mony , and withall they drew amoiorix into their society and consederation . which things being known , caesar perceiving the preparations which in every part were made for war , the a nervii , b aduatici , and the c menapii , with all the germans on the other side of the rhene to be in armes , the senones not to come being summoned , but to be in councell with the * carnutes and their bordering states , the germans to be sollicited with often embassages from the treviri ; he held it best to think of war sooner then heretofore he was accustomed . and therefore before the winter was ended , with four legions that lay next together , he entred suddenly upon the confines of the nervii , and having taken a great number of men and cattell , before they could either make head or fly away , he distributed the booty to the souldiers , wasted the country , caused the people to come in , and to give pledges unto him . that businesse being speedily ended , he brought the legions back again into their wintering camps . the first observation . this exemplary course of proceeding in punishing some one for the offences of many , hath ever been held the best means to represse rebellious and factious motions , as well amongst particular subjects which do conspire against the common policy of a state , as also of such inferiour cities and states as shall entertain a confederacy prejudiciall to the soveraignty of an empire : for in all such combinations the undertakers are ever more confident in the assistance and mutuall incouragement of each others assent and forwardnesse , then in the strength of their own particular means . for the mind propounding a course contrary to a vertuous direction , is alwayes suspicious and mistrustfull of the issue : for as honest motions and conceptions of the heart are attended with assurance , so doth diffidency wait upon indirect and perfidious designments ▪ and thence it happeneth that when the inward thoughts can afford no means of emboldening , they commonly rely upon each others example , and do make the action to appear honest unto themselves , forasmuch as so many associates do approve it . for the prevention whereof in the continent of gallia , caesar first layed a heavy hand upon the nervii , being well assured , that as rebellious motions are strengthened and drawn on by the mutuall example of conspiring members , so they may be weakened and extinguished by the exemplary ruine and subversion of some one or more of the said members , which is as forcible to disswade as the other to encourage : suting right with the tenour of justice , which ought to be carried in such sort against offenders , that by the punishment of some few the fear may touch all . according as the poet describeth the nature and effect of thunder ; ipse pater media nimborum in nocte corusca fulmina molitur d●●xtra , quo maxima motu terra tremit , fugere ferae , & mortalia corda per gentes humilis statuit pavor ; ille flagranti aut athon , aut rhodopea , aut alta ceraunia dextra dejicit . — the whole earth trembled , but one hill only smoaked for it . the second observation . secondly , i observe the respect which caesar had to the extraordinary labour of his souldiers : fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended , and were carried unseasonably upon a service , he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy , contrary to the ordinary course of the roman warfare , which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the publick treasury , and left the souldier to his stipendary entertainment . which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war : wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts , as common and usuall duties , and in the judgement of a wise commander are thought worthy their answerable rewards . at the siege of gergovia , as it followeth in the seventh commentary , l. fabius a centurion told his companions , that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall before himself . and so for the most part it falleth out , that honourable attempts being honourably rewarded , do as seed sown in good ground , multiply the increase of like vertuous actions . and this was one principall means which he used to give courage and valour to his souldiers ; as when he went to get spain from pompey and that faction , he borrowed mony of the tribunes & centurions , & gave it in largess to the souldiers , whereby he gained ( as he saith ) two advantages , quod pignore animos centurionum devinxit , & largitione redemit militum voluntates , for he engaged the centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them , and by his largesse purchased the good will of the souldiers . chap. iii. caesar summoneth a generall councell , and carrieth his army against the senones . a generall councellor meeting of all the states of gallia being summoned , according to his first resolution , in the beginning of the spring , whereas all the rest saving the senones , carnutes , and treviri made their appearance ; he conceived of it as the beginning of war and defection , and thereupon setting all other things aside , he transferred the councell to the city of paris in the confines of the senones , which in the time of their fathers had united their state unto them , but were held clear of this confederacy . this thing being published from the tribunall , the same day he carried the legions against the senones , and by great journeys came into their country . his coming being known , acco the chiefest authour of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence : but as they endeavoured , before it could be accomplished , news was brought that the romans were already come ; whereby they necessarily left off their purpose , and sent ambassadours to caesar to intreat for favour . they used the mediation of the hedui , whose state had of old time been in faith and league with the romans . caesar at the suit of the hedui did willingly afford them pardon , and accepted their excuse , forasmuch as he judged the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him , rather then in matter of question and judgement : and having commanded an hundred pledges , he delivered them to be kept by the hedui . the carnutes likewise sent messengers and pledges , and by the intreaty of the men of rhemes , whose clients they were , received the same answers . caesar ended the councell , and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the states of gallia . the first observation . it shall not seem impertinent to the reader , that i take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this parliament or councell-generall , wherein all the states of gallia , or at the least such as did acknowledge the roman soveraignty , presented their fealty , and were mutuall witnesses of each others alleageance . concerning which we are to understand , that as all naturall bodies have a transitory being , depending upon motion and function of parts ; so specially states and commonweals , as sympathizing with naturall causes , have no certain continuance in one and the same being , but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune , and do passe the ages of a naturall life , from infancy growing to better strength , untill it come to the best perfection which years can afford it , and then decaying again by like degrees , even to the period and death of that policy . for remedy whereof , and for the prevention of any weakening disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body , or so possesse any part thereof , as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable , amongst other helps , these councels and meetings have been thought necessary ; wherein every particular state and city had some of their society present , as well to open their grievances , if any were , and to seek ease and relief by way of treaty and dispute , as also to receive such directions and mandates as the wisdome of the prince should think meet for their government . for as this common councel or generall assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politick body , whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned : so is it also as a treaty or parlee , and a renewing of the conditions of peace between the head and the members ; where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded , do concurre in the establishing of true and perfect government . and this is that which the politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common-weal to the first beginning : for the noisome and super●luous humours being by this means purged and abated , the body of the publick weal is refined into such true and naturall elements , and setled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance . besides this use and benefit of these assemblies , there were many necessary businesses concluded , and many things agreed unto , serving to the maintainance of war against parties and factions ; as namely the levi●s and supplies of horse and foot , granted by this councel as a subsidy , which in the roman army received stipend and pay by the name of auxiliary or associate forces , whereof we read in many places of these commentaries , and particularly in this book . but the romans used specially the service of their horsemen , as the flower of their strength , and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war , wherein the galles have ever chalenged a preeminence before other their neighbour nations , and have continued the same reputation even unto this time . whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits , which are better suted with the swift and speedy execution of horse , then with any readinesse which their own strength can afford them , or what other cause it hath , i know not : but this i am sure of , that as the world taketh notice of their hot phantasies , so would the french be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation . the last saying which i observe concerning this councel is , the time wherein it was summoned , which was the beginning of the spring , rather then any other part of the year , whereof there is this reason ; that if any state neglected the summons , and refused to make their appearance according to custome , the summer time coming on , gave good means to the roman legions to punish the insolency of such a contempt : as it happened in this place to the senones , carnutes and treviri , whose absence from this meeting was a sufficient argument to caesar of their rebellion , and deserved the reward of open revolt . the second observation . the second thing which i will briefly observe in this chapter , is the pardon which caesar willingly gave the senones at the mediation of the hedui ; not so much for the respect he bare unto the hedui , although they had of long time performed good service to the roman empire , and were found more faithfull then all the states of gallia ; ( howbeit i doubt not but that he was glad of that occasion to gratify the hedui ; ) but as a master in that faculty , well knowing what best suted with the publick profit in all times and seasons , he would not mispend the summer in questions and di●pute concerning former errours , which might better be remembred upon other occasions , but rather in prosecuting war against other speciall revolters , as a matter more behovefull to the advancement of the empire , and best fitting the time of summer . for in following a businesse , there is nothing more availeable to a fortunate issue , then to be able to distinguish of the validity of the parties , and to discern which hath most interest in the bulk of the matter , that so we may not be mistaken in our designes , but follow that course as shall most advantage our purpose . and here a generall is to take speciall care , that no humorous respect do hinder that resolution which true judgement approveth : for oftentimes it falleth out that either particular profit , delighting pleasures , desire of revenge , or some other unseasonable affection doth so intangle them in their proceedings , as they never attain to the main drift of the action : and this is called stumbling by the way . chap. iv. caesar intendeth the war of the treviri . this part of gallia being quieted , he bent his whole mind to make war against the treviri and ambiorix , commanding cavarinus with the cavalry of the senones to go along with him , least any tumult should happen in his absence , either through his discontentment , or the malice of the state. these things being thus determined , forasmuch as he well kne● that ambiorix would not come to blowes in open fight , he endeavoured by what meanes he could to understand his other purposes . the menapii were neighbour-borderers upon the consines of the eburones , inclosed about with a defence of bogs and woods ; and only they of all the states of gallia had never sent to caesar touching any contract of peace : of them ambiorix was received and had familiar entertainment . and further he understood that by the means of the treviri the germans were brought to a contract of friendship with him also . these helps he thought were fit to be taken from ambiorix , before he set upon him with open war ; least despairing of his safety , he should either hide himself amongst the menapii , or be compelled to fly over the rhene to the germans . in this resolution he sent the baggage of the whole army with a convoy of two legions to labienus , who was then in the territories of the treviri , and he himself with five exped●te and unburthened legions made towards the menapii . they having made no head , but trusting to the strength of the place , ●led into the woods and bogs , and carried all they had with them . caesar dividing his forces to c. fabius a legate , and m. crassus the treasurer , having made speedy provision of bridges , did set upon them in three parts , and burnt houses and villages , and took great numbers of men and cattel , whereby the menapii were constrained to send to caesar for peace . he having taken pledges of them , assured them that he would esteem them as enemies , if they did either receive ambiorix into their country , or any messengers from him . the matter being thus compounded , he left among them comius of arras with certain horse , as a garrison to that place , and he himself made towards the treviri . observations . hence we may observe , that as it falleth out in other things for the most part , so specially in matter of war there is such a medley and interlacing of materiall circumstances with the body of the action , that commonly one businesse begets another . caesars chief design at this time was the war against ambiorix and the treviri : but considering the contract and league between them and the menapii , he would not prosecute the war of the treviri , untill he had taken away that assistance , and left them in the nakednesse of their own strength . wherein we may first observe what opinion caesar held of allies and associates , or any other that gave help or assistance to an enemy : for besides this particular , we may read in the fourth commentary , that the chiefest cause that moved him to take the voyage into britain was , for that the britans had underhand given succour and assistance to the galles ; a matter not to be neglected in his judgement , whether it were in regard of any friendship or good respect which they bare unto the galles , or otherwise to keep the romans occupied there , that they in the mean time might live quietly at home , which i need not here dispute : but the matter proveth it self plainly by caesars own confession , that the continuall supplies sent from britain were a sufficient cause to move him to that war. and as it followeth in this commentary concerning the self same matter , the only cause that drew him to passe the rhene the second time into germany , was the succours which the germans had formerly sent to the treviri ; according to reason in cases of other natures , that he that will extinguish a lamp , must not suffer an addition of oyle , nor admit the influence of lesser streams when he goeth about to dry up the greater river . but that which was the occasion of this businesse , and might have challenged the first place in this discourse , was , for that caesar was almost assured that ambior●x would not be brought to a tryall of battel ; and therefore he laboured to understand his other projects . from whence a commander may receive direction what course to hold in a refusall of open encounter : for as the art and sleight of war is to subdue an enemy so are there more wayes and means to effect that purpose , then by waging battel ; as i have discoursed at large in the third commentary : whereunto i may add thus much , which is generally observed in the carriage of great and eminent commanders , that such as failed in matter of negotiation , and wanted dexterity in managing the course of their businesse , ( notwithstanding any fortune or singularity in striking a battel , ) did never attain to firm and permanent honour . if any man be desirous to descend into particulars , let him look into the lives of king pyrrhus , demetrius , hannibal , and ca●us mar●us , whose later ends , or shutting up of their lives , were not answerable to their excellency in deeds of armes , for want of that judiciall disposition of their businesse which caesar might boast of , of whom it may be truly said that ( notwithstanding the many battels which he fought , yet ) he did plura consilio , quam vigerere , do more by his head then his hand . chap. v. labienus overthroweth the t●eviri by a guile . while caesar was about these things , the t●eviri having raised great forces both of horse & foot , had a purpose to assault labienus wintering in their confines with one legion . and as they were within two dayes journey of him they had intelligence of two legions more which caesar had sent unto him ; whereupon they encamped themselves some fifteen miles distant from him , and resolved there to attend the germans forces . labienus being advertised of their resolution , hoping through their rashnesse to find some good opportunity of encounter , he left five cohorts for the safety of the carriages , and with five and twenty other cohorts , besides great forces of horse , he marched towards the enemy , and encamped himself within a mile of them . between labienus and the enemy there ran 〈…〉 , the passage whereof by re●son of the broken banks was very hard and difficult : 〈…〉 purpose to passe himself , and doubted the enemy would not be drawn to do it . they had every day more hopes of fresh 〈◊〉 . in the meetings and councels of war ●e gave out , that forasmuch as the germans were said to be at hand , he would neither hazzard himself nor the fortunes of the army , but he would rather remove his camp the next day very early in the morning . this was quickly carried to the enemy , as amongst many of the galles that were with him , some of them did naturally favour the proceedings of their own nation . labienus having in the night time called unto him the tribunes of the souldiers , and the centurions of the first orders , acquainted them with his purpose ; and to the end he might give greater suspicion of fear to the enemy , he caused the camp to be dislodged with more noise and tumult th●n the roman discipline had usually observed ; and thereby made the retreat not unlike a slight or escape : which before day-light ( the two camps being so near one to the other ) was by the discoverers brought to the enemy . the last troups of the romans were scarce gone out of the camp , but the galles incouraging one another not to lose so hopefull a prey , thinking it long ( ●pecially the romans being thus affrighted ) to expect the german forces , and that it stood not with their dignity , being so able , and so many in number , not to adventure upon a handfull of men , 〈◊〉 from them , and troubled besides with baggage and burden ; and therefore they doubted not to passe the river , and to give them battel in a place of disadvantage . labienus suspecting that which now had happened , to the end he might draw them all over the river , he made as though he would go on forward . at length sending the carriages a little before , and placing them upon a hill , ye have now , ( said he ) fellow souldiers , that opportunity which ye desired , the enemy in a cumbersome and unequall place ; only afford me your leader at this time that valour , which oftentimes heretofore you have shewed to your generall , imagine him to be 〈◊〉 , and to see this service with his own eyes . and withall be commanded the ensignes to be carried towards the enemy , and the army to be imbattelled : and leaving a few troups of horse with the carriages , he d●sposed the rest in the wings of the army . the romans taking up a cry and a shout , did speedily cast their pikes at the enemy : who when they saw the romans ready to assault them , whom they had thought had fled from them for fear , they were so discouraged , that even in the first close they betook themselves to flight towards the next woods . labienus pursuing them with his horsemen , killed many of them , and took more prisoners , and within a few dayes took in the whole state of the treviri : for the germans which came to their succour understanding of their overthrow , returned home again ; and with them went also the kinsmen of induciomarus , the authours of that defection . the soveraignty and government was given to cingetorix , who from the beginning had ever been true and loyall to the romans . the first observation . i have already handled this practice of a pretended fear , which the history doth so often recommend to our consideration , and have shewed the inconvenience of over-light credulity , leading such easy weeners to a disappointment of their hopes , and consequently to the hazzard of their fortune . i will now proceed to that which is further implyed in this relation , and respecteth the chiefest duty of a chief commander : and that is , what specially is required of a generall in the carriage and direction of a battel . concerning which point , as there is nothing more materiall to the effecting of any businesse then opportunity of time , conveniency of place , and an orderly disposition of the means according to time and place : so in question of encounter or waging battel , the duty of a leader may be included in these three circumstances . concerning the quality of the place , as the chiefest and first respected in the choice of a judiciall directour , the whole scope of the roman discipline , from the time of their first kings even to the last of their emperours , did alwayes aim at the advantage of place , as a necessary help for the obtaining of victory : which i have already noted in the helvetian action . yet forasmuch as the wisdome and experience of those times did deem it a circumstance of such importance , give me leave once again to inforce the use thereof by these examples . habetis , milites , ( saith labienus in this place ) quam petiistis facultatem , hostem iniquo atque impedito loco tenetis , praes●are eandem nobis ducibus virtutem , quam saepenumero imperatori praestitistis , ye have , fellow-souldiers , that opportunity which ye desired , &c. whereby he cleareth himself of all imputation of ill direction , as having performed the uttermost duty of a commander , and given such helps by the advantage of the place as are requisite to an easy victory , leaving the rest to the execution of the souldiers . caesar at the losse he received at dyrrachium cleared himself to his souldiers in this sort : quod esset acceptum detrimenti , cuivis potius quam suae culpae debere tribui , locum securum ad dimicandum dedisse , &c. the damage that was received was to be attributed to any body rather then him , he had chosen them a safe place of fighting , &c. and as it followeth in the seventh commentary , being imbattelled upon the side of a hill right over against the army of the galles , which stood likewise in a readinesse to entertain the roman valour , he would not suffer his men to hazzard themselves in the passage of a bogge of fifty foot in breadth lying between both the armies , but rather perswaded his souldiers , disdaining the confrontment of the enemy , to endure their contumely , rather then to buy a victory with the danger of so many worthy men , and patiently to attend some further opportunity . which passage of caesar , even in the said terms as it is there related , was urged to good purpose by sir francis vere in the year one thousand six hundred at a consultation before the battel of newport . for the army of the netherlanders being possest of the downs , which are small swelling hils rising unevenly along the sea shore upon the coast of flanders , and the enemy making a stand upon the sands at the foot of those hils , and so cutting off the passage to os●end , it was disputed by the commanders , whether they should leave the downes , and go charge the enemy where he stood imbattelled upon the sands , or attend him in the fastnesse of the downes whereof they were possest . the whole councell of war were earnestly bent to forsake the downes , and to hazzard the fight on equall terms , as impatient that their passage and retreat to ostend should be cut off . but sir francis vere well knowing how much it imported the businesse of that day to hold a place of such gain and advantage , perswaded count maurice by many reasons , and specially by this of caesar which i last alledged , not to forgo the help of the downs , but to expect the enemy in that place , and so make use of that benefit upon the first encounter , rather then to adventure the successe of the battel in worse terms , in hope of clearing the passage : and shewing also many probable conjectures , that the enemy would not continue long in that gaze . wherein as his opinion then prevailed , so all that were present were eye-witnesses both of the truth of his conjecture , and the soundnesse of his judgement . for the enemy within a while after coming on to charge the troups of the states , was received with such a counterbuffe from the hils , and were violently beaten back in such rude manner , as our men had the execution of them for the space of a quarter of a mile or more , which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day . touching the opportunity of time , which pindarus calleth the mother of worthy exploits , and oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place , a generall ought carefully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion , which is well expressed in this particular service of labienus . for where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep and uneasy banks , and thereby of a hard and difficult passage , he would not shew his resolution untill he had drawn them all over the river : for he was well assured that the roman legions would so charge the enemy upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles , that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river . and therefore to make the victory more absolute and compleat , he suffered them all to come over the water , that all might be endangered in their passage back again . and this is the benefit which opportunity bringeth , which is the rather to be attended with all carefulnesse , forasmuch as non saepe , ac d●u , eadem occasio est , a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity . concerning the last circumstance , of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to time and place , which is necessarily required in the duty of a general ; it is referred to this end only , that they may be ranged in such manner , that as one man is assistant to another in their severall files and ranks , so one troup may be in subsidiis , assistant to another , to the end that no part may stand naked , or fall in the singlenesse of its own strength , but that one may second another from the first to the last . c. sempron●us a roman consul having fought unadvisedly , and received an overthrow , julius the tribune of the people caused tempanius a horseman that was present at the battel to be called , and as livie reporteth it , coram eis , sexte tempani , inquit , arbitreris ne c. sempronium consulem , aut in tempore pugnam intisse , aut firmasse subsidiis aciem ? he said thus before them , sextus tempanius , do you believe that c. sempronius the consul chose a good time to fight , or that he took order for assistant supplies to his army ? for livie saith , he fought incaute inconsulteque , non subsidiis firmata acie , non equite apte locato , heedlesly and without good advice , neither strengthening his army with supplies , nor well placing his cavalry . and of these three circumstances consisteth the duty and office of a generall , touching the direction of a battel ; wherein whosoever faileth , doth hazzard the prerogative of his command over that army whic he leadeth , according to that of caesar in the first of his commentaries , se scire , quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit , aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse , aut aliquo facinore comperto , avaritiae esse convictum , that he knew well , whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their commander , it was either because upon some ill successe they saw he was unfortunate , or that by the discovery of some notorious matter they found him convict of avarice . which caesar himself needed not to fear , if we may believe plutarch , who writeth that he was indowed by nature with an excellent promptitude and aptnesse to take opportunity in any businesse . the second observation . i may not omit to insist a little upon this noise or shout which the souldiers took up in the instant of the charge , and is related in this place as a materiall point in their carriage at this service . a matter ancient and usuall in the roman armies , as well in the time of their first kings , as their first consuls . fusi primo impetu & clamore hostes , the enemies were overthrown at the first onset and shout , saith livie concerning romulus . and not long after , consul nec promovit aciem , nec clamorem reddi passus , the consul neither marched his army forward , nor suffered them at all to shout . caesar in the censure which he g●ve concerning pompey his direction for the battel at pharsalia , doth expresse a double use of this clamour or shouting : first the terrour of the enemy , and secondly the encouragement or assurance of themselves : est quaedam animi incitatio ( saith he ) atque alacritas naturaliter innata omnibus , quae stud●o pugnae incenditur ; hanc non reprimere sed augere impera●ores debent : neque 〈◊〉 ant qu tus institutum est ut signa und que concinerent , clamorem universi tollerent , quibus rebus & hostes terreri & suos incitari existimaverunt . there is a certain raising and chearfulnesse of the mind imbred naturally in all , which is stirred up by an eagernesse to fight : this a generall should not crush but cherish . so that it was not without cause that in old times they had a custome that the whole army should make a noise and raise a generall shout , whereby they supposed as the enemies were affrighted , so their own men were incouraged . two contrary effects proceeding from a cause , which to common sense carrieth no shew of any such efficacy : vox & praeterea nihil , a bare voice and nothing more ; as one said of the nightingale in another sense . but such as do seriously look into the reasons thereof , shall find the saying true which is ascribed to the elder and wiser cato , verba plus quam gladium , & voces quam manum hostes territare , & in fugam vertere ; words will do more then swords , and voices sooner then hands may affright the enemy and put him to flight . the ear , as i have already noted , will sooner betray the soul to the distresse of fear , then any other of the five senses . which josephus well understood , although peradventure he applyed not so fit a remedy , when he commanded his men to stop their ears at the acclamations of the roman legions , lest they might be daunted and amazed thereat . the reason may be , for that our discourse ( diligently attending upon a matter of that consequence which calleth the lives of both parties in question , and valuing every circumstance at the utmost ) doth alwayes presuppose a cause answerable to such an effect of joy and assurance . for these shouts and acclamations are properly the consequents of joy , and are so availeable that they deceive both parties : for such as take up the shout by way of anticipation , do seem to conclude of that which is yet in question ; and the enemy thereupon apprehendeth danger when there is none at all , whereby it happeneth , hostes terreri , & suos incitari , that the enemies are affrighted , and our own men encouraged , as caesar noteth . besides these examples i might alledge the authority of holy writ , but that it might seem both unsavoury and unseasonable to make a commixture of such diversities . i will therefore content my self with a practice of our time at the battel of newport , where after divers retreats and pursuits , either side chasing the other as it were by turn and mutuall appointment , and as it often falleth out in such confrontments ; at last commandement was given to the english to make head again , and after some pause to charge the enemy with a shout : which being accordingly performed , a man might have seen the enemy startle before they came to the stroak ; and being charged home , were so routed , that they made not head again that day . for the prevention of such a disadvantage , there can be no better president then that which plutarch noteth , touching the battel between the romans and the ambrons , a part of that deluge of people which came down into italy with the cimbri and teutones ; for these ambrons coming out to give battel , to the end they might strike fear into the romans , made an often repetition of their own name with a lowd sounding voice , ambrons , ambrons , ambrons . the italians on the other side that first came down to fight were the ligurians , inhabiting the coast of genoa , who hearing this noise , and plainly understanding them , made answer with the like cry , sounding out their own name , ligurii , ligurii , ligurii . whereupon the captains of both sides made their souldiers cry out altogether , contending for envy one against another who should cry it loudest : and so both sides were encouraged , and neither of them disadvantaged , clamore utrinque sublato , whilst both sides continued the cry . the third observation . this labienus was a great souldier , and well acquainted with caesars manner in leading an army , and made many good fights while he continued under his command : but after he betook himself to pompeys part , and joyned with a faction against his first master , he never atchieved any thing but losse and dishonour . — dux fortis in armis caesareis labienus erat , nunc transfuga vilis . once labienus was a captain stout on caesars side , now a base turn-about . and upon that occasion he is often mentioned as a memoriall of his disloyalty , to prove that good successe in matter of war doth follow the generall rather then any inferiour captain . for it is observed of divers , whose fortune hath been great under the conduction of some commanders , and as unlucky under other leaders : like plants or trees that thrive well in some grounds , and bear store of fruit , but being transplanted do either dye or become barren . and doubtlesse there may be observed the like sympathy or contrariety in the particular courses of mans life , wherein they are carried upon the stream of their fortunes , according to the course of their first imbarking . and therefore such as happen in a way that leadeth to successfull ends , shall much wrong themselves either to turn back again , or to seek by-paths , whose ends are both unknown and uncertain : and herein the french saying may serve to some purpose , si vous estes bien , tenez vous la , if you find your self well , hold your self there . chap. vi. caesar carrieth his army over the rhene into germany . caesar being come from the menapii to the treviri , did resolve to passe the rhene for two causes : the one was , for that the germans had sent succours and supplies to the treviri ; the other that ambiorix might have no reception or entertainment among them . upon this resolution , a little above that place where he carried his army over before , he commanded a bridge to be made after the known and appointed fashion , which by the great industry of the souldiers was ended in a few dayes : and leaving a sufficient strength at the bridge , least any sudden motion should rise amongst the treviri , he carried over the rest of his forces both horse and foot . the ubii which before time had given hostages and were taken into obedien●● , sent ambassadours unto him to clear themselves from imputation of disloyalty , and that the treviri had received no supplies from their state : they pray and desire him to spare them , least the generall distast of the germans should cause him to punish the innocent for the guilty : and if he would ask more hostages , they would willingly give them . caesar upon examination of the matter , found that the supplies were sent by the suevi : and thereupon he accepted the satisfaction of the ubii , and inquired the way and the passages to the suevi . some few dayes after he understood by the ubii , that the suevi had brought all their forces to one place , and had commanded such nations as were under their dominion , that they should send them forces of horse and foot . upon this intelligence he made provision of corn , & chose a sit place to encamp in . he commanded the ubii to take their cattel , and all their other goods from abroad out of the fields into their towns , hoping that the barbarous and unskilfull men might through want of victuall be drawn to fight upon hard conditions . he gave order also that they should every day send out discoverers to the suevi to understand what they did . the ubii did as they were commanded , and after a few dayes brought word that all the suevi , having received certain news of the approach of the roman army , had retired themselves and all their forces to their utmost confines , where there was a wood of an infinite greatnesse called bacenis , which served as a native wall or defence to keep the chirusci from the incursions of the suevi , and the suevi from the injury and spoil of the chirusci . that at the entrance of this wood the suevi did expect the coming of the romans . observations . i will hold my former purpose , not to deliver any thing concerning bridges , whereof there are so many treatises already extant : neither will i go about to describe the substantiall building or ingenious workmanship of this bridge here mentioned , which might well beseem caesar and his army : for as he only could , or at the least did put in practice the making thereof , so will i leave the description to himself , as best suting with his eloquence . but forasmuch as brancatio an italian writer taketh occasion from hence to run into ignorance and errour , give me leave to set a mark upon this place , lest others not knowing the ancient course , should run their bark upon the same shallowes . amongst other advertisements ( being but fourteen in all ) which he hath given upon caesars commentaries , he noteth and commendeth the use of bridges made of boats , which are commonly carried in an army-royall to that purpose , before this or any other invention of former times , specially in regard of the easinesse and expedition which may be used both in making such a bridge , and taking it up again : for the boats being prepared ready , as usually they are in camp-royals , such a bridge may be made in a day , which caesar could not do in ten , but with great wonderment and admiration . and therein i hold well with brancatio , that for the speedy transportation of an army over a river , there is no readier means then a bridge of boats , presupposing the boats to be first in a readinesse . but that which he concludeth is , that mens wits in these times are much sharper and readier then those of former ages , forasmuch as they have found out an easy and expedite course , which fomer times could never reach unto . wherein i will not go about to derogate any thing from the condition of the time in which we live and breath , but do desire to find them better accomplished then any other foregoing ages ; howsoever i may suspect a greater weaknesse of wit in these dayes , wherein the temperature of the body is worse conditioned then it was in the time of our forefathers , as may appear by many arguments , & serveth not so fitly to the working powers of the mind , as it did before this multiplicity of mixture , when the state of mens bodies were compounded of those perfect elements which were in our first parents . but for this reason which brancatio alledgeth , the reader may be pleased to understand , that the use of boat-bridges was both known and in practice , as well before the roman empire , as in the time of their government . herodotus relating the passage of xerxes army into greece , describeth this bridge of boates , ( which brancatio would attribute to the invention of our times ) in the self same manner , or rather more artificially then hath been accustomed in these later ages : for finding that no timber-work would serve the turn to make a sufficient bridge over the streights of hellespont , being seven furlongs in breadth , he caused biremes and triremes to be placed in equall distance one from another , and fastened with anchours before and behind , and to be joyned together with planks and boords , and then covered with sand and gravell , raising a hedge or blind on each side thereof , to the end the horse and cattel might not be afraid at the working of the billow , and so made a bridge for the passage of his army . and in the time of the roman empire , tacitus describeth the like bridge to be made over the river po by valens and cecina , with as great skill as can be shewed at these times : for , saith he , they placed boats a crosse the river , in equall distance one from another , and joyned them together with strong planks , and fastened them with anchours ; but in such sort , as anchorarum funes non extenti fluitabant , ut augescente flumine inoffensus or do navium attolieretur , the cables of the anchours floated loose , not being extended to their length , that upon the increase of the river the ships might be lifted up without any prejudice to them . whereby it appeareth how much brancatio was deceived in ascribing that to these later times , which was the invention of former ages ; and may serve as a caveat to our out-languist humorists , that can endure no reading but that which soundeth with a strange idiome , not to trust too much upon their authours , lest whilst they sti●le their memory with strange words , in the mean time they starve their understanding . chap. vii . the factions in gallia in caesar's time . but here it shall not be amisse to deliver somewhat touching the manner and fashion of life , both of the galles and of the germans , and wherein those two nations do differ . in gallia not onely in every city , village , and precinct , but almost in every particular house there are parties and factions , the heads whereof are such as they think to be of greatest authority , according to whose opinion and command the main course of their actions is directed . and this seemeth a custome instituted of old time , to the end that none of the common people , how mean soever , might at any time want means to make their party good against a greater man : for if they should suffer their parties and followers to be either oppressed or circumvented , they should never bear any rule or authority amongst them . and this is the course throughout all gallia , for all their states are divided into two factions . when caesar came into gallia , the hedui were chief ring-leaders of the one party , and the sequani of the other . these finding themselves to be the worker side , ( forasmuch as the principality and chiefest power was anciently s●ated in the hedui , having many and great adherents and clients ) drew the germans and ariovistus by many great promises on their party : and after many great victories all the nobility of the hedui being slain , they went so far beyond them in power and authority , that they drew the greatest part of clients from the hedui to themselves , and took the children of their princes for pledges , and caused them to take a publick oath not to undertake any thing against the sequani ; besides a great part of their countrey which they took from them by force : and so they obtained the principality of gallia . and thereupon divitiacus went unto rome to seek aid of the senate , but returned without effecting any thing . caesars coming into gallia brought an alteration of these things , for the pledges were restored back again to the hedui , and their old followers and clients did likewise return to their protection : besides other new followers which by caesars means did cleave unto them : for they saw that those which entred into friendship with them , were in a better condition , and more fairly dealt with . whereby their nobleness and dignity was so amplified and enlarged , that the sequani lost their authority , whom the men of rhemes succeeded . and forasmuch as the world took notice that they were no less favoured of caesar then the hedui , such as by reason of former enmities could not endure to joyn with the hedui , put themselves into the clientele of the men of rhemes , and found respective protection from that state ; which caused a new and sodain raised authority of the men of rhemes . so that at that time the hedui went far beyond all the other states of gallia in power and authority , and next unto them were the men of rhemes . observations . factions are generally the rent of a state , and a disjoynting of those parts which common unity hath knit together for the preservation of good government . but the galles maintained sides and parties throughout the whole body of their continent , and found it necessary for the upholding of their policy at home ; and as it fell out in the course of these wars , rather a help then otherwise in their generall defence against a forraign enemy . the reason of the former benefit was grounded upon two causes , as caesar noteth : the one proceeding from the oppression used by the rich and mighty men towards the poorer and meaner people ; and the other from the impatiency of those of inferior condition , refusing to acknowledge any authority or preeminency at all , rather then to endure the wrongs and contumelies of the mighty . and therefore to prevent the licentious might of the great ones , and to give countenance and respect to the lower sort , these factions and sides were devised : wherein the foot had alwayes a head sensible of the wrongs which were done unto it . things of greater condition are alwayes injurious to lesser natures , and cannot endure any competency ; not so much as in comparison , or by way of relation . in things without life , the prerogative of the mountains doth swallow up the lesser rising of the downs , and the swelling of the downs , the unevenness of the mole-hils : the stars are dimmed at the rising of the moon , and the moon loseth both her light and her beauty in the presence of the sunne . so amongst bruit beasts and fishes , the greater do alwayes devour the less , and take them as their due by the appointment of nature : and men more injurious in this point , then either mountains or brute beasts , inasmuch as they do alwayes overvalue themselves beyond their own greatness , have in all ages verified the old proverb , homo homini lupus , one man 's a wolf to another . and on the other side , as nature maketh nothing in vain , but hath given a being to the least of her creatures : so do they endeavour not to be annulled , but to keep themselves in being and continuance . habet & musca splenem , the very fly hath her spleen , saith the poet : and the pismires and bees have their common-weales , though not equall to a monarch . and therefore that the mighty and great men of gallia might not devour the lowest of the people , but that every man might stand in his own condition , and by the help of a rowland live by an oliver ; and again , that the poorer sort might give as a tribute for their protection , that respect and obedience to their superiors , as belongeth to such high callings , these factions and bandies were ordained : whereby the nobles were restrained from oppressing the poor , and the poor compelled to obey the nobility , which is the best end that may be made of any faction . concerning the advantage which the galles received by these factions against forraign enemies , it was rather in regard of the multiplicitie of states and common-weals which were in the continent of gallia , then otherwise : for it manifestly appeareth , that their factions and contentions for soveraign authority , caused one party to bring in ariovistus and the germans ; and the other party the romans , to make good their bandy . but forasmuch as gallia had many divisions , and contained many severall states , relying chiefly upon their own strength , and esteeming the subversion of their neighbour city , as a calamity befalling their neighbour , from which the rest stood as yet free , it was not so easily conquered as if it had been all but one kingdom . the battell which caesar had with the nervij , which was fought so hard , that of threescore thousand men there were left but five hundred , nor of six hundred senators above three ; nor again , the selling of three and fifty thousand galles for bond-slaves at one time , did not so much advantage the conquest of gallia , as the battell of edward the third , or that of henry the fifth , our two english caesars : in the former whereof were slain at cressie thirty thousand of the french , and in the latter at agincourt but ten thousand . the reason was , for that the former losses , though far greater , concerned but particular states : whereas these latter overthrowes extended to the members and branches of the whole kingdome . chap. viii . two sorts of men in gallia , druides and equites . throughout all gallia there are but two sorts of men that are of any reckoning or account : for the common people are in the nature of servants , and of no worth of themselves , nor admitted to any parliament ; but being kept under either by debts , or by great tributes , or by the oppression of the mighty , do put themselves in the service of the nobility , and are subject to the authority which the master hath over his bond-slave . of these two sorts , the one are druides and the other equites or gentlemen . the druides , which are alwayes present at their holy duties , do give order for their publick and private sacrifices , and expound their religion . to the druides great numbers of the youth do resort for learnings sa●e , and have them in great honour and reputation ; for they do determine almost of all controversies both publick and private : for if any offence be committed , as murther or man-slaughter , or any controversie arise touching their lands or inheritance , they sentence it ; rewarding the vertuous , and punishing the wicked . if any private man or state do not obey their decree , they interd●d him from holy duty , which is the greatest punishment that is amongst them . such as are thus interdicted , are reputed in the number of impious and wicked men , every man leaves their company , and doth avoid to meet them , or speak with them , lest they should receive any hurt by their contagion : neither have they law or justice when they require it , nor any respect or honour that doth belong unto them . over all the druides there is one primat , that hath authority of the rest . at his decease if any one do excell the rest in dignity , he succeedeth : if many equals are found , they go to election , and sometimes they contend about the primacy with force and arms . they meet at a certain time of the year in the confines of the carnutes , which is the middle part of all gallia , and there they sit in a sacred place : thither they resort from all parts that have controversies , and do obey their orders and judgements . the art and learning of the druides was first found out in britany , and from thence is thought to be brought into gallia : and at this time such as will attain to the perfect knowledge of that discipline , do for the most part travell thither to learn it . the druides are exempt from warfare and payments , and have an immunitie from all other duties : whereby it falleth out that many do be take themselves to that profession of their own free will , and divers others are sent to that school by their parents and friends . they are said to learn many verses , and that some do study therein twenty years . neither is it lawfull for them to commit any thing to writing , beside that in other publick and private businesses they onely use the greek tongue : and that as i take it for two causes ; first , for that their learning may not become common and vulgar ; secondly , that scholars might not trust so much to their writings as to their memory , as it happeneth for the most part , that men rely upon the trust of books and papers , and in the mean time omit the benefit of good remembrance . they endeavour chiefly to teach men that their souls do not die , but that they do remove out of one body into another after death ; and this they think to be very important to stir men up to vertue neglecting the fear of death . they dispute further , and give many traditions to the youth touching the stars and their motion , the magnitude of the earth and the world , the nature of things , and the might and power of the gods. observations . the quality and condition of the druides is in this place very particularly described by caesar , and may be reduced to these heads . first , their office , extending both to things divine and things temporall , whereby they executed the place both of priests and of judges . and for that purpose there was one known place appointed where they sate in judgement : and as i understand it , there was but one terme in the year , which both began and ended their suits in law . the second thing is their authority , having power to reward vertue and to punish vice . thirdly , their priviledges and immunities , being free from contribution , from warfare , and all other burthens of the state. fourthly , their doctrine and learning , which was partly theologicall , concerning the might and power of the gods , the immortality of the soul ; and partly philosophicall , touching the stars and their motion , the earth and the magnitude thereof . and lastly , their manner of learning , which was altogether pythagoricall , refusing the help of letters and books , and committing their doctrine to the tradition of their elders . but that which is specially to be observed , is , that this learning was not onely found out here in brittanie , but such as would perfectly attain to the knowledge thereof , came into england to study the same , contrary to the experience which heretofore hath been observed of the northern and southern parts of the world : for as the south giveth a temper to the body fit for the science and contemplation of arts , whereby the mind being enlarged and purified in her faculties , doth dive into the secret depth of all learning , and censure the hidden mysteries thereof ; so the northern climats do bind in the powers of the soul , and restrain all her vertues to the use of the body , whereby they are said to have animam in digitis , their soul in their fingers , not affording her that delight and contentment which is usually received by speculation . and thence it happeneth that all speculative arts and sciences , and what else soever concerneth the inward contemplation of the mind , was found out and perfected by such as border upon the south , and from them it was brought by litle and litle into the northern regions : and such as would be masters in the arts they professed , went alwayes southward for the attaining thereof . but here the south was beholding to the north , as well for their principles of divinity , as for their philosophie and morall learning , being as pure , as that which any heathen people ever drank of . which proveth an ancient singularity in the inhabitants of this iland , touching the studie of arts and matter of learning , and may with like evidence be proved from age to age even to this time . in witness whereof i appeal to the two universities of this land , as a demonstration of the love which our nation hath ever born to learning , being two such magazins of arts and sciences , so beautified with curious buildings , and supplied with indowments for the liberall maintenance of the muses , inriched with libraries of learned works , adorned with pleasant places for the refreshing of wearied spirits , gardens , groves , walks , rivers , and arborets , as the like such athens are not to be found in any part of the world . chap. ix . the second sort of men in gallia , called the equites in caesar's time . the other sort of people are equites or gentlemen . these when there is occasion , or when any war happeneth ( as before caesar his coming was usuall every year , that either they did offer injuries , or resist injuries , ) are alwaies parties therein : and as every man excelleth other in birth or wealth , so is he attended with clients and followers ▪ and this they take to be the onely note of nobilitie and greatness . the whole nation of the galles are much addicted to religions ; and for that cause , such as are either grievously diseased , or conversant continually in the dangers of warre do either sacrifice men for an oblation , or vow the oblation of themselves , using in such sacrifices the ministery of the druides , forasmuch as they are perswaded that the immortall deity cannot be pleased , but by g●ving the life of one man for the life of another : and to that purpose they have publick sacrifices appointed . others have images of a monstrous magnitude , whose limbs and parts being made of osiers , are filled with living men , and being set one fire , the men are burned to death . the execution of such as are taken in theft or robbery , or any other crime , they think to be best pleasing to the gods ; but wanting such , they spare not the innocent . they worship chiefly the god mercurie , and have many of his images amongst them ; him they adore as the inventor of all arts , the conductor and guide in all voyages and journeys , and they think him to have great power in all merchandize and gain of moneys . next unto him they prefer apollo , mars , jove and minerva , and of these they carrie the same opinion as other nations do : apollo to be powerfull in healing diseases , minerva in finding out artificiall works , jove ruling the celestiall empire , and mars for warre . when they are to encounter with an enemy , they vow all the spoil unto him ; and such beasts as are taken they sacrifice , other things they lay up in some one place : and many such heaps of things so taken are to be seen in the holy places of diverse of their cities . neither doth it often happen , that any man neglecting his religion in that point , dare either keep back any thing so taken , or take away ought laid up in their repositories ; for they incur a heavie punishment and torture for that offence . the galles do all boast themselves in the stock from whence they are descended , understanding by the druides , that they come of the god dis. and therefore they end the space of all their times by the number of nights rather then by the number of dayes , observing the dayes of their nativity , the beginings of their moneths and their years , in such sort as the day doth alwayes follow the night . and herein they differ from other nations , that they suffer not their children to come openly unto them , but when they are grown fit for war : thinking it shamefull and dishonest , that a son in his childhood should in publike places stand in the sight of his father . to the portions which they have with their wives , they add as much more of their own goods ; and the use of this money thus added together , is kept apart , and the longer liver hath both the principall and the interest for all the former time . the men have power of life and death , both over their wives and their children . and when a man of great place and parentage shall happen to decease , his kinsfolks assemble themselves together , to enquire of his death : if there be any occasion of suspition , they put his wife to torture after the manner of a servant ; and if it be found , she dies tormented with fire and all other tortures as may be imagined . their funerals ( according to the rest of their life ) are magnificall and sumptuous , burying with the dead corps all that he took delight in while he lived , not sparing living creatures : and not long out of memory , the custome was to bury with the body such clients and servants as were favoured by him in his lifetime . such states as are carefull in the government of their common-weals , do prohibite by a speciall law , that no man shall communicate a rumour or report touching the state to any man saving a magistrate ; forasmuch as it had been often found , that rash and unskilfull men were so terrified with false reports , and moved to such desperate attempts , that they entered into resolutions touching the main points of state. the magistrates do keep secret such things as they think fit , and that which they think expedient they publish : but it is not lawfull to speak of matter of state , but in assemblies of state. the first observation . concerning the beginning of dayes and times , which caesar noteth in this place to be observed by the galles after sun-setting ; ( whereby it happened that in the naturall day of four and twenty houres , the night alwayes preceded the day time , contrary to the use of italy , where the day began at sun-rising , and the night followed the artificiall day as the second part of the day naturall ; ) we are to understand , that as all time , and the distinction of the parts thereof , dependeth upon the two motions of the sunne : the one as it moveth in its own orb from west to east , begetting the revolution of years , and the seasons of sommer and winter , the spring and the autumne , with the measure of moneths as it passeth through the signes of the zodiack ; and the other , as it is carried from east to west by the first moving sphear , making the distinction of nights and dayes , houres and minutes : so the beginnings of these times and seasons are diversly taken amongst diverse people and nations of the earth . the iewes had the same computation touching the beginning of the day as the galles had , but upon other grounds and reasons then could be alledged for this custome in gallia : for they began their day in the evening at sunne-setting , as appeareth by many places of the scripture : and moses in the repetition of the first seven dayes work , upon the accomplishment of a day , saith , the evening and the morning were one day , giving the evening precedency before the morning , as though the day had begun in the evening . the bohemians in like manner do observe the beginning of their day in the evening , and do herein follow the use of the iews . other nations do begin at sun-rising , and take the computation of their day naturall from the first appearing of the sun in the east . the greeks begin and end their day at midnight , observing the certainty of that time , and the correspondence between the equall and planetary houres in the meridian circle : whereas otherwise by reason of the inequality of the dayes and the nights , out of a right sphare there is alwayes some difference between the said houres . and this use also is observed by us in england . this god dis , whom he nameth for the father of that nation , is the same whom the heathen called pluto , the god of hell and darkness ; and for that cause they put darkness before light , touching the beginning of their naturall day . but forasmuch as this circumstance giveth occasion to speak of dayes and times , give me leave to insert the reformation of the year , which caesar so happily established , that succeeding times have had no cause to alter the same . and although it neither concerneth the art of war , nor happened within the compass of these seven sommers : yet forasmuch as it was done by caesar , and deserveth as often memory as any other of his noble acts , it shall not seem impertinent to the reader to take thus much by the way concerning that matter . there is no nation of any civill government , but observeth a course or revolution differenced with times and seasons , in such manner as may be answerable to the motion of the sun , in the circuit which it maketh through the signes and degrees of the zodiack . but forasmuch as the government of a civill year doth not well admit any other composition of parts , to make it absolute and complete , then by naturall dayes ; and on the other side , the sun requireth odde houres and minutes to finish his race , and return again to the goal from whence it came ; there hath alwayes been found a difference between the civill and the solar year . before caesars time , the romans using the ancient computation of the year , had not onely such uncertainty and alteration in moneths and times , that the sacrifices and yearly feasts came by litle and litle to seasons contrary for the purpose they were ordained : but also in the revolution of the sun or solar year , no other nation agreed with them in account ; and of the romans themselves , onely the priests understood it : and therefore when they pleased ( no man being able to controll them ) they would upon the sodain thrust in a moneth above the ordinary number , which as plutarch noteth , was in old time called mercedonius , or mensis intercalaris . to remedy this inconvenience , caesar calling together the best and most expert astronomers of that time , made a kalender more exactly calculated then any other that was before : and yet such a one as by long continuance of time hath bred a difference , for the matter standeth thus . it is found by certain observation of mathematicians of all ages , that the sun being carried from the west to the east by the motion of his own sphear , finisheth his yearly course in the space of . dayes , five houres , nine and fourty minutes , and some odd seconds : whereupon it was then concluded that their civill year must necessarily contain three hundred threescore and five dayes , which maketh two and fifty weeks and one day . and forasmuch as those five odd hours , nine and fourty minutes , and some seconds , did in four years space amount unto a naturall day , ( wanting two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds , which was thought nothing in comparison ) they devised every fourth year to add a day more then ordinary , to answer that time which is usually added to february : whereby it happeneth that in every fourth year february hath nine and twenty dayes . and so they made an order to reform their year without any sensible errour for a long time . but since that time , being one thousand six hundred years and more , those two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds , which as i said do want of the naturall day of four and twenty hours which is inserted in every fourth year , have bred a manifest and an apparant errour : for whereas the civil year is by that means made greater then the solar years , the sun ending his task before we can end our times , it happeneth that such feasts as have relation to seasonable times , do as it were foreslow the opportunity , and fall out further in the year , as though they had a motion towards the sommer solstice . and as these go forward , so doth the equinoctiall return backwards towards the beginning of the moneth . for caesar by the help of the astronomers observed the aequinoctium the five and twentieth of march. ptolemy in his time observed the aequinoctium the two and twentieth of march. and it was observed the one and twentieth of march in the year from the incarnation . what time was holden the first generall councill at nice a city of pontus , in respect whereof the paschall tables and other rules were established for the celebration of easter . but since that time there are passed . years , and the aequinoctium cometh before the one and twentieth of march ten dayes . as this errour is reformed among other nations , and reduced to that state as it was at the nicene councill : so there might many reasons be alledged to prove the reformation convenient of a greater number of dayes then ten . for if the kalender were so ordered , that every moneth might begin when the sun entreth into that sign which is for the moneth , and end when the sun goeth out of that signe , it would avoid much confusion , and be very easy to all sorts of people as have occasion to observe the same : which doubtlesse was the purport of the first institution of moneths ; and was observed ( as it seemeth ) by the old romans , who began the year at the winter solstice , as ovid noteth : bruma novi prima est , veterisque novissima solis : principium capiunt phoebus & annus idem . and therefore they called that moneth ianuary of ianus that had two faces , and saw both the old and the new year . such therefore as would go about to reform the year to this course , must not cut off ten dayes onely , but one and twenty ; and for one year make december to continue but ten dayes , and then ianuary to begin , and so successively to the rest of the moneths . but it may be said , that although we help our selves , and put off the inconvenience which is fallen upon us , yet in tract of time the like error will fall again upon succeeding ages , and put their yearly feasts besides the dayes appointed for them . for remedy whereof it may be answered ; that whereas this error hath happened by adding every fourth year a naturall day , which in true calculation wanted two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds of four and twenty houres , and in very . years hath accrued within one minute to a day more then needed : the onely way is every . years , to omit the addition of that day , and to make that year to contain but . dayes , which by the order of caesars kalender , is a leap year , and hath one day more , which hath brought this error . and so there would not happen the error of a day in the space of . years , if the world should continue so long . but least we should seem more curious in reforming the course of our civill year , then the manners of our civill life , i will proceed to that which followeth . the second observation . the second thing which i observe in their manner of life , is the respect they had to matter of state , and the care which they took that no man should dispute of the common-weal , but in assemblies appointed for the service of the common-weal . whereby they gained two speciall points for the maintenance of good government . the first , that no man might speak of points of state , but the governors of state : for such i understand to be admitted to their councels and parliaments . secondly , that such matters of consequence as touched them so nearly , might not be handled , but in such places and at such times as might best advantage the state. concerning the former we are to note , that government is defined , to be an establishing of order best fitting the maintenance of a people , in a peaceable and happy life . order requireth degrees and distinctions investing severall parts in severall functions and duties : to these duties there belongeth a due observancy , according to the motion and place which every part holdeth in the generall order . of these degrees and distinctions , soveraignty and obedience are two main relatives , the one invested in the prince or magistrate , the other in the people and subject , incommunicable in regard of their terms and subjects , and yet concurring in the main drift of government , intending the benefit of a happy life . and therefore the galles did carefully provide , that no man should exceed the limits of his own rank , but that such as sate at the helm might shape the course : and for the rest whose lot it was to be directed , they would have them take notice of their mandates by obedience , and not by dispute . touching the second point , we are to consider the danger which may happen to a state , by common and ordinary discourse of the principles of that government , or of such circumstances as are incident to the same , ( without respect of time or place , or any other due regard ) which the wisedome of a well-ordered policy doth hold requisite thereunto : for whatsoever is delivered by speech , without such helpfull attendance , is both unseasonable and unprofitable , and the common-weal is alwaies a sufferer when it falleth into such rash considerations ; for our most serious cogitations assisted with the best circumstances , can but speak to purpose . and as the execution falleth short of the purport intended by discourse , so is our speech and discourse lame and wanting to our inward conceit . and therefore as religious actions stand in need of hoc age , so may politick consultations use the help of the same remembrancer . chap. x. the manner and life of the germans . the germans do much differ from the galles in their course of life , for they have neither priests nor sacrifices . they worship no gods but such as are subject to sense , and from whom they dayly receive profits and help , as the sun , the fire , and the moon ; for the rest they have not so much as heard of . their life is onely spent in hunting , or in use and practise of war. they inure themselves to labour and hardness even from their childhood ; and such as continue longest beardless are most commended amongst them : for this some think to be very available to their stature , others to their strength and sinews . they hold it a most dishonest part for one to touch a woman before he be twenty years of age : neither can any such matter be hid or dissembled , forasmuch as they bathe themselves together in rivers , and use skins and other small coverings on the reins of their backs , the rest of their body being all naked . they use no tillage , the greatest part of their food is milk , or cheese , or flesh : neither hath any man any certain quantity of land to his own use ; but their magistrates and princes do every year allot a certain portion of land to kindreds and tribes that inhabite together , as much and in such places as they think fit , and the next year appoint them in a new place . hereof they give many reasons : lest they should be led away by continuall custome from the practise of war to the use of husbandry , or lest they should endeavour to get themselves great possessions , and so the weaker should be thrust out and dispossest of their livings by the mighty , or lest they should build too delicately for the avoiding of cold or heat , or lest they should wax covetous and thirst after money , which is the beginning of all factions and dissensions ; and lastly , that they might keep the commons in good contentment , considering the parity between their revenues and the possessions of the great ones . it is the greatest honour to their states to have their confines lie waste and desolate far and near about them : for that they take to be an argument of valour , when their borderers are driven to forsake their countrey , and dare not abide near them ; and withall they think themselves by that means much safer from any sodain incursion . when a state maketh war , either by way of attempt or defence , they chuse magistrates to command that war , having power of life and death : but in time of peace they have no common magistrate , but the chiefest men in the countrey and the villages , do interpret the law and determine of controversies . theft committed out of the confines of their state is not infamous or dishonest , but commended as an exercise of the youth , and a keeping them from sloth . when any one of their princes and chief men shall in an assembly or councel publish himself for a leader upon some exploit , and desire to know who will follow him upon the same , they that have a good opinion of the man and the matter , and do promise him their help and assistance , are commended by the multitude : the rest that refuse to accompany him , are held in the number of traitors , and never have any credit afterwards . they hold it not lawfull to hurt a stranger that shall come unto them upon any occasion , but do protect him from injuries ; to such every mans house is open , and his table common . the time was when the galles excelled the germans in prowess and valour , and made war upon them of their own accord , and by reason of the multitude of their people and want of ground for habitation , they sent many colonies over the rhene into germany . and so those fertile places of germ which are near unto the wood hercynia , ( which eratosthenes and other grecians took notice of by the name of orcinia ) were possessed by the volcae tectosages , who dwelt there at this time , and keep their ancient opinion of justice and warl●ke praise . now the germans still continue in the same poverty , want , and patience , as in former time ; do use the same diet and apparell for their bodies : but the neighbourhood and knowledge of other nations hath made the galles live in a more plentifull manner , who by litle and litle have been weakned and overthrown in divers battels , so that now they stand not in comparison with the germans . the breadth of the wood hercynia is nine dayes journey over , for they have no other differences of space but by means of days iourneys . it beginneth at the confines of the helvetii , nemetes , and rauraci , and runs along the river danubius to the territories of the daci ; thence it declineth to the left side from the said river , and by reason of the large extension thereof , it bordereth the confines of many other countries . neither is there any german that can say , that either he durst adventure , or did go to , or had heard of the beginning of the same , although he had travelled therein threescore dayes journey . in this wood are many sorts of wild beasts , which are not to be seen in any other place : amongst the rest , the most unusuall and remarkable are , an oxe like unto a hart , that in the middest of his forehead between his ears carieth a horn longer and straighter then usuall , divided at the end into many large branches , the female is in all respects like unto the male , and beareth a horn of the same magnitude and fashion . there is likewise another sort of beasts called alces , not unlike unto a goat , but somewhat bigger , and without horns : their legs are without joynts , that when they take their rest they neither sit nor lie upon the ground , and if they chance to fall they cannot rise again . when they take their rest in the night , they lean against trees . the hunters having found out their footsteps and their haunt , do either undermine the roots of such trees , or so cut them asunder that a small matter will overthrow them ; so that when they come according unto their use to rest themselves against those trees , they overthrow them with their weight , and fall withall themselves , and so are taken . the . kind of beasts are those which are called uri , somewhat lesser then an elephant , and in colour , kind and shape , not unlike unto a bull. they are both strong and swift , and spare neither man nor beast that cometh in their sight : these they catch with greater labour and diligence in pits and ditches , and so kill them . the youth do inure and exercise themselves in this kind of hunting , and such as kill many of these beasts , and shew most horns , are highly commended : but to make them tame , or any their litle ones , was never yet seen . the largeness of their horns , as also the fashion and kind thereof , doth much differ from the horns of the oxen , and are much sought after for cups to be used in their greatest banquets , being first bound about the brim and trimmed with silver . observations . caesar in this chapter describeth the course of life which the germans in his time held throughout the whole policy of their government , the scope whereof was to make them warlike : to which he saith , that in times past the galles were as valiant and as warlike people as the germans ; but the neighbourhood and knowledge of other nations had taught them a more plentifull manner of life , which by litle and litle had weakned their strength , and made them far inferiour to the germans . which bringeth to our consideration that which is often attributed to a civill life , that such as taste of the sweetness of ease , and are qualified with the complements of civilitie , have alwayes an indisposition to warlike practices . the reason is grounded upon use and custome : for discontinuance doth alwayes cause a strangenesse and alienation , benumming the aptest parts with unready and painfull gestures ; and is so powerfull , that it doth not only steal away naturall affection , and make parents forget to love their children ; but like a tyrant it is able to force us to those things which naturally we are unfit for , as though the decrees of nature were subject to the controllment of custome . much more then , the things got by use and practice , are as easily forgot by discontinuance , as they were obtained by studious exercise . on the other side , there is nothing so horrible or dreadfull , but use maketh easy . the first time the fox saw the lion , he swooned for fear , the next time he trembled , but the third time he was so far from fear , that he was ready to put a trick of craft upon him : whereby it appeareth , that the germans had no further interest in deeds of arms above the galles , then what the use of war had gained them : for as usage continueth the property of a tenure , so non-usage implieth a forfeiture . cato was wont to say , that the romans would loose their empire , when they suffered the greek tongue to be taught amongst them : for by that means they would easily be drawn from the study and practice of war , to the bewitching delight of speculative thoughts . and marcellus was blamed for being the first that corrupted rome with the delicate and curious works of greece : for before that he brought from the sacking of syracusa the well-wrought tables of pictures and imagery , rome never knew any such delicacy , but stood full fraught with armour and weapons of barbarous people , of the bloudy spoyls and monuments of victories and triumphs ; which were rather fearfull shews to inure their eyes to the horrour of war , then pleasant sights to allure their minds to affections of peace . whereby it appeareth , that such as suffer themselves to be guided by the easy rain of civile government , or take a disposition to that course of life , can hardly endure the yoke of war , or undergo the tediousnesse of martiall labours . chap. xi . basilius his surprise upon ambiorix . caesar finding by the discoverers which the ubii sent out , that the suevi had all betaken themselves to the woods , and doubting want of corn , forasmuch as the germans of all other nations do least care for tillage ; he determined to go no further . but that his return might not altogether free the barbarous people from fear , but hinder the helps and succours which they were wont to send into gallia , having brought back his army , he cut off so much of the furthest part of the bridge next unto the ubii , as came in measure to two hundred foot and in the end of that which remained he built a tower of four stories , making other works for the strengthening of that place , wherein he left a garrison of twelve cohorts under the command of young c. volcatius tullus : he himself as corn waxed ripe , went forward to the war of ambiorix by the way of the wood of arduenna , which is the greatest in all gallia , and extendeth it self from the banks of rhene and the confines of the treviri , to the seat of the nervii , carrying a breadth of five hundred miles . he sent l. minutius basilius before with all the horse , to see if he could effect any thing either by prevention and speedy arrivall , or by opportunity , commanding him not to suffer any fires to be made in his camp , least his coming might be discovered , promising to follow him at his heels . basilius followeth his directions , and coming upon them contrary to their expectation , took many of the enemy abroad in the fields , and by their cond●●●●ion made towards ambiorix , where he remained in a place with a few horsemen . as fortune is very powerfull in all things , so she challengeth a speciall interest in matter of war : for as it happened by great luck , that he should light upon him unawares and unprovided , and that his coming should sooner be seen then heard of ; so was it great hap , that all the arms which he had about him should be surprised , his horses and his chariots taken , and that he himself should escape death . but this happened by reason of the wood that was about his house , according to the manner of the galles , who for avoiding of heat , do commonly build near unto woods and rivers : his followers and friends sustaining a while the charge of the horsemen in a narrow place , while he himself escaped in the mean time on horseback , and in ●lying was protected and sheltered by the woods : whereby fortune seemed very powerfull both in drawing on a danger , and in avoiding it . the first observation . the prerogative which fortune hath alwayes challenged in the accidents of war , and the speciall interest which she hath in that course of life more then in other mens actions , hath made the best shouldiers oftentimes to sing a song of complaint , the burthen whereof yet remaineth , and serveth as a reason of all such misadventures , fortune de laguerre , the fortune of the war ▪ such as have observed the course of things , and have found one and the same man continuing the same means , this day happy , and the next day unfortunate ; and again , two other men , the one advised and respective , and the other violent and rash , and yet both attain the like good fortune by two contrary courses , or otherwise , as oftentimes it falleth out , the more heedless , the more happy ; have been perswaded that all things are so governed by fortune , that the wisdome of man can neither alter nor amend them : and therefore to spend much time or tedious labour , either in carefull circumspection , or heedfull prevention of that which is unchangeable , they hold as vain as the washing of an aethiopian to make him white . of this opinion sylla seemed to be ; professing himself better born to fortune then to the wars , and acknowledging his happiest victories to have proceeded from his most heedless and unadvised resolutions . and the great alexander so carried himself , as though he had been of the same opinion , of whom curtius saith ; quoties illum fortuna à morte revocavit quoties temere in pericula vectum perpetua felicitate protexit ! how many a time did fortune call him back from the brink of death ! how often did she happily defend and save him , when he had by his rashness brought himself into dangers ! and plutarch saith , that he had power of time and place . others are not willing to ascribe so much to fortune , as to make themselves the tennis-ball to her racket : and yet they are content to allow her half of every thing they go about , reserving the other moitie to their own directions . and so like partners in an adventure , they labour to improve their share for their best advantage . some other there are that will allow fortune no part at all in their actions , but do confront her with a goddess of greater power , and make industry the means to annul her deitie . of this opinion was timotheus the athenian , who having atchieved many notable victories , would not allow of the conceipt of the painter , that had made a table wherein fortune was taking in those cities , ( which he had won ) with a net whilst he himself slept : but protested against her in that behalf , and would not give her any part in that businesse . and thus the heathen world varied as much in their opinions touching fortune , as fortune her self did in her events to themward : which were so divers and changeable , as were able to ensnare the deepest wits , and confound the wisedome of the greatest judgements : whereby the word fortune usurped a deity , and got an opinion of extraordinary power in the regiment of humane actions . but our christian times have a readier lesson , wherein is taught a soveraign providence , guiding and directing the thoughts of mens hearts , with the faculties and powers of the soul , together with their externall actions , to such ends as shall seem best to that omnipotent wisedome , to whom all our abilities serve as instruments and means to effect his purposes , notwithstanding our particular intendments , or what the heart of man may otherwise determine . and therefore such as will make their wayes prosperous unto themselves , and receive that contentment which their hope expecteth , or their labours would deserve , must use those helps which the rules of christianity do teach in that behalf , and may better be learned from a divine , then from him that writeth treatises of war. the second observation . quintus curtius speaking of alexander , saith , nullam virtutem regis istius magis quam celeritatem laudaverim , i can commend no vertue in this king before his speed & celerity : whereof this might be a ground , that he followed darius with such speed after the second battell he gave him , that in eleven dayes he marched with his army six hundred miles , which was a chase well fitting alexander the great , and might rest unexampled : notwithstanding suetonius giveth this generall report of caesar , that in matter military , aut aequavit praestantissimorum gloriam , aut excessit , he either equalled or exceeded the glory of the best : and for this particular he saith , quod persaepe nuntius de se praevenit , that he was very often the messenger of his own success . and to speak truly , he seemeth to challenge to himself expedition and speed as his peculiar commendation , grounding himself upon the danger which lingering and foreslowing of time doth usually bring to well advised resolutions : according to that of lucan the poet , — nocuit semper differre paratis . delay did alwayes hurt those that were ready . for by this speedy execution of well-digested directions , he gained two main advantages . first , the prevention of such helps and means as the enemy would otherwise have had , to make the war dangerous and the event doubtfull . and secondly , the confusion and fear , which doth consequently follow such main disappointments , being the most dangerous accidents that can happen to any party , and the chiefest points to be endeavoured to be cast upon an enemy by him that would make an easie conquest . for proof whereof , amongst many other examples , i will onely alledge his expedition to rome , when he first came against pompey , according to plutarchs relation . in the mean time ( saith he ) news came to rome , that caesar had won ariminum , a great city in italy , and that he came directly to rome with a great power , which was not true : for he came but with . horse and . foot , and would not tarry for the rest of his armie , being on the other side of the alpes in gallia , but made hast rather to surprize his enemies upon the sudden , being afraid and in garboile , not looking for him so soon , then to give them time to be provided , and so to fight with them in the best of their strength , which fell out accordingly . for this sudden and unexpected approach of his , put all italy and rome it self into such a tumult and confusion , that no man knew what way to take for his safetie : for such as were out of rome came flying thither from all parts , and those on the other side that were in rome , went out as fast , and forsook the citie . and the amazement was such , that pompey and the senate fled into greece , whereby it happened that caesar in threescore dayes , was lord of all italy without any bloudshed . besides this manner of prevention by sudden surprize , we may see the like expedition in the very carriage and form of his wars . for if the enemy had taken the field , he laboured by all means to bring him to sight ; or otherwise if he refused to take the field , he then endeavoured with the like speed to besiege him or block him up in some hold , to the end he might bring the matter to a speedy upshot , as he did with vercingetorix at alesia . but that which is most memorable touching this point , at the first taking in of spain in the garboil of the civile wars , he defeated two armies , overthrew two generals , and took in two provinces in the space of fourty dayes . neither did he make use of expedition only in his carriage of a war , but also in the action and execution of battel : for he never forsook an enemy overthrown and discomfited , untill he had taken their camp , and defeated them of their chiefest helps , which pompey felt to his utter overthrow ; for the same day he routed him at pharsalia , he took his camp , and inclosed a hill with a ditch and a rampler , where . romans were fled for their safety , and brought them to yield themselves unto him : and so making use ( as he saith ) of the benefit of fortune , and the terrour and amazement of the enemy , he performed three notable services in one day . and this he used with such dexterity and depth of wisdome , that commonly the first victory ended the war : as by this at pharsalia he made himself commander of the east , and by that at ●apso he made himself lord of africk , and by the battel at monda he got all spain . to conclude this point , i may not forget the like speed and expedition in his works . in fifteen dayes he cast a ditch and a rampier of fifteen foot in height , between the lake at geneva and s. claudes hill , containing nineteen miles . he made his bridge over the rhene in ten dayes . at the siege of marseilles he made twelve gallies , and furnished them out to sea within thirty dayes after the timber was cut down . and the rest of his works with the like expedition . chap. xii . cativulcus poysoneth himself . caesar divideth his armie into three parts . now whether ambiorix did not make head and assemble his ●orces of purpose , for that he determined not to fight , or whether he were hindered by the shortness of the time , and the suaden coming of the horsemen , thinking the rest of the army had followed after ; it remaineth doubtfull : but certain it is , that he sent privie messengers about the countrey , commanding every man to shift for himself ; and so some ●led into the forrest arduenna , others into sens and bogs , and such as were near the ocean , did hiae themselves in such islands as the tides do commonly make : many forsook their countrey , and committed themselves to their fortunes , to more strangers and unknown people . cativulcus the king of the one half of the ebu●ones , who was a party with ambiorix in this matter , being now grown 〈◊〉 and unable to undergo the labours either of war or of slying , detesting ambiorix with all manner of excerations , as the authour of that matter , drank the juice of yew , ( whereof there is great store in gallia and germany , ) and so died . the segni and condrusi , of the nation and number of the germans , that dwell between the eburones and the treviri , sent messengers to caesar , to intreat him not to take them in the number of the enemy , and that he would not adjudge all the germans dwelling on this side of the rhene to have one and the same cause : for their part , they never so much as thought of warre , nor gave any did to ambiorix . caesar having examined the matter by the torture of the captives , commanded them , that if any of the eburones should flie unto them , to bring them unto him , and in so doing he would spare their countrey . then dividing his forces into three parts , he left the baggage of the whole army at vatuca , a castle in the middest of the eburones , where titurius and aurunculeius were lodged . he made choice of this place the rather , for that the fortifications made the year before continued perfect and good , to the end he might ease the souldier of some labour ; and there left the fourteenth legion for a guard to the cariages , being one of the three which he had last enrolled in italy , making q. tullius cicero their commander , and with him he left two hundred horse . the army being thus divided , he commanded titus labienus to carry three legions towards that part of the sea coast which bordereth upon the menapii , and sent trebonius with the like number of legions to w●●●t and harry that country which confineth the aduatici : he himself with the other three determined to go to the river scaldis , which runneth into the mase , and to the furthest parts of the wood arduenna ; for that he understood that ambiorix with a few horsemen was fled to those parts . at his departure he assured them that he would return after the seventh dayes absence : for at that day he knew that corn was to be given to that legion which he had there left in garrison . he counselled labienus and trebonius to return likewise by that day , if they conveniently could , to the end that after communication of their discoveries , and intelligence of the projects of the enemy , they might think upon a new beginning of war. observations . this sudden surprise upon ambiorix and the treviri , prevented ( as i have already noted ) their making head together , and put the enemy to such shifts for their safety , as occasion or opportunity would afford them in particular . and albeit the treviri were by this means dispersed , yet they were not overthrown , nor utterly vanquished , but continued still in the nature and quality of an enemy , although they were by this occasion defeated of their chiefest means . and therefore the better to prosecute them in their particular slights , and to keep them disjoyned , he divided his army into three parts , and made three severall inroads upon their country , hoping thereby to meet with some new occasion , which might give an overture of a more absolute conquest : for diversity of motions do breed diversity of occasions , whereof some may happily he such , as being well managed , may bring a man to the end of his desires . but herein let us not forget to observe the manner he used in this service : for first he left a rendez-vous where all the carriages of the army were bestowed , with a competent garrison for the safe keeping thereof , to the end the souldiers might be assured of a retreat , what difficulty soever might befall them in that action , according to that of sertorius , that a good captain should rather look behind him then before him ; and appointed withall a certain day when all the troups should meet there again ; ●t rursus ( as he saith ) communicato consilio , exploratisque hostium rationibus , aliud in 〈◊〉 belli capere possint , that after communication of their discoveries , &c. chap. xiii . caesar sendeth messengers to the bordering states , to come out and sack the eburones . there was ( as i have already declared ) no certain band or troup of the enemy , no garrison or town to stand out in armes ; but the multitu●e was d●spersed into all parts , and every man lay hid either in some secret and unknown valley , or in some rough and wooddy place , or in some bog , or in such other places as gave them hope of shelter or safety : which places were well known to the states of that country . and the matter required great diligence and circumspection , not so much in regard of the generall safety of the army , ( for there could no danger happen unto them , the enemy being all terrified and fled , ) as in preserving every particular souldier ; which notwithstanding d●d in part concern the safety of the whole army : for hope of booty did draw many far off out of their ranks , and the woods through uncertain and unknown passages would not suffer the souldiers to go in troups . if he would have the businesse take an end , and the very race of those wicked people rooted out , the army must be divided , and many small bands must be made for that purpose : but to keep the maniples at their ensigns , according to the custome and use of the roman army , the place it self was a sufficient guard for the barbarous people , who did not want courage in particular , both to lye in wait for them , and circumvent them as they were severed from their companies . yet in extremities of that nature what diligence could attain unto was provided , but in such manner , that somewhat was omitted in the offensive part , though the souldiers minds were bent upon revenge , rather then it should be done with any detriment or losse to the souldier . caesar sent messengers to the next bordering states , calling them out to sack the eburones , in hope of booty and pillage , to the end the galles should rather hazard their lives in the wood , then the legionary souldiers ; as also that there might be many spoilers and destroyers , to the end that both the name and race of that state might be taken away . hereupon a great multitude speedily assembled from all quarters . these things were acted in all parts and quarters of the eburones , and the seventh day drew near which he had appointed for his return to the carriages . observations . it is a commoditie which a generall hath , when the enemie doth not refuse open encounter , for so he may be sure that the weight of the businesse will rest upon militarie vertue and prowess of armes , as ready way-makes to a speedy victory : but when it shall happen that the country doth afford covert and protection to him that is more malicious then valorous , and through the fastnesse of the place refuseth to shew himself unlesse it be upon advantage , the war doubtlesse is like to prove tedious , and the victory lesse honourable . in such cases there is no other way , then so to harry and wast a country , that the enemy may be famished out of his holds , and brought to subjection by scarcity and necessity . which is a means so powerfull , as well to supplant the greatest strength , as to meet with subterfuge and delay , that of it self it subdueth all opposition , and needeth no other help for atchieving of victory , as may appear by the sequele of this sommers action . and herein let us further observe the particular care which caesar had of his souldiers , adjudging the whole army to be interessed in every private mans safety . a matter strange in these times , and of small consequence in the judgement of our commanders , to whom particular fortunes are esteemed nonentities , and men in severall of no value ; forasmuch as conquests are made with multitudes . concerning which point , i grant it to be as true , as it is often spoken in places besieged , that the losse of one man is not the losse of a town , nor the defeating of twenty the overthrow of a thousand : and yet it cannot be denied but the lesser is payd for the lawrell wreath , the more precious is the victory : and it sitteth then at a hard rate , when it maketh the buyer bankerout , or inforceth him to confesse that such another victory would overthrow him . and therefore he that will buy much honour with little bloud , must endeavour by diligent and carefull labour to provide for the particular safety of his souldiers . wherein albeit he cannot value , an unity at an equal rate with a number ; yet he must consider that without a unity there can be no multitude : and not so only , but the life and strength of a multitude consisteth in unities ; for otherwise , neither had nero needed to have wished the people of rome to have had but one head , that he might have cut it off at a stroak , nor sertorius device had carried any grace , making a lusty fellow fail in plucking off the thin tail of an old lean jade , and a little wearish man leave the stump bare of a greattaild horse , and that in a short time , by plucking hair by hair . chap. xiiii . the sicambri send out two thousand horse against the eburones , and by fortune they fall upon cicero at vatuca . here you shall perceive the power that fortune hath , and what chances happen in the carriage of a war. there was ( as i have already said ) the enemy being scattered and terrified , no troup or band which might give the least cause of fear : the report came to the germans on the other side of the rhene , that the eburones were to be sacked , and that all men had liberty to make spoil of them . the sicambri dwelling next to the rhene , who formerly received the tenchtheri and usipites in their flight , set out two thousandhorse , and sent them over the river some thirty miles below that place where caesar had left the half bridge with a garrison . these horse made directly towards the confines of the eburones , took many prisoners and much cattel , neither bog nor wood hindered their passage , being bred and born in war and theft . they inquire of the prisoners in what part caesar was , and found him to be gone far off , and that all the army was departed from thence . but one of the prisoners speaking to them , said , why do yee seek after so poor and so slender a booty , when otherwise you may make your selves most fortunate ? in three hours space you may go to vatuca , where the roman army hath left all their fortunes ; the garrison in that place is no greater then can hardly furnish the wals about , neither dare any man go out of the trenches , the germans in this hope did hide the pillage which they had already taken , and went directly to vatuca , taking him for their guide that gave them first notice thereof . observations . it were as great a madnesse to believe that a man were able to give directions to meet with all chances , as to think no foresight can prevent any casualty . for as the soul of man is endued with a power of discourse . whereby it concludeth either according to the certainty of reason , or the learning of experience , bringing these directions as faulty and inconvenient , and approving others as safe and to be followed : so we are to understand , that this power of discourse is limited to a certain measure or proportion of strength , and inscribed in a circle of lesser capacity then the compasse of possibility , or the large extension of what may happen ; for otherwise the course of destiny were subject to our controllment , and our knowledge were equal to universall entitie , whereas the infinite of accidents do far exceed the reach of our shallow senses , and our greatest apprehension is a small an unperfect experience . and therefore as such as through the occasion of publick employment , are driven to forsake the shore of minute and particular courses , and to float in the ocean of casualties and adventures , may doubtlesse receive strong directions , both from the loadstone of reason , and tramontane of experience , to shape an easy and succesfull course : so notwithstanding they shall find themselves subject to the contrariety of winds and extremity of tempests , besides many other lets and impediments beyond the compasse of their direction to interrupt their course and divert them from their haven , which made the carthaginian that was more happy in conquering then in keeping to cry out ; nusquam minu ▪ quam in bello eventus rerum respondent , the event of things doth no where answer expectation lesse then in war , as it happened in this accident . chap. xv. the sicambri come to vatuca , and offer to take the camp . cicero having all the dayes before observed caesars direction with great diligence , and kept the souldiers within the camp , not suffering so much as a boy to go out of the trenches ; the seventh day distrusting of caesars return according to his promise , for that he understood he was gone further into the country , and heard nothing of his return ; and withall being moved with the speeches of the souldiers , who termed their patient abiding within their trenches , a siege , forasmuch as no man was suffered to go out of them , and expecting no such chance within the compasse of three miles : which was the furthest ; he purposed to send them for corn : especially considering that nine legions were abroad , besides great forces of horse , the enemy being already dispersed and almost extinguished . accordingly he sent five cohorts to gather corn in the next fields , which were separated from the garrison only with a little hill lying between the camp and the corn . there were many left in the camp of the other legions that were sick , of whom such as were recovered to the number of three hundred , were sent with them all under one ensign : besides a great company of souldiers boyes , and great store of cattel which they had in the camp . in the mean time came these german rutters , and with the same gallop as they came thither , they sought to enter in at the decumane gate ; neither were they discovered , by reason of a wood which kept them out of sight , untill they were almost at the trenches ; insomuch as such trades-men and merchants as kept their booths and shops under the rampier , had no time to be received into the camp . our men were much troubled at the unexpectednesse of the thing ; and the cohort that kept watch did hardly sustain the first assault . the enemy was quickly spread about the works , to see if they could find entrance in any other part . our men did hardly keep the gates : the rest was defended by the fortification and the place it self . the whole camp was in a great fear , and one inquired of another the reason of the tumult : neither could they tell which way to carry their ensigns , or how any man should dispose of himself . one gave out that the camp was taken ; and another that the army and general was overthrown , and that the barbarous people came thither as conquerours : many took occasion from the place to imagine new and superstitious religions , recalling to mind the fatall calamity of cotta and titurius that died in that place . through this fear and confusion that had possest the whole camp , the germans were confirmed in their opinion which they had received from the prisoner , that there was no garrison at all in the works . they endeavoured to break in , and incouraged one another not to suffer so great a fortune to escape them . publius sextius baculus , that had been primipilus under caesar ( of whom mention hath been made in the former battels ) was there left sick , and had taken no sustenance of five dayes before . he hearing the danger they were in , went unarmed out of his cabbin , and seeing the enemy ready to force the gates , and the matter to be in great hazard ; taking arms from one that stood next him , he went and stood in the port , the centurions of the cohort that kept watch followed him , and they for a while ingaged the enemy . sextius having received many great wounds , fainted at length , and was hardly saved by those that stood next him . upon this respite the rest did so far assure themselves , that they durst stand upon the works , and make a shew of defence . observations . in the former observation i disputed the interest which the whole army hath in one particular man , which out of caesars opinion i concluded to be such as was not to be neglected : but if we suppose a party extraordinary , and tye him to such singular worth as was in sextius , i then doubt by this example , whether i may not equall him to the multitude , or put him alone in the ballance to counterpoise the rest of his fellowes . for doubtlesse if his valour had not exceeded any height of courage , elsewhere then to be found within those wals the whole garrison had been utterly slaughtered , and the place had been made fatall to the romans by two disastrous calamities . in consideration whereof , i will refer my self to the judgement of the wise , how much it importeth a great commander , not only in honour as a rewarder of vertue , but in wisedome and good discretion , to make much of so gallant a spirit , and to give that respect unto him , as may both witnesse his valiant carriage , and the thankfull acceptation thereof on the behalf of the commonweal , wherein we need not doubt of caesars requitall to this sextius , having by divers honourable relations in these wars , touching his valiantnesse and prowesse in arms , made him partaker of his own glory , and recommended him to posterity for an example of true valour . chap. xvi . the sicambri continue their purpose in taking the camp . in the mean time the souldiers , having made an end of reaping and gathering corn , heard the cry . the horsemen hasted before , and found in what danger the matter stood . there was in that place no fortifications to receive the a●frighted souldiers : such ●as were lately inrolled and had no experience in matters of war , set their faces towards the tribunes of the souldiers , and to the centurions , and expected directions from them . there was none so assured or valiant , but were troubled thereat . the barbarous people having spied the ensignes a far off , left off their assault : and first they thought it had been the legions that had returned , which the prisoners had told them to be gone a great way off ; afterward contemning the smalness of their number , they set upon them on all sides . the souldiers boyes betook themselves unto the next hill , and being quickly put from thence , they cast themselves headlong amongst the maniples and ensigns , and so put the souldiers in a worse fear then they were before . some were of opinion to put themselves into the form of battell which resembleth a wedge , and so ( forasmuch as the camp was at hand ) to break speedily through the enemy : in which course if any part should be circumvented and cut a pieces , yet they hoped the rest might save themselves . others thought it better to make good the hill , and all of them to attend one and the same fortune . this advise the old souldiers did not like of , who ( as i said before ) went out with the others that were sent a harvesting all under one ensign by themselves : and therefore encouraging one another , cai●s trebonius a roman horseman being their captain , and commanding them at that time , brake through the thickest of the enemy , and came all safe into the camp . the boyes and horsemen following hard after them , were lik●wise saved by the valour of the souldiers . but those that took the hill , having never had any use of service , had neither the courage to continue in that resolution which they had before chosen , to defend themselves from that place of advantage , nor to imitate that force and speed which they had seen to have helped their fellowes ; but endeavouring to be received into the camp , fell into places of disadvantage : wherein divers of their centurions , who had lately been taken from the lowest companies of other legions , and for their valours sake preferred to the highest and chiefest companies of this legion , least they should lose the honour which they had before gotten , fighting valiantly died in the place . part of the souldiers by the prowess of these men that had removed the enemy , beyond all hope , got safe into the camp ; the rest were defeated and sla●n by the germans . the first observation . this circumstance doth afford us two observable points . the one , how much an old experienced souldier , hat hath the use and knowledge of service , exceedeth the rawness of such as are newly inrolled . the second , which dependeth upon the former , that valour and military vertue is a consequent of use and practise , rather then any inherent gift of nature . camillus being sent with an army against the thuscans , the roman souldier was much affrighted at the greatness of the hoast which the enemy had put on foot : which camillus perceiving , he used no other motives of perswasion to strengthen their weakned minds , and to assure them of a happy day , but this ; quod quisque d●dic●t aut consuev●t , faciat , let every man do that which he hath been taught , and used to ; as well knowing where to rouze their valour , and in what part their greatest strength rested . for as men cannot prevail in that wherein they are unexperienced , but will ●e wanting in the supplies of their own particular , and miscarry even under the directions of another ann●bal : so a known and beaten track is quickly taken , and the difficulties of a businesse are made easy by acquaintance . use maketh masteries , saith our english proverb , and practice and art do far exceed nature . which continuall exercise and use of arms amongst the romans , attained to such perfection , as made militum sine rectore stabilem virtutem , the valour of the souldiery firm without their commander , as l●v●e witnesseth : and as antiochus confessed to scip●o ; quod si v●ncuntur , non minuuntur animis tamen , though they were overcome , yet their courage abated not . caesar in all his battels had a speciall respect to the inexperience of the new inrolled bands , placing them either behind the army for a guard to their carriages , as he did in the helvet●an action , or leaving them as a defence to the camp , or shewing them aloof off ; signifying thereby , as livie saith of the sidicini , quod magis nomen quam vires ad praesidium adferebant , that they made more noise of an army , then they did good . whereby it consequently followeth , that military vertue proceedeth not so much from nature , or any originall habit , as it doth from exercise and practise of arms . i grant there is a disposition in nature , and a particular inclination to this or that art ; according to that line of the poet ; fortes creantur fortibus & bonis . stout men are got by stout and good . but this disposition must be perfected by use , and falleth short of valour or military vertue , which consisteth of two parts . the first , in knowledge of the discipline of warre , and the rules of service : whereby they may understand the course of things , and be able to judge of particular resolutions . the second is the faithfull endeavour in executing such projects , as the rules of warre do propound for their safety . both which parts are gotten onely by use . for as the knowledge of military discipline is best learned by practise ; so the often repetition thereof begetteth assurance in action , which is nothing else but that which we call valour . in which two parts these new enrolled bands had small understanding ; for they were as ignorant what course to take in that extremity , as they were unassured in their worser resolutions . the second observation . this cuneus , or troup of souldiers disposed into a triangle , was the best and safest way to break through an ●nemy . for an angle hath a renting and dividing property , and is so sharp in the meeting of the two side lines , that the point thereof resembleth indivisibility , and therefore is apt and proper to divide asunder , and to make a separation of any quantity . which form nature hath also observed in the fashion of such creatures as have a piercing and dividing motion ; as in fishes , that have all heads for the most part sharp , and thence angle-wise are inlarged into the grosseness of their body . and birds likewise , the better to divide the aire , have sharp bills and little heads , with a body annexed of a larger proportion . the manner of the romans was ( as i have already shewed ) to strengthen the piercing angle with thick compacted targets ; and then enlarging the sides as occasion served , either to the quantity of an acute , or a right , or an obtuse angle , they gave the charge in such sort , ut quacunque parte percutere impetu suo vellent , sustineri nequeant , that wheresoever they fell on , they were not long to be endured , as livie saith . chap. xvii . the sicambri give over their purpose and depart . the germans being out of hope of taking the camp , forasmuch as they saw our men to stand upon the works , they returned over the rhene with the boot●e which they had in the woods . and such was the fear of the roman souldier , even after the enemy was gone , that caius volusenus being sent that night to the camp with the horsemen , they would not believe that caesar and the army were returned in safety . fear had so possest their minds , that they did not let to say , that all the legions were overthrown , and the horse had escaped by flight , and desired there to be received : for they could not be perswaded the army being safe , that the germans would have attempted to surprise their camp . of which fear they were delivered by caesar's arrivall . he being returned , not ignorant of the events of war , complained of one thing onely , that the cohorts that kept the watch were sent from their stations , forasmuch as no place ought to be given to the least casualtie . and there he saw how much fortune was able to do by the sudden coming of the enemy , and how much more in that he was put off from the rampier and the gates which he had so nearly taken . but of all the rest this seemed the strangest , that the germans coming over the rhene , to depopulate and spoil ambiorix and his countrey , had like to have taken the roman camp , which would have been as acceptable to ambiorix as any thing that could happen . observations . it is an old saying , avouched by plutarch , fortuna id unum hominibus non aufert , quod bene fuerit consultum , what a man hath once well advised , that and onely that fortune can never despoile him of : which tiberius the roman emperour well understood ; of whom suetonius reporteth , quod minimum fortunae , casibusque permittebat , that he trusted very little to fortune or casualties : and is the same which caesar counselleth in this place , ne minimo quidem casui locum relinqui debuisse , that no place is to be given to the least casualty . it were a hard condition to expose a naked party to the malice of an enemy , or to disadvantage him with the loss of his sight . an army without a guard at any time is merely naked , and more subject to slaughter , then those that never took arms : and the rather where the watch is wanting , for there sudden chances can hardly be prevented : and if they happen to avoid any such unexpected casualtie , they have greater cause to thank fortune for her favour , then to be angry with her for her malice ; for prevention at such times is out of the way , and they are wholly at her mercy ; as caesar hath rightly delivered touching this accident . and therefore , whether an army march forward or continue in a place , sleep or wake , play or work , go in hazard , or rest secure , let not so great a body be at any time without a competent strength , to answer the spite of such misadventures . chap. xviii . caesar returneth to spoil the enemie : and punisheth acco . caesar returning again to trouble and vex the enemy , having called a great number of people from the bordering cities , he sent them out into all parts . all the villages and houses which were any where to be seen , were burned to the ground ; pillage and booty was taken in every place ; the corn was not onely consumed by so great a multitude of men and cattell , but beaten down also by the unseasenableness of the year and continuall rain : insomuch that albeit divers did hide themselves for the present , yet the army being withdrawn , they must necessarily perish through want and scarcity . and oftentimes they happened of the place ( the horsemen being divided into many quarters , ) where they did not onely see ambiorix , but kept him for the most part in sight : and in hoping still to take him , some that thought to demerit caesars highest favour , took such infinite pains ; as were almost beyond the power of nature : and ever there seemed but a little between them and the thing they most desired . but he conveyed himself away through dens and woods and dales , and in the night time sought other countreys and quarters , with no greater a guard of horse then four , to whom only he durst commit the safety of his life . the countrey being in this manner harried and depopulated , caesar , with the loss of two cohorts , brought back his army to durocortorum in the state of the men of rhemes ; where a parliament being summoned , he determined to call in question the conspiracy of the senones and carnutes , and especially acco the principall authour of that councell : who being condemned , was put to death more majorum . some others fearing the like judgement , saved themselves by flight : these he interdicted fire and water . so leaving two legions to winter in the confines of the treviri , and two other amongst the lingones , and the other six at agendicum in the borders of the senones , having made provision of corn for the army , he went into italy , ad conventus agendos . observations . the conclusion of this sommers work was shut up with the sack and depopulation of the eburones , as the extremity of hostile fury , when the enemy lieth in the fastness of the countrey , and refuseth to make open warre . that being done , caesar proceeded in a course of civill judgement with such principall offenders as were of the conspiracy : and namely with acco , whom he punished in such manner as the old romans were accustomed to do with such offenders as had forfeited their loyaltie to their countrey ; a kind of death which nero knew not , although he had been emperour of rome thirteen years , and put to death many thousand people . the party condemned was to have his neck locked in a fork , and to be whipped naked to death : and he that was put to death after that manner , was punished more majorum . such others as feared to undergo the judgement , and fled before they came to triall , were banished out of the countrey , and made uncapable of the benefit of fire and water in that empire . and thus endeth the sixth commentary . the seventh commentarie , of the warres in gallia . the argument . this last commentarie containeth the specialities of the war which caesar made against all the states of gallia united into one confederacy , for the expelling of the roman government out of that continent , whom caesar overthrew in the end , horribili vigilantia , & prodigiosis operibus , by his horrible vigilancy and prodigious actions . chap. i. the galles enter into new deliberations of revolt . gallia being in quiet , caesar , according to his determination , went into italy to keep courts and sessions . there he under stood that p. clodius was slain , and of a decree which the senate had made , touching the assembly of all the youth of italy : and thereupon he purposed to inrole new bands throughout the whole province . these newes were quickly caried over the alpes into gallia , & the galles themselves added such rumours to it , as the matter seemed well to to bear ; that caesar was now detained by the troubles at rome , and in such dissensions could not return to his army . being stirred up by this occasion , such as before were inwardly grieved , that they were subject to the empire of the people of rome , did now more freely and boldly enter into the consideration of warre . the princes and chiefest men of gallia having appointed councels and meetings in remote and woody places , complained of the death of acco , and shewed it to be a fortune which might concern themselves . they pity the common misery of gallia , and do propound all manner of promises and rewards to such as will begin the warre , and with the danger of their lives redeem the liberty of their countrey : where in they are to be very carefull not to foreslow any time , to the end that caesar may be stopt from coming to his army before their secret conferences be discovered . which might easily be done , forasmuch as neither the legions durst go out of their wintering camps in the absence of their generall , nor the generall come to the legions without a convoy . to conclude , they held it better to die in fight , then to lose their ancient honour in matter of war , and the liberty left them by their predecessors . observations . this chapter discovereth such sparkles of revolt , rising from the discontentment of the conquered galles , as were like to break out into an universall burning ; and within a while proved such a fire , as the like hath not been seen in the continent of gallia . for this sommers work verified the saying of the samnites , quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset , that peace is more grievous to those that are in vassalage , then warre is to free men : and was carried on either part with such a resolution , as in respect of this service , neither the galles did before that time ingage themselves seriously in their countries cause , nor did the romans know the difficulty of their task . but as epaminondas called the fields of boeotia , mars his scaffold where he kept his games ; or as xenophon nameth the city of ephesus the armorers shop : so might gallia for this year be called the theatre of war. the chiefest encouragement of the galles at this time , was the trouble and dissension at rome about the death of clodius , and the accusation of milo for killing clodius . this clodius ( as plutarch reporteth ) was a young man of a noble house , but wild and insolent , and much condemned for profaning a secret sacrifice , which the ladies of rome did celebrate in caesars house , by coming amongst them disguised in the habit of a young singing wench , which he did for the love of pompeia , caesars wife : whereof being openly accused , he was quitted by secret means which he made to the judges ; and afterwards obtained the tribuneship of the people , and caused cicero to be banished , and did many outrages and insolencies in his tribuneship : which caused milo to kill him , for which he was also accused . and the senate fearing that this accusation of milo , being a bold-spirited man and of good quality , would move some uproar or sedition in the city , they gave commission to pompey to see justice executed , as well in this cause , as for other offences , that the city might be quiet , and the commonwealth suffer no detriment . whereupon pompey possest the market-place , where the cause was to be heard with bands of souldiers and troups of armed men . and these were the troubles in rome upon the death of clodius , which the galles did take as an occasion of revolt , hoping thereby that caesar ( being in gallia cisalpina , which province was allotted to his government , as well as that gallia northward the alpes , ) would have been detained from his army . chap. ii. the men of chartres take upon them the beginning of 〈◊〉 , under the conduction of cotuatus and conctodunus . these things being thus disputed , the men of chart●es did make themselves the chief of that war , refusing no danger for the common safety of their country . and forasmuch as at that present they could not give caution by hostage , lest the matter should be discovered ; they desire to have their covenants strengthened by oath , and by mutuall collation of their mi●●tary ensignes , which was the most religious ceremony they could use to bind the rest not to forsake them , having made an entrance and beginning to that war. the men of chartres being commended by the rest , and the oathes of all them that were present being taken , and a time appointed to begin , they brake up the assembly . when the day came , they of chartres under the conduction of cotuatus and conetodunus , two desperate fellowes , upon a watchword given , ran speedily to * genabum ; and such roman citizens as were there upon businesse , namely c. fusius cotta , a knight of rome , whom caesar had left overseer of the provision of corn , they slew , and took their goods . the report thereof was quickly spread over all the states of gallia . for when any such great or extraordinary matter happeneth , they signify it through the country by an out-cry and shout , which is taken by others , and delivered to the next , and so goeth from hand to hand , as it happened at this time : for that which was done at genabum at sun-rising , was before the first watch of the night was ended heard in the confines of the arverni , which is above a hundred and threescore miles distant . observations . this manner of out-cry here mentioned to be usuall in gallia , was the same which remaineth in use at this present in wales , although not so frequent as in former times . for the custome is there , as often as any robbery happeneth to be committed , or any man to be slain , or what other outrage or riot is done , the next at hand do go to some eminent place where they may be best heard , and there they make an out-cry or howling , which they call a hooboub , signifying the fact to the next inhabitants , who take it as passionately , and deliver it further , and so from hand to hand it quickly spreadeth over all the country . it is a very ready way to put the country in arms , and was first devised ( as it seemeth ) for the stay and apprehension of robbers and outlaws , who kept in strong holds , and lived upon the spoil of the bordering inhabitants : but otherwise it savoureth of barbarisme , rather then of any civile government . chap. iii. vercingetorix stirreth up the arverni to the like commotion and revo●t . in like manner vercingetorix the son of celtillus , of the nation of the arverm , a young man of great power and authority , ( whose father was the commander of all gallia , and because he sought a kingdome , was slain by those of his own state , ) calling together his followers and clients , did easily incense them to rebellion . his purpose being known , every man took arms ; and so he was driven out of the town of gergovia by gobanitio his unckle & other princes , who thought it not safe to make triall of that fortune . and yet he desisted not , but enrolled needy and desperate people ; and with such troups , whom soever he met withall of the state , he did easily draw them to his party , perswading them to take arms for the defence of common liberty . and having at length got great forces together , he expelled his adversaries out of the town , by whom he was himself before thrust out . he was called of his men by the title of king , and sent embassages into all parts , adjuring them to continue constant and faithfull . the senones , the parisii , the pictones , the cadurci , the turones , the aulerci , the lemovic●s , the andes , and all the rest that border upon the occan were quickly made of his party : and by all their consents the chief command was conferred upon him . which authority being offered him , he commanded hostages to be brought in unto him from all those states , and a certain number of soulders to be sent him with all speed . he rated every city what proportion of arms they should have ready , and specially he laboured to raise great store of horse . to extraordinary diligence he added extraordinary severity , compelling such as stood doubtfull by hard and severe punishment : for such as had committed a great offence , he put to death by fire and torture ; lesser faults he punished with the losse of their nose or their eies , and so sent them home , that by their example others might be terrified . by these practises and severity having speedily raised a great army , he sent lucterius of cahors , a man of great spirit and boldnesse , with part of the forces , towards the rutheni , and he himself made towards the bituriges . upon his coming the bituriges sent to the hedui , in whose protection they were , in require aid against vercingetorix . the hedui , by the advice of the legates which caesar had left with the army , sent forces of horse and foot to the aid of the bituriges : who coming to the river loire , which divideth the bituriges from the hedui , after a few dayes stay , not daring to passe over the river , returned home again , bringing word to our legates , that they durst not commit themselves to the bituriges , and so returned . for they knew that if they had passed over the river , the bituriges had inciosed them in on the one side , and the arverni on the other . but whether they did return upon that occasion , or through perfidious treachery , it remaineth doubtfull . the bituriges upon their departure did presently joyn themseleves with the arverni . observations . it is observed by such as are acquainted with matter of government , that there ought to be alwayes a proportion of quality between him that commandeth and them that obey : for if a man of sardanapalus condition should take upon him the charge of marius army , it were like to take no better effect , then if manlius had the leading of lascivious cinaedes . and as we may observe in oeconomicall policy , a dissolute master may as soon command hair to grow on the palm of his hand , as to make a vertuous servant ; but the respect of duty between such relatives doth likewise inferre the like respect of quality : so in all sorts and conditions of command , there must be sympathizing means , to unite the diversity of the parts in the happy end of perfect government . in this new empire which befell vercingetorix , we may observe a double proportion between him and his people . the first , of strength and ability ; and the other , of quality and resemblance of affection : upon the assurance of which proportion he grounded the austerity of his command . for it appeareth that his first beginning was by perswasion and intreaty , and would indure no direction , but that which was guided by a loose and easy reine ; holding it neither safe nor seemly , but rather a strain of extreme madnesse , first to punish or threaten , and then to want power to make good his judgements : but being strengthened by authority from themselves , and backed with an army able to controll their disobedience , he then added punishment as the ensign of magistracy , and confirmed his power by rigorous commands ; which is as necessary a demonstration of a well-settled government , as any circumstance belonging thereunto . touching the resemblance and proportion of their qualities , it is manifestly shewed by the sequele of this history , that every man desired to redeem the common liberty of their country , in that measure of endeavour as was fitting so great a cause . amongst whom vercingetorix being their chief commander , summae diligentiae ( as the story saith ) added summam severitatem , to great diligence great severity ; as well assured , that the greater part would approve his justice , and condemn the uncertainty of doubtfull resolutions , desiring no further service at their hands , then that wherein himself would be the formost . in imitation of valerius corvinus : factamea , non dicta , vos milites sequi volo ; nec disciplinam modo , sed exemplum etiam à me petere ; i would have you , o my souldiers , do as i do , and not so much mind what i say ; and to take not your discipline only , but your pattern also from me . and therefore the party was like to be well upheld ; forasmuch as both the prince and the people were so far ingaged in the matter intended , as by the resemblance of an earnest desire might answer the measure of due proportion . chap. iv. caesar cometh into gallia , and by a device getteth to his army . these things being told caesar in italy ; assoon as he understood that the matters in the city were by the wisdome of pompey brought into better state , he took his journey into gallia , and being come thither he was much troubled how to get to his army . for if he should send for the legions into the province , he understood that they should be certainly fought withall by the way in his absence . if he himself should go unto them , he doubted how he might safely commit his person to any , although they were such as were yet in peace . in the mean time lucterius of cahors being sent against the rutheni , doth easily unite that state to the arverni : and proceeding further against the nitiobriges and the gabali , he received hostages of both of them , and having raised a great power , he laboured to break into the province , and to make towards narbo . which being known , caesar resolved by all means to put him by that purpose , and went himself to narbo . at his coming he incouraged such as stood doubtfull or timorous , and placed garrisons amongst the rutheni , the volsci , and about narbo , which were frontier places and near unto the enemy , and commanded part of the forces which were in the province , together with those supplies which he had brought out of italy , to go against the helvii , which are adjoyning upon the arverni . things being thus ordered , lucterius being now suppressed and removed holding it to be dangerous to enter among the garrisons , he himself went towards the helvii . and albeit the hill gebenna , which divideth the arverni from the helvii , by reason of the hard time of winter and the depth of the snow , did hinder their passage ; yet by the industry of the souldier making way through snow of six foot deep , they came into the confines of the arverni : who being suddenly and unawares suppressed , little mistrusting an invasion over the hill gebenna , which incloseth them in as a wall , and at that time of the year doth not afford a path to a single man alone , he commanded the horsemen to scatter themselves far and near to make the enemy the more afraid . these things being speedily carried to vercingetorix , all the arverni full of fear and amazement flocked about him , beseeching him to have a care of their state , and not to suffer themselves to be sacked by the enemy , especially now at this time , when as all the war was transferred upon them . upon their instant intreaty he removed his camp out of the territories of the bituriges , and marched towards the country of the arverni . but caesar having continued two dayes in those places , forasmuch as he understood both by use and opinion , what course vercingetorix was like to take ; he left the army , pretending some supplies of horse , which he went to raise , and appointed young brutus to command those forces , admonishing him to send out the horsemen into all quarters , and that he himself would not be absent from the camp above three dayes . these things being thus settled , none of his followers knowing his determination , by great journeys he came to vienna ; where taking fresh horse , which he had layd there many dayes before , he ceased neither night nor day , untill he came through the confines of the hedui to the lingones , where two legions wintered : to the end if the hedui should undertake any thing against him , he might with speed prevent it . being there , he sent to the rest of the legions , and brought them all to one place , before the arverni could possibly have notice of it . observations . caesar upon his first entrance into gallia , was perplexed how to get to his army : and the matter stood in such terms , as brought either the legions or his own person into hazard . for ( as he saith ) if he should send for the legions to come unto him , they should doubtlesse be fought withall by the way , which he was loath to adventure , unlesse himself had been present : or otherwise if he himself had gone unto them , he doubted of the entertainment of the revolting galles , and might have overthrown his army , by the losse of his own person . in this extremity of choice , he resolved upon his own passage to the army , as lesse dangerous and more honourable , rather then to call the legions out of their wintering camps , where they stood as a check to bridle the insolency of the mutinous galles , and so to bring them to the hazard of battel in fetching their generall into the field : whereby he might have lost the victory before he had begun the wars . and for his better safety in this passage , he used this cunning . having assured the roman province by strong and frequent garrisons on the frontiers , and removed lucterius from those parts ; gathering together such supplies as he had brought with him out of italy , with other forces which he found in the province , he went speedily into the territories of the * arverni , making a way over the hill * gebenna , at such a time of the year as made it unpassable for any forces , had they not been led by caesar ; only for this purpose , to have it noised abroad , that whereas vercingetorix and the arverni had principally undertook the quarrell against the romans , and made the beginning of a new war , caesar would first deal with them , and lay the weight thereof upon their shoulders , by calling their fortunes first in question , to the end he might possesse the world with an opinion of his presence in that country , and draw vercingetorix back again to defend his state , whilst he in the mean time did slip to his army without suspition or fear of perill : for staying there no longer then might serve to give a sufficient colour to that pretence , and leaving those forces to execute the rest , and to make good the secret of the project , he conveyed himself to his army with such speed and celerity , as doth verify the saying of suetonius ; quod persaepe nuncios de se praevenit , that he often outwent the ordinary messengers . these blinds and false intendments are of speciall use in matter of war , and serve as well to get advantages upon an enemy , as to clear a difficulty by cleanly evasion : neither is a commander the lesse valued for fine conveyance in military projects , but deserveth rather greater honour for adding art unto valour , and supplanting the strength of opposition with the sleight of wit. — dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirit ? who looks at fraud or valour in a foe ? hath alwayes been held a principle amongst men of warre . and lisander his counsell is the same in effect , that where the lions skin will not serve the turn , there take the foxes . carbo spake it to the commendation of sylla , that he had to do both with a lion and a fox , but he feared more his foxes pate then his lions skin . it is reported that anniball excelled all other of his time for abusing the enemy in matter of stratageme , for he never made fight but with an addition of assistants , supporting force with art , and the fury of armes with the subtiltie of wit. of late time amongst other practises of this nature , the treaty at ostend is most memorable , entertained onely to gain time : that while speech of parlee was continued , and pledges delivered to the archduke albertus , for the safety of such as were sent into the town to capitulate with the generall , there might be time gained for the sending in of such supplies of men and munition as were wanting , to make good the defence thereof : which were no sooner taken in , but the treaty proved a stratageme of warre . in these foiles and tricks of wit , which at all times and in all ages have been highly esteemed in men of warre , as speciall vertues beseeming the condition of a great commander , if it be demanded how far a generall may proceed in abusing an enemy by deeds or words ; i cannot speak distinctly to the question : but sure i am , that surena , lieutenant generall of the parthian army , did his master good service , in abusing crassus the roman generall by fair promises ; or as plutarch saith , by foul perjury , till in the end he brought his head to be an actor in a tragedy : albeit surena never deserved well of good report since that time . howsoever , men of civill society ought not to draw this into use from the example of souldiers , forasmuch as it is a part of the profession of cutting of throats , and hath no prescription but in extremities of warre . chap. v. vercingetorix besigeth gergovia , caesar taketh in vellaunodunum and genabum . this being known , vercingetorix brought back his army again into the countrey of the bituriges , and thence marched to besiege gergovia , a town held by the boii , whom caesar had left there after the helvetian warre , and given the jurisdiction of the town to the hedui . which brought caesar into great perplexitie , whether he should keep the legions in one place for that time of winter which remained , and so suffer the stipendaries of the hedui to be taken and spoiled , whereby all gallia might take occasion to revolt , forasmuch as the romans should seem to afford no protection or countenance to their friends ; or otherwise draw his army out of their wintering-camps sooner then was usuall , and thereby become subject to the difficulties of provision and carriage of corn . notwithstanding it seemed better , and so he resolved , rather to undergo all difficulties , then by taking such a scorn to loose the good wils of all his followers . and therefore perswading the hedui diligently to make supply of necessary provisions , he sent to the boii , to advertise them of his coming , to encourage them to continue loyall , and nobly to resist the assaults of the enemy : and leaving two legions with the carriages of the whole army at agendicum , he marched towards the boii . the next day coming to a town of the senones called vellaunodunum , he determined to take it in , to the end he might leave no enemy behind him , which might hinder a speedy supply of victuals : and in two dayes he inclosed it about with a ditch and a rampier . the third day some being sent out touching the giving up of the town , he commanded all their arms and their cattell to be brought out , and six hundred pledges to be delivered . leaving c. trebonius a legate to see it performed ; he himself made all speed towards genabum in the territories of the men of chartres ; who as soon as they heard of the taking in of vellaunodunum , perswading themselves the matter would not rest so , they resolved to put a strong garrison into genabum . thither came caesar within two dayes , and incamping himself before the town , the evening drawing on , he put off the assault unto the next day , commanding the souldiers to prepare in a readinesse such things as should be necessary for that service . and forasmuch as the town of genabum had a bridge leading over the river loire , he feared least they of the town would steal away in the night : for prevention whereof he commanded two legions to watch all night in arms . the townsmen a little before midnight went out quietly , and began to pass over the river . which being discovered by the scouts , caesar with the legions which he had ready in armes , burnt the gates , and entring the town took it ; the greatest number of the enemy being taken , and a very few escaping , by reason of the narrowness of the bridge and the way which shut in the multitude . the town being sacked and burned , and given for a booty to the souldiers , he caried his army over the river loire , into the territories of the bituriges . the first observation . it is a known and an approved saying , e malis minimum est eligendum , of evils the least is to be chosen : but in a presentment of evils to be able to discern the difference , and to chuse the least , hic labor , hoc opus , here 's all the skill and work . vercingetorix besieging gergovia ( a stipendary town belonging to the hedui , that of long time had served the roman empire , ) at such a time of the year as would not afford provision of victuall for the maintenance of an army , but with great difficulty and inconvenience of carriage and convoy ; caesar was much perplexed , whether he should forbear to succour the town and raise the siege , or undergo the hazard of long and tedious convoyes . a matter often falling into dispute , although it be in other terms , whether honesty or honourable respect ought to be preferred before private ease and particular commodity . caesar hath declared himself touching this point , preferring the honour of the people of rome , as the majesty of their empire , and the reputation which they desired to hold , touching assistance and protection of their friends , before any inconvenience which might happen to their army . and not without good reasons , which may be drawn as well from the worthiness of the cause , as from the danger of the effect : for duties of vertue and respects of honesty , as the noblest parts of the mind , do not onely challenge the service of the inferiour faculties of the soul ; but do also command the body and the casaulties thereof , in such sort as is fitting the excellency of their prerogative : for otherwise vertue would find but bare attendance , and might leave her scepter for want of lawfull authority . and therefore caesar chose rather to adventure the army upon the casualties of hard provision , then to blemish the roman name with the infamy of disloyalty . which was less dangerous also in regard of the effect : for where the bond is of value , there the forfeiture is great : and if that tie had been broken , and their opinion deceived touching the expectation of assistance and help , all gallia might have had just cause of revolt , and disclaimed the roman government for non-protection . to conclude then , let no man deceive himself in the present benefit , which private respect may bring upon the refusall of honest regard , for the end will be a witness of the errour , and prove honesty to be best policie . the second observation . it is observed by some writers , that caesar never undertook any action , or at the least brought it not to triall , but he first assured himself of these four things . the first was provision of victuals , as the very foundation of warlike expeditions , whereof i have already treated in the first commentary : the difficulty whereof made him so doubtfull to undertake the relief of gergovia . and doubtless whosoever goeth about any enterprize of warre , without certain means of victuall and provision , must either carry an army of camelions that may live by the aire , or intend nothing but to build castles in the aire , or otherwise shall be sure to find his enemy either in his bosome , or as the proverb is in plutarch , to leap on his belly with both his feet . the second thing was provision of all necessaries , which might be of use in that service : wherewith he alwayes so abounded , that there might rather want occasion to use them , then he be wanting to answer occasion . and these were the instruments whereby he made such admirable works , such bridges , such mounts , such trenches , such huge armadoes , as appeareth by the sea-●ight with the maritime cities of gallia : according to which his former custome , forasmuch as the day was far spent before he came to genabum , he commanded such things to be sitted and had in a readiness , as might serve for the siege the next day . the third thing was an army for the most part of old souldiers , whom the romans called veteram , whereof he was likewise at this time provided ; for the two legions which were fresh and lately inroled , he left at agend●cum with the carriages , taking onely the old souldiers for this service , as knowing that in pugna usum amplius prodesse quam vires , usefulness is more serviceable in warre then numbers . the fourth thing was the triall and experience of the enemies forces , which the former victories assured him to be inferiour to the romans ; it being alwayes a rule in the roman discipline , ( as i have already noted , ) by light and easie skirmishes , to acquaint the souldiers with the manner of the enemies fight , ne eos novum bellum , novus hostis terreret , least a new kinde of fight , or enemy might affright them ; as l●vy saith . chap. vi. caesar taketh in noviodunum , and beateth the enemy coming to rescue the town . vercingetorix understanding of caesars coming , left the siege , and went to meet him . caesar resolved to take a town lying in his way in the territories of the bituriges , called noviodunum . which they of the town perceiving , sent out unto him to beseech him to spare them , and to give order for their safety . to the end therefore that he might speed tha● business with as much celerity as he had accomplished former services , he commanded them to bring out their arms , their horse , and to deliver pledges . part of the hostages being given , while the rest were in delivering over , divers centurions and a few souldiers being admitted into the town , to seek out their weapons and their horses , the horsemen of the enemy , which marched before vercingetorix army , were discovered a farre off : which the townsmen had no sooner perceived , and thereby conceived some hope of relief , but they presently took up a shout , and betook themselves to their arms , shut the gates , and began to make good the walls . the centurions that were in the town perceiving some new resolution of the galles , with their swords drawn possest themselves of the gates , and saved both themselves and their men that were in the town . caesar commanded the horsemen to be drawn out of the camp , and to begin the charge . and as they began to give ground , he sent four hundred german horsemen to second them , whom he had resolved to keep with him from the first : who charged the enemy with such fury , that the galles could no way endure the assault , but were presently put to flight ; and many of them being slain , the rest retired back to the army . upon their overthrow , the townsmen were worse affrighted then they were before ; and having apprehended such as were thought to have stirred up the people , they brought them to caesar , and yielded themselves unto him . which being ended , caesar marched towards the town of avaricum , which was the greatest and best fortified of all the towns in the territories of the bituriges , and situate in the most fertile part of the countrey ; for that being taken in , he doubted not to bring the whole state of the bituriges easily into his subjection . observations . forasmuch as nothing is more changeable then the mind of man , which ( notwithstanding the low degree of baseness wherein it often sitteth , ) will as occasion giveth way to revenge , readily amount to the height of tyranny , and spare no labour to crie quittance with an enemy : it hath been thought expedient in the wisedome of foregoing ages , to pluck the wings of so mounting a bird , and to deprive an enemy of such means , as may give hope of liberty by mutinie and revolt . the practise of the romans in taking in any town , was to leave them forceless , that howsoever they might stand affected , their nails should be surely paied for scratching , and their power confined to the circuit of their mind . for as it appeareth by this and many other places of caesar , no rendry of any town was accepted , untill they had delivered all their arms , both offensive and defensive , with such engines and instruments of warre as might any way make for the defence of the same . neither that onely , but such beasts also , whether horse or elephant , or any other whatsoever , as might any way advantage the use of those weapons . which as it was a great dismay and weakning to the enemy ; so was it short of the third condition , commanding the delivery of so many hostages or pledges as were thought convenient , being the prime of their youth , and the flower of their manhood , and were as the marrow to their bones , and the sinewes to that body . whereby it came to pass , that the remnant was much disabled in strength , concerning their number of fighting men ; and such as were left had neither arms nor means to make resistance . the turke observeth the same course with the christians , but in a more cruell and barbarous manner : for he cometh duely at a certain time , not regarding any former demeanour , and leadeth away the flower of their youth , to be invested in impiety and infidelity , and to be made vassalls of heathenish impurity . oftentimes we reade , that a conquered people were not onely interdicted armes , but the matter also and the art whereby such armes were made and wrought : for where the people are great , and mettall and matter plenty , it is a chance if artificers be wanting to repair their loss , and to refurnish their armoury . at the siege of carthage the romans having taken away their armes , they notwithstanding , finding store of mettall within the town , caused workmen to make every day a hundred targets and three hundred swords , besides arrowes and casting slings , using womens hair for want of hemp , and pulling down their houses for timber to build shipping . whereby we may perceive , that a generall cannot be too carefull to deprive an enemy of all such helps as may any way strengthen his hand , or make way to resistance . chap. vii . vercingetorix perswadeth the galles to a new course of warre . vercingetorix having received so many losses one in the neck of another , * vellaunodunum , * genabum & * noviodunum being taken , he calleth his men to councel , and telleth them that the war must be carried in another course then it hath been heretofore ; for they must endeavour by all means to keep the romans from forrage and convoy of victuall : which would easily be brought to pass , forasmuch as they themselves did abound in horsemen : and for that the time of the year did not yet serve to get forrage in the field , the enemy must necessarily seek it in houses and barns , whereby the forragers would dayly be cut off by their horsemen . moreover , for their safety and defence they were to neglect their private commoditie : their houses and their villages were to be burnt up round about as far as boia , wheresoever the romans might go to fetch their forrage . for themselves they thought it reason that they should make supply of victuall and provision , in whose possessions they were , and for whom they fought . by this means the rom. would never be able to endure that want as would befall them , or at the least be constrained to fetch their provisions farre off , with great danger and perill to themselves : neither did it make any matter whether they killed them or put them besides their carriages ; for without necessary supplies they were never able to hold war. and to conclude , such towns were likewise to be set on fire , as by the strength of their situation were not safe from danger , lest they should prove receptacles to linger and detract the warre , and serve the romans for booty and supplies of provision . and albeit these things might seem heavie and bitter ; yet they ought to esteem it more grievous to have their wives and their children led away into servitude , and themselves to be slain by the sword of the enemy : which doth necessarily fall upon a conquered people . this opinion was generally approved by the consent of all men , and more then twenty cities of the bituriges were burnt in one day : the like was done in other states , great fires were to be seen in all parts . and although all men took it very grievously , yet they propounded this comfort unto themselves , that the enemy being by this means defeated , they should quickly recover their losses . touching avaricum they disputed it in common councel , whether it should be burnt or defended . the bituriges do prostrate themselves at the feet of all the galles , that they might not be forced to set on fire with their own hands , the fairest citie in all gallia , being both an ornament and a strength to their state ; they would easily defend it by the site of the place , being incircled round about with a river and a bog , and being accessible by one narrow passage onely . at length leave being granted them to keep it , ve●cingetorix at first disswading them from it , and afterwards yielding unto it , moved by the intreaty of the galles , and the commiseration of the common multitude ; and so a fit garrison was chosen to defend the town . observations . i have seen an imprese with a circle , and a hand with a sharp stile pointing towards the centre with this motto , hic labor , hoc opus , this is a thing of work and labour ; signifying thereby , that albeit the area thereof were plainly and distinctly bounded , and the diameter of no great length , yet it was not an easie matter to find the centre , which is the heart and chiefest part of that figure . in like manner , there is no business or other course so easie or plain , but the centre may be mistaken , and the difficulty commonly resteth in hitting that point , which giveth the circumference an equall and regular motion . the galles were resolved to undertake the defence of their countrey , and to redeem their liberty with the hazard of their lives : but it seemeth they were mistaken in the means , and ran a course farre short of the centre . for vercingetorix perceiving the romans dayly to get upon the galles , first by taking in one town , secondly another , and lastly of a third , he advised them to set on fire all the countrey houses , villages and towns for a great circuit round about , and so force the romans to fetch their forrage and provisions farre off , and undergo the difficulties of long convoyes , whereby the galles might make use of their multitude of horse , and keep the romans without supplies of necessary provisions : and so they doubted not but to give a speedy end to that warre . and this h● took to be the centre of that business , and the true use of their advantage . polybius writeth , that m. regulus having divers times overthrown the carthaginians in battell , one xantippus a lacedemonian , clearly perceiving the cause of their often routs , began openly to say , that the carthaginians were not overthrown by the valour of the romans , but by their own ignorance : for they exceeding the romans in horse and elephants , had neglected to fight in the champain , where their cavalry might shew it self , but in hils and woody places , where the foot troups were of more force , and so the romans had the advantage . whereby the manner of the war being changed , and by the counsell of the preguant greek , brought from the hills into the levell of the plain , the carthaginians recovered all their former losses by one absolute victory . in like manner anniball finding himself to exceed the romans in strength of cavalrie , did alwayes endeavour to affront them in open and champain countries ; and as often as the romans durst meet him , he put them to the worse : but fabius perceiving the disadvantage , kept himself alwayes upon the hils , and in covert and uneven places , and so made the advantage of the place equall the multitude of the enemies horsemen . there is no greater scorn can touch a man of reputation and place , then to be thought not to understand his own business . for as wisedome is the excellency of humane nature , so doth want of judgement deject men to the condition of such as aristotle calleth servants by nature : whose wit being too weak to support any weight , do recompence that want with the service of their body , and are wholy employed in a porters occupation . which homer layeth upon diomedes shoulders , with as fine conveyance as he doth the rest of his inventions . for ulysses and he going out on a partie to do some exploit upon the trojans , they carried themselves so gallantly , that they fell to share king rhesus chariot and horses . ulysses presently seized upon the horses , being of a delicate thracian breed , and diomedes seemed well contented with the chariot . but being to carry it away , pallas advised him to let it alone , lest he might prove his strength to be greater then his wit , and yet not find so much neither as would carry it away . but for these directions which vercingetorix gave unto the galles , i referre the reader to the sequele of the history , wherein he shall find how they prevailed . chap. viii . caesar besiegeth avaricum , and is distressed for want of corn . vercingetorix followed caesar by small and easy journeyes , and chose a place to incamp in , fortified about with bogs and woods , fifteen miles distant from avaricum : where he understood what was done at avaricum every hour of the day , and commanded likewise what he would have done . he observed all our forraging and harvesting , and did set upon such as went far off upon any such occasion , and incumbred them with great inconveniences : albeit they took what course they could to meet with it , as to go out at uncertain times , and by unknown and unusuall wayes . caesar incamping himself before that part of the town which was not shut in with the river nor the bog , and afforded but a narrow and streight passage , began to make a mount , to drive vines , and to raise two towers ; ( for the nature of the place would not suffer him to inclose it round about with a ditch and a rampier ; ) and never rested to admonish the hedui and the boii to bring in supplies of corn : of whom the one , by reason of the small care and pains they took , did little help him ; the other , of no great ability , being a small and a weak state , did quickly consume all that they had . the army was distressed for want of corn , by reason of the poverty of the boii , and the indiligence of the hedui , together with the burning of the houses in the country , in such manner as they wanted corn for many dayes together , and sustained their lives with beasts and cattell which they had fetched a great way off : and yet no one voice at all was heard to come from them , unworthy the majesty of the roman empire , and their former victories . and whenas caesar did speak unto the legions severally as they were in the works , that if their wants were heavy and bitter unto them , he would leave off the siege ; all of them with one voice desired him not to do so , for since they had so serv'd many years under his command , as they never had received any dishonour , neither had they at any time departed and left the businesse undone ; it would be imputed unto them as an ignominy and disgrace to leave this siege ; and that they had rather undergo all difficulties , then not to revenge the death of the citizens of rome that by treachery were slain at genabum . the same speeches they delivered to the centurions and tribunes , to be told caesar . the first observation . the worth of a souldier consisteth in a disposition of mind and body , which maketh him apt to suffer and to undergo the difficulties of war. for let his resolution otherwise be never so great , and his courage invincible in the day of battel ; yet if he faint under the burthen of such tediousnesse as usually attendeth upon warlike designments , he is no way fit for any great enterprise . pindarus saith , that he understandeth not the war , that knoweth not that the atchieving of one piece of service , is alwayes accompanied with the sufferance of another difficulty as great as that which was first intended . et facere , & pati fortia , romanum est . it was the peculiar commendation of the roman people , patiently to endure the extremities of warfare : which made the volsci to cry out , that either they must forswear arms , and forget to make war , and receive the yoak of thraldome and bondage ; aut tis quibuscum de imperio certetur , nec virtute , nec patientia , nec disciplina rei militaris cedendum ; or else they must shew themselves no waies inferiour to their antagonists either in valour , or sufferance , or military discipline . appian forgetteth not to say , that the roman empire was raised to such greatnesse , not by fortune or good luck , but by mere valour , and patient enduring of hardnesse and want . which is the self-same which crassus in his sorrow uttered to his souldiers , who neither did nor spake many things well : for as plutarch rightly censureth him out of the comicall poet , he was a good man , any way else but in wars . the empire of rome ( saith he ) came not to that greatnesse which it now possesseth by good fortune only , but by patient and constant suffering of trouble and adversity ; never yielding or giving place to any danger . some italian writers are of an opinion , that the two chiefest parts of a souldier , valour and sufferance , are in these times divided unto two nations , the french and the spaniard : the spaniard making war rather by sufferance then by violence of assaults ; and the french impatient of delay , and furious in assaults : so that according to his opinion , a spaniard & a french-man will make one good souldier . touching the spaniard , i cannot deny but that he hath the name of one of the best souldiers in christendome , and i do gladly allow all that vertue can challenge , for truth will prevail against all affection : yet i may say thus much on the behalf of our own people , that we have seldome lost honour in confronting any nation . concerning the sufferance , and patient induring of hardnesse , which is said to be in the spaniard , being able to live long with a little , it may peradventure not unfitly be attributed to the property of their country , and the nature of their climate , which will not bear nor digest such plenty of food , as is required in colder countries : and thereupon being born to so weak a digestion , they are as well satisfied with a root or a sallet , as others with better plenty of food ; and therein they goe beyond other nations . of the french i say nothing , but leave them to make good the opinion of the italian writer . suetonius witnesseth of caesar , that he himself was laboris ultra fidem patiens , one that endured toil beyond belief , whereby he might the better move his army to endure with patience the difficulties of the siege : and yet so artificially , as he seemed rather willing to leave it uneffected , then to impose any burthen upon them , which they themselves should be unwilling to bear ; the rather to draw the legions to ingage themselves therein , by denying to forsake it , then to cast that upon them , which their-unwillingnesse might easily have put off . the second observation . vve may further observe , the means the souldiers used to acquaint caesar with their desires , which was by the tribunes and centurions . for as these were mediate officers between the generall and them , and delivered the mandates and directions of the emperour to the souldier ; so did the souldiers use their help to make known unto him their requests : as besides this place may appear in the first commentary , where they desired to give him satisfaction touching the fear they had conceived of ariovistus and the germans , which they likewise did by the centurions and tribunes . chap. ix . caesar leaveth the siege , and goeth to take the enemy upon advantage ; but returneth again without fighting . when the towers began to approach near unto the walls , caesar understood by the captives , that vercingetorix having consumed all his provision of forrage , had removed his camp nearer to avaricum , and that he himself was gone with the cavalry , and such ready footmen as were accustomed to fight among the horsemen , to lye in ambush in that place where he thought our men would come a forraging the next day . which being known , setting forward about midnight in silence , in the morning he came to the enemies camp . they having speedy advertisement by their scouts of caesars coming , did hide their carriages in the woods , and imbattelled all their forces in an eminent and open place . which being told caesar , he commanded the baggage to be speedily laid together , and their arms to be made ready . there was a hill of a gentle rising from the bottome to the top , incompassed round about with a difficult and troublesome bog of fifty foot in breadth . upon this hill , the bridge being broken , the galles kept themselves , trusting to the strength of the place , and being distributed into companies according to their severall states , they kept all the fords and passages of the bog with watches , with this resolution , that if the romans did passe over the bog , they might easily from the higher ground keep them under , as they stuck in the mire , who little reckoning of so small a distance , would deem the fight to be upon equall terms , whereas they themselves well knowing the inequality of the condition , did make but a vain and idle ostentation . the souldiers disdaining that the enemy could endure their presence so near at hand , and requiring the sign of battel , caesar acquainted them with what detriment and losse of many valiant men , the victory must at that time be bought , who being so resolute that they refused no danger to purchase him honour , he might well be condemned of great ingratitude and villany , if their lives were not dearer unto him then his own safety : and so comforting the souldiers , he brought them back again the same day into the camp , and gave order for such things as were requisite for the siege of the town . observations . this chapter hath divers speciall particulars worthy observation . the first is , the opportunity which caesar took to visite the army of the galles , when vercingetorix was absent and gone to lie in ambush for the roman forragers : which was a caveat to vercingetorix , not to be too busie with the roman convoyes , lest his absence might draw on such an inconvenience , as might make him repent for going a birding . the second is , the inequality which the advantage of the place giveth to a party : which i have already so often spoken of , as i am almost weary to repeat it ; and the rather , for that i have produced this passage in the former book , to signifie the benefit of such an advantage . yet forasmuch as it is so pregnant to that effect , as may well deserve a double consideration , and was also produced by caesar himself upon occasion at gergovia , give me leave to note how much it swayeth to counterpoise the want of the adverse party . wherein as it cannot be denied , but that it may give such help as may make a small number equall a farre greater proportion of men ; so in caesars judgement it countervaileth the absence of the generall , and maketh the body perfect without the head . neither were they weakned onely with the absence of their generall ; but their cavalry wherein they so much trusted was absent likewise ; and yet more then that too , by how much the roman legions excelled the galles in valour and prowess of arms : which being all put together is no small advantage . for doubtless if the matter had stood upon equal tearms touching the place , neither the presence of vercingetorix , nor the addition of their cavalry to assist them , had hindered the battell , or turned the romans back to their camp . the third thing is , the moderation which he shewed , forbearing to fight , the galles insolently vaunting , and the roman souldiers fretting and disdaining the enemies pride : whereby he settled such a confidence of his directions in the minds of his men , by shunning the perill of apparent danger which might fall upon them in particular , as afterwards they would make no question of his commands , but take them as the onely means of their safetie , being never better assured then in performing what he commanded . the practice of later times hath not so well deserved of that vertue , but hath often shewed it self more prodigall of bloud , as though men were made onely to fill up ditches , and to be the wofull executioners of other mens rashness . the last thing is , the making ready of their weapons , arma expediri iussit . concerning which point , we must understand that the romans alwayes carried their targets in cases , and did hang their helmets at their backs , and fitted their piles as might be most convenient with the rest of their carriages . and therefore whensoever they were to give battel , they were first to put on their helmets , to uncase their targets , to fit their piles , and to make them ready for the charge : and this was called arma expedire . chap. x. vercingetorix excuseth himself to the galles for his absence . vercingetorix returning back to the army , was accused of treason : in that he had removed his camp near unto the romans ; and further that he had gone away from it , and took all the cavalry with him ; that he had left so great an army without any one to command it ; that upon his departure the romans should come so opportunely and so speedily : for all these things could not fall out by chance without counsell and direction : it seemed he had rather have the kingdome of gallia by a grant from caesar , then by their means and gift . being thus charg●d , he answereth , that he removed the camp for want of forrage , they themselves desiring it . he came near unto the romans , being led thereunto by the opportunity of the place , which was such as might defend it self by its own strength ; the cavalry was of no use in a boggy place , but might do good service there where it went. he left no man to command the army of purpose , lest by the perswasion of the multitude he should be forced to fight , which he knew they all desired , as not able long to endure any labour . if the romans came by chance , they were to thank fortune ; if by any mans direction , they were beholding unto him that had brought them , where they might from the higher ground both see how small a number they were , and contemn their valour ; who not daring to fight , did shamefully return into their camp . he desired to receive no imperiall dignity by treachery from caesar , which he might otherwise have by lawfull victory , which was now most certain and sure , both to himself and the rest of the galles . and for that authority which he had received from them , he was ready to give it up into their hands again , if they thought the honour which they gave him to be greater then the help and safety which they received from him . and to the end you may understand these things to be truly delivered by me , ( saith he ) hear the roman souldiers . and therewithall he brought forth servants which were taken forraging a few dayes before , miserably tormented with famine and irons . they being taught before-hand what to answer , said they were legionary souldiers , and had stole out of the camp to see if they could meet with any corn or cattel in the fields : the whole army suffered the like penury , and mens strength began to fail them , insomuch much that they were not able to undergo any labour : and therefore their generall had resolved , that if he prevailed not against the town , he would withdraw his army within three dayes . these benefits ( saith vercingetorix ) you have of me , whom you accuse of treason : for by my means without shedding of your bloud , you see so great a conquering army almost consumed with hunger ; and by me it is provided , that when they fly from hence , no state shall receive them into their territories . the whole multitude applauded his speech , by shaking and striking their hands together , as their manner is in such cases , commending vercingetorix for a great souldier , whose loyalty as it was not to be distrusted , so the war could not have been carried with better directions . they agreed further to send choise men out of all their forces into the town , as not thinking it fit to commit the common safety of gallia onely to the bituriges , for they were perswaded that the summe of all the victory consisted in making good that town against the romans . observations . a multitude is bellua multorum capitum ( as one saith ) an unreasonable beast of many heads , apt to receive froward and perverse incitements , and hard to be drawn to better understanding , jealous , impatient , treacherous , unconstant , an instrument for a wicked spirit , and sooner moved to mischief by thersites , then reclaimed to vertue by the authority of agamemnon , or the eloquence of ulysses , or the wisedome of nestor , more turbulent then the raging either of the sea , or of a devouring fire . and therefore they may well go together to make a triplicity of evils , according to the saying , ignis , mare , populus , tria mala ; fire , the sea , and the rabble multitude are three evils . vercingetorix had both his hands full in this service , for his care was no less to keep the galles from being distasted , then to make his party good against caesar . it is disputed touching the government of a multitude , whether it be fitter to be severe or obsequious . tacitus saith peremptorily , that in multitudine regenda plus poena quam obsequium valet ; foul means does more then fair to the governing of a multitude . but he understandeth such a multitude as are subject to their commander , either by ancient service , or the interest of regall authority , whereby they are tied to obedience by hereditary duty , and cannot refuse that which custome prescribeth . for otherwise where the people stand free from such bonds , and have submitted themselves to government for some speciall service , there , clemency or obsequious smoothing prevaileth more then the severity of command : according to the saying , homines duci volunt , non cogi ; men will be led by fair means , not compelled . upon a dissension which happened at rome between the people and the senate , the people were presently sent into the field under the leading of two senators , quintius and appius claudius . appius by reason of his cruelty and severity , was not obeyed by his souldiers , but forsook his province and returned non proficient , they will do nothing : quintius being curteous and benigne , had an obedient army , and came home a conquerour . in the like terms did vercingetorix stand with the galles , who not long before were all of equall authority , and for the defence of the common cause had submitted themselves to order and government : and therefore he carried himself accordingly , but with some cunning too , for he made no scruple to abuse the beast , and to present them with a lesson of deceit , taught to servants and roman slaves , as the confession of legionarie souldiers , which is a liberty that hath ever been allowed to such as had the managing of an unruly multitude , who have made as much use of the false rein , as the bit or the spur , or any other help belonging to that art . chap. xi . caesar continueth the siege at avaricum , and describeth the walls of the towns in gallia . by the singular valour of our souldiers all the counsels and devices of the galles were made void and of none effect . for they are a nation of great dexterity , apt to imitate and make any thing which they see other men do before them : for they turned aside the hooks with ropes , and drew them into the town with engines : they withdrew the earth from the mount with mines with their great skill , by reason of their iron mines wherein they are much practised : they set up towers upon every part of the wall , and covered them with raw hides : they sallied out of the town night and day , and either set fire to the mount , or assaulted the souldiers as they were at work : they did every day make their towers equal to that height of our towers , which the daily increase of the mount had added to their height : they hindred the open trenches , and kept them from approaching the walls with sharp burned stakes , cast into them with hot pitch and with great stones . all their walls are almost of this fashion : long strait beams are placed upon the ground , with an equall distance of two foot one from another , and bound together on the inside of the wall , and fastned with great store of earth : the distances between the beams are filled and fitted with great stones in the front of the wall . these being thus placed and fastned with morter , another such a course is laid upon that , keeping alwayes the same distance , so as one beam be not laid upon another , but in the second rank placing them upon the distances filled up with stones , and so forward untill the wall be raised to the due height . this fashion as it is a work not deformed either in shew or variety , observing alternate courses of beams and stones which keep their order by even lines ; so is it profitable also and very much advantaging the defence of the town : for as the stone keeps it from burning , so doth the wood from the violence of the ramme , forasmuch as the beams are for the most part fourty foot long , and can neither be broken nor pull'd out . the first observation . this chapter doth in some part express the manner of their siege in ancient time , and the means which the defendant had to frustrate the assaults and approaches of the enemy . besides the ram which the romans used to shake and overthrow the wall , ( whereof i have already spoken ) they had commonly great hooks of iron to catch hold of a turret , and to pull it over the wall , or to pull down the parapet , or to disturb any work which was to be made upon the wall . these hooks were used by the legionary souldiers , being covered with vines in the same manner as they handled the ram : and were averted and put off by the ingenious practises of the galles , with ropes cast and insnared about them , and then by force of engines drawn into the town . in like manner the open trenches , by which the romans made their approaches to the wall , were answered from the town with stakes or piles , hardned at the end with fire , and then cast into them to hinder such as were at work , together with seething pitch and great stones . furthermore , as the romans raised their mount , and brought matter unto it to enlarge it in breadth and height , so did the galles undermine it , and drew the earth away , or set it on fire to burn it : for as i have already noted in the description of a mount , it was made as well with wood and timber , as with earth and stones . they strengthened their walls with turrets and towers , and covered them with raw hides to keep them from burning : and as the romans mounted in height with their turrets and engines , so the galles raised their towers answerable unto them , that in the defence of the town they might sight with equall advantage . and thus they proceeded both in the offensive and defensive part , as farre as either valour or wit could improve those means which were then in use in besieging a town . the second observation . it was the use of all nations , to fortify their strong towns with such walls as might make best defence against the practice of those times wherein they lived , touching the taking and besieging of townes . so the galles , as it appeareth by caesar , raised their walls of wood and stone , laid in mutuall courses one with another , that the wood might make void the violence of the ram , and the stone keep it from burning with fire , which in those dayes were the means to assault and overthrow a wall . in these times the walls of strong and fortified townes , are only made and raised of earth , as the best defence against the fury of the artillery . but forasmuch as the old manner of fortification is here in part delivered by caesar , give me leave to have a word or two touching the fortifications of these times . and first touching the art it self , in respect of the matter and the manner , it is a member of architecture , but the end is military : for to fortify is nothing else but to make a building answerable to necessity and the occurrences of war. neither is it the end of fortification to make a place inexpugnable , or unpossible to be taken , for so it were ars artium , but to reduce it to a good and reasonable defence . wheresoever then any such defence is required , the mystery of fortification is to raise such a fort , and to apply such a figure , answering the quality and site of that place , as may give greatest strength thereunto : for as all places are not capable in the disposition of their best strength of all sorts of figures , so there is a difference of strength between this and that figure . and as the place wanteth the advantage of motion and agility for its own defence , so is it requisite it should be furnished with the best means and commodities both to annoy the enemy , and to defend its own people . and in that respect all circular forms , as compounded of parts of one and the same nature , are unfit for fortification : for where a fort ought so to be disposed , that it may have as many hands to strike as briar●us , and as a hydra never to want a head , it is necessary that the figure thereof be of different and unlike parts , as apt to work divers effects . for unlesse it be able to discover a far off , to command the country about as far as the artillery will play , to stop the passages , to hinder approaches and assaults , to damnify the enemy at hand and far off , sometimes with the artillery , sometimes with small shot , sometimes with fire-works , and other times by sallies , it hath not that perfection as is requisite . admitting therefore composition of parts , next unto the circle the triangular fortresse is most unperfect ; first in regard it is a figure of lesse capacity then any other of equall bounds , which is a great inconvenience in a hold , when the souldiers shall be pinn'd up for want of room , and through the straightnesse of the place , not to be able to avoid confusion . secondly , the bulwarks of all such triangular fortresses , have alwayes such sharp cantons as are easily subject to breaking , which giveth the enemy means to approach them without disturbance from the fort . the quadrangle fortresse hath almost the same imperfection of angles as the triangle hath , but is more spacious within , and of greater capacity . and therefore pentagons or hexagons , or any other that hath more angles , is fittest for fortification , ( understanding the place to be capable of them , ) as being of a greater content , and having their angles more obtuse , and by consequence more solid and strong . a plain champain level doth admit all sorts of figures , and may take the best ; having these advantages : it easily hindereth an enemy from approaching near unto it , or incamping before it , and is not subject to mines , by reason of the water rising in such levels . but on the other side , a small troup will besiege it , and battery may be laid to divers places of it : it is alwayes subject to mounts of earth , and needeth many bulwarks ●ditches , and much cost to keep it . a fortresse upon a hill hath these advantages : an enemy can hardly lodge near unto it , or lay battery against it , it requireth more men to besiege it , and is not subject to mounts . the disadvantages are , that it is not in our choice to make it in the best form of strength , but must give it such a figure as may best fit the place , being sometimes too large and spacious , and sometimes , too strait . the enemies artillery hath greater force against it playing upward , and the artillery of the fort playeth not so sure downward . the hands of all forts are the bulwarks from whence the artillery playeth ; the supplements to the bulwarks are the ravelins , the platforms , the casmates , and the cavaleros . the walls are made in scarp canting inwards , the better to bear the weight of the earth , with this proportion , that to every five foot and half , or six foot in height , there be one foot allowed in scarp . the counterscarp is another wall outward to the first , and stopeth inward in the same manner as the former . and thus much touching the generall view of fortification , which is as much as may well be comprehended in these short observations , reserving the further consideration thereof to a particular treatise by it self . chap. xii . the siege of avaricum continued . the siege being hindered by so many disturbances , and the souldiers afflicted all the time with cold and continuall rain , yet they overcame all these lets with continuall labour , and in five and twenty dayes they raised a mount of three hundred and thirty foot in breadth , and fourscore in height . when it came almost to touch the wall , caesar himself attending the work , as his custome was , and encouraging the souldiers to omit no time from the same : a little before the third watch of the night , the mount was seen to smoak , the enemy having set it on fire with a mine . and at the same instant of time , a shout being taken up by them that stood upon the wall , they made a sally out at two gates on both sides the towers . some cast firebrands and dry matter from the wall unto the mount , pouring pitch and other things to nourish the fire ; that no man knew whither to run first , or where to give help . notwithstanding forasmuch as caesar had appointed two legions by turn to watch before the camp , and two other to follow the works , it happened , and that quickly , that some were ready to confront the sallies , and others to draw back the towers from the front of the mount , and to cut the mount asunder , the whole multitude coming out of the camp to quench the fire . the rest of the night being now spent , the fight continued every where , and ever the enemy took new spirits , and had hope of victory , the rather because they saw the sheds or hovels belonging to the towers burnt , and that the souldiers could not come near the said towers to manage them as was fitting , without shelter and covert , and that they ever sent fresh men to take the rooms of such as were weary and over-laboured : supposing the safety of all gallia to consist in that instant of time . there happened , our selves beholding it , an accident worthy memory , which i think not fit to omit . a certain gall before the gate of the town , casting with his hands balls of tallow and pitch to increase the fire , right over against the tower , was shot through the right side with a cros-bow , and fell down dead . one that stood next him stept over him , and began to do the like service : he likewise was slain with a shot out of a cros-bow . him a third man succeeded ; and the third , a fourth . neither was the place forsaken , untill the mount was quenched , the enemy removed , and the fight ceased . the first observation . it were a matter worthy observation to consider , whether there need not as many men to defend a town , as to besiege it . which at the first sight may peradventure seem frivolous : forasmuch as the defendants are but to make good the place which they hold , and to stand only upon their defensive guard , having the advantage of the place , the shelter of the walls , the strength of the ditch , and many other like helps for their defence and safety ; whereas the assailant is to strive against all these advantages , and to oppose himself to the danger of so many difficulties . but if we look a little nearer into the matter , and consider the service to be performed on either part , we shall find , that to say , as many men are necessary to defend a town as to besiege it , is no paradox . for the better understanding thereof , we are to know , that the defence of a town touching matter of fight , consisteth chiefly in these four points . first , in manning and making good all parts of the wall . for if the defendant be not able to strengthen all parts with a competent force , then he hath not men enough to defend the town ; forasmuch as all parts are subject to assault , and what part soever is not made good , that lieth open to an enemy : or otherwise if the assault be only to be made at a breach , the rest of the wall being strong enough to defend it self , there is required a competent strength within the town to defend that breach . in this point there is little difference touching a competent number of men between the assailant and the defendant : for if he that layeth siege to a town hath men enough to assault all parts at one instant , the enemy must have an answerable proportion to defend all ; or if he have no use of more men then may serve to give an assault at a breach , the defendant must have the like proportion for the defence of the breach . the second point is , in relieving wearied men , either fighting or working , with fresh supplies to continue that businesse , as oftentimes it falleth out in the siege of a town . wherein likewise there is small or no difference touching an equality between both parties . for if the defendant be not as well able to relieve his wearied souldiers with fresh supplies , as the enemy is to continue the assault , the town may quickly have a new master . the third point is , in defeating and making void such works as the enemy shall make against the town , as mounts , mines , approaches , and such like inconveniences ; which being suffered to go on without opposition and prevention , the town cannot hold out long . in this point the defendant hath the disadvantage , having need of more men to overthrow and prevent the works , then the assailant hath to make them good . for there he that besiegeth the place fighteth with the advantage , and hath the same helps as the defendant hath in the fastnesse of his hold : which caused this extraordinary accident , which caesar noteth , touching the successive slaughter of so many galles , who labouring to burn the roman works with balls of tallow and pitch , were all slain with the blow of one mans bow . the last point is in sallies , which is as necessary for the defence of a town as any thing else whatsoever . for if the defendant be not able to sally out , the enemy will quickly coop him up , and tread upon his belly . and herein the defendant needeth more men then the assailant . for he that is in the field , lyeth in the strength of his trenches ; whereas the other cometh out naked upon him . and thus much touching this question in particular . concerning the generall , if it be demanded whether there have been more men lost in the defence of ostend , then in besieging it ; i answer , that neither side can much vaunt of a small losse . the second observation . in the second place there are two observable points . the one , caesars continuall attendance upon the works , being present night and day , without any long intermission , which did much advantage their proceeding at that time , and was as important to a fortunate issue , as any other thing whatsoever . for where an enemy is extraordinary , either in valour or diligence , there must needs be extraordinary means to countervail the height of so great a resolution : which caesar overtopt with monstrous and huge works , and speeded those works with his continuall attendance . the second point is the successive task of the roman army , being eight legions present at that siege ; ( for the other two were left at agendicum with the carriages of the army ; ) in such sort , as half the army was alwayes at rest , and the other half imployed : two legions at work , and two legions in the watch : and thus they eased each other , and still continued the work . for otherwise they had not been able to have undergone the burthen , as the saying is ; quod caret alterna requ●e durab●le non est . it cannot hold that rests not now and then . chap. xiii . caesar by an assault taketh avaricum . the galles having tried all means , and none taking effect , the next day they consulted touching their leaving of the town , vercingetorix both commanding and perswading them unto it ▪ which they hoped they might do in the night time , without any great loss unto themselves , forasmuch as vercingetorix was not far off with his camp , and all the way thither was a continuall bog , which would hinder the romans from following after them . and for that purpose they prepared themselves against the next night . which the women perceiving , did run suddenly out into the streets and other publick places , and cast themselves at the feet of their husbands ; and by all means intreated them , not to leave them and their children to the cruelty of the enemy , whom nature and infirmity of body would not suffer to flie away . but finding them to continue resolute in their purpose , forasmuch as in extreme perill , fear for the most part hath no commiseration , they cried out , and signified their flight unto the romans . wherewith the galles being feared , they desisted from their purpose , left the wayes should be forestalled and laid by the roman horsemen . the next day caesar having advanced forward the tower , and perfected those works which he had determined to make , there happened to fall a great rain , which he thought to be a fit occasion for his purpose . and forasmuch as he saw the guard upon the wall to be somewhat negligently disposed , he commanded his men to work fair and softly , and shewed them what he would have done . and incouraging the legions which were hid in a read●ness under the vines , at length to injoy the sweetness of victory for their manifold labours ; he provided a reward for such as were seen first upon the walls , and gave them the signe to begin . the souldiers flying suddenly out of all parts , did quickly possess themselves of the walls . the enemie being frighted with so sudden an accident , and put from the towers and walles , imbattelled themselves angle-wise in the market-place , and in other spacious streets of the citie , with this resolution , that if they were assaulted in any part , they would resist in form of battell . but when they saw no man to descend on even ground , but to inclose them round about upon the wall , fearing lest there would be no way to escape , they cast their armes away , and fled all to the furthest part of the town . part of them sticking in a throng at the gate , were there slain by the souldiers ; and part being got out of the gate , were slain by the horsemen . neither was there any man that looked after pillage , but being moved to anger with the slaughter of our men at genabum , and with the travell and labour of those great workes , they neither spared old men , women nor children . in the end , of all that number , which was about fourty thousand , scarce eight hundred ( that upon the first noise forsook the town ) came safe to vercingetorix . these he received with great silence , being now farre in the night , lest any sedition should have grown in the camp , through the pity and commiseration of the vulgar people ; and sent out his familiar friends and chiefest men of each state to meet such as had escaped away , and to bring them to their own people as they lay quartered in the camp . the first observation . we may see here the saying verified touching the disposition of the galles for matter of valour : which in the beginning seemed so great , that it needed no further strain to countervail the worth of caesars army , and was expressed with such industry and resolution , both in spoiling and disappointing the roman works , as also by ingenious fortifying and making good their own labours ; that a man would have deemed them virtute pares , equall in valour . but being a little spent in the action , like a pot that hath a mouth as big as the belly , and powreth out all the liquor at an instant , they fell at length to that baseness , as shewed less spirit then the women did , who chose rather to betray their husbands purposes to the enemy , then to hazard their lives by escaping to vercingetorix . and this is that which is so often noted by historiographers ; quod multa bella impetu valida per taedia & moras evanuere : that many warrs which are hot at the first , slacken and vanish upon a tedious continuance . the first thing that i observe , is , that which caesar himself noteth : quod plerumque in summo periculo , timor misericordiam non recipit ; that usually in case of extreme danger , fear hath no mercy . which was true on either side . for the galles were so set upon flying to vercingetorix , that they regarded not the wofull laments of the women and children , whom they were well content to hazard , whilest they themselves might escape in safety . and on the other side , the women did forget to be pitifull to their husbands , whom they would not suffer to escape , and leave them in their weakness behind as a prey to appease the wrath of the bloudy souldier , which would consequently follow in that escape . which sheweth , that there is notice comparable to the bond of nature , specially when it concerneth the preservation of life . for as in other things , respect and affection may easily work a communication of good things unto others , as also a participation of their evils for their relief : so herein we are altogether senseless , and the love we owe to our lives is so great , that it admitteth no respect . agesilaus to his friend was without respect a friend : and yet notwithstanding being driven one day to remove upon the sudden , and to leave one sick behind him whom he loved dearly ; the sick man calling him by his name as he was going away , besought him that he would not forsake him . agesilaus turning back again , answered ; o how hard it is both to love and to be wise ! according to the saying , sapere & amare vix deo conceditur , to be wise and to love , god himself can scarce do it . the second observation . it is a principle among men of warre , not to put necessity upon an enemy , nor make him valiant whether he will or no , ( as i have already noted in the former commentaries ; ) which the romans well observed in this particular service at avaricum : for being possest of the walls , they did not suddenly assault them in the market-place , where they had made head for their defence , but gave them a breathing time , the better to understand what they did , and respite , to bethink themselves of a starting hole for the safety of their lives . which as it was quickly apprehended by the galles , so it made an easie execution to the roman souldier . and as it seemeth , it was the more carefully handled in respect of the condition of the enemy being revolters : for such provinces as have rebelled , are harder to be recovered after their revolt , then they were at first to be subdued . for at the first , they have no occasion to fear any hard condition , but yielding to subjection do look for favour : whereas rebels and revolters , besides the condition of an enemy , are in the nature of offenders , and stand in fear of the extremities of warre , which maketh them more obstinate then otherwise they would be . and therefore it behoveth a generall not to impose any further necessity upon an enemy , then the quality of the warre doth lay upon him : which oftentimes is more then can be well avoided . chap. xiiii . vercingetorix doth comfort the galles for the loss of avaricum . the next day calling a councell , he comforted the galles , and exhorted them not to be utterly dismaied with that loss : for the romans had not overthrown them with valour , nor in a set battell , but with a kind of art , and skill in besieging a town , whereof they themselves were ignorant . he erred much that looked for all the events of warre to fall out prosperously . it was never his opinion , that avaricum should be kept ; whereof they themselves were witnesses . but it fell out by the imprudency of the bituriges , & over great indulgence of the rest , that this loss happened unto them : which notwithstanding he would speedily heal with greater helps . for by his diligence he would unite such states unto them , as were not yet of the confederacy , and make one purpose of all gallia , which the whole world was not able to resist : and that he had almost effected it already . in the mean time he thought it fit that they should yield unto one thing for their safeties sake , which was to fortifie their camp ; to the end they might better sustain the sudden assaults of the enemy . this speech was not unpleasing to the galles ; and the rather , that he himself was not dejected in spirit upon so great a loss , nor did hide himself , or flie the presence of the multitude : being the more esteemed , forasmuch as when the matter was in question , he first thought it fit that avaricum should be burned , and afterwards he perswaded them to forsake it : wherein as misfortune and adversity do impair the authority of other commanders ; so contrariwise his honour daily increased by the loss which he received . and withall they were in great hope upon his affirmation , to winne the rest of the states unto them . and that was the first time that the galles began to fortifie their camp , being so appalled in spirit , that where they ever were unaccustomed to labour , yet they thought it their part to suffer and undergo all that was commanded them . the first observation . next to the knowledge and experience of warre , there is nothing more requisite in a great commander , then greatness of spirit : for where his employment consisteth in managing the great businesses of the world , such as are the slaughter of many thousands in an hour , the sacking of cities , the fighting of battels , the alteration of commonweals , victories , triumphs , and the conquest of kingdoms , which like the constellations in the eighth sphere , are left to succeeding ages in such characters as cannot be defaced , and make an impression of the greatest measure of joy , or the greatest heap of sorrow ; it is necessary that his courage be answerable to such a fortune , neither to be crushed with the weight of adversity , nor puffed up with the pride of victory ; but in all times to shew the same constancy of mind , and to temper extremities with a setled resolution . of this metall and temper , is the philosophers homo quadratus made of , such as camillus was in rome . for never speech did better beseem a great personage then that of his , having known both the favour and the disgrace of fortune : nec mihi dictatura animos fecit , necexilium ademit , neither did my dictatorship puff me up , nor my banishment sink my spirits , saith he . whereas weak spirits do either vanish away in the smoke of folly , being drunk with the joyes of pleasing fortune ; or otherwise upon a change of good times , do become more base and abject , then the thief that is taken in the fact : such as perseus the last macedonian king was , who besides his ill fortune for losing his kingdome in the space of one hour , hath ever since stood attainted of a base and abject mind , unworthy the throne of alexander the great . the wise romans used all means to give courage and spirit to their leaders , and to free their minds from such externall respects , which losse or dishonour might cast upon them . and therefore when varro had fought so rashly at cannae , that he had like to have lost the roman empire to annibal , upon his return to rome the whole senate went out to meet him : and although they could not thank him for the battell , yet they gave him thanks that he was returned home again , whereby he seemed not to despair of the state of rome . in like manner did the galles congratulate vercingetorix , that notwithstanding so great a loss , he was neither dejected in spirit , nor did hide himself from the multitude ; but as a commander of high resolution , had found out means to heal those harms , and to recompence the loss of a●ar●cum , with the uniting of all the states of gallia into one confederacie . the second observation . secondly we may observe , how dangerous it is to be the author of a counsel touching any important or grave deliberation , or to lay down any project for the service of a state : for all men are blind in this point , that they judge of good or ill counsell by the success , and look no further then the end which it taketh , which proving disasterous or unfortunate , doth either bring the author to destruction , or into danger both of life and state . in the occurrences of this kingdome , it appeareth that henry the fifth being sollicited by the commons touching the abbeys in england , and moved by petition exhibited in parliament , to that which was afterwards accomplished by henry the eighth , was diverted from those thoughts by an eloquent oration made in parliament by henry chicheley archbishop of canterburie , a grave and learned prelate , perswading the king by many concluding reasons , to carry a great power into france , and there to make his claim for that kingdome , according to the right derived unto him from his noble progenitors . whereupon the king was perswaded to undertake that war ; which al● 〈◊〉 fell out most happily , yet the bishop to satisfie both the king and the people for his former counsell , whereby many men were lost , built a colledge in oxford dedicated to all souls , wherein 〈◊〉 placed ●ourty scholars , to make supplications for all souls , and specially for such as had been mischieved in france in the time of that warre . vercingetorix was happy in this point , for he perswaded the galles not to keep avaricum , but to suffer it to be burned as an enemy to their safety : and thereupon he did not let to put them in mind of his opinion , as free from the danger which happened to a great man near unto perseus whom i last spake of , who after his overthrow by paulus aemilius , being told by that party of many errours which he had committed in the carriage of that warre , turned himself suddenly , saying , traitor , hast thou reserved thy counsell untill now , when there is no remedie ? and therewithall ( as some report ) slue him with his own hand . and this was it that gave vercingetorix that happiness : ut reliquorum imperatorum res adversae , authoritatem minuunt : sic hujus ex contrario , d●gnitas incommodo accepto indies augebatur ; as misfortune and adversity , &c. as before . chap. xv. vercingetorix laboureth to unite all gallia into one league for the upholding of their warre . neither did vercingetorix omit any endeavour for the accomplishment of his promise , to draw the rest of the states unto him : and to that purpose he dealt with their chiefest men both by rewards and promises , and chose out fit men , that either by subtile speeches , or friendship , or some other means , might win them unto him . he tooke order that such as had escaped from avaricum , should be both clothed and armed : and withall , that he might reenforce his troups which were weakned , he commanded every state to furnish out certain supplies , and to be brought by a day to the camp . he commanded likewise all the archers , of whom there is great store in gallia , to be sought out and sent unto him . and by this means he speedily repaired his losses at avaricum . in the mean time teutomatus the son of ollovico king of the nitiobriges , whose father had the title of a friend from our senate , came to him with a great number of horsemen , which he had brought out of aquitain . observations . it semeth by this place , that france in those dayes did favour archery : for ( as the story saith ) they had great store of archers amongst them , but of what value they were is not here delivered . the use they made of them followeth after in this commentary , which was to intermingle them amongst the horse , and so they fought as light-armed men . in the times that our english nation carried a scourging hand in france , the matter between us and them touching archery , stood in such tearms as gave england great advantage : for i have not heard of any bow-men at all amongst them ; whereas our nation hath heretofore excelled all other , as well in number of bow-men , as in excellent good shooting , and hath made so good proof thereof against the french , as it needeth not any long dispute . * concerning archery i finde these things considerable . first , that every man be so fitted with bow and arrowes , as he may be apt for strong and quick shooting : wherein i cannot so much commend these livery bowes , being for the most part heavy slugs , and of greater weight then strength , and of more shew then service . secondly , that in a day of service the bow-men endeavour so to deliver their quivers , that the whole band or sleeve of shot may let go all at one instant of time : for so the shower of arrows will be more fierce and terrible , and more available against an enemy . thirdly , the fittest form of imbattelling for bow-men ; which must not at any hand be deep in slank , for so such as are in the hindmost ranks , will either shoot short or to no purpose . and therefore the fittest form of imbattelling for archery , hath ever been accounted a long-sided square , resembling a * hearse , broad in front , and narrow in flank . fourthly , their defance in a day of battell ; which must either be a covert woody place , where the horse of the enemy cannot come at them , or a trench cast before them , or the place must be fortified with galthrops and stakes , such as were devised by henry the fifth at agincourt field , or some other means to avoid the cavalry . the last thing is the effects which the bowmen worke : which are two ; first the galling of the enemy , and secondly disorder . touching the galling of the enemie , there cannot be a better description then that which plutarch maketh of the overthrow of the romans by the parthian arrowes . the roman souldiers hands ( saith he ) were nailed to their targets , and their feet to the ground , or otherwise were sore wounded in their bodies , and died of a cruell lingring death , crying out for anguish and pain they felt , and turning & tormenting themselves upon the ground , they brake the arrowes sticking in them . again , striving by force to pluck out the barbed heads , that had pierced farre into their bodies through their veins and sinews , they opened the wounds wider , and so cast themselves away . the disorder or routing of an enemy which is caused by the bow-men , cometh from the fearfull spectacle of a drift of arrowes : for a shower of arrowes well delivered and well seconded , for a while is so terrible to the eye , and so dreadfull in the success , that it is almost unpossible to keep the enemy from routing . the two great victories which our nation had in france at cressie and agincourt , next to the valour of the english , are attributed to our archery : and the effect of our archery at those times , was first disorder , and consequently slaughter . in the battell of cressie the king of bohemia fighting for the french , caused his horsemen to tie the bridles of their horses together in rank , that they might keep order , notwithstanding the galling which he feared from our english archery : but it fell out as ill as if he had tied their heads and their tails together in file ; for the drift of arrowes fell so terribly amongst them , that they ran together on heaps with such confusion , as made the slaughter great , and their particular destinies most miserably fortuned . at agincourt the number of prisoners which every souldier had , was admirable to speak of ; for some report that many of our english had ten prisoners apiece : which hapned chiefly from the disorder which fell amongst the french , and that disorder came by our archery . and doubtless if ever we should have occasion to go against an enemy that so aboundeth in horse as the french do , there could be no better means against such horse then our english bow-men . i know it hath been said , that now the times are altered , and the harquebuse and musket are so generally received , and of such reputation in the course of our modern wars , that in comparison of them bow-men are not worth the naming . wherein i will not go about to extenuate the use of either of these weapons , as knowing them to be both very serviceable upon fit and convenient occasions , nor take upon me to determine which of them is most effectuall in a day of service ; but onely deliver my conceit touching their effects , and leave it to the consideration of wise and discreet commanders . and first touching shot . a wing of musketiers is available against an enemy , onely in such bullets as do hit ; for such as do not hit , pass away insensibly without any further fear , and the crack is but as the lose of the bow . of such bullets as do hit , the greatest part do not strike to death , but are oftentimes carried untill the skirmish be ended before the party do feel himself hurt : so that an enemy receiveth no further hurt by a charge of shot , then happeneth to such particular men as shall chance to be slain outright or sore hurt . but a sleeve of archers is available against an enemy , as well in such arrowes as do not hit , as in such as do hit : for whereas the cloud of arrowes is subject to our sight , and every arrow is both suspected and able to bring death sitting on the head , an enemy is as much troubled at such arrows as come fair upon him and do not hit , as at those that do hit ; for no man is willing to expose his flesh to an open and eminent danger , when it lieth in his power to avoid it . and therefore whilest every man seeketh to avoid hurt , they fall into such confusion , as besides the loss of particular men , the enemy doth hardly escape disorder , which is the greatest disadvantage that can befall him . moreover , the arrowes having barbed heads , although they make but a light hurt , yet they are not easily pulled out , which maketh the souldiers not to intend the fight untill they be delivered of them : and the horse so to fling and chafe , that it is impossible they should either keep their rank or be otherwise managed for any service . and thus much touching bow-men and archery , which is a weapon as ancient as the first and truest history , and is of the number of such weapons as men use to fight with afarre off . the use whereof is too much neglected by the english of these times , considering the honour they have atchieved by it in former ages . chap. xvi . a controversy fell out in the state of the hedui touching the choise of their chief magistrate . caesar sta●ed many dayes at avaricum : for finding there great store of corn and of other provisions , he refreshed his army of their former labour and wants . the winter now being almost ended , and the time of the year being fit for war , he determined to follow the enemy , to see whether he could draw him out of the woods and bogs , or besiege him in some place . being thus resolved , divers of the principall men of the hedui came unto him , beseeching him that he would stand to them , and assist their state in a time of great need , the matter being in extreme danger : forasmuch as their ancient usage was for one to be created their annuall magistrate , having regall authority for that year ; whereas now two had taken upon them the said office , both of them affirming themselves to belawfully created ; the one was convictolitanis , a famous and flourishing young man , the other cotus , born of an ancient family , and he himself of great power and kindred , whose brother vedeliacus had born the said office the year before . all their state was in arms , their senate and their people divided , together with their clients and followers : if the controversy continued for any time , it would come to a battel ; the prevention whereof consisted in his diligence and authority . caesar , though he knew it would be disadvantagious unto him to leave the war , and to forsake the enemy : yet knowing what inconveniences do usually arise of such discords and d●ssensions , lest so great a state , and so near to the people of rome , which he himself had alwayes favoured , and by all means honoured , should fall to war amongst themselves ; and that faction which distrusted their own strength , should seek help of vercingetorix ; he thought it most necessary to be prevented . and forasmuch as such as were created chief magistrates among the hedui , were by their laws forbidden to go out of their confines : to the end he might not seem to derogate any thing from their laws , he himself determined to go unto them . at his coming he called before him to decetia all the senate , and those also that were in controversy for the office . and finding in an assembly almost of the whole state , that one of them was chosen by a few privily called together , in another place , and at another time then was accustomed , the brother pronouncing the brother : whereas their laws did not only forbid two of one family , both being alive , to be created magistrate , but also to be of the senate together : he compelled cotus to give over his interest in the magistracy , and confirmed convictolitanis being created by their priests , and according to the custome of their state. this decree being ratified , he adhorted the hedui to forget their private controversies and dissensions , and to give their best help to the war in hand , wherein they might challenge and expect ( the galles being subdued ) such rewards as they deserved ; commanding all their horse and ten thousand foot to be speedily sent unto him , which he meant to dispose into garrisons for the better provision of corn . and then dividing his army into two parts , he sent four legions towards the senones & the pari●ians under the leading of labienus ; the other four he led himself against the arverni , to the town of gergovia , along the r●ver elaver , sending part of the horse with him , and keeping part with himself . observations . to loose the least jot of that which a man hath in possession , is more dishonourable , then to fail of getting what he hath not . and therefore caesar chose rather to forgo the advantages which a speedy pursuit of the enemy might have afforded him to the ending of that war , then to hazzard the losse of so great a state , & so well-affected to the people of rome as were the hedui , wherein he carried so equall and indifferent a hand , that he would do nothing but what the laws of that state directed him unto , as most assured that such directions were without exception . chap. xvii . caesar passeth his army over the river elaver , and incampeth himself before gergovia . which thing being known , vercingetorix having broken down all the bridges of that river , took his journey on the other side of elaver ; either army being in view each of other , and incamping almost over against one another : d●scoverers being sent out to watch , lest the romans should make a bridge in any place , and carry over their forces . caesar was much troubled , lest he should be hindered by the river the greatest part of that summer , forasmuch as elaver is not passable at any foord untill towards the autumne . and therefore to prevent that , he encamped himself in a woody place , right over against one of those bridges which vercingetorix had commanded to be broken . the next day he kept himself there secretly with two legions , and sent forward the rest of the forces , with all the carriages , as were accustomed , taking away the fourth part of each cohort , that the number of legions might appear to be the same ; commanding them to go on as far as they could ; and making conjecture by the time of the day , that they were come to their camping-place , upon the same piles , ( the lower part whereof remained there whole ) he began to reedify the bridge ; and having speedily ended the work , and carried over the legions , and chosen a fit place to encamp in , he called back the rest of his forces . vercingetorix having notice thereof , lest he should be forced to fight against his will , went before by great journeys . casar with five incampings went from that place to gergovia , and after a light skirmish between the horse the same day he came , having taken a view of the situation of the town , which was built upon a very high hill , and had very hard and difficult approaches on all sides , he despaired of taking it by assault , neither would he determine to besiege it , untill he had made provision of corn . but vercingetorix having set his camp on a hill before the town , had placed the severall forces of the states by themselves , in small distances round about h●m , and having possest himself of all the tops of that hill , made a very terrible shew into all parts where he might be seen : he commanded likewise the chiefmen of the states , whom he had chosen out to be of the councell of war , to meet alwayes together with h●m at the dawning of the day , to know if any thing were to be communicated unto them , or what else was to be done . neither did he omit any day to skirmish with his horsemen , with archers intermingled amongst them : to the end he might try what courage and valour was in his people . right over against the town at the foot of the hill , there was a knowl exceedingly fortified , and hard to be come unto on all sides , which if our men could get , they were in hope to hinder the enemy , both of a great part of their water , and also from free forraging : but the place was kept with a strong garrison . notwithstanding caesar went out of his camp in the silence of the night , and before any help could come out of the town , he put by the garrison , possessed himself of the place , left two legions there to defend it , and drew a double trench of twelve foot in breadth from the greater camp to the lesse , that single men might go safe to and fro from any sudden incursion of the enemy . observations . first we may observe his manner of passing over the river elaver , without any impediment from the enemy , notwithstanding the care which vercingetorix had to hinder his passage , which was plotted with as great dexterity as could be devised in such a matter : and to shaddow his purpose the better , that the number of legions marching up the river might appear to be the same , he took the fourth part of every cohort , which in the whole amounted to two legions . for as i have already delivered in my former observations , a legion consisted of ten cohorts ▪ and every cohort contained three maniples , and every maniple had two companies which they called orders : so that every cohort having six companies , the fourth part of a cohort was a company and a half , and in a legion came to fifteen companies , and in eight legions to one hundred and twenty companies ; which being reduced make threescore maniples , which were equall to two legions : and proveth that which i have already noted , the fit and convenient disposition of their troups , to take out at all times competent forces for any service without seeming to lessen any part . secondly , i observe the phrase which he useth in this place , quintis castris gergoviam pervenit , he came to gergovia at five incampings ; which implyeth their infallible custome of encamping every night within a ditch and a rampier : for as we usually say , that to such a place is so many dayes journey , because an ordinarie traveller maketh so many journeys before he come thither ; so the romans reckoned their journeys with their army by their incampings , which were as duly kept as their journeys , and were the most signall part of their dayes journey . chap. xviii . convictolitanis moveth the hedui to a revolt . wh●lst these things were a doing at gergovia , convictolitanis the heduan , to whom the magistracy was ad●udged by caesar , being wrought upon by the arverni with mony , brake the matter to certain young men , amongst whom litavicus was chief , and his brethren , being youths of a great house : with them he treated at first , and wished them to remember , that they were not only born free-men , but also to empire and government . the hedui were the only state which kept gallia from a most assured victorie : for by their authority and example , the rest would be concluded , which being fet over , there would be no place in gallia for the romans to abide in . touching himself , he had received a good turn from caesar , but in such sort , as he had but his right : but he owed more to the common liberty . for why should the hedui rather dispute of their customes and laws before caesar , then the romans come before the hedui ? these young men were quickly perswaded , as well by the speech of the magistrate , as by rewards ; insomuch as they offered themselves to be the authours of that counsell . but now the means was to be thought on , forasmuch as they were perswaded that the state would not easily be drawn to undertake that war. they determined at last , that litavicus should have the leading of those ten thousand men that were to be sent to caesar , and that his brethren should be sent before to caesar , and concluded likewise in what sort they would have other things carr●ed . litavicus having received the army , when he was about thirty miles from gergovia , calling the souldiers suddenly together , and weeping : whither do we go ( saith he ) fellow souldiers ? all our horsemen and our nobility are slain , the princes of our state , eporedorix and viridomarus , being falsly accused of treason , are put to death by the romans without calling them to their answer . understand these things from them that are escaped from the slaughter : for i my self ( my brethren and kinsmen being slain ) am hindred with grief from telling you what hath happened . presently those were brought forth , whom he had taught beforehand what he would have said : who verified to the multitude those things which litavicus had spoken : that all the horsemen of the hedui were slain , forasmuch as they were said to have had speech with the arverni : for themselves they were hid amongst the multitude of souldiers , and were escaped out of the midst of the slaughter . the hedui cry out all together , and do beseech litavicus to look to himself , and to them also . as though ( saith he ) the matter needeth any advice or counsell , and that it were not necessary for us to go directly to gergovia , and to joyn our selves with the arverni . for do we doubt , but that the romans , having begun so wickedly , will run presently upon us to take away our lives ? and therefore if there be any courage at all in us , let us persecute their death that have perished so undeservedly , and let us kill these thieves . he shewed them divers roman citizens that were in the troups for safety of convoy : and forthwith he seized upon a great quantity of corn and other provisions , and tortured them cruelly to death . he sent out messengers throughout all the state of the hedui , continuing the same false suggestion touching the slaughter of the horsemen , and the princes ; perswading them to revenge their injuries in like manner as he had done . the first observation . this treacherous practise of convictolitanis , who a little before ( as we may remember ) had received so great a benefit from caesar , proveth true the saying of cornel. tacitus , that men are readier to revenge an injury then to requite a good turn ; forasmuch as gratia oneri , ultio in quaestu habetur , a good turn is as a burthen and a debt to a man , whereas revenge is reckoned a gain . the debt of loyalty and good affection , wherein convictolitanis stood engaged to caesar , for confirming that right unto him which civile dissension had made doubtfull , together with the respect of the generall cause , made him so willing to revolt from the romans , and in lieu of thankfull acknowledgement to requite him with hostility . a part so odious and detestable , that vertue grieveth to think that a man should be capable of any such wickedness , or be stained with the infamy of so horrible a crime . other vices are faults in speciall , and are branded with the severall marks of ignominy : but ingratitude is equall to the body of evill , and doth countervail the whole nature of hatefull affections ; according to that of the philosopher , ingratum si dixeris omnia dixeris ; ingratitude is culpable of all sorts of wickedness , and deserveth the greatest measure of revenge . and the rather for that it taketh away the use of vertue , and maketh men forget to do good . for whereas the nature of goodness is specially seen in communicating it self to the relief of other mens wants , we ought to give all diligence not to hinder this inlargement , nor by a froward and crooked example to prejudice others that stand in need of the like favour . i have often heard it spoken , but i know not how true it is , and am loath to believe it , that in the exchange of a good turn , the party that receiveth it hath more assurance of his benefactor , touching a faithfull and friendly disposition for the future time , then he that shewed the kindness can have of the receiver : for men are loath to loose both the fruit and the seed , and will rather bestow more cost and labour , then forgoe the hope of their first endeavours , expecting both in reason and nature , fruit answerable to their seed : whereas the badness of our nature is such of it self , ut gratia oneri , ultio in quaestu habetur . the second observation . there is no means so ready to abuse a multitude as false suggestion , which like a lying spirit seduceth the minds of men from the truth conceived , and fashioneth their hearts to such purposes , as seemeth best to the abuser : and the rather when it is delivered by a man of place and authority , and such a one as pretendeth carefulness for the safety of a people ; for then it slieth as fast as the lightning in the aire , and deludeth the wisest and best experienced of the multitude . a mischief that can hardly be prevented , as long as there is a tongue to speak or an ear to hear . but as socrates said of pain and case , that they are alwayes tied together : so men must endeavour to redeem the hurts of such an evill , by the benefit which thereby is consequently implyed : for it were hard if wise men could not make the like use of a multitude to good purposes , as these deceivers do for their own advantage . numa pompilius ( to whom the roman empire did owe as much for lawes and civil government , as to romulus for their martiall discipline ; ) the better to establish such ordinances and decrees as he made in his kingdome , feigned familiar acquaintance with a goddesse of that time called egeria , and by her he said he was assured , that the statutes which he made were both equall and just , and good for the romans to observe : and the people found no hurt in believing it . in like manner lycurgus having given many lawes to the spartans , repaired to the citie of delphos , and there he got a pleasing oracle , which he sent to sparta , assuring them that his laws were very good , and that city keeping them , should be the most renowned of the world . and sertorius for want of other means used the service of a white hind , as a gift sent him from diana , to make the lusitanians believe whatsoever might best advantage his business . and thus a multitude lieth open to good and ill purposes , and is either happy or unfortunate in the counsell of their leader . chap. xix . caesar hindereth the revolt of the hedui . eporedorix the heduan , a young man of great parentage , and of great power in his countrey , together with viridomarus , of like age and authority , but not so nobly born ; who being preferred to caesar by divitiacus , was by him advanced from mean estate to great dignity , came both to caesar with the heduan horsemen , being called out by name to that war by him . between these two there was alwayes contention who should be the chiefest , and in that controversie for magistracie , the one stood for convictolitanis , and the other for cotus . of these two eporedorix understanding the resolution of litavicus , opened the matter to caesar almost about midnight . he prayed him not to suffer their state to fall away from the friendship of the people of rom : by the wicked counsell of young men , which would necessarily fall out , if he suffered so many thousand men to joyn themselves to the enemy , whose safety as neither their kinsfolks would neglect , so the state could not lightly esteem of . caesar being much perplexed at this message , forasmuch as he had alwayes cherished the state of the hedui , without any further doubt or dispute , he took four expedite and unburthened legions and all the horse out of the camp : neither was there space at such a time to make the camp lesser , forasmuch as the matter seemed to consist in expedition . he left behind him c. fabius a legate with two legions for a garrison to the camp . and having given order for the apprehending of litavicus brethren , he found that a little before they were fled to the enemy . thereupon adhorting the souldiers not to think much of their labour in so necessary a time , every man being most willing , he went five and twenty miles , and then met with the forces of the hedui . the horsemen being sent to stay their march , he commanded not to kill any one of them , and gave order to eporedorix and viridomarus ( whom they thought to be slain ) to ride up and down amongst the horsemen , and to call to their countrymen . they being once known , and the fraud of litavicus discovered , the hedui stretched out their hands , making signs of submission , and casting away their weapons , desired to be spared from death . litavicus , with his clients and followers , who by the custome of gallia must not forsake their patrons in the extremest danger , fled to gergovia . caesar having dispatched messengers to the state of the hedui , to acquaint them that he had saved their people , which by the law of arms he might have slain , gave the army three hours rest that night , and then returned towards gergovia . in the mid-way certain horsemen sent by fabius made known unto caesar in what danger the matter stood : that the camp was assaulted with all the enemies forces ; and forasmuch as such as were wearied were still relieved with fresh men , it came to passe that our men fainted with continuall labours : for the camp was so great , that they were alwaies to stana upon the rampier to make it good : and that many were wounded with the multitude of arrowes and other sorts of weapons ; wherein their engines had served them to good purpose for their defence . fabius when these messengers came away , had shut up two gates , and left other two open , and had made sheds and hovels for the better defence of the wall , and prepared himself for the like fortune the next day . these things being known by the exceeding travell of the souldiers , caesar came into the camp before sun-rising . observations . as often as the people of rome had occasion to make war , besides the body of the army inrolled for that service , in such sort and with such ceremonies as i have formerly delivered ; the consul or generall had authority to call out such others , either of the communalty or the equites , as for their long service were freed by the laws from giving in their names at a muster : and these they called evocati , as a man would say , called out , being all men of speciall note and service , and such as were able to give sound advice for matter of war. these evocati went all for the most part under an ensigne , and were lodged together in the camp behind the pavilion of the generall , near unto the gate which they called porta praetoria , and were alwayes free from ordinarie duties , as watching , incamping and fighting , unlesse it came to such a passe , that every man would put to his helping hand : but in all services they had their place appointed them according to their former experience and worth . and thus the romans strengthened their army with the wisdome and experience of such , as for many years together had been acquainted with the difficulties and casualties of war , and oftentimes were able to afford such helps , both by example and otherwise by good directions , as the wisdome of the generall did gladly embrace . concerning these two young nobles eporedorix and viridomarus , whom he nameth in this place evocati , we are to understand that they were called out to that war under the same title , but to another end : for being men of great place and authority , he feared least in his absence they might be so wrought to favour vercingetorix , as neither himself nor the hedui should have any cause to commend them , according as it happened to litavicus . chap. xx. the hedui rob and kill divers roman citizens . while these things were a doing at gergovia , the hedui having received the first messages from litavicus , gave themselves no time to understand the truth : some being led on by covetousnesse , others by anger and rashnesse , as it is naturally ingrafted in that nation to take a light hear-say for a certain truth , spoiled the roman citizens of their goods , and slew them besides , or drew them into bondage ; convictolitanis stirring up the common people to madnesse , that when they had done some wicked fact , they might be ashamed to be good again . they drew marcus aristius a tribune of the souldiers , as he went to the legion , out of the town cavillonium , notwithstanding their faith and promise before given , causing the rest to do the like , which were there for matter of trade : these they set upon forthwith as they travelled , robbed them of their carriages , and besieged such as made resistance day and night : many were slain on both sides , and a greater number were stirred up to take arms . in the mean time news being come that all their souldiers were under caesars power , they run speedily to aristius , they tell him that nothing was done by publick authority , they called such as robbed the romans of their goods to answer the matter , they confiscate the goods of litavicus and his brethren , they send ambassadours unto caesar to clear themselves of these disorders : and this they do for the better recovery of their people that were now with caesar . but being contaminated with a wicked fact , and taken with the shame of robbing the roman citizens , many of them being touched in the fact , and much perplexed for fear of punishment ; they privily entred into consultations of war , and sollicited other states to that purpose by their ambassadours . which although caesar understood , yet he entertained them as courteously as he could , telling them that for the ignorance and levity of the common people he would not think hardly of the state , nor abate any thing of his good will and favour to the hedui . observations . a wicked act is not onely hurtfull in it self and of its own condition , but is like that box of evil , which the poets feign to have been given to pandora to be kept alwayes shut : for when the way is once made , and the gap opened , one mischief draweth on another , and the tail that followeth is more viperous then the head . there was never any one that stained himself with any detestable crime , but was moved to commit a second evill that had relation to the first : for wicked deeds are justified by themselves , and one crime is upheld by another . when the hand is dipt in bloud , it seemeth no great matter to imbrue the arm : and the loyalty of a people being once shaken by the indirect practises of a few , it is no strange matter if the whole body of that state do immediately enter into treasonable consultations ▪ as it happened in this place with the hedui , who from that time which disclosed the treachery of their heart , carried no faithfull regard to the roman government , untill the bitternesse of that war which happened shortly after had made them know their errour . it shall be necessary therefore , as much as lyeth in the possibility of our means , to keep the body of vertue safe from wounding : for albeit the wound be never so little , yet it is alwayes wide enough to let out both the bloud and the spirits , even to the evacuation of the vitall breath of morall honesty . the second observation . convictolitanis plebem ad furorem impellit , stirred up the common people to madness ( saith the story ) as the sittest instruments to trouble the state , and to leaven the rest of the people with the fury of madness . for the poorer and meaner people , that have no interest in the common-weal but the use of breath , nor any other substance but a flie in the commons , are alwayes dangerous to the peace of that kingdome : for having nothing to lose , they willingly embrace all means of innovation , in hope of gaining something by other mens ruine , believing altogether in the proverb , which averreth the fishing to be good which is in troubled waters . catiline conspiring against the roman empire , made choice of such to accompany him whose fortune was desperate . and thereupon salust saith ; homini potentiam quaerenti , egentissimus quisque opportunissimus , cu●●neque sua chara , quippe quae nulla sunt , & omnia cum pr●tio honesta videntur : indigent fellows are the fittest instruments for ambitious men , who regard not their own , because they have nothing , esteeming all actions honest that they gain by . l●v●e writeth , that upon the rumour in greece of warre between perseus and the romans , the poorer sort did put themselves in pay under perseus , with this resolution , that if there happened no alteration upon this occasion , they would then cleave to the romans , and assist them to put the state of greece into a garboil . semper in civitate ( saith salust ) quibus opes nullae sunt , bonis invident , malos extollunt ; vetera odere , nova exoptant , odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student . there are these two means left for a state to ease it self of this sort of people : either to employ them abroad in warrs , or to interesse them in the quiet of the commonweale , by learning them such trades and occupations as may give them a tast of thesweetness of peace , & the benefit of a civil life . chap. xxi . caesar spieth an occasion to advance the service at gergovia . caesar suspecting a greater revolt of the galles , lest he might be hemmed in with the strength of all the states of gallia , he entred into deliberation how he might leave gergovia , and get all his army together again , that his departure might not seem to rise from the fear of their revolt , and thereby be thought ●●string away . and as he thought upon these things , he seemed to spy an occasion of doing somewhat to purpose : for coming into the lesser camp to view the works , he observed a knoll which was kept by the enemy to be bare of men , which the day before could scarce be discerned by reason of the multitude of people : and wondering at it , be enquired the cause of the runawaies which came daily in great numbers unto him . they all agreed of that which caesar had before understood by the discoverers , that the back of that hill was almost levell , but narrow and woody where it gave passage to the other part of the town . the galles did much fear that place , for the romans having took one knoll , if they should possesse themselves of another , the galles were almost block in round about , and cut off from forraging , or any other issuing out of the town : and therefore vercingetorix had called them all to fortify that place . this being known , caesar sent many troups of horse to that place about midnight , commanding them to ride up and down all thereabout somewhat tumultuously . and early in the morning he caused many horses and mules for carriage to be taken out of the camp with horse-keepers upon them , having casks upon their heads the better to resemble horsemen , and to be carried round about the hills . and to them he added a few horsemen , to the end they might spur out the more freely , and so make a better shew , commanding them all to go to the same place by a long circuit ●bout . these things were done in view of the town ; for gergovia so stood , that they might from thence see into the camp ; but yet in so great a distance they could not certainly perceive what was done . he sent likewise one legion to the same hill , and appointed them to go a little way , and then to make a stand in a dale , and to hide themselves in the woods . the galles began more to suspect that place , and all their forces were drawn thither for the strengthening of it . caesar perceiving the enemies camps to be void of men , hiding his ensigns and colours , he drew the souldiers by little and little out of the greater into the lesser camp , and acquainted the legates to whom he had given the severall legions in charge , what he would have done ; warning them especially to keep in the souldiers , lest they should be carried out either with a desire of sighting , or in hope of booty . he propounded unto them the incommodities of the disadvantage of place , which must only be avoided by expedition , the matter consisting rather in occasion and opportunity , then in fighting . the first observation . it is an easy matter to begin a businesse , and to make work for many hands ; but to put it off again , and to quit it without prejudice of other important respects , is no small labour . caesar being ingaged in the siege of gergovia , and fearing a generall revolt throughout all gallia , was not a little troubled how he might clear himself of that businesse , without suspicion of fear or flight , and gather all his forces into one body again , which he had before divided into two armies : for as marcellus said to fabius touching the siege of casselium , multa magnis ducibus sicut non aggred●enda , ita semel aggressis non dimittenda esse , quia magna famae momenta in utramque partem fiunt ; many things as they are not to be attempted by great captains ; so when they are once attempted they must not be left unatchieved : for in either their reputation is much concerned . an enemy will conceive greater hopes from such a retreat , then from a greater advantage . and therefore a generall ought to have as speciall a regard to the opinion which he desireth to be held of his proceedings , as of any part belonging to his charge : for fame is the spirit of great actions , and maketh them memorable or unworthy by report . caeteris mortalibus in co●stare consilia quid sibi conducere putent ; principum ( saith tacitus ) diversam esse sortem , quibus praecipua rerum ad famam dirigenda ; other mens consultations tend only to what may most advantage themselves : princes have more to do ; to look in their management of things principally at their honour and reputation . wherein there cannot be a better rule for the avoiding of that inconvenience , then that which lucretius observed , of whom livie saith ; id prudenter ut in temere suscepta re romanus fecit , quod circumspectis difficultatibus , ne frustra rempus tereret , celeriter abstitit incepto : he did thus far prudently in a businesse rashly undertaken ; that when he saw what difficulties attended the enterprise , rather then spend time in vain , he forthwith desisted from his purpose . for the speedy leaving of any such enterprise , doth excuse the rashnesse which might be imputed to the beginning ; and men are not so much blamed for making triall of an ill-digested project , as they are for obstinate continuing in the same . the second observation . some services ( saith caesar ) are res occasionis , non praelii , businesses of opportunity , not of war : whereof i have already disputed . notwithstanding give me leave to add the mistake , which often falleth out in matter of opportunity . for in viewing the occurrences of the wars of these later times , we may find that some hot-spur commanders , having tasted of the good successe when occasion affordeth , have thought of nothing but of services assided with opportunity , in such manner as at length they forgot that occasion came but seldome , and carried their men upon such desperate attempts , as proved the business to be a matter scarce affording means to fight for their lives , but were often swallowed up with devouring danger : wherein they did mistake the condition of the service , and fell short of caesars example . for albeit he sent out his men to struggle with the height of the hill , and the disadvantage of well-fortified camps ; yet he knew they should find little resistance by the enemy , being drawn away upon other occasions , if they made that expedition as was requisite in this service ; whereby he left them not without means to over●way those difficulties , and so made it rem occasionis , non praelii , a businesse of opportunity , not of war. chap. xxii . the romans make an assault upon gergovia . these things being delivered , he gave the souldiers the sign to begin , and at the same time he sent out the hedui by another ascent on the right side . the wall of the town was distant by a right line from the plain and the foot of the hill ( if it lay even without any dale or valley ) a thousand and two hundred p●ces : whatsoever more was added in fetching circuits about to climb the sleep of the hill , was over and besides that distance . from the middest of the hill in length , as the nature of the place would bear it , the galles had with great stones raised a wall of s●x foot in height , to hinder the assault of our men ; and all the lower part being left void and empty , they filled the upper part of the hill even to the wall of the town with thick and frequent camps . the souldiers upon the sign given were quickly come to the works , and passing over them they possest themselves of three camps , with such speed and expedition , that teutomatus the king of the nitiobriges , being surprised in his tent as he rested about noon time , the upper part of his body being n●ked and his horse wounded , did hardly escape the hands of souldiers occupied in booty . caesar having got that which he propounded to himself , commanded a retreat to be sounded ; and the ensigns of the tenth legion stayd . but the souldiers of the other legions not hearing the sound of the trumpet , forasmuch as a great valley was between them , were staid notwithstanding at first by the tribunes of the souldiers and the legates , according as caesar had given in charge . but being carried away as well with a hope of speedy victory , as by the flight of the enemy , and the fortunate battels of former times , they thought nothing so difficult but they could overcome it by their valour , insomuch as they desisted not from following , untill they came to the wall and the gates of the town . then a great outcry being took up in all parts of the town , such as were further off being terrified with the suddennesse of the tumult , thinking the enemy had been within the gates , did cast themselves out of the town : and the women cast down their apparell and their silver from the walls ; and holding out their naked breasts , with their hands spread abroad , adjured the romans to save them , and that they would not ( as they had done at avaricum ) destroy both women and children : and some women slipt down by their hands from the wall , and gave themselves freely to the souldiers . l. fabius a centurion of the eighth legon , who was heard to say that day , that the booty which he had got at avaricum so stirred him up , that he would suffer no man to get up upon the wall before himself ; having got three of his manipular souldiers , with their help he climbed up to the top of the wall , and then he himself did help up his fellowes . in the mean time such as were on the other side of the town , busied in fortifying that place , ( as we have already delivered ) first the noise being heard , and then stirred up by often messengers , that the romans had took the town , sending their horsemen before , they hasted thither in great numbers , and still as they came , they stood under the wall , and increased the number of such as they found fighting . a great multitude being at length come together , the women that a little before had reached out their hands from the wall to the romans , began now to adjure their own people , and as the maner of the galles is , to shew their hair lose about their ears , and to bring out their children . observations . it is both safe and honourable for souldiers and inferiour commanders to keep their directions : for whensoever they go about to inlarge their businesse according to their own fantasy , howsoever occasion may seem to further their desires , they invert the whole course of discipline , and do arrogate more to themselves , then they do attribute to their generall . the romans were strict in this point , as may appear by that of manlius , who put his own son to death for making a happy fight against the enemy contrary to his directions : for although it fortuned to fall out well at that time , yet the example was so dangerous in a well-ordered war , that he chose rather to bring a mischief upon his own son , then an inconvenience to their military government . injussu tuo ( saith one in livie to the consul ) nunquam pugnabo , non si certam victoriam videam ; unlesse thou biddest , i will never fight , no , though i see the victory clear before me ; making profession of true obedience , and ranging himself in the order of such parts , as have no other office but observance . for an army is as a body , and the souldiers are as particular parts , every man according to his place : the generall is as the life and soul , and giveth motion to every part according to reason . and as in a naturall body no part can move without directions from the life ; so in the body of an army , when any part moveth without the consent of the head , the motion is either monstrous or exorbitants , and suteth with such an effect as condemneth the instruments of unadvised rashnesse . polybius saith , that men have two wayes to come by wisdome , either by their own harms , or by other mens miscasualties . such wisedome as is got through correction happening by their own errours , is dearly bought ; but sitting near them , is not easily forgotten : that which is obtained by other mens misfortunes , is well come by , and at an easy rate ; but for the most part it is soon forgotten : but such as can retain it to a good use , are most happy men . this precept to souldiers touching obedience , and the precise keeping of their directions , hath by other mens harms so often been urged , as a man would think that later ages should beware of this disorder . and yet it falleth out almost in every small service . for the greatest losse which the english received at any one time at ostend , was in a sally ; wherein captain woodward having possest himself of some of the enemies works , when by his directions he should have stayed , thinking to improve his reputation by some further service , deeming it easy peradventure to go forward , he went on beyond the compasse of his command : whereby it happened , that both the enemy had greater scope to revenge their former dishonour , and the rest of our english troups that had their part in that project by way of second helps , could not proceed according to their directions ; and so they all returned with losse . that which xenophon reporteth touching one chrysantas , is notable to this purpose ; who being in the heat of a conflict , and having his sword lift up to strike one of the adverse party , he chanced to hear a retreat sounded , whereupon he presently withdrew his hand , and did forbear to smite him . which howsoever to some may seem ridiculous , and unfitting the temper of a souldier in time of battel ; yet let them know that xenophon a great commander , and an excellent historian , did alledge that example to the eternall memory of the forenamed party , for the knowledge and instruction of cyrus , whom he propoundeth to the world as an absolute pattern both of military and civile vertue . chap. xxiii . the romans continue the assault , and are beaten off with losse . the contention was not indifferent to the romans , neither in place nor in number of combatants , being wearied withall , both with the long race which they had run , and with the continuance of their fight , whereby they did not so easily bear the enemy being whole and fresh . caesar seeing the fight to be in an unequall place , and the enemy still to increase their forces , fearing his people , he sent to t. sextius the legate , whom he had left to command the lesser camp , to bring out the cohorts speedily , and to place them at the foot of the hill on the right side of the enemy ; to the end that if our men were forced to forsake their place , yet the enemy might be terrified from following them over freely , he himself removing a little out of that place where he stood with the legion , attended the event of the battel . and as they fought at hand very fiercely , the enemy trusting in the place and in the multitude , and our men in their valour , the hedui suddenly appeared on the open side of our men , whom caesar had sent up by another ascent on the right hand , to keep off part of the enemy . these by the likenesse of their armour did wonderfully astonish our men : who although they saw their right arms shewed or put forth , which was a sign of peace , yet they doubted lest the enemy had used that policy to deceive them . at the same instant l. fabius the centurion , and those that climbed up upon the wall with him , being slain , were cast down from the wall again , and m. petreius a centurion of the same legion , as he was about to cut down the gates , being oppressed with the multitude , and despairing of his own life , having received many wounds ; forasmuch ( saith he to his souldiers that followed him ) as i cannot save my self and you too , i will certainly provide for your safety , whom i have brought into danger whilst i thirsted after honour . you , while you may , shift for your selves . and withall he brake through the thickest of the enemy , and with the slaughter of a couple he removed the rest from the gate . and as his souldiers went about to help him , in vain ( saith he ) do you endeavour to save my life , which bloud and strength have already forsaken : and therefore get you hence while you have means , and betake your selves to the legion , and so fighting fell down dead , but saved his men . our men being overcharge don all sides , with the losse of six and fourty centurions , were beaten down from the place : but the tenth legion , which stood for a rescue in a more equall place , hindred the galles from following over eagerly . and again , the cohorts of the thirteenth legion , which sextius had brought out of the camp , seconded that legion , having got the advantage of the upper ground . the legions assoon as they came into the plain , stood still , and turned head to the enemy . vercingetorix drew back his men from the foot of the hill , and brought them into their camps . that day few lesse then seven hundred souldiers were wanting . observations . and this is the end of presumptuous rashnesse , when men are become so pregnant , as to take upon them more then is required . but as they say of fair weather , that it is pity it should do hurt : so is it great pity that valour and resolution should prove disadvantageous . for this over-doing of a service , is but the spirit of valiant carriage , and the very motion of prowesse and courage , memorable in the offenders themselves ; as we may see by this particular report of fabius and petreius : and much to be pitied , that vertue should at any time be overquelled with a greater strength . at this service the romans stood in these terms ; they were overmatched in number , they had spent their strength in speedy running to the place which in it self was not favourable unto them , but almost as great an enemy as the galls , only they trusted in their valour , and thought by vertue to clear all difficulties . the galles had the favour of the place , a far greater number of fighting men , they came fresh to the battel , and were alwaies seconded with fresh supplies . caesar seeing the two armies ingaged one with another , could neither part them nor recall his souldiers , but set such forces as were free in such convenient places , as might rescue his people in the retreat , and keep the galles from following the chase , or making any great slaughter of the roman souldier . whereby it happened , that in so great an inequality , where there were so many swords drawn to make way to death , there were not seven hundred men lost of the roman army . and yet it happened to be the greatest losse that ever he received in those wars in his own presence , when the issue of the conflict gave the enemy the better of the day . chap. xxiiii . caesar rebuketh the rashnesse of his souldiers ; and maketh light , but successfull skirmishes upon the enemy . caesar the next day calling the army before him , rebuked the temerity and cupidity of the souldiers , forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge how far they were to go , or what they were to do ; neither would they stay upon the sounding of a retreat , nor hearken to the tribunes nor the legates that would have kept them back . he laid open unto them how avai●eable the inequality of the place was , and what he himself thought of it , when at avaricum he took the enemy without a generall and without cavalry , yet did forgo a most assured victory , lest in the buckling he might have received a small losse through the inequitie of the place . how admirable was the greatnesse of their spirit , whom neither the fortifications of the camps , the height of the hill , nor the wall of the town could stop or hinder ! wherein he blamed their licentious arrogancy the more , forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge better of the victory , and the successe of that service , then the generall himself : neither did he so much desire to find courage and vertue in his souldiers , as modesty and sobriety . this speech being delivered , and in the end confirming their minds that they might not be discouraged at the matter , nor attribute that to the worth of the enemy , which indeed was in the nature of the place ; keeping his former purpose of departure , he brought the legions out of the camp , imbattelled them in a convenient place , and finding that vercingetorix would not be drawn into an indifferent place , after a light skirmish of horse , wherein the romans had the better , he caried his armie back again into the camp : and doing the like the next day , thinking it sufficient to abate the pride of the galles , and to strengthen the courage of his souldiers , he removed his camp into the state of the hedui , the enemy refusing to make after him . observations . reparation of honour is a chief point in the cariage of an army : for he that leaveth an enemy upon a losse received , when his souldiers are either awed or well beaten , must look to find the same spirit and courage in them , when they shall come again to confront the enemie , as they had when they last left him with a disadvantage ; which is nothing else but an unskilfull continuance of his own losse , and a preparation to a second overthrow . in the warre the romans had with annibal , in all the fights they made , they continued their first losse unto the battell at nola : at what time by marcellus good directions , they gave him an overthrow ; which was the first time that ever annibals souldiers began to give place to the romans , and repaired the romans valour again , after so many battels as they lost . for then they were perswaded that they fought not with an enemy altogether invincible , but that he was subject to losse and overthrow . and in respect of this so happy a fortune , restoring the roman souldiers to their ancient valour and good fortune , it is that livi● saith , ingens eo die res , ac nescio an maxima ill● bello gest a sit , a great piece of service was performed that day , & i think i may say the greatest that was done in that warre . caesar did well understand this philosophie : and therefore he laboured to repair the breach which the enemy had made in the valour of his souldiers , by light and small skirmishes , before he would adventure to hazzard the main drife of the businesse in any set conflict . and the rather for that he had a purpose to leave the enemy for a time , whereby he seemed to end the former services ; wherein he had a speciall care not to depart with the last blow , having alwayes before that time had the better : for the condition of the end doth challenge much of the former proceedings , and doth draw the opinion of men to deem of all as the conclusion importeth . according as claudius nero told his souldiers : semper quod postremo adjectum sit , id rem totam videri traxisse : as the end of the service is , so the whole seems to have been . chap. xxv . the hedui revolt : caesar passeth his army over the river loire . the third day he repaired the bridge at the river elevar , and carried over his army . there he understood by viridomarus and eporedorix , that litavicus was gone with all the enemies horse to sollicite the state of the hedui , and therefore it was requisite that caesar should send them before to confirm the state , and keep them in loyalty . and although caesar did mistrust the state of the hedui for many causes , and did think that the departure of these two nobles would hasten their revolt ; yet he did not think it fit to detain them , lest he should either seem to do them wrong , or to give any suspicion of distrust . at their departure he propounded unto them briefly , how well he had deserved of their state , how low and weak they were when he received them , confined within their towns , their lands extended , all their associates taken from them , a tribute laid upon them , pledges extorted from them with great contumely ; and into what fortune and greatnesse he had brought them again , that not only they had recovered their former state , but did exceed the dignity and favour of all former times : and with these mandates he let them go . noviodunum was a town of the hedui , situate in a convenient place , upon the bank of the river loire . thither had caesar sent all the hostages of gallia , the corn , the publick treasure , and the greatest part of the baggage of the army ; and thither he had likewise sent great store of horse , which he had bought in spain and italy for the service of this war. eporedorix and viridomarus coming thither , and understanding touching the affairs of their state , that li●avicus was received into bibract by the hedui , which is the metropolitan citie of their state , and that convictolitanis their chief magistrate , and a great part of the senate were come unto him , and that publick messengers were sent to vercingetorix touching a league of peace and amitie ; they did not think it fit to omit so great an opportunitie . and thereupon having slain the guard at noviodunum , with such others as were there either by way of trade or travell , they divided the money and the horses between them , and took order that the hostages of the other states should safely be conveyed to bibract . for the town , forasmuch as they thought they were not able to keep it , lest the romans might make any use of it , they burned it : such corn as they could carry on the sudden , they conveyed away in boats , the rest they either burnedor cast it into the river . they began to raise forces in the countrie , next adjoyning ; to dispose of watches and garrisons on the bank of the river loire ; to shew their cavalrie in all places , to strike fear into the romans , to the end they might exclude them from provision of corn , or drive them through necessity of want to forsake the province . whereof they were the rather assured , forasmuch as the loire was much swelled by a fall of snow , whereby it was unpassable at any foard . these things being known , caesar thought it necessary for him to make haste , ( especially if he must make up the bridges ) to the end he might give them battel before they had gathered a greater head : for touching his pupose for returning into the province , he did not think it fit by any means , both in respect of the shame and in famy thereof , as also forasmuch as the opposition of the hill gebenna , and the difficultie of the passage did hinder him ; but especially for that he did exceedingly desire to joyn himself with labienus and the legions that were with him . and therefore making great journeys both by day and night beyond all mens expectation , he came to the river loire , where the horsemen having sound a convenient foard for the necessitie of the time , that the souldiers might pass over with their arms and shoulders above the water , to hold up their weapons , disposing the horse in the river to break the force of the stream , and the enemy being affrighted upon their first shew , he carried over his army in safety . and having satisfied his souldiers with corn which he found in the fields , and good store of cattell , he determined to march towards the senones . observations . the greatest difficulty that ever caesar found in the course of these warres , was at this instant upon the revolt of the hedui . for whereas that state after caesars coming into gallia , was ever reputed the favourite of the roman empire , having received such speciall priviledges and prerogatives above the rest , as might tie them with an inviolable bond of amity to the people of rome : it was not to be expected that they should forsake so great a stay , or favour any thing that might tend to the weakning of that authority , which preferred them in dignity before all other states of that continent : and was as a remora to divers other nations of gallia , from shewing that defection by plain and open revolt , which they had so long before conceived in their minds . but when it appeared ( notwithstanding any precedent benefit , or the merit of imperiall favours ) that the hedui did affect the common cause of their countries liberty , and were content to ingage themselves therein , as far as their lives or fortunes could any way be valued : it was not to be doubted , but that such other commonweals , as before that time had remained neutrall , and had less cause then the hedui to keep back their hands from a work of that piety , would apprehend the matter as a business importing the safety of their countrey , whereunto caesar and the legions were common enemies . the consideration whereof made caesar to think of returning back into the province , had not the dishonour of such a retreat , and the desire he had to joyn with labienus , hindred that purpose . chap. xxvi . labienus cometh to lutetia with four legions . while these things were done by caesar , labienus having left those supplies which came last out of italy , at agendicum , for the safetie of the carriages , went himself with four legions towards lutetia , a town of the parisians , built in an island in the river sequana . the enemy understanding of his coming , great forces were speedily brought together out of the countries near about . the chiefest command was given to camulogenus of the nation of the aulerci , who notwithstanding his great age , was called to that honour for his singular knowlege in matter of warre . he finding it to be a continued bog that ran into sequana , and much hindered all that place , did stay there with his army , and purposed to hinder the passage of the romans . labienus did first endeavour to drive the vines , to fill up the bog with hurdles and earth , and so to make the passage firm : but after that he perceived it to be very hard to effect , in the third watch of the night he went out of the camp with silence , and the same way that he came , he went to melodunum a town of the senones , situate in an island of sequana , as lutetia is : and having surprised some fiftie shippes and boats , and manned them with souldiers , the townsmen being affrighted with the noveltie of the matter , of whom a great part were called out to that warre , he possest himself of the town without any resistance . the bridge being repaired which the enemie had cut down a few dayes before , he transported over the armie , and went down along the river towards lutetia . the enemy having notice thereof by such us escaped from melodunum , commanded lutetia to be burned , and the bridges of the town to be broken : they themselves for saking the bog , sate down upon the banks of sequana , right over against the camp of labienus . by this time caesars departure from gergovia was known abroad , with the revolt of the hedui : and rumours were brought of a secondrising and motion in gallia . it was certainly confirmed , that the galles were in consultation , that caesar was kept back both by the difficulties of the passage and the river loire , and for want of corn was constrained to return into the province . the bellovaci also understanding of the revolt of the hedui , whereas they were before treacherous and disloyall of themselves , did now begin to raise forces and prepare for open warre . labienus upon so great a change of things , understood that it was necessary for him to take another manner of course then was before intended . for now he thought not of making any conquest , or urging the enemy to battell , but to bring he army back in safety to agendicum . for on the one side , the bellovaci stood ready to charge him , being a people that had the name for deeds of arms of all the nations in gallia ; the other side was kept by camulogenus with an army ready in the field : and last of all , the legions were kept from their garrison and their carriages with a great river that ran between them and it . observations . the great alteration which the revolt of the hedui made in gallia , caused labienus to let fall his former resolutions , and to shape such a course as might best answer the extremitie of the tempest . for he that will attain the end of his desires , or make peace with the affections of his mind , must not think at all times to carry away contentment with the strength of his means , or subdue resistance with force of arms , but must be well pleased to be driven with the stream , untill he meet with a tide of better opportunitie : for oftentimes it falleth out , that the opposition of resisting power is more available then ten legions commanded by caesar , or what the roman empire could adde besides , to so great an army . for there is no quantitie so great , but there may be found a greater ; nor none so little , but there may be a less : which may teach a man neither to conceit himself in a matchless singularity , nor to despair of a weak condition . and this is that which is so often recommended to the consideration of discreet governours , whether they be magistrates in peace , or commanders in warre , to put them in mind of the condition of times , and to carry themselves answerable thereunto : forasmuch as fortunate and happy success , riseth for the most part from such means as have respect to the occurrences of the time , not running alwayes upon one biass , nor failing at all times with a fore-wind ; but sometimes to press forward , and sometimes to give back , according as the circumstances of the time shall make way to good fortune . fabius the great roman thought it no scorn to be called coward , or to undergo the displeasure of the people of rome , while he gave place to the fury of the carthaginian , and refused to receive a third overthrow . and thus he altered the course of the roman warfare according to the time , and overthrew that enemy by shunning to encounter him , which in a battell would have hazarded the conquest of rome . in like manner cn. sulpitius the dictator did imitate this wisedome of fabius against the galles , by lingring out the warre : nolens se fortunae committere adversus hostem ( as livy saith ) quem tempus deteriorem indies & locus alienus fuceret ; not willing to put the triall to fortune , when as he dealt with an enemy , which time and ignorance of the place rendred every day weaker and weaker . and to conclude this point , caesar upon the loss which he received at dyrrachium , omnem sibi commutandam belli rationem existimavit , thought it his best way to alter the whole course of the warre , as the story saith : which was nothing else but varying with the time , and helping a bad fortune with new directions . chap. xxvii . labienus passeth the river sequana , and fighteth with the galles . for the avoiding of these great difficulties which came so suddenly upon him , he knew there was no help to be had , but that which the vertue of his mind would afford him : and therefore calling a councell a little before the evening , he adhorted them to excoute such things as he commanded both with diligence and industry ; and so taking the ships which he had brought from melodunum , he divided them amongst the roman horsemen , and after the first watch he commanded them to go four miles down the river in silence , and there to attend him . he left five cohorts , which he thought to be too weak for any fight , as a garrison to the camp , and sent the other five cohorts of the same legion about midnight with all the carriages up the river , commanding them to make a great noise and tumult as they went. he sought out all barges and boats , and sent them up the river with much noise and beating of oars : and a little while after he himself went quietly with three legions to the place where he had commanded the ships to abide him . at his coming thither , the enemies discoverers which were disposed on all parts of the river , were suddenly and at unawares surprised by our men , by reason of a sudden tempest that did rise in the mean time : and the army and the horse were by the diligence of the roman knights ( to whom he had committed that businesse ) carried over . at the same time a little before day-light , the enemy had intelligence that there was an extraordinary noise and tumult in the roman camp , and a great troup went up the river , and the beating of oars was heard that way , and a little below the souldiers were carried over . which being known , forasmuch as they judged that the legions were carried over in three places , and that they were so perplexed at the revolt of the hedui , that they fled away ; they divided their forces also into three parts ▪ for a garrison being left right over against the roman camp , and a small band sent towards glossendium , which was to go so far as the boats went , they carried the rest of their army to meet labienus . by the dawning of the day all our men were carried over , and the enemy was discovered ranged in battel . labienus adhorting the souldiers to bethink themselves of their ancient vertue , and to recall the memory of their fortunate battels , and to suppose that caesar himself was present , under whose leading they had oftentimes overthrown the enemy ; he gave the sign of battel . upon the first affront , on the right wing , where the seventh legion stood , the enemy was beaten back and put to flight ; in the left cornet , where the twelfth legion was , the former ranks of the enemy being pierced through and beaten dead down with the piles , the rest notwithstanding did stoutly resist , neither did any man give suspicion of flying . camulogenus the generall was present with his men , and encouraged them to sight , the victory being uncertain . when the tribunes of the seventh legion understood what was done in the left wing , they shewed the legion behind on the back of the enemy , and there began to charge them : and yet none of them for sook his place , but were all inclosed and slain , camulogenus ending his dayes by the same fortune . such of the enemy as were left over against the roman camps , understanding that the battel was begun , came to second their fellowes , and took a hill , but were not able to abide our conquering souldiers ; but joyning themselves to the rest that fled , were neither protected by the woods nor the mountains , but were all slain by the horsemen . this businesse being ended , labienus returned to agendicum , where the carriages of the whole army were left : and from thence came to caesar with all the forces . the first observation . labienus being to passe the river of seine , which was strongly guarded by the galles , was forced to seek a means out of the vertue of his mind , ( as caesar saith , ) and to lay such a project as might amuse the enemy , and keep him in suspence what way to take to prevent his passage , untill he had effected that which he desired . which bringeth to our consideration the saying of epaminondas the theban , that there is nothing more necessary or behovefull for a generall , then to understand the purposes of the enemy . a point so much the more commendable , by how much it is in it self difficult , and hard to be discovered ; for it were hard to understand their secret deliberations , which for the most part are only known to the generall , or to such chief commanders as are near about him , when then very actions which every man knoweth , and such things as are done in the open view of the world , are oftentimes doubtfull to an enemy . livie hath a notable story to this purpose . sempronius the roman consul giving battel to the aequi , the fight continued untill the night parted them , not without alteration of fortune , sometimes the romans prevailing , and sometimes the aequi : the night coming on , both sides being weary and half routed , they forsook their camps , and for their better safety took each of them a hill . the roman army divided it self into two parts : the one part followed the consul , and the other a centurion , named tempanius , a fellow of great spirit , and had shewed much worth in the battel . the next morning the consul without further inquiry , made towards rome ; and so did the aequi withdraw their army back into their country : either of them deeming themselves overthrown , and casting victorie upon each others shoulders . it happened that tempanius with that part of the army that kept with him , inquiring after the enemy , found him to be overthrown and fled : whereupon he first went to the roman camp and made that good , and then marched to the camp of the aequi , which he took and ri●●ed , and so returned victor to rome . the morning following the battell of agincourt , mont●oy the french herald coming to enquire for prisoners , king henry asked him who had won the field : to which he answered , that the french had lost it : which was unknown known to that worthy conquerour . plutarch writeth , that cassius killed himself upon the like errour , not knowing the fortune of the right wing of his army . and therefore it must needs be a commendable matter , to understand the deliberations of an enemy , when the issue of a battell is oftentimes so uncertain . the second observation . camulogenus hath the report in this place of singular knowledge and experience in matter of war , and being of a grea age he fought as resolutely as the youngest gallant of them all , which may bring to our consideration the fittest age of life to be wished in a general , for the atchieving of noble and worthy exploits . wherein we are to consider , that the youth and former years of a mans age , are plentifully stored with hot bloud and nimble spirits , which quickly apprehend the conceptions of the mind , and carry them with such violence to execution , that they bereave the judgement of her prerogative , and give it no respite to censure them ; whereby it cometh to pass , that young men are for the most part heedless , inconsiderate , rash and resolute , putting more upon hazard then upon good advice . on the otherside , old age is cold in blood , and not so quick of spirit , but being beaten with the rod of long experience , it learneth to be slow and lingring , full of doubts and consideration , inclining rather to a feminine fear , then to a forward resolution . neither of these attributes are simply in themselves the best attendants of noble enterprises : for a hot-spur gallant may run apace , but not go sure ; and what young man soever is advanced to command , had need of an old mans wit to discharge it . and if authority did at any time fall into the hands of youth in the roman government , which was very seldom , it was praemium virtutis , non aetatis ; for his vertues sake , not his age . pompey was extraordinary happy in that behalf , for he attained the surname of great , because he had deserved the honour of triumph before his beard was grown . and yet sertorius took such advantage at pompeys youth , coming against him in spain , that he said he would have whipped the young boy to rome again with rods , had not that old woman ( meaning metellus ) come to help him . again , where old age heapeth doubt upon doubt , and falleth into the danger of unprofitable lingring , nec ausus est satis nec providit , it wanteth boldness to steel the enterprise , & falleth also short of good providence , as tacitus speaketh of f. valens . augustus caesar purposing to commend tiberius his successour with an extraordinary praise , said he was a man that never put one thing to be twice consulted of . and it is said of marius , that being come to the age of threescore and five years or thereabouts , he shewed himself very cold and slow in all his enterprises , forasmuch as age had mortified his active heat , and killed that ready disposition of body that was wont to be in him . the romans finding fabius maximus to be full of doubts and delay , good to defend but not to offend , and marcellus of a stirring spirit , neither quiet with good nor ill fortune , ( as annibal truly said of him ) they thought to joyn marcellus youthfull courage with fabius fear and wisedome , and so make a temperature fit for a generall ; whereupon they called marcellus the sword , and fabius the buckler : wherein caesar of himself was excellent , of whom suetonius reporteth , dubium cautior , an audentior ; it is uncertain whether he was more wary or daring . the best state of years then for this business , is that which tempereth the heat of youth with the coldness of age , and quickneth the slow and dull proceedings of double advice , with the rashness of youthfull resolution : and falleth out between the years of five and thirty and five and fifty . scipio africanus commanded the roman army in spain at four and twenty years of age , and died at four and fifty . annibal was chosen generall to asdrubal at six and twenty years , and poisoned himself at threescore and ten . pompey was slain at nine and fifty , and caesar at sixe and fifty . marcellus kept his youthfull resolution to his old dayes : forbeing threescore years of age , he never longed for any thing more then to fight with annibal hand to hand . chap. xxviii . the galles consult of the carriage of that war. the revolt of the hedui being known , the warre waxed greater . ambassadours were sent out into all parts , and they laboured to draw the rest of the states to their party , as farre as either favour , authority , or money could prevail : having got the pledges into their hands which caesar had left with them , they terrified such as stood doubtfull , by threatning to kill them . the hedui do desire vercingetorix to come unto them , and to acquaint them with the course of that war ▪ which being yielded unto , they labour to have the chief command transferred upon them . the matter growing unto a controversie , a generall councell of all gallia was summoned at bibract . thither they repaired in great multitudes : and the matter being put to voices , they all with one consent made allowance of vercingetorix for their generall . the men of rhemes , with the lingones and treviri , were absent from this councell : the two first continuing their affection to the roman party : the tr●viri were farre off , and were annoyed by the germans ; in respect they were absent from that warre , and remained neutrall . the hedui were much grieved that they were put by the principalitie , they complain of the change of their fortune , and wished for caesars former indulgence ; neither yet durst they disjoyn themselves again from the rest , the warre being already undertaken ; but eporedorix and viridomarus , two young men of great hope , were constrained , though unwilling , to obey vercingetorix . he commanded pledges to be delivered by the rest of the states , and appointed a day for that businesse . he commanded fifteen thousand horse to be speedily brought together : touching foot forces , he would content himself with those which he had ; for his purpose was not to wage battell , but whereas he was very strong in horse , he made no doubt to keep the romans from corn and forrage : only th●y must patiently endure to have their corn spoiled , and their houses burnt ; which particular losse would quickly be recompensed with libertie and perpetuall sovereignty . these things being ordered , he commanded ten thousand foot to be raised by the hedui and segusiani bordering upon the province ; and to them he added eight hundred horse , and sent them under the command of eporedorix his brother , to make warre against the allobroges . and on the other side he caused the gabali and the nearest villages of the arverni to set upon the helvii , the rutheni , and the cadurci , and to depopulate their countrey . notwithstanding by secret messages he dealt with the allobroges , whose minds he thought to be scarce settled from the former warre the promised money to their chiefest men , and to give the government of all the roman province to their state. to answer all these chances , there were provided but two and twenty cohorts , which being raised out of the province , were disposed by l. caesar a legate to prevent these mischiefs . the hedui of their own accord giving battell to their borderers , were beaten out of the field , and were driven into their towns with the slaughter of c. valerius donotaurus , the sonne of caburus the chief man of their state , and of many other . the allobroges having set many watches and garrisons upon the river rhene , did with great care and diligence defend their borders . caesar understanding the enemy to be stronger in horse then he himself was , and the passages being shut that he could not send either into the province or into italy for any supplies , he sent over the rhene into germany , and got horse from such states as he had quieted the year before , with such light-armed footmen as were accustomed to sight amongst the horse . at their arrivall , forasmuch as they were not well fitted with horse , he took the horses from the tribunes , the roman knights , and the evocati , and distributed them amongst the germans . observations . there are three principall means to draw a state into a partie which of it self standeth neutrall , or to win the minds of men , when they carrie equall or indifferent affections . the first is , by favour or friendship ; the second , by authoritie ; and the third , by money . friendship relieth upon former respects , and the exchange of precedent courtesies . authority concludeth from future dangers , and the inconveniences which may follow the refusall . money doth govern the present occasion , and is more generall then either favour or authoritie . the galles were not wanting to make their partie good in any of these three perswading motives : but , as caesar saith , quantum gratia , authoritate , pecunia valent , ad sollicitandas civitates n●tuntur : they sollicited the neighbour states , as farre as friendship , authority , and money would go . wherein as they went about to lay the stock upon it , so they left themselves but one triall for the right of their cause , and joyned issue for all upon the fortune of that action : for when they should see their best possibilities too weak , and their uttermost endeavours profit nothing against a mighty prevailing enemy , the greater their hopes were which they had in the means , the greater would be their despair when such means were spent ; for it is a shrewd thing for men to be out of means , and not to drive a hope before them . it is usuall upon such main occasions to imploy the chiefest man in a state , in whom the souldiers may have most assurance , and to accompany him with such means as the strength of the commonweal may afford him : but if their greatest hopes die in his ill successe , or wax faint through cold fortune , the kingdome receiveth losse , and the enemy getteth advantage , as may appear by the sequele of this great preparation . chap. xxix . the cavalrie of the galles do set upon the roman army , and are beaten . while these things were a doing , the enemies forces and the horsemen that were commanded to be levied in all gallia , met together , and came out of the territories of the arverni . a great number of these being gathered together , as caesar marched against the sequani by the borders of the lingones , to the end he might the easier relieve the province , vercingetorix sate down about ten miles from the romans in three severall camps , and calling the captains and colonels of horse to counsell , he told them that the time of victory was now come ; for the romans left gallia , and fled into the province : which was sufficient for the obtaining of their present libertie , but availed little for the peace and quiet of future time , forasmuch as the romans did not purpose to make an end of the warre , but to return again with greater forces . and therefore it was necessary to set upon them in their march lad●● with carriages . if the foot did assist their horse , then they were not able to make any way or proceed in their journey . but if ( which he hoped would rather happen ) forsaking their carriages every man shifted for himself , they would depart both robbed of their necessaries and of their honour : for they need not doubt of the enemies horse , of whom he was most assured that they durst not go out from amongst the foot forces . and to the end they might be the better incouraged , he would draw all the forces in a readinesse out of the camp , and place them so as they might be a terror to the enemy . the horsemen cried out all together , that this resolution might be strengthened with an holy oath : let him never be received under any roof , or have accesse to his wife , children , or parents , that did not twice runne through the army of the enemy . the thing being well lik●d of , and every man forced to take that oath , the next day he divided his cavalrie into three parts : two armies shewed themselves on each side , and the third began to make stay of the vauward . which being known , caesar divided his horses likewise into three parts , and sent them to make head against the enemy . at the same time they fought in all parts , the army stood still , the carriages were received within the legions : if our men were overcharged any where , caesar bent the legions that way , which did both hinder the enemy from following them , and assure our men of hope of rescue . at length the germans having possest themselves of a hill on the right side , did put the enemy from their place , and followed them as they fled even to the river , where vercingetorix stayed with the foot companies , and slew many of them . whereupon the rest fearing lest they should be encompassed about , betook themselves to flight : execution was done in all places . three of the nobilitie of the hedui were taken and brought to caesar : cotus the generall of the horse , who at the last election of magistrates stood in controversie with convictolitanis ; and cavarillus , who after the revolt of litavicus , commanded the foot troups ; and eporedorix , under whose command , before caesars coming into gallia , the hedui made warre with the sequani . all the cavalrie being put to flight , vercingetorix drew in his forces which he had imbattelled before his camp , and immediately after began to march towards alesia a town of the mandubii , commanding the baggage to be speedily brought out of the camp and to follow him . caesar having conveyed his carriages to the next hill , under the custody of two legions , he followed the enemy as long as the day would give him leave : and having slain some three thousand of the rereward , the next day following he encamped at alesia . observations . the galles were much stronger then the romans in cavalry , both according to quantitie and qualitie : but the roman infanterie was greater in vertue and worth then any foot forces of the galles , notwithstanding their inequalitie in number . which sheweth that the romans did more rely upon their legionary souldiers , then upon their equites : and may serve for an argument in the handling of that question , which is so much debated amongst men of warre , whether the horse or the foot companies be of greater importance in the carriage of a warre . which indeed is a question à male d●visis : being both so necessary for the perfect execution of martiall purposes , as they cannot well be disjoyned . and if we look particularly in the nature of their severall services , we shall easily discern the differences , and be able to judge of the validitie of their parts . wherein first it cannot be denied , but that foot companies are serviceable to more purposes then troups of horse : for the horsemen are of no use , but in open and champain places ; whereas footmen are not only of importance in fielden cou●treys , but are necessary also in mountainous or woodie places , in valleys , in ditches , in sieges , and in all other parts of what site or nature soever , where the horsemen cannot shew themselves . whereby it appeareth , that the infanterie extendeth its service to more purposes then the cavalrie , and maketh the warre compleat , which otherwise would prove lame and uneffectuall . touching the weight of the businesse when it cometh to a day of battel , it resteth for the most part upon the foot troups : for the horsemen are profitable to the army wherein they serve , by making discoveries , by harrying the enemies countrey , by giving succour or rescue upon a suddain , by doing execution upon an overthrow , and by confronting the enemies horse ; but these are but as second services , and fall short of the main stroke , which for the most part is given by the footmen . neither doth a rout given to the cavalrie serving an army royall , concern the body of that army further then the services before mentioned ; but the armie doth oftentimes go on notwithstanding , and may well atchieve a happy victory : whereas upon the overthrow of the infanterie , the horsemen have nothing to do , but to shift for themselves , and get away to their own home . so that it appeareth that the foot companies are the bulk and bodie of the armie , and the horse as the armes and outward parts , having expedient and necessary offices , but alwayes subordinate to the main stroke given by the foot . if any man look for proof hereof by example , he shall not need to seek further then the romans , being masters of the art military , who by an ancient law interdicting the dictator to have the use of a horse in the warres for his private case , intimated , as plutarch saith , the strength of their army to consist in their footmen , which the generall in a day of battell should assist with his presence , and in no wise forsake them if he would . but touching the use of warre amongst them , their equites were so farre short of the service performed by their foot troups , that when they would stand to it indeed , they forsook their horses and fought on foot : as in the battell with the latines at the lake regillus , which i have already mentioned in my former observations . neither were the romans tood horsemen , as it seemeth by caesar : for he took the horses from the tribunes and the roman equites , and gave them to the germans , as better rutters then any romans . but howsoever a state that aboundeth in horse , and trusteth more in them then in foot companies , may harrie a champain countrey , but shall never be able to follow a warre with that strength , as is requisite to make it fortunate . chap. xxx . caesar besiegeth alesia , and fighteth with the enemies cavalry . caesar having viewed the site of the town , and knowing the enemie to be much troubled for the overthrow of their horse , in whom they put all their hopes , exhorting the souldiers to take a little pains , he determined to inclose the town round about with a ditch and a rampier . alesia was sited on the top of a hill , in a very eminent place , and not to be taken but by a continued siege . at the foot of the hill ran two rivers on each side of the town : before the town there lay a plain of three miles in length : the other sides were inclosed round about in a reasonable distance with hills of equall height with the town . under the wall on the east side lay all the forces of the galles , having drawn a ditch and a drie wall on that part of eight foot in height : the whole circuit of the works which the romans made to inclose the town about , contained eleven miles . their camp was sited in a convenient place , where there were made three and twentie castles , which in the day time were kept by garr●sons , to prevent any suddain attempts of the enemy , and in the night by strong watches . the work being begun , there happened a skirmish between the cavalrie of both sides in that plain which lay before the town of three miles in length . they fought eagerly on both sides . our men being overcharged , caesar sent the germans to second them , and set the legions before the camp , lest there might happen any suddain sally by the foot of the enemy . upon the safegard of the legions our men took courage . the enemy was put to flight , and being many in number one hindred another , and stuck in heaps in the streight passage of their gates . the germans followed them close to their fortifications , and made a great execution amongst them . many of them forsaking their horses attempted to leap the ditch , and to climbe over the drie wall . caesar commanded the legions imbattelled before the camp to advance a little forward . the galles that were within the fortification were no little troubled : for thinking the enemie would presently have come unto them , they made an alarme : some were so frighted that they brake into the town . vercingetorix commanded the gates to be shut , lest the camp should be left naked of defendants . many of the enemie being slain , and very many horses taken , the germans fell off and returned to caesar . observations . forasmuch as casualtie and chance have oftentimes the prerogative of a service , and in misdeeming opinions do carrie away the honour from vertue and valour : the first triall of a fortune is not of that assurance , nor so much to be trusted , as when it is seconded again with the like effect : for when a matter by often triall falleth out to be of one and the same qualitie , it sheweth a certainty of a cause , producing ends of like condition . the galles ( as it seemeth ) were much discouraged upon the first overthrow of their horse , in whom they so much believed , and altered the course of their high resolutions so farre , as where before they sware the overthrow of the romans , they were now content to take the protection of a strong town : but this second foil which they received , did so assure them of a harder confrontment and stronger opposition then they were able to bear , that they never thought of any further triall , but were content to go away losers , rather then to hazard their lives in a third combat . and thus , when a second event backeth a former fortune , it taketh away the suspicion of casualtie , and maketh the winner bold , and the loser desperate . pompey was so transported with joy for the blow which he gave caesar at dyrrachium , that he sent letters of that daies victory into all parts of the world , and made his souldiers so secure touching the issue of that warre , ut non de ratione belli cogitarent , sed vicisse jam sibi viderentur , that they never thought how the warre was to be carried on , esteeming themselves already absolute victors : not remembring , as caesar saith , the ordinary changes of warre ; wherein oftentimes a small matter , either of a false suspicion , or of a suddain fright , or some other accident , doth indanger an army , which the enemy taketh to himself , perinde ac si virtute vicissent , as if he had overcome by his valour . chap. xxxi . vercingetorix sendeth away the horse : caesar incloseth alesia with a strong wall . vercingetorix thought it best to dismisse all the horse , and send them away in the night , before the fortifications were perfected by the romans . at their departure he commanded them , that every man should repair unto his own state , and send all to the warre that were able to bear arms . he layeth open his deserts towards them , and doth adjure them to have regard to his safety , and not to suffer him to be delivered over to the torture of the enemy , that had so well deserved of the common libertie ; wherein if they should prove negligent , fourscore thousand chosen men would perish with him in that place . and looking into their provisions , he found that they had corn scarce for thirty dayes , but by sparing and good husbandry it might be made to serve longer . with these mandates he sent out the horsemen in silence about the second watch of the night , at that part of the town where the works were not perfected : he commanded all the corn to be brought unto him upon pain of death . the cattel he distributed to the souldiers by pole , whereof there was great store brought out from the mandubii : the corn he began to measure out very sparingly . all the forces which he had placed before the town , he received within the walls ; and so he purposed to attend the supplies of gallia . which being known by therunne-awayes and captives , caesar appointed to make these fortifications . he drew a ditch of twenty foot in breadth and depth , with streight sides , as broad at the bottome as at the top . the rest of the work he made fourty foot short of that ditch , which he did for these reasons ; that the whole body of the romans might not easily be inclosed about with an army of souldiers , which he thought to prevent by taking in so great a circuit of ground ; and secondly , lest the enemy sallying out upon a suddain , should in the night come to destroy the works , or in the day-time trouble the souldiers with darts and casting weapons as they were busied about the works . this space of fourty foot being left , he made two ditches of fifteen foot in breadth and depth , the innermost whereof being carried through the fields and the lower ground , he filled with water drawn out of the river . behind them he made a ditch and a rampier of twelve foot , and strengthened it with a parapet and pinacles , and with great boughes of trees cut in cags like unto a harts horn , which he set where the hovels were joyned to the rampier , to hinder the enemy from climbing up ; and made towers round about the whole work , in the distance of fourscore foot one from another . at the same time the roman souldiers were both to get stuffe for the fortification , to go a harvesting for provision of corn , and to make such great works . our forces being much weakened , and being to seek corn and stuffe farre off from the camp ; the galles also oftentimes attempting to destroy the works , and to sally out of the town at divers ports : therefore caesar thought it fit to adde thus much more to the foresaid works , that the fortifications might be made good with the lesse number of men . he made ditches round about the works of five foot deep , and in them he planted either the bodies of trees , or great firm boughs sharpened into many pikes and snags , being bound together at the bottome , that they might not be easily plucked up , and spreading themselves at the top into very sharp cags . there were of these five ranks , so combined and infolded one in another , that which way soever the enemy should enter upon them , he would necessarily runne himself upon a sharp stake ▪ these they called cippi . before these , in oblique courses , after the manner of a quincunce , were digged holes of three foot deep , narrow at the bottome like a sugar loaf : these they set with round stakes of the bignesse of a mans thigh , with a sharp hardened point , in such sort that they stuck not above four fingers out of the earth ; and for the better fastening of them , they stuck all a foot within the ground : the rest of the hole for the better ordering of the matter , was hid with osiers and spreads . of these were eight courses three foot distant one from another : and these they called lillies , from the resemblance they had to the figure of that flower . before these were galthrops of a foot long fastened in the earth , and headed at the top with barbed hooks of iron , sowed up and down in all places in a reasonable distance one from another : and these they called stimuli . the inner fortifications being thus perfected , he followed the even and level ground as much as the nature of the place would give him leave , and took in fourteen miles in circuit , and made the like fortifications in all points against the enemy without , as he had done against the town ; to the end that if he were driven upon occasion to depart and leave the works , it might be no danger for him to leave the camp ; forasmuch as a few men would defend it . he commanded every man to have forrage and provision of corn for thirty dayes . the first observation . i promised in my former observation to speak somewhat touching the roman works , and to shew the use they made of them in their greatest occasions : but this description of the works at alesia , doth so far exceed the inlargement of commenting words , that it hath drowned the eloquence of great historians , and in stead of expositions and inforcements , hath drawn from them speeches expressing greater admiration then belief . circa alesiam ( saith paterculus ) tantae res gestae , quantas audere vix hominis , perficere nullius nisi dei fuerit : so great things were done at alesia , that they might seem too great for any man to attempt , or any but a god to effect . to inclose a town with a ditch and a rampier of eleven miles in circuit , was a matter worthy the roman army : but to adde such variety of works , and to make such strange trapes and oppositions against an enemy , was admirable to the hearer ; and not that only , but to make the like works without , to keep the galles from raising the siege , did double the wonder : by which works he did besiege and was besieged , took the town and overthrew the enemy in the field . such as since that time have imitated this industry only by a small ditch and a rampier ( for i think no man ever made such works ) have wrought wonders in matter of warre . castruccio got the name of renewing the ancient military discipline in italy , chiefly for that he besieged pistoia , and with the help of a double trench , according to the example of caesar , he kept in the pistoyans on the one side , and kept out an army on the other side of thirtie thousand foot and three thousand horse , in such manner as in the end he took the citie and made their succours of no effect . the states army of the united provinces under the leading of grave maurice , did the like at the town of grave in the year . but of this at alesia may well be said that which livy speaketh of the battell at nola : ingens eo die res , ac nescio an maxima illo bello gesta sit : a great piece of service was done that day , and i think i may call it the greatest in that whole warre . the second observation . it is here delivered , that the outward circuit of the works contained fourteen miles , and the circuit of the inward works eleven miles : upon which ground justus lipsius maketh an unjust conjecture of the space between the outward and the inward works where the romans day incamped . for according to the proportion between the circumference and the diameter , he maketh the diameter of the greater circle four , and of the lesser three miles : and then he taketh the lesser diameter out of the greater , and concludeth the space to be almost a mile between the inner and the outward rampier , where the romans lay incamped between the works : and least the matter might be mistaken in ciphers , he doth expresse it at large in significant words , whereby he maketh the space twice as much as indeed it was . for the two circles having one and the same center , the semidiameter of the one was to be taken out of the semidiameter of the other , and the remainder would amount almost to half a mile ; which according to the ground here delivered , was the true distance between the works , if the nature of the place ( whereunto they had a respect ) would suffer them to keep the same distance in all parts . but aliquando bonus dormitat homerus , homer himself is out sometimes ; and no disgrace neither to the excellency of his learning , deserving all honour for the great light which he hath brought to the knowledge of histories , and for redeeming the truth from blots and barbarisme . chap. xxxii . the galles raise an army of ▪ to raise the siege at alesia . while these things were a doing at alesia , the galles having summoned a councell of the princes and chiefest men of each state , they thought it not convenient to take all that were able to bear arms , according to vercingetorix direction ; but to proportion out a certain number for every state ; lest that of such a confused multitude there would be no government , being not able to know their souldiers , or to martiall them in any good order , or to make provision of victuall for so great a bodie . the hedui and their clients , the segusiani , ambivareti , aulerci brannovices , and brannovii , were commanded to send out five and thirty thousand : the arverni with their clients , the heleuteri cadurci , gaballi , velauni , as many : the senones , sequani , bituriges , santones , rutheni , carnutes , twelve thousand : the bellovaci , ten thousand : the lemovices as many : the pictones , turones , parisii , heleuteri suessiones , : the ambiani , mediomatrices , petrocorii , nervii , morini , nitiobriges , : the aulerci cenomani , as many : the atrebates , . the bellocassi , lexovii , aulerci eburones , : the rauraci and boii : the states bordering upon the ocean , whom by the custome of gallia they call aremoricae , such as are the curiosolites , rhedones , ambibarri , cadetes , osismii , lemovices , veneti , unelli , six thousand . of these the bellovaci refused to give their number , saying , that they would make warre with the romans in their own name , and according to their own directions , neither would they serve under any mans command . notwithstanding being intreated by comius , for his sake they sent two thousand . caesar as we have heretofore delivered , had used the help of this comius the years before in britain , being both faithfull and serviceable : in recompense of which service he had freed his state of all duties to the roman empire , and restored unto them their ancient lawes and customes ; and to himself he had given the mor●●i . notwithstand●ng such was the universall consent of all gallia , to redeem their liberty and their ancient honour in matter of warre , as neither friendship , nor the memory of former benefits could any way move them , every man intending that warre as farre as either the power of his mind or the possibilitie of his means would reach unto : and having drawn together eight thousand horse , and two hundred and fourty thousand foot , they mustered their forces in the confines of the hedui , where they appointed captains ; and the chief command was given to comius of arras , and to viridomarus and eporedorix , hedui , and to vergasilaunus of the arverni , cousin-germa●n to vercingetorix . to these there were certain chosen out of every state to give assistance in councell of warre : and all of them went jocundly and full of hope to alesia . neither was there any man that did think , that the very sight of such a multitude was able to be endured , especially when the fight would grew doubtfu●l by sallies made out of the town , and so great forces of horse and foot should be seen without . observations . vercingetorix desire was to have had as many of the galles sent to his rescue as were able to bear arms , grounding himself upon that maxime ; where the whole state is in question , there the whole forces of that state are to be employed . but the other princes of gallia thought it not expedient to raise so great a number : for they would have accrewed to such a multitude of people , as could not have been contained within the rules of government ▪ which may bring to our consideration that which the course of these times doth not often bring into dispute : what number of men well martialled and with good discipline , are a competent proportion for any service . xerxes army which he carried into greece , was famous for two respects : first , in regard of the multitude , which was so great , that when he himself returned back into asia , he left behind him three hundred thousand of the best souldiers chosen out of the whole army , under the conduct of one mardonius . secondly , that of so many fighting men , there were two hundred and threescore thousand slain in one battell , with the losse of one thousand and three hundred grecians . whereby it appeareth , that the conquest of a kingdome doth not necessarily follow the multitude of souldiers in an army ; for either xerxes army was too few in number to conquer greece , or too many to be well martialled . marius with fifty thousand men defeated the cimbri that were so many in number , as they made a battell of thirtie furlong square , and of them he slue a hundred and twenty thousand , and took threescore thousand prisoners . and for that i do remember of that which i have read , the greatest conquests that ever were made , were atchieved with armies under fifty thousand fighting men . the great alexander subdued all asia , and fet the monarchy from the persian into greece with thirty thousand men . the romans had very seldome ten legions in an army , which was about that rate , but commonly their conquering armies were farre under that proportion . paulus aemilius only had a hundred thousand in his army against perseus , and wonne the battell in an hour . the condition of our times requireth no dispute touching this point , for we seldome see an army of fifty thousand men in the field , unlesse it be the turke or some such monarch . chap. xxxiii . critognatus his speech at alesia , touching the keeping of the town . they that were besieged in alesia , the day being past by which they looked for succour , their corn being spent , and not knowing what was done abroad , entred into consultations touching the end of their fortune ; and divers opinions being delivered , some of them tending to the yielding up of the town , and others perswading that as long as strength lasted there might be sallies continually made upon the enemie : i will not omit the speech of critognatus , for the singular and wicked crueltie which it imported . he was a man of great birth and authority amongst the arverni . i will say nothing ( saith he ) of their opinion , that call base servitude by the name of rendry : neither do i think them fit to be accounted citizens , or to be admitted to councell of state. with them will i deal that like well of sallies , in whose advice and counsell , even by all your consents , the memory of ancient vertue seemeth to consist . it is no vertue , but a weaknesse of the mind , not to be able to bear want a little while . it is an easier matter to find men that will offer themselves willingly to death , then such as will endure labour with patience . for mine own part , i could like well of that opinion , ( for honour much prevaileth with me ; ) if i did not see a further losse then of our lives . but in these our consultations let us look upon all gallia , whom we have called together to succour us . what spirits do you think would our friends and kinsmen conceive , fourscore thousand men being slain in one place , if they were constrained to wage battell upon their dead carcases ? i would not have you to defraud them of your help , that do neglect all perill for your sake ; nor by your foolishnesse and your rashnesse , or the weaknesse of your mind , throw down all gallia , and cast it into perpetuall bondage . do you doubt of their faith and constancy , because they came not by a day ? what do the romans then mean in these outward works ? do you think they make them for exercise , or to passe away the time ? if you cannot then receive assurance by their messengers , all passage being stopt , use them for witnesses that their coming is at hand , for fear whereof they labour night and day . what then ? my advice is that we do as our forefathers did in a warre against the cimbri and teutones , not equall to this , who being shut up within their towns , and brought to the like necessity , did satisfie their hunger with the bodies of such as were found unfit for warre , neither did they yield themselves unto the enemy : whereof if we had not an example , yet i would judge it an excellent thing to be begun now for liberties sake , and to be left to posterity . for what warre was like this ? gallia being wasted and dispeopled , and the kingdome brought into great misery , the cimbri at length forsook our countrey , and sought out other territories , and left unto us our laws , customes , lands & libertie . for the romans , what is it they desire ? or what would they have ? but being drawn on with malice and envy , whom they understood to be a noble and a warlike nation , their fields and cities they did desire to take from them , and to yoke them with eternall bondage ; as never making warre with other condition . for if you be ignorant what they do farre off in other countreys , look at home in that part of gallia which is reduced into a province . their laws and customes being changed , it is subjected to the axe and to perpetuall servitude . their opinions being delivered , they decree , that such as through age or sicknesse were unfit for warre , should depart the town ; and that they should prove all means , before they yielded to critognatus opinion : and yet if the matter so required , to consent unto it , and to attend their succours rather then to yield to any rendry and condition of peace . observations . it is oftentimes made questionable in the extremitie of a siege , how farre the commanders may go in continuing their resistance to the danger and hazard of the people besieged . whether they may not in honour proceed as farre as critognatus opinion would draw them : or how they may know when to leave it , in the very point of discreet and valiant carriage . which is to be answered according to the qualitie of the enemy that giveth siege to the place . for against a t●eacherous and disloyall enemy , that maketh profession of infidelitie , and would not stick after a composition to insnare them in a greater danger then the perill of death , there would be much endured rather then to undergo so hard a fortune . and yet i do no way approve the cruell resolution of this gall , but do rather commend the example of the hungarians at the siege of agria . for in the year . mahomet bassa lay before that town with an army of threescore thousand turks , and laid batterie to it with fiftie canons . there were within the town two thousand hungarians , who endured and put off thirteen most terrible assaults of the enemy : and for the better strengthening of their high resolution , they took a mutuall oath that no man upon pain of death should once speak of a treatie , or of giving up the town , or to make any answer to the enemy but by the harquebuse or the canon : and if the siege should happen to continue long , rather to die for hunger then to put themselves in the hands of so cruell and barbarous an enemy . they determined further , that such amongst them as were not serviceable with a weapon , should attend continually to ●eenforce the rampier and repair the ruines . and to avoid treacherie , they took order that there might be no a●●emblies in the citie above the number of three together . they commanded likewise that all the victuall as was either publick or private , should be divided into equall portions amongst the souldiers , and the best of it should be reserved for such as were hurt in fight . it is further reported , that the bassa having oftentimes offered a treatie , they only shewed for an answer to his summons a funerall bier covered with black , lifted up above the wall between two pikes , to signifie thereby that they would not come out but by death . as this is a degree short of critognatus resolution , so i do not deny but that a generall may give up a town before he come to these tearms with true honour and wisdome . but the matter ( as i have said ) consisteth altogether upon the circumstances interlaced . but that which is further to be observed in this place , is the extreme contrarietie of opinions , which are usually delivered upon dispute of such difficult cases , wherein quantum alteri sententiae deest animi , tantum alteri superesse solet ; one mans opinion speaks too much courage , and anothers as much too little : as curio said upon the like occasion . medio tutissimus ibis , — the mid's the safest way , was phoebus direction to his sonne phaeton in a matter of difficultie and great hazard , and observed in this place by the galles . chap. xxxiiii . the galles do set upon caesars camp , both from the town and the field side . the mandubii , who had received the army into the town , were themselves thrust out with their wives and children . they coming to the roman works , did with weeping tears beseech them to receive them into bondage , and relieve them with food . caesar gave order they should not be received , and set a guard on the rampier to keep them out . in the mean time comius , and the rest of the captains , that had the chief command given them , came to alesia with all their forces , and having taken a hill on the out-side , they sate down not above half a mile from our works . the next day bringing their cavalrie out of their camp , they filled all that plain , which , as i have already said , extended three miles in length before the town , setting their foot-forces a little distant from that place , and hiding them upon higher ground . the prospect lay open out of the town into the field : and upon the sight of these succours they ran together , and congratulated each other , and all their minds were filled with gladnesse . and thereupon the next day they brought their forces and placed them before the town , and began to cover the next ditch unto them with hurdles , and to fill it up with earth , and to provide themselves to sally out , and to endure all chances . caesar having disposed of all his army on each side of the works , that if there were occasion , every man might both know and keep his place , he commanded the cavalrie to be carried out of the camp , and to charge the enemy . there was a fair view out of all the camps , which were seated round about upon the ridge of the hill , and all mens minds were bent upon the expectation of the event of the fight . the galles had mingled amongst their horse some few archers and light-armed souldiers , which might relieve their fellows being overcharged , and sustain the force and assault of our horse . by these were many hurt upon a suddain , and forsook the fight . the galles being perswaded that their men had the better of the fight , perceiving our men to be overcharged with multitude on all sides , as well those that were besieged , as the other that came to relieve them , they took up a shout and a howling to encourage their people . and forasmuch as the matter was carried in the sight of all men , so that nothing could be hid whether it were well or ill done ; the desire of honour and the fear of ignominie did stirre up both sides to prowesse and valour . and having fought with a doubtfull fortune from noon-tide untill almost sun-setting , the germans on the one side with thick-thronged troups gave a fierce charge upon the enemy , and put them to flight whereby it happened that the archers were circumvented and slain . in like manner on the other side , our mea finding them to give ground , did follow them even to their camps , and gave them no time to recover themselves . such as were come out of alesia , returned back sad into the town despairing of victory . one day being intermitted , in which time they made provision of great store of hurdles , ladders and hooks , about midnight they marched silently out of their camp , and came to the works on the field side ; and taking up a suddain shout , to give notice of their coming to them of the town , they cast their hurdles upon the ditches , and with slings , arrows , and stones they began to put our men from the rampier , and to put in practise such things as belong to a siege . at the same time the shout being heard , vercingetorix sounded the trumpet , and brought his men out of the town . our men betook themselves to the fortifications , according as every mans place was allotted him the day before ; and with slings and bullets which they had laid ready upon the works , they did beat down the galles , their sight being taken away through the darknesse of the night . many wounds were received on both sides , and many weapons were cast out of engines . m. antonius , and c. trebonius , legates , who had the charge of those parts where our men were most laid to , caused men to be taken out of the further castles , and to be brought to second them . the galles being a good way distant from the works , did much hurt with multitude of weapons : but approching nearer , either they struck themselves unwittingly upon the galthrops , or falling into the holes , were struck through the bodies with the sharp stakes , or died with murall piles , being cast from the rampier and the towers . many wounds being received on all sides , as the day appeared , the galles fearing lest they should be charged on the open side by a sallie from the upper camp , retired back again to their fellows . on the inner side , whilst they brought out such things as were prepared beforehand by vercingetorix , and were filling up the first ditches , being somewhat long in the execution of these things , they understood that the other galles were departed before they themselves could come near the works : and thereupon they returned into the town without doing any thing . observations . the galles committed the command of this great army to four generalls , contrary to practise of warlike nations , and the order which nature observeth throughout all the severall kinds of creatures : amongst whom there was never body found of many heads , but one hydra , being made as it seemeth , or rather feigned to be made , to the end that hercules might have a task answerable to himself , and make it one of his twelve labours to kill the beast . the serpent amphisibaena is said to have two heads , whereby she either looseth the use of locall motion , or at the least moveth so imperfectly , one head taking one way and the other another way , as there is no certain or direct passage in her creeping . these many-headed armies do resemble these serpents , being carried according to the sense of their severall heads , and distracted by the diversity of their many leaders . the government of rome consisting of severall magistrates having sovereign authority , gave occasion oftentimes to make two heads to one body , but with such successe , as they were forced in the end to create one head for the repairing of that losse , which the multiplicity of leaders had brought upon their state ; as it happened in the war against the fidenates revolted , which nothing but their recourse to a dictator could make happy to their empire . whereupon livie saith ; tres tribuni , potestate consulari , documento fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset ; tentando ad sua quisque consilia , cum ali● aliud v●deret●r , aperuerunt ad occasionem locum hosti : the three tribunes with consular power , clearly shewed how inconvenient a thing it is to have more then one commander in chief : for while every one adheres to his own advice and judgement , one man thinking this thing convenient , another that , they open a way to the enemy to make advantage against them . in the time of their consuls , quintius and agrippa being sent against the aequi , agrippa referred the businesse wholly to his collegue , concluding as livie saith : saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum est summum imperii ad unum esse ; it is the safest way in the managing of great affairs to have one man bear the chief sway . and therefore as one body requireth but one head , so one businesse would have but one directour , forasmuch as aemulatio inter pares , & ex eo impedimentum ; aemulation , and consequently hinderance , will be amongst equalls . chap. xxxv . the galles do chuse out sixty thousand of their best men , and do assault the weakest part of caesars camp . the galles being repelled twice with great losse , do fall into consideration what they were next to do . they call unto them such as were well acquainted with the nature and site of the place , by whom they understand of the situation of the upper camp . on the north side there lay a hill , which by reason of the greatnesse of the circuit , our men could not take in within the compasse of their works : and thereupon were necessarily constrained to lay their camp in an unequall place somewhat shelving . this part was kept by caius antistius rheginus , and caius caninius rebilus with two legions . this being known by the discoverers , the captains of the enemy chose out sixty thousand of those states which carried the greatest opinion of manhood , and did secretly determine amongst themselves , how and in what sort they would have the service carried , and do determine to put it in execution when the sun should be near about the noon meridian , appointing vergasilaunus to command those forces , being one of the four captains , and kinsman to vercingetorix . he going out of the camp in the first watch of the night , came to the end of his journey a little before day , and hiding himself behind a hill , commanded his souldiers to refresh themselves from the former nights travell . and when it began to be towards noon , he made towards that part of the camp which i have before mentioned : and at the same time the horsemen began to approach towards the works , and the rest of the forces shewed themselve ; before the camp . vercingetorix perceiving this out of the watch-tower of alesia , went out of the town , and carried with him long poles , hooks , and such other provisions which he had made ready before hand for a salley . they fought at one instant in all places , all wayes were tryed : and where they thought it to be weakest , thither they ran . the roman forces were dismembred by reason of the large extension of their works , so that they could not easily defend many places : and the shout which was made behind their backs , did much affright our men , forasmuch as they perceived that their danger did consist in other mens valour . for such things as are absent do for the most part greatly perplex and trouble mens minds . caesar having got a convenient place , doth see what is done in every part : if any were overcharged he sent them succour , and was ready to answer all occasions on both sides the camp . he told them that that was the time , wherein it was behovefull for them to fight . the galles would despair of all good successe , unlesse they brake down the works . the romans if they obtained their purpose , might expect an end of their labours . the greatest contention was about that place to which vergasilaunus was sent . a small rising in a place doth give much advantage in a shelving descent . some cast weapons , others put themselves into a testudo , and came under the works . the wearied and over-laboured were seconded by fresh supplies . every man cast earth into the works , which raised it so high , that the galles had advantage of ascent : and the pikes and sharp stakes which the romans had cunningly hid under the earth to annoy the enemy , were thereby covered . it came at last to that passe that our men wanted both strength and weapons . which being known , caesar sent labienus with six cohorts to relieve those hat were overcharged , commanding him ( if the could not bear out the charge ) to sally out upon them , but not unlesse he were constrained unto it . he himself went about to the rest ; adhorting them not to faint under their labour , forasmuch as the fruit and benefit of all their former battels consisted in that day and that hour . the enemy within being out of hope of doing any good upon the works made in plain and champain places , by reason of the strength of the fortifications , tried what they could do in steep and broken places ; and thither they brought those things which they had prepared . with the multitude of their casting weapons , they cast out such as fought from turrets , they filled their passages with hurdles and earth , they brake down the parapet and the rampier with hooks . caesar sent first young brutus with six cohorts , and after him fabius a legate with seven more , and at length as the fight waxed hot , he went himself with a fresh supply . the fight being renewed and the enemy beaten off , he hasted to that place whither he had sent labienus , and took four cohorts out of the next castle . part of the horsemen he commanded to follow him , and the rest to compasse about the outward works , and to set upon the enemy behind . labienus finding that neither rampier nor ditches were able to keep out the enemy , having got such forces together as were drawn by chance from the works nearest hand , to the number of thirty nine cohorts , he acquainted caesar by messengers what he thought fit to be done . caesar made haste to be at the fight . his coming being known by the colour of his garment , which he was accustomed to wear in time of battell , and the troups of horse and the cohorts being discovered which he had commanded to follow him , as the shelving and declining places were subject to the view of higher grounds ; the enemy begun the fight . a great shout was taken up on both sides . our men having thrown their piles , betook themselves to their swords . suddenly the horsemen were discovered behind them , and other cohorts made their approches towards them . the enemy turned his back and fled : the horsemen met them as they fled . the slaughter was great in that place . sedulius , a captain and prince of the lemovici , was slain . vergasilaunus was taken alive . threescore and fourteen ensignes were brought unto caesar : and very few of so great a number returned safe into their camp . those of the town beholding the slaughter and flight of their friends , being out of all hope , drew back their forces from the works . this being known , the galles fled presently out of their camp : and if the souldiers had not been wearied with that dayes labour , they might easily have destroyed all their enemies . about midnight the horse being sent out to fall upon the rereward , a great number was taken and slain , the rest escaped into their countreys . observations . it is an old saying of a hungry man , that it is an easier matter to fill his belly then his eye : which is as true in other cases ; wherein our desires are oftentimes so great , that we think no means sufficient to accomplish the same : but when we shall come to put it in triall , and suffer every man to be measured with his own foot , it will appear that our desires are better applied to the infinitie of the mind , then to the necessary occasions of our life . vercingetorix was so farre interessed in the successe of this warre , that he thought all the able men of gallia not enough to make it happy unto him : but the other princes that were not so deeply touched , and yet stood as well affected to the cause , refused to inrole all that were able to bear arms , but thought two hundred fourty and eight thousand men to be a competent force for this service . but coming to the execution of the businesse , they employed only sixtie thousand : and when they failed of their endeavour , and were routed and overthrown by the romans , the rest staid no longer to dispute the matter , but sled all away by night . which sheweth the difference between the affections which are forerunners of a cause , and such as grow and increase with a businesse , and are not commonly found in one and the same subject in their greatest strengths . for these antecedent desires are like womens longings ; strong and violent at first , but decaying as fast again before they come to any ripenesse : whereas such affections as rise from the carriage of a businesse , and grow from the occurrences of that proceeding , are not so easily abated , but do hold out strong either for constancy or obstinacy . chap. xxxvi . vercingetorix yieldeth himself and the town to caesar . the next day vercingetorix having called a councell , told them , that he had not undertook that warre for his own occasions , but for the cause of common liberty : and forasmuch as they were necessarily to yield to fortune , he made offer of himself unto them , either to satisfie the romans with his death , or to be delivered unto them alive . ambassadours were sent to caesar touching that point . he commanded their arms to be delivered , and the princes to be brought out . he himself sate in the fortifications before the camp : thither the captains were brought , vercingetorix was delivered ; their weapons were cast out . the hedui and the arverni being reserved , to the end he might recover the rest of the states by them ; of the rest of the captives , he gave throughout all the army , to every man a prisoner , by the name of a b●otie . these things being ended , he went to the hedu● , and received in the state. thither did the arverni send ambassadours unto him , promising to obey whatsoever he commanded . he demanded a great number of hostages , and sent the legions into their wintering camps . he sent home twenty thousand captives to the hedui and the arverni . he sent t. labienus with two legions and the horse into the sequani , and gave him m. sempronius rutilius to assist him . he lodged c. fabius and lucius minutius basilius with two legions amongst the men of rhemes , lest they should receive any damage by the near bordering bellovaci . he sent c. antistius reginus to the ambivareti , and t. sextius to the bituriges , and c. caninius rebilus to the rutheni , with each of them a legion . he placed q. tullius cicero and p. sulpitius at cavillonis and matiscona of the hedui upon the river arar , for provision of corn : he himself determined to winter at bibract . these yeares service being known at rome , there was a feast of thanksgiving appointed for twenty dayes together . observations . vercingetorix notwithstanding a hard fortune , entertained a noble resolution : for having first acquainted the galles that he had not undertook that warre for any respect to himself , but for the cause of gallia , and the ancient libertie of that continent ; he made offer to satisfie the angry romans with his body dead or alive . plutarch reciteth the manner of his deliverie to be in this sort : being armed at all parts , & mounted on a horse furnished with a rich caparison , he came to caesar , & rode round about him as he sate in his chair of estate ; then lighting off his horse , he took off his caparison and furniture , and unarmed himself , and laid all on the ground , and went and sate down at caesars feet , and said never a word . caesar at length committed him as a prisoner taken in the warres , to be led afterwards in his triumph at rome : but the civile warres did cut off that solemnitie . if it be demanded , what became of these great princes and personages after the triumph : it will appear that they did not stroke their heads , or make more of them then of miserable captives . for paulus aemilius , after the noble triumph for king perseus , pittying his fortune and desiring to help him , could never obtain other grace for him , then onely to remove him from the common prison , which they called carcer , into a more cleanly and sweeter house : where being streightly guarded , he died , either by abstinence , or being kept from sleep by the souldiers . two of his sonnes died also , but the third became an excellent turner or joyner , and could write the roman tongue so well , that he afterwards became chancellor to the magistrates of rome . and thus the romans dealt with their captive princes , making them examples of fortunes unconstancy , and turning their diadems into shackles of iron . and thus farre did caesar comment himself upon the warres he made against the galles , being a noble and a worthy people , and bred in a large and fertile continent ; the inhabitants whereof have in all ages , even to these times , challenged an eminency , both for politick government and martiall prowesse , amongst the western kingdomes of the world : their actions and carriage from time to time deserving as honourable memory , as these warres recorded by caesars own hand ; whereof paulus aemilius , philip commines , and of late john de seres are very pregnant witnesses . they continued under the roman government four hundred fourty and one yeares , according to the computation made by john tillius , reckoning from the last victory in caesars proconsulship , to the time of marcomerus a generall of the french , by whose prowesse and means they denied to pay that homage and tribute to the emperour valentinianus , which vercingetorix had lost to caesar . the next sommers service compiled by hirtius , i have purposely omitted , as intending no further matter then what caesar hath related , who best knew the whole project of that businesse . and thus endeth the seventh and last commentarie , written by caesar of the warre he made in gallia . finis . observations upon caesars commentaries of the civile vvarres betwixt him and pompey . by clement edmunds remembrancer of the city of london . london , printed by roger daniel : . the first commentarie of the civile vvarres . the argument . this commentary containeth the motions and contentions at rome , concerning caesar's giving up his government : the rent in the state , upon the disagreement of the senate : how either side bestirred themselves , to seize upon the provinces . pompey got the east , and caesar the west part of the empire ; and defeated afranius and petreius in spain . chap. i. the senates affection on caesar's behalf . letters being delivered by fabius to the consuls from c. caesar , it was hardly obtained by the extreme importunitie of the tribunes , to get them read in the senate : but to consult thereof , or to bring the contents in question , would not be granted . the consuls propounded businesses concerning the state of the city . l. lentulus , consul , protested his assistance should not be wanting , neither to the senate nor to the commonweal , if they would speak their minds freely and boldly : but if they respected caesar , and had an eye to his favour ( as in former times they usually had ) he would then take a course for himself , and not regard the authority of the senate ; neither wanted he means of entrance into caesar's friendship and good acceptance . to the same effect spake scipio ; that pompey was resolved to be aiding to the commonweal , if the senate would stand to him : but if they temporized , and dealth coldly , in vain hereafter should they seek aid from him , albeit they instantly desired it . this speech of scipio's seemed to come from pompey's own mouth , he himself being present , and the senate kept within the citie . some others spake more temperately . as first m. marcellus , who thought it not convenient that the senate should bring these things in question , untill they had made a levie of souldiers throughout all italie , and inrolled an army ; by whose protection , they might safely and freely determine what they thought fit . at also m. calidius , who thought it requisite , that pompey should go to his provinces and governments , to remove all occasions of taking arms : for caesar having two legions newly taken from him , feared that pompey kept them near about the citie to his prejudice . and likewise m. rufus , varying some few words , declared himself of calidius opinion . all these were bitterly reproved by l. lentulus the consul ; who utterly denied to publish what calidius had sentenced . marcellus feared with these menaces , retracted his opinion . and so , what with the clamor of the consul , the terrour of the present army , and the threatning used by pompey's faction , most of the senators were compelled against their will , to allow that which scipio thought fit : which was , that by a certain day caesar should dissolve and dismisse his army ; which if he did refuse to do , that then he openly shewed himself an enemy to the common-weal . m. antonius and l. cassius , tribunes of the people , did oppose this decree . their opposition was instantly spoken unto ; and many sharp and hard censures were given upon the same : for according as any one spake most bitterly and cruelly , so they were most highly commended by caesar's enemies . the first observation . as the former commentaries do carry in their front the ensignes of honour , displaying the military valour of the roman people in the continent of gallia , and other kingdomes of warlike nations : so are these relations branded in the forehead with a note of infamy , and titled with the direfull name of civile war. an odious and decried cause , ill befitting the integrity of that state , or the excellency of the actours , which are chief in this tragedy ; who neglecting all that might either enlarge the empire , or repair romes honour for the losse of crassus , chose rather to imbrew their ambitious swords in the bloud of their own countrey , a eagle against eagle , and pile against pile , in a war which could challenge no triumph . if it be now demanded , as formerly it was , quis furor , o cives ? quae tanta licentia ferri ? what fury 's this ? what these licentious arms ? was it pompey's ambition , or caesar's high thoughts , that bereft the state of liberty , with the losse of so many romans ? it were besides the scope of these discourses , to lay an imputation upon either of those worthies ; the one being chief assistant to the empire , when she put off her consulary government , and the other sitting sole at the helm , directing a course to fetch in many caesars . only this i may truly say with tacitus ; b that civile wars were never set on foot by justifiable courses . yet for the readers better direction , and for opening the truth of this story ( c which is more to be regarded then either socrates or plato's friendship ) it shall not be impertinent to fetch the causes of this war a little higher in a word then these commentaries do afford them . the histories of that age do all intimate , that when rome had ennobled pompey with her service , and stiled him by imployments with the title of greatnesse , as a satisfaction for the injuries done unto his father ; he ( forgetting the rights of a state , which challengeth the renown of other mens labours , and suffereth no subject to be co-partner therein , further then by approbation of service and obedience ) assumed to himself the honour due to the commonweal , and became proud of that which was none of his : in which conceit , the ambition of his spirit kept no measure , but over-valued his merits so far , that he thought himself rather a sovereign then a servant . so easily are men bewitched , when the favour of a state hath once made them absolute , and put it self under the awe of private command . in this height of greatnesse and authority , he made way for caesar , his father in law ; who had a spirit as subject to ambition , and as capable of publick dignities , as any one amongst all the patrician families : and upon the ending of his first consulship , in the year of rome , obtained the government of gallia transalpina , and likewise of that other gallia which they called cisalpina , containing the countries that lie between the alpes and the d little river rubicon , together with sclavon●a , and four legions of souldiers , for the term of five years . at the expiration whereof , his charge was continued , by the like favour and meditation of e pompey , and the assistance of crassus , for five years longer , with a redoubling of his forces . but after that crassus was slain in the parthian war , and that julia , caesars daughter , whom pompey had married , was deceased ( whereby caesar stood single , without any tie of alliance , or other a counterpoise of a third party , to hold them ballanced at the same weight as they stood while crassus lived ) pompey , jealous of those victories and passages of arms which caesar had atchieved by his valour , and impatient of any b partner in point of lordship ; found means first to draw two legions from him , under colour of the parthian war ; and afterwards got a decree of senate , to send him a successour before his time was expired ; and withall , to return as a private person to rome , to render an account of his actions during his imployment . which caesar taking as an assurance of his downfall , gave c huge sums of mony to gain paulus aemilius , one of the consuls , and c. curio , a tribune of the people , to resist this decree . howbeit , the succeeding consuls being both his enemies , having no farther hope of repealing the same , he intreated in the end , that he might hold only gallia cisalpina and illyricum with two legions , untill he should obtain the consulship ; which was the effect of these letters delivered by fabius . and being denied by pompey's faction , in these partiall and tumultuous assemblies of the senate , caused him to forfeit his loyalty to the state , verifying the old saying , d that oftentimes an injury maketh way to a greater fortune . the second observation . concerning the opposition of the tribunes , it is to be understood , that the people eaten up with usurie and other grievous exactions , forsook both the city and the camp , when the state had war with the volsci and the aequi ; and taking themselves to a mountain near unto rome , would not return from thence , untill the senate had given order for their grievances . in which transaction it was agreed , that there should be magistrates chosen out of the body of the people , to counterpoise the power of the senate , and to restrain the boundlesse authority of the consuls : which office was reckoned in the number of their holiest things , never to be violated either in word or deed , but the offender should redeem it with the losse of his life . their whole power consisted in letting and hindering . as when either the senate , or any one senatour , went about a matter which might be prejudiciall to the people in generall , or to any one of the commonalty in particular ; then did the tribunes interpose their authority , to frustrate and avert the same : which was availeable , albeit the matter was gain-said but by one tribune only . by which intervention they kept the senate in awfull moderation , and were alwayes profitable to the state , but when they happened upon factious and turbulent persons ; howbeit , their power was bounded with the walls of rome , and extended no further then the gates of the city . their doors were never shut , but stood open night and day , for a refuge to such as should fly to them for succour : neither was it lawfull for them to be absent from rome a whole day together . the robes of their magistracy were of purple ; as cicero intimateth in his oration pro cluentio . this tribunitian power began about the year of rome ; was supprest by sylla ; restored by pompey ; and utterly taken away by the emperour constantine . if it be demanded what kind of common-wealth this roman government was ; it is to be understood , that upon the expulsion of their kings , the sovereignty rested in their consuls . for , as a livie saith , there was nothing diminished of kingly government , save only for the better establishing of liberty , that the consular dignity was made annuall . but that held not long , for publicola imparted this sovereignty to the communalty , making it lawfull to appeale from the consuls to the people . whereby b the consular sovereignty was dissolved , and the people took occasion to oppose themselves against the fathers . hence grew the reciprocall invectives between the senate and the tribunes ; and when the consul sent a c serjeant to the tribune , the tribune would send a d pursevant to the consul . and so the commonwealth halted between an aristocracy and a democracy , untill at length the vogue of the communalty drew it to a perfect democracy , and made their acts of senate of no value , unlesse they were ratified by the people . howbeit , the senate afforded alwayes many famous and eminent men , such as having inlarged the bounds of their empire , and kept on foot their ancient valour , and were the flower of that people , which cyneas called a town of kings , were consequently so engaged in the businesses of the state , that matters were for the most part carried as they stood affected ; as appeareth by this passage of caesar . the third observation . thirdly , we may observe , that violence and partiality are the bane of all consultations : especially , when the common good is shadowed with private respects . and albeit the gravity of the roman senate far exceeded all that can be spoken of other councels of state , rectifying the inordinate affections of any catiline that would lift up his head higher then his fellowes : yet here it suffered equity and indifferency to be suppressed with faction , giving way to violence , e which governeth all things untowardly , and with cords of private hate oftentimes draweth the common-wealth into utter desolation . for prevention whereof , the athenians swore their senatours to make the common good the chiefest scope of all their counsels : implying thereby , that private respects are alwayes offensive to publick ends ; and the state ever suffereth , when favour prevaileth against the common profit . tully going about to direct a councellour in this behalf , only wisheth a man to deliver sincerely what he thinketh of any matter , although he happen to stand alone in his own conceit : for the issue of a businesse doth not so much concern a councellour , as to speak truely his opinion thereof . and to that end , the custome of the roman senate was , that the youngest , and such as came last in place should declare themselves first ; that they might not be forestalled in their opinions , nor put besides that they would have spoken ; together with the equality which it made of their voices : for things first spoken , do alwayes stick fastest in our apprehensions . and for that cause , theodorus ( a greek tragedian ) would never shew himself on the stage after any other actour ; as holding the first passages to affect most the spectatours . notwithstanding which custome , it is reported that caesar , in favour of pompey , after their new-made alliance , would take his voice first , thereby to anticipate the opinion of others that should follow . the emperours ( as it seemeth ) took what place they pleased : for tiberius , in marcellus cause , said , that he would sentence openly , and upon oath , that other men might do the like . whereunto cn : piso replied ; what place wilt thou take to declare thy self , caesar ? for if thou speak first , i know how to follow ; if last , i am affraid i shall dissent from thy opinion . but that which is most blameable in matter of counsell is , when they come to the senate house as to a prize of flattery . wherein l. piso is deservedly commended , for that he never willingly shewed himself of a servile opinion ; but when necessity forced him , he tempered it with wisdome . neither is it the least mischief , that the condition of sovereignty is such as will hardly endure reproof , but must be disguised , as apollonius corrected lions , by bearing doggs before them . chap. ii. the senate proceed against caesar with all eagernesse . the senate rising a little before night , were all sent for to pompey . he commended the forward for what they had done , and confirmed them for after resolutions ; reprehended such as shewed themselves indifferent , and stirred them up to more forwardnesse . many which were of pompey's former armies were sent for , upon of reward and advancement : many of the two legions which lately came from caesar , were commanded to attend ; insomuch as the city swarmed with souldiers against the election of new magistrates . c. cu●io called out the tribunes of the people . all the consuls friends , the kinsfolks and allies of pompey , and such others as had any former enmity with caesar , were compelled into the senate . by the presence and votes of these men the weakest were terrified , the doubtfull confirmed , and the most part were cut off from giving absolute and free voices . l. piso the censor , and l. ro●cius the praetor , offered themselves to go to caesar , to advise him of these things ; requiring but six dayes space to return an answer . others thought it fit , that embassadours should be sent to caesar , to give him notice of the pleasure of the senate . to all these was opposed what the consul , scipio , and cato thought fit . cato was incited through former enmity , and specially by the repulse of the praetorship . lentulus , out of a consideration of his great debts , hoping to command an army , to govern provinces , and to receive the liberall acknowledgements of kings , whom he should thereby procure to be stiled with the title of friends to the people of rome ; insomuch as he would not stick to boast in private , that he was like to prove a second sylla , on whom the sovereign command of the empire would be conferred . scipio was drawn on by the same hope of having the government of a province , or the command of an army , which by reason of his alliance he thought to share with pompey ; being otherwise afraid to be called into justice ; as also through flattery and ostentation , both of himself , and other great friends , which were able to sway much , as well in the course of justice , as in the commonwealth . pompey in his particular was much provoked by caesar's enemies , and specially for that he could endare no man to be his equall . he was alienated altogether from caesar's friendship , and had reconciled himself to their common enemies ; the greatest part of whom were by his means gained to caesar , in the time of their alliance . he was also moved by the dishonour which he had gotten by taking those two legions from their journey towards asia and syria , and using them for the advancement of his own particular . which things moved him to draw the matter to arms. for these respects all things were carried ●mp●tuously and confusedly ; neither was 〈…〉 sure given to caesar's friends to advertise him thereof ; nor yet to the tribunes , to avoid the danger which was falling upon them , or to use their right of opposition which l. sylla left unto them : but within seven dayes after they were entred into their office , they were forced to shift for their safety ; notwithstanding that the most turbulent and seditions tribunes of former times , were never put to look into their affairs , or to g●ve account of their actions , before the eighth moneth . in the end , they betook themselves to that extreme and last act of senate , which was never thought upon , but when the city was upon the point of burning , or in the most desperate estate of the commonweal : that the consuls , praetors , tribunes of the people , and such as had been consuls , and were resident near about the city , should endeavour that the commonweal might not be indangered . this act was made the seventh of the ides of january : so that the five first dayes , in which the senate might sit , after that lentulus was entred into the consulship ( excepting only two dayes for the generall assembly of the people ) most heavy and cruell decrees were made against the authority of caesar , and against the tribunes of the people , famous and worthy men ; who thereupon fled presently out of the city , and came to caesar : who being then at ravenna , attended an answer to his easie and modest demands , if by any reasonable course matters might be drawn to a peaceable end . the first observation . it is the condition of humane nature , to make good that which once it hath avouched , although the matter be of small consequence in particular , and tendeth rather to infamy then to profit ; neither will it easily be reclaimed by motives of reason , but is rather incited thereby ( per antiperistasin ) to persist in wilfulnesse , then to hearken to that which is more convenient ; especially , when either jealousie or revenge do imply an advantage : for then partiality keepeth no measure ; but to justifie an errour , runnes headlong into all extremities , and ●●eth to the last refuge of desperate and deplored cases , to make disordered passions seem good discretion . which evidently appears by pompey's faction , in resolving of that desperate act of senate , which was never thought of but in most eminent danger . for as in foul weather at sea , when a ship rideth in a dangerous road , and through the violence of the tempest , is upon the point of shipwrack , the mariners are wont to cast out a sheet-anchor as their last refuge : so had rome anciently recourse to this decree , at such times as the common-wealth was in imminent and extreme calamity ; whether it were by enemies abroad , or by serpents in their bosome at home . livie speaking of the warre of the aequi , saith ; the senatours were so affrighted , that following the form of the decree which was alwayes reserved for cases of extremitie , they ordained that post humius ( one of the consuls ) should take care that the commonwealth might not be endangered . the like was used in civile and intestine seditions : as when manlius capitolinus aspired to a tyranny ; and as likewise in the tumults of the gracchi , the conspiracy of catiline , and other times of like danger . for albeit the consuls had all sovereign authority , as well in warre as in peace : yet neverthelesse there were certain reserved cases wherein they had no power , without expresse order from the senate , and assent from the people ; as , to levie an army to make warre , to take money out of the treasury : whereas upon such a decree , they were enabled to dispose of all businesses of state , without further moving of the senate or people , which tully noteth in his orations against antonie . i think it fit ( saith he ) that the whole state of the commonweal be left unto the consuls , and that they be suffered to defend the same ; and to take care that the commonweal be not indangered . the second observation . i may not omit ( for the better understanding of this noble history ) to say somewhat of the persons here mentioned . and first of fabius , as descended of the noblest and most ancient family of the patrician order ; being able of themselves to maintain warre a long time against the veij , a strong and warlike town , untill at length they were all unfortunately slain by an ambushment : which ovid mentioneth , where he saith ; haec fuit illa dies , in qua , veientibus arvis , tercentum fab●iter cecidere duo . this was that black day , when in veian field three hundred and six fabi● were kill'd . onely there remained of that house a child then kept at rome ; which in tract of time multiplied into six great families , all which had their turn in the highest charges and dignities of the commonweal : amongst whom , he that supplanted hannibal by temporizing , and got thereby the surname of maximus , was most famous , as ennius witnesseth ; unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem : non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem . ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret . one man by wise delay hath sav'd our state ; who rumours after publick safety set . for which his fame grows every day more great . but c. fabius , here mentioned , never attained to any place of magistracy , other then such commands as he held in the warres under caesar . lentulus the consul was of the house of the cornelii , from whom are said to come sixteen consuls . he was from the begi●ning a mortall enemy to caesar , and so continued to his death , which fell unto him in egypt , by commandement of king ptolemy , after pompey was slain . scipio was father in law to pompey , after the death of caesar's daughter ; and by that means obtained the government of asia . in the beginning of the civile warre , he brought good succours to assist his sonne in law , as it follows in the third commentary : and upon the overthrow at pharsalia he fled into africk , where he renewed the warre , and became chief commander of the remaining party against caesar ; but being in the end defeated , he made towards spain : and fearing by the way lest he should fall into his enemies hands , he slew himself . marcellus was of the ancient family of the claudii , which came originally from the sabines : on his behalf there is an oration extant of tullies , intituled , pro marcello . he was afterwards slain by one chilo . m. antonius is famous in all the roman histories , for attaining in a small time to so great a height in that government . for in all the warres of gallia , he was but a treasurer under caesar , which was the least of all publick places of charge . in the beginning of the civile war●es he was made tribune of the people ; and within lesse then eight yeares after , came to be fellow-partner with octavius caesar in the government of the empire . and if cleopatra's beautie had not blinded him , he might have easily through the favour of the souldiers supplanted his competitor , and seized upon the monarchie . the name of cassius was ominous for trouble to the state of rome , and their ends were as unfortunate . this l. cassius , for his part , after the great troubles he had stirred up in spain , was drowned in the mouth of the river eber. piso was made censor in the consulship of l. paulus and claudius marcellus , having himself been consul eight yeares before , in the year of rome , succeeding caesar and bibulus ; and was the man against whom tullie penned that oration which is extant in pisonem . touching the office of censor , it is to be understood , that about the year of rome , the consuls being distracted with multiplicity of forreign businesse , omitted the censure or assessment of the city for some years together : whereupon it was afterwards thought fit , that there should be a peculiar officer appointed for that service , and to be called censor ; forasmuch as every man was to be taxed , rankt and valued , according to his opinion and censure . the first part of their office consisted in an account or valuation of the number , age , order , dignity , and possession of the roman citizens : for it was very material for the state to know the number of their people , to the end they might be informed of their own strength , and so shape their course accordingly , either in undertaking warres , transplanting colonies , or in making provision of victuals in time of peace . it was also as requisite to know every mans age , whereby they grew capable of honour and offices , according to that of ovid ; — finitaque certis legibus est aetas , unde petatur honos . — in certain laws age is defin'd , and thence is honour had . m. antonius commanded that the names of the roman children should be brought into the treasury within thirty dayes after they were born ; according to which custome , francis the french king published an edict , anno , that every parish should keep a register of burials and christenings : which since that time is used in england . the distinction of conditions and states , ranging every man in his proper order , is as necessary in the commonweal , and as worthy of the censors notice , as any thing besides . neither may the assessment of mens abilities be omitted : which was ordained , that every man might bear a part in the service of the state. in which respect * servius tullus is commended , for rating men according to their wealth ; whereas before that time every man paid alike : for men are taken to be interessed in the commonweal according to their means . the last and basest sort of citizens were named capitecensi , and were set in the subsidie at three hundred seventy five pieces of money . such as were not assessed , had no voice in the commonweal . the second and chiefest part of this office was in reforming manners , as the ground-plot and foundation of every commonwealth ; to which end they had power to enquire into every mans life . if any one had plaid the ill husband , and neglected his farm , or left his vine untrimmed , the censors took notice of it . if a roman knight kept his horse lean , it was a matter for them to look into . they deposed , or brought in , new senators . they reviewed all degrees and conditions of men : advanced this man from a mean tribe to a more honourable , and pulled another down . they had the care of buildings , repairing of high wayes , with other publick works ; and were reputed of the best rank of magistrates in rome . l. roscius had formerly been one of caesar's legates in gallia : as appeareth in the fifth commentary ; tertiam in essuos , l. roscio ; the third legion amongst the essui , under l. roscius . the prator was judge in causes of controversy , and differences between party and party ; and was as the caddy amongst the turks . chap. iii. the senate prepareth for warre . the next day after the senate assembled out of the city : where pompey ( according to such instructions as he had formerly given to scipio ) extolled their constancy and magnanimity ; acquainted them with his forces , consisting of ten legions in arms ; and further assured them , he knew of a certain that caesar's souldiers were alienated from him , and would not be drawn either to defend or follow him . and upon the assurance of these remonstrances , other motions were entertained . as first , that a lev●e should be made throughout all italy . that faustus sulla should forthwith be sent as propraetor into mauritania . that money should be delivered out of the treasury to pompey . that king juba might have the title of friend and confederate to the people of rome . which marcellus contradicting , stopt the passage thereof for that time . philippus , tribune of the people , countermanded faustus commission . other matters were passed by act. the two consular , and the other praetorian provinces , were given to private men that had no office of magistracy . syria fell to scipio , and gallia to l. domitius . philippus and marcellus were purposely omitted , and no lots cast for their imployment . into the other provinces were sent praetors , without any consent or approbation of the people , as formerly had been accustomed : who having performed their ordinary vowes , put on their military garments , and so took their journey . the consuls ( which before that time was never seen ) went out of the city , and had their serjeants privately within the city , and in the capitoll , against all order and ancient custome . a lev●e was made over all italy : arms and furniture was commanded : money was required from municipall towns , and taken out of temples and religious places . all divine and humane rights were confounded . the first observation . the neglect of ceremonies and forms in matter of state , is the ruine and abolishment of a commonweal . for if it hold generally true which philosophers say , that the form giveth being to whatsoever subsisteth , and that every thing hath his name from his fashion and making : then it must necessarily follow , that the life and perfection of a state dependeth wholly of the form ; which cannot be neglected but with hazzard of confusion . for complements and solemnities are neither nimia nor minima ( as some have imagined , ) either superfluities , which may be spared , or trifles of small consequence . but as the flesh covereth the hollow deformity of the bones , and beautifieth the body with naturall graces : so are ceremonies , which ancient custome hath made reverent , the perfection and life of any commonweal ; and do cover the nakednesse of publick actions , which otherwise would not be distinguished from private businesses . and therefore the neglect of such ceremonies , as were usually observed to ennoble their actions , was as injurious to the safety of the empire , and as evident a demonstration of faction and disloyalty ; as the allotment of provinces to private persons , or whatsoever else they broached , contrary to the fundamentall rights of the publick weal . concerning which it is to be understood , that no man was capable of those governments , but such as had born the chiefest offices and places of charge . for their manner was , that commonly upon the expiration of their offices , the consuls and praetors did either cast lots for the provinces , which they called sortiri provincias ; or did otherwise agree amongst themselves how they should be disposed , and that they termed comparare provincias , l●vie toucheth both the one and the other ; principio insequentis anni cum consules novi de provinciis retulissent , primo quoque tempore , aut comparare inter eos italiam & macedoniam , aut sortiri placu●t : in the entrance of the next year , when the new consuls had proposed the businesse of the provinces ; it was forthwith embraced , that they should either divide by agreement italy and macedonia betwixt them , or take them as their lots fell . howbeit sometimes the people ( whose assent was alwayes necessary ) interposed their authority , and disposed the same as they thought expedient . but such as had never born office of charge in the state , were no way capable of those dignities , nor thought fit to command abroad , having never shewed their sufficiency at home . for the maner of their setting forward out of rome , after they were assigned to imployments , it appeareth by infinite examples of histories , that they first went into the capitoll , and there made publick sacrifices and solemn vows , either to build a temple , or to do some other work worthy good fortune , if their designs were happily atchieved ; which they called vota nuncuparc , the solemn making of vows . and he that had made such a vow , stood voti reus , tyed by vow , untill his businesse sorted to an issue : and after he had attained his desire , he was voti damnatus , bound to perform his vow , untill he had acquitted himself of his promise . touching their habite expressed in this phrase , paludati exeunt , it appeareth , as well by ancient sculptures , as medalls , that paludamentum was a cloak used and worn by men of war , whether they commanded in chief , or as lieutenants and centurions ; and was tyed with a knot upon their left shoulder . festus calleth all military garments , paludamenta . and varro giving a reason of that name , saith ; paluda à paludamentis , sunt haec insignia & ornamenta militaria . ideo ad bellum cum exit imperator , ac lictores mutant vestem , & signa incinuerunt , paludatus dicitur proficisci : quae , propterea quod conspiciuntur qui ea habent , & palam siunt , paludamenta dicta . paludamenta are military ornaments . so when the emperour removes , and the serjeants change their garment , he is then said to march paludatus . which garments , in regard they are conspicuous which wear them , and so are taken notice of , are called thence paludamenta . the colour of this cloak was either purple or white . and therefore it was held a presage of ill fortune , when at carrae , a city in mesopotamia , one gave crassus a black cloak in stead of a white , as he went to lose the battel to the parthians . the second observation . the romans not contented with the spacious circuit of the sunne , bounding their empire with the east and the west , but for want of regions and countreys searching the vastnesse and depth of the seas , did seldome acknowledge any other sovereignty , or leave a party worthy their amity , in any remote angle of the then-known world . but if any prince had been so fortunate , as to gain the favour and estimation of a friend or a confederate to the state , it was upon speciall and deserved respects , or at the instance of their generals abroad , informing the worthinesse of such potentates , and the advantage they might bring to the service of the empire . which appeareth by that of livie concerning vermina , king syphax son ; that * no man was at any time acknowledged either a king or a friend by the senate and people of rome , unlesse first he had right well deserved of the common-weal . the manner of this acknowledgement is likewise particularly expressed by livie in another place , speaking of scipio . the day following ( saith he ) to put king massinissa out of his grief and melancholy , he ascended up to his tribunall , and having called an assembly of the souldiers , presented him before them : where he first honoured him with the appellation of king , accompanied with many fair praises ; and then gave him a crown of gold , a cup of gold , a chair of state , a scepter of ivory , and a long robe of purple . to which agreeth that of caesar : that ariovistus was by the senate stiled by the name of king and friend , and presented with great and rich gifts ; which happened but to few , and was only given by the romans to men of great desert . howbeit , such as had governments and imployments abroad did oftentimes make profit of giving this honour : whereof caesar taxeth lentulus in the former chapter . and in this sense was king juba brought in question , to be called by the senate a friend and associate to the state of rome . the third observation . touching the franchises and liberties of the towns of italy , and others in the dominions of the roman empire , called municipia ; it is to be noted , that according to gellius , those were called municipes , that being governed by their own laws , and their own magistrates , were neverthelesse endowed with the freedome of rome . and therefore adrianus marvelled , that the italicenses and uticenses did rather desire to be coloni , and so tied to the obedience of forreign and strange laws , then to live in a municipall state under their own rights and customes ; and as festus addeth , with the use of their peculiar rites for matter of religion , such as they anciently used , before they were priviledged with the immunities of rome . for the better understanding whereof , we are to observe , that there were degrees and differences of municipall towns : for some had voices with the roman people in all their elections and sus●rages ; and some others had none at all . for gellius in the same place saith , that the cerites obtained the freedome of the city , for preserving the holy things of rome in the time of the war with the galles , but without voice in elections . and thence grew the name of cerites tabulae , wherein the censors inrolled such as were by them for some just cause deprived of their voices . and the tusculani , being at first received into the liberties of the city according to the admission of the cerites , were afterward , by the free grace of the people , made capable of giving voices . the means of obtaining this freedome was first and specially by birth : wherein it was required ( as may be gathered by appius oration ) that both the parents , as well the mother as the father , should be free themselves . howbeit ulpian writeth , that the son may challenge the freedome of the state , wherein his father lived and was free . so that the father being of campania , and the mother of puteolis , he judgeth the son to belong to campania : according to that of canuleius , that the children inherite the condition of the father , as the head of the family , and the better rule to direct in this behalf . neverthelesse adrianus made an act of senate in favour of issue ; that if the wife were a citizen of rome , and the husband a latine , the children should be roman citizens . and the emperour justinian caused it likewise to be decreed , that the mother being a free-woman , and the father a bond-man , the son should be free . such as were thus born free were called cives originarii . the second means of obtaining this freedome was by manumission , or setting bond-men at liberty : for in rome , all men freed from bondage were taken for citizens ; and yet rankt in the last and meanest order of the people . the third means was by gift , or cooptation : and so romulus at first inlarged and augmented rome ; theseus , athens ; alexander magnus , alexandria , sited at the out-lets of nilus ; and richard the first , london ; by taking all such strangers into the freedome of the city , as had inhabited there for ten years together . the emperours were profuse in giving this honour . cicero slouts caesar , for taking whole nations into the freedome of the city ; and antony gave it to all that lived in the roman empire . whereupon , as ulpian witnesseth , rome was called communis patria . popular states were more sparing in this kind ; as may be deemed by the answer of one of the corinthian embassadours to alexander : we never gave the freedome of our city ( saith he ) to any man but to thy self and hercules . and untill herodotus time , the lacedemonians had never admitted any , but only tisamenus and his brother . the priviledges of this freedome were great ; for the citizens of rome were held to be majestate plenos . is the best man of gallia ( saith tully ) to be compared with the meanest citizen of rome ? and hence came that law , requiring , that the life of a citizen should not be brought in question , but by the generall assembly of the people . venres having condemned one cossanus , a roman citizen in sicilia , tully urgeth it as a matter unsufferable : facinus est ( inquit ) vinciri civem romanum , scelus verberari , prope parricid●um necari , quid dicam in crucem agi ? it is a great crime to bind a roman citizen , an hainous wickednesse to beat him , little lesse then parricide to kill him ; what then shall i call the hanging of him ? with many the like examples ▪ besides the possibility they were in , if their sufficiency were answerable accordingly , to become great in the state ; and consequently , commanders of the empire . chap. iv. caesar tasteth the affection of the souldiers . caesar understanding of these things , called the souldiers together , and acquainted them with all the injuries which his enemies from time to time had done unto him ; complaining that pompey was by their practice and means alienated from him , and drawn through envy of his good fortune to partialize against him ; notwithstanding that he had alwaies affected his honour , and endeavoured the advancement of his renown and dignity : lamenting likewise the precedent which this time had brought into the state , that the tribunes authority should be opposed and suppressed by arms , which former ages had by force of arms re-established . for sylla having stript the tribuneship naked of all rights and prerogatives , yet left it the freedome of opposition : but pompey , who would seem to restore it to the dignity from which it was fallen , did take away that power which was only left unto it . the senate never resolved of that act , that the magistrates should take a course for the safety of the commonweal , whereby the people were necessarily summoned to armes , but in times of pernicious laws , upon the violence of the tribunes , or the mutinie and secession of the people , when the temples and high places of the city were taken and held against the state : which disloyalties of former ages were exp●ated and purged by the fortune and disaster of saturmnus and the gracchi . but at this present , there was no such matter attempted , so much as in thought ; no law published ; no practice with the people ; no tumult ; no departure out of the city . and therefore he adhorted them , that forasmuch as under his leading and command , for nine yeares together they had most happily carried the government , fought many prosperous and victorious battels , settled all gallia and germany in peace ; they would now in the end take his honour into their protection , and defend it against the malice of his adversaries . the souldiers of the thirteenth legion which were present ( for them only had he called out in the beginning of the troubles , and the other legions were not as yet come ) cried out instantly , that they were ready to undertake his defence against such wrongs , and to keep the tribunes of the people from injurie . the first observation . as publick-weals and societies are chiefly supported and maintained by justice : so likewise , such as live in the civile community of the same , and enjoy the benefit of a well-qualified government , do take themselves interessed in the maintenance of justice , and cannot endure the tyranny of wrongs ; unlesse happily ( as every man is partiall in his own cause ) they be the authours thereof themselves . the first dutie of justice , which is , ne cui quis noceat , that no man hurt another , did caesar make the theam of his oration to his souldiers ; aggravating his particular injuries , by opening and enforcing the malice of his adversaries : and making the state a party in his sufferings , through the oppression and defacing of the tribuneship ; which in times of liberty and just proceeding , was sacred and inviolable . these remonstrances were apprehended by the souldiers , as matters specially concerning their duty ; holding themselves either bound to redresse them , or other wise to be guilty of betraying their parents , countrey , companions and friends . some report , that one ●●elius , a primipile of caesar's army , making answer to this speech , gave assurance of the souldiers good affection ; which the rest approved with a generall acclamation . howbeit the argument lay couched in a sophisme , pretending caesar's right , but concluding the ruine of the state. the second observation . secondly , we may observe , that as discord and dissension , ●ending asunder the bonds of civile community , are the bane of slourishing and opulent cities , and make the greatest empires examples of mortality : so by the same rule of discourse , it is also true , that the mutuall respects of well-qualified friendship , are as expedient , both for the fastening of the joynts of a publick state , and for keeping the particular parts in due temper and proportion , as either treasure , or armies , or any other thing required thereunto . hence it is that * cicero saith , that we have as much use of friendship , as of fire and water : and that he that should go about to take it from among men , did endeavour ( as it were ) to take the sun out of the heaven ; which by heat , light , and influence , giveth life unto the world . and as men are eminent in place and authority , and have use of many wheels for the motion of their severall occasions ; so have they the more need of amity and correspondency , to second the multiplicity of their desires , and to put on their businesses to their wished ends . chap. v. caesar taketh ariminum ; receiveth and answereth messages from pompey . caesar having sounded the minds of the souldiers , went directly with that legion to ariminum , & there met with the tribunes of the people that were fled unto him ; sent for the rest of the legions from their wintering camps , and gave order they should follow him . thither came young l. caesar , whose father was a legate in caesar's camp . and after some speech of the occasion of his coming , acquainted caesar , that pompey had given him a message in charge to be delivered unto him : which was , that he desired to clear himself to caesar , lest he might peradventure take those things to be done in scorn of him , which were commanded only for the service of the state ; the good whereof he alwayes preferred before any private respect : and that caesar likewise was tied in honour to lay aside his indignation and affection for the commonwealths sake ; and not to be so transported with anger and disdain of his adversaries , as he seemed to be , lest in hoping to be avenged of them , he should hurt the publick weal of his countrey . he added somewhat more of the same subject , together with excuses on pompey's behalf . almost the self-same discourse , and of the self-same things , roscius the praetor dealt with caesar , and said that he had received them in charge from pompey . which although they seemed no way to satisfie or remove the injuries and wrongs complained of ; yet having got fit men , by whom that which he wished might be imparted to pompey , he prayed them both , for that they had brought unto him what pompey required , they would not think it much to return his desires to pompey ; if happily with so little labour they might accord so great differences , and free all italy from fear and danger . that he had ever held the dignity of the commonweal in high regard , and dearer then his own life . he grieved much that a benefit given him by the people of rome , should be spightfully wrested from him by his adversaries ; that six moneths of his government were to be cut off , and so he to be called home to the city : notwithstanding the people had commanded at the last creation of magistrates , that there should regard be had of him , although absent . neverthelesse , for the commonwealths sake he could be content to undergo the losse of that honour . and having writ to the senate that all men might quit their armies , he was so farre from gaining the same , that contrariwise a levie was thereupon made throughout all italy ; and the two legions which were drawn from him under a pretence of the parthian warre , were still retained about the city , which was likewise in arms. and to what tended all this , but his destruction ? and yet notwithstanding he was content to condescend to all things , and to endure all inconveniences for the cause of the publick weal. let pompey go to his government and provinces ; let both the armies be discharged ; let all men in italy lay down their arms ; let the city be freed of fear ; let the assemblies of the people be left to their ancient liberty ; and the whole government of the state remitted to the senate and people of rome . for the better accomplishment whereof , under well-advised and secure conditions , let an oath be taken for due keeping of the same : or otherwise , let pompey approch nearer unto him , or suffer caesar to come nearer to him , that these controversies might happily receive an end by conference . roscius having this message , went to capua , accompanied with l. caesar ; where finding the consuls and pompey , he delivered unto them caesar's propositions . they having consulted of the matter , made an answer in writing , and returned it by them to caesar , whereof this was the effect ; that he should return into gallia , quit ariminum , and dismisse his army : which if he did , pompey would then go into spain : in the mean time , untill assurance were given that caesar would perform as much as he promised , the consuls and pompey would not forbear to levy souldiers . the condition was too unequall , to require caesar to leave ariminum , and to return into his province ; and pompey to hold provinces and legions belonging to other men : to have caesar dismisse his army , and he to raise new troups : to promise simply to go to his government , but to assigne no day for his departure : insomuch , that if he had not gone untill caesar's time of government had expired , he could not have been blamed for falsifying his promise . but forasmuch as they appointed no time for a conference , nor made any shew of coming nearer , there could no hope be conceived of peace . the first observation . caesar lying at ravenna , within his government of gallia , and understanding how matters past at rome , according as plutarch reporteth , commanded divers of his centurions to go before to ariminum , without any other armour then their swords ; and to possesse themselves thereof with as little tumult as they could . and then leaving the troups about him to be commanded by hortensius , he continued a whole day together in publick sight of all men , to behold the fencing of the sword-players . at night he bathed his body , and then kept company with such as he had bidden to supper ; and after a while rose from the table , wishing every man to keep his place , for he would instantly come again . howbeit , having secretly commanded some of his followers to attend him , in such manner as might give least suspicion , he himself took a coach which he had hired ; and making shew of going a contrary way , turned suddenly towards ariminum . when he came to the little river rubicon , which divided his government from the rest of italy , he stood confounded through remose of his desperate design , and wist not whether it were better to return or go on : but in the end , laying aside all doubtfull cogitations , he resolved upon a desperate adage , importing as much as fall back , fall edge : and passing over the river , never stayed running with his coach , untill he came within the city of ariminum ; where he met curio and antonius , tribunes of the people , and shewed them to the souldiers , as they were driven to fly out of rome , disguised like slaves in a carriers cart . it is said , that the night before he passed over this river , he dreamed that he lay with his mother in an unnaturall sense . but of that he himself maketh no mention . this city of ariminum is now called r●mini , and standeth in romania , upon the adriat●ck sea , in the popes dominion . the river rub●con was anciently the bounds of gallia ; over which augustus caused a fair bridge to be built with this inscription : jussu . mandatu-ve . p. r. cos. imp. mili . tiro . commilito . manipularis-ve . cent . turmae-ve . legionari-ve . armat . quisquis . es. hic . sistito . vexillum . sinito . nec . citra . hunc . amnem . rubiconem . ductum . commeatum . exercitum-ve . traducito . si . quis . hujusce . jussionis . ergo . adversus . fecit . fecerit-ve . adjudicatus . esto . hostis . p. r. ac . si . contra . patriam . arma . tulerit . sacrosque . penates . e. penetralibus . asportaverit . sancio . plebisci . senatus-ve . consult . ultra . hos . fines . arma . proferre . liceat . nemini . s. p. q. r. the substance whereof is ; that it should be unlawfull for any man to come over the said river armed , under penalty of being adjudged an enemy to the commonwealth , and an invader of his own countrey . the second observation . if this manner of proceeding be brought into dispute , and the reason required why caesar kept not himself in the province of gallia , where he might have held his government according to his own desire , or otherwise have drawn his adversaries to buckle with the strength of those conquering legions , and so brought the businesse to a short end , with as great probability of good successe , as by any hazard of undertaking : it is to be understood , that in cases of this nature , which seldome admit any treaty of accord , he that striketh first , and hath the advantage of the forehand , is well entred into the way of victory . for the rule is of old , that if an enemy hath a design in hand , it is farre more safe to begin first , and by way of prevention to give the onset on him , rather then to shew a readinesse of resisting his assaults . for if blows ( of necessity ) must be way-makers to peace , it were a mistaking to be either wanting or behind-hand therein ; besides the gain which attendeth this advantage . for he that stands affected to deny what is just , and of right due , doth neverthelesse grant all things which the sword requireth ; and will not stick to supply all unjust refusals , with as great an over-plus of what may be demanded . for which cause , caesar staid not the coming of his whole army , but began with those forces which were ready at hand : and so preventing all intendments , he put his adversaries to such a streight , that they quitted italy for fear , and left rome ( with whatsoever was sacred or precious therein ) to the mercy of them whom they had adjudged enemies to their countrey . chap. vi. caesar taketh divers municipall towns. for which regard , he sent m. antonius with five cohorts to aretium : but he himself stayed at ariminum with two legions , and there intended to inroll new troups ; and with severall cohorts took pisaurum , fanum , and ancona . in the mean while , being advertised that thermus the praetor did hold tignium with five cohorts , and fortified the place , and that all the inhabitants were well inclined towards him ; he sent curio thither with three cohorts , which he had at pisaurum and ariminum . upon notice of whose coming , thermus ( doubting of the affection of the town ) drew his cohorts forth of the city , and fled . the souldiers by the way went from him , and repaired homeward . curio was there received with the great contentment and satisfaction of all men . upon notice whereof , caesar conceiving hope of the favourable affections of the municipall towns , brought the cohorts of the thirteenth legion out of their garrisons , and marched towards auximum ; a town held by actius , with certain cohorts which he had brought thither with him , who having sent out divers senatours , made a levie of men throughout all the countrey of picenum . caesar's coming being known , the decuriones of auximum repaired to actius varus , accompanied with great troups of people : and told him that the matter concerned not him at all ; for neither themselves , nor the rest of the municipall towns , would shut their gates against such a commander as caesar was , that by great and worthy service had so well deserved of the commonwealth : and therefore advised him to consider what might ensue thereof , and the danger which might befall him in particular . varus being throughly wakened at this warning , drew out the garrison which he had brought in , and so fled away : and being overtaken by a few of caesar's first troups , was compelled to make a stand ; and there giving battel , was forsaken of his men . some of the souldiers went home , and the rest came to caesar . amongst them was taken l. pupius , centurion of a primipile order , which place he had formerly held in pompey's army . caesar commended actius souldiers ; sent pupius away ; gave thanks to them of auximum ; and assured them of a mindfull acknowledgement on his behalf for this service . the first observation . amongst other things which serve to inable our judgements , and do make men wise to good fortune , that which is gathered from similitude or likenesse of quality , is not the unsurest ground of our discourse ; but oftentimes giveth more light to guide our passage through the doubtfulnesse of great enterprises , then any other help of reason . for he that will attend an overture from every particular , and tarry for circumstances to accomplish all his purposes , and make no use of instances to better his advantage , shall never wade farre in businesses of moment , nor atchieve that which he desireth , which caesar well observed : for upon the accidentall discovery of the disposition of one town , he thereby took occasion to make triall how the rest stood affected ; and either found them or made them answerable to his hopes . concerning these places taken by caesar , it is to be understood , that pisaurum is sited on the adriatick sea , and belongeth to the dutchie of urbine : a town famous of old , by reason of the prodigious opening of the earth , and swallowing up the inhabitants before the battell of actium , some few yeares after it was thus taken by caesar . fanum was so called of a fair temple which was there built to fortune . tacit. annal. . exercitus vespasiani ad fanum fortunae iter sistit ; the army of vespasian made a halt at the temple of fortune . it is a small town on the same sea , and belongeth to the pope . ancona is a famous town upon the adriatick sea , sited upon a bow-like promontorie , which taketh in the sea between two fore-lands ; and so maketh one of the fairest havens of all italy , as well for largenesse as for safety . from whence riseth that common saying , expressing the rarenesse and singularity of three things ; unus petrus in roma , one peter in rome ; noting the beauty of saint peter's church : una turris in cremona , one tower in cremona ; the excellent workmanship of a steeple there : and unus portus in ancona , one haven in ancona ; which is this haven . the emperour trajan , to give it more shelter , and keep it from the fury of the wind , raised the top of the promontorie in fashion of a half moon , with a mount made of great marble stones ; and made it theatre-wise , with descents and degrees to go to the sea ; together with an ark triumphall in memory thereof . the town is now under the pope . the second observation . this word decurio hath a double understanding : for romulus having foot and horse , divided them into three tribes , and every tribe into ten curies , containing a hundred footmen and ten horsemen . whereby marcellinus concludeth , that decuriones & centuriones à numero cui in militia praeerant d●cebantur ; they were called decurions and centurions from the number they commanded in the warres . but vegetius is more particular in this point . a company of footmen ( saith he ) was called a century or maniple : and a troup of horse was called turma , of ter-denos , containing thirty men , whereof the captain was named decurio . in which sense caesar speaketh ; ea res per fugitivos l. aemili● decurionis equitum gallorum hostibus nunciatur : this businesse was bewrayed to the enemy by the fugitives of l. aemilius a decurion of the french horse . but in this place it hath another signification : for the romans , when they sent any citizens to people and inhabite a place , chose out every tenth man ; such as were found most able , and of best sufficiency to make and establish a publick councell ; whom they called decuriones ; according as pomponius and other civilians understand it . so that these decuriones were the senate of that place . chap. vii . lentulus flieth in great fear out of rome . caesar cometh to co●finium . these things being reported at rome , the city was suddenly struck into such a terrour , that when lentulus the consul came to open the treasury , to deliver out money to pompey according to the act of senate , he fled out of the city , and left the inner chamber of the treasury open . for , it was reported ( although untruly ) that caesar was near approching , and that his cavalrie was hard at hand . marcellus , the other consul , together with most of the other magistrates , followed after . pompey departing the day before , was gone to those legions which he had taken from caesar , and had left in apulia to winter . in the mean while the inrollment of souldiers ceased within the city . no place seemed secure between that & capua . there they began first ot assemble and assure themselves ; impresting for souldiers such as by julius law were sent thither to inhabit . and the fencers which were there trained and exercised by caesar , for the entertainment of the people of rome , were by lentulus brought out , set at liberty , mounted upon horses , and commanded to follow him . but afterwards , upon advice of his friends ( every mans judgement disallowing thereof ) he dispersed them here and there throughout campania , for their better safety and keeping . caesar dislodging from auximum , marched throughout all the countrey of picenum , and was most willingly received by all the praefectures of those regions , and relieved with all necessaries which his souldiers stood in need of . insomuch as commissioners were sent unto him from cingulum , a town which labienus had founded , and built from the ground at his own charges , promising to obey whatsoever he commanded whereupon he required souldiers , and they sent them accordingly . in the mean time the twelfth legion overtook caesar ; and with these two he marched directly to asculum , a town which lentulus spinther held with ten cohorts : who understanding of caesar's approch , left the place ; and labouring to carry the troups with him , was forsaken by the greatest part of the souldiers : and so marching with a few , happened by chance upon vibullius rufus , sent of purpose by pompey into the countrey of picenum , to confirm and settle the people . vibullius being advertised how matters went there , took the souldiers , and so dismissed him of his charge : gathering likewise from the confining regions , what cohorts he could get from pompey's former inrollments ; and amongst others , entertained ulcilles hirus , flying with six cohorts out of camerinum , whereof he had the keeping . these being all put together , made thirteen cohorts ; with which by long marches he made towards domitius ae●obarous , who was at corfinium , telling him that caesar was at hand with two legions . domitius had raised twenty cohorts , out of albania , marsia , and pelignia , adjacent countries . asculum being taken in , and lentulus driven out , caesar made inquiry after the souldiers that had left lentulus , and commanded them to be inrolled for him . and after one daies aboad for the provision of corn , he marched towards corfinium . upon his approach thither , domitius sent five cohorts out of the town , to break down the bridge of the river , which was about three miles off . the vauntgard of caesar's army incountering with domitius souldiers , drave them from the bridge , and forced them to retreat into the town : whereby caesar past over his legions , made a stand before the town , and incamped himself under the walls . the first observation . it is well observed by guicciardine , that insolency and timidity are never found asunder , but do alwayes accompany one another in the same subject : for the mind being the centre of all such motions , doth according to every mans nature , give the like scope to passions of contrariety , and extend them both to an equidistant circumference : as , if courage shall happen to dilate it self to insolency , then is doubtfulnesse in like manner inlarged to cowardice ; and will imbase mens thoughts as low , as they did rise in height by insulting . for which cause it is advised by such as treat of morality , that men be well warie in admitting dilatation of passions , or in suffering them to flie out beyond the compasse of reason , which containeth the measure of aequability , commended by cicero , to be observed throughout the whole course of mans life . lentulus the consul may be an instance of this weaknesse , and learn others moderation by shunning his intemperancy . for in question of qualifying the rage of these broiles , and sorting of things to a peaceable end , his arrogancy was incompatible with terms of agreement , and overswaid the senate with heedlesse impetuosity . and again , when his authority and consular gravity should have settled the distracted commons , and made good his first resolution , his over-hasty flying out of the city did rather induce the people to believe , that there was no safety within those walls , not for so small a time as might serve to have shut the treasury at his heels ; and so he became as abject , as before he shewed himself insolent . concerning these words ( aperto sanctiore aerario , rendred , the inner chamber of the treasury left open ) it is to be noted , that aerarium was their publick treasury ; and by the appointment of valerius publicola , was made within the temple of saturn : whereof divers men make divers conjectures . macrobius saith , that as long as saturn continued in italy , there was no theft committed in all the country : and therefore his temple was thought the safest place to keep money in . plutarch thinketh rather , that the making of the treasury in that place , did allude to the integrity of the time wherein saturn reigned ; for avarice and deceit was not then known amongst them . s. cyprian is of an opinion , that saturn first taught italy the use and coinage of money ; and therefore they gave the keeping thereof to his deity . howsoever , it is manifest , that not only the publick treasure was there kept , but also their records , charts , ordinances and edicts : together with such books as were , for their immeasurable greatnesse , called libri elephantini ; containing all their acts of senate , and deeds of arms atchieved by the commanders abroad , as also their military ensigns which they fetched alwayes from thence when they went into the field : and there likewise did such embassadours as came to rome enregister their names , as plutarch affirmeth . it was called aerarium of aes , signifying brasse ; for that the first money used by the romans was of that metall , untill the year of rome , as pliny witnesseth ; when they began first to coin pieces of silver marked with the letter x. whereof the ytook the appellation of denarium , as valuing ten asses of brasse , which before they used for their coin ; and every of the said asses weighed ounces . touching their order observed in their treasury , for their disposing and laying up of their moneys , we must understand , that as bodies politick require necessary and ordinary treasure to be imploied in such manner , as may best concurre with the publick honour and weal of the same ; so there must be speciall care to provide against unusuall and extraordinary casualties , which are not removed but by speedy and effectuall remedies . according to which providence the romans disposed of their treasure , and took the twentieth part of their receit , which they called aurum vicesimarium , and reserved it apart in an inner chamber ; where it lay so priviledged , that it was a capitall crime to touch it , but in extream and desperate necessity : as in time of war with the galles , or in a sedition and tumult of the people . livie affirmeth as much , where he saith , caetera expedientibus quae ad bellum opus erant consulibus , aurum vicesimarium , quod in sanctiore aerario adultimos casus servatur , promi placuit : prompta ad quatuor millia pondo auri. the consuls furnishing all other things needfull for the war , it was resolved that the vicessimary gold should be brought forth and employed : which said gold was reserved in the inner treasury , till such time as affairs happened to be in a desperate condition . accordingly , there was pound of gold taken out . the second observation . such as affect offices and dignities in a state , must ever have means to court sovereignty , according as may best sute with her politia , either as she is espoused to a monarch , or left in trust to a multitude . hence it was that the romans , to gain the favour of the people , and to make way for their own ends , were very sumptuous in setting forth shews and spectacles , of divers sorts and fashions ; and specially of gladiators or fencers , as best fitting a roman disposition , and more pleasing then others of any kind . equidem ( saith tully ) existimo , nullum tempus esse frequentioris populi , quam illud gladiatorum , neque concionis ullius , neque vero ullorum comitiorum ; i verily believe that there is at no time a greater concourse of people , then is at the fenceing-playes ; neither at an oration , nor at an assembly of the state. and in another place ; id autem spectaculi genus erat , quodomni frequentia , atque omni hominum genere celebratur , quo multitudo maxime delectatur ; that is a kind of shew , which is celebrated with the flocking together of all sorts of people ; it being a thing the multitude are extremely delighted with . their manner was to keep great numbers of these fencers , in some convenient and healthfull towns of italy , as at ravenna , and capua ( which were as seminaries of these people ) and there to train them up in the feat of fencing , untill they had occasion to use them in their shews , either at their triumphall entries into the city upon their victories , or at the funerall solemnity of some personage of memory , or otherwise at their feasts and jollities . quinetiam exhilarare viris convivia caede mos olim , & miscere epulis spectacula dira . the death of men made mirth at feasts of old , and banquets then were grac'd with fencers bold . they fought commonly man to man , at all advantage , and were seldome excused , untill one of the two lay dead upon the place . neither was he then quitted that had slain his companion , but stood liable to undertake another , and so a third , untill he had foiled six or seven combatants . and if his hap were to prevail so often , he was then honoured with a garland wound about with ribands of wool , which they called lemnisci , and received of the praetor a great knotted staffe , called rudis ; which he afterward carried about with him as an ensign of liberty . these bloudy spectacles continued unto the time of constantine the great , and were by him prohibited , as likewise also by arcadius and honorius ; and utterly abolished after the reign of theodorick , king of the gothes . let him that would look further into the fashion of these shews , read what lipsius hath written concerning the same . that which i observe herein is , the use which the state made hereof : for howsoever these sights and solemnities were set forth for the compassing of private ends ; yet neverthelesse the commonweal drew benefit from the same . for a multitude being of a fickle and mutable nature , are no way so well settled with contentment of the time , or kept from novelties and innovations , as with publick shews and entertainments ; which are as staies to their affections , that they swerve not from the government by which they live in civile consociation . so we read how the grecians instituted , as popular entertainments , their olympian , nemean , isthmian , and pythian games ; the romans , their apollinary , secular , gladiatory , and hunting shews , with traged●es and comedies : and all for the satisfaction of the people . wherein , howsoever the grecians seem more judicious , for inventing such games as might both exercise and entertain the people ; yet the romans sailed not of the end aimed at in these spectacles , which was , to inure them to bloud and slaughter , and to make them dreadlesse in cases of horrour . but to leave all shews of this nature , as either too little for earnest , or too much for pass-time ; it shall suffice to note , that these publick entertainments are so far expedient as they consist of pleasure and comelinesse : for as their chiefest end is to pleasure and content the people ; so their manner must be directed by lawfulnesse and honesty . in which respect , a tragedy is more commendable then a comedy ; forasmuch as few comicall arguments do sympathize with honesty . the third observation . to be great and of a large proportion , doth not take away casualties of inconvenience ; nor can it give a priviledge , to free things from distemperature : tall men are as subject to fevers , as others of lesser stature ; and great empires as easily disturbed , as the states of petty princes . o faciles dare summa deos , eademque tueri , difficiles ! — o gods easy to grant , but to preserve your gifts as hard ! — it is easier to attain the end of high desires , then to keep it being got : and better is the assurance of seeking , then of possessing . the roman people that had over-awed the world with armes , and left no kingdome unfoiled with the fear of then legions , were as much dismaied at a subjects disloyalty , as was possible for a mean state to be amuzed upon an alarme of any danger . and that city which suffered no enemy to approach near her confines , but in the condition of a captive , was not trusted as able to give her own people safety . — sic turba per urbem praecipiti lymphata gradu , velut unicarebus spes foret affl●ctis patrios excedere muros , inconsultaru●● . — — so through the streets with headlong madnesse ran the multitude , as if their case no other hope had left of safety , then to quit their native walls . the advantage is , that kingdoms of great command have great helps in cases of disturbance ; but are otherwise as subject to apprehensions of distrust , as those of lesser power to resist . chap. viii . c●sar goeth on with the siege of corfinium , and taketh it . domitius being thus ingaged , sent out skilfull men of the country , with promise of great reward , to carry letters to pompey , intreating and praying , that he would come and relieve him ; for caesar , by reason of the streightnesse of the passages , might with two armies be easily shut up : which opportunity if he neglected , himself , with above cohorts of souldiers , besides a great number of senatours and roman knights , were in danger of running a hard fortune . in the mean time , he exhorted his men to courage and resolution ; placed his * artillery on the walls ; assigned every man his quarter to be made good ; promised in publick assembly of the souldiers , four acres apiece to each man out of his own lands and possessions , and the like rateable parts to the centurions and evocati . mean-while it was told c●sar , that the inhab●tants of sulmo , a town distant seven miles from corfinium , were desirous to receive his commands , but that they were restrained by q. lucretius a senatour , and actius pelignus , that kept the town with a garrison of seven cohorts . whereupon he sent thither m. antonius with sive cohorts of the seventh legion : whose ensigns were no sooner discovered by those of the town , but the gates were opened , and the inhabitants and souldiers came all out , to gratulate and welcome antonius . lucretius and actius conveighed themselves over the wall . actius being taken and brought to antony , desired to be sent to caesar . antonius returning the same day , brought actius and the souldiers that were found in sulmo , to caesar ; whom he took to his army , and sent actius away in safety . caesar , the three first daies , made great works to fortify his camp ; caused store of corn to be brought from the towns next about him ; and there determined to stay the coming of the rest of his forces . within the space of those three daies the eighth legion came unto him , with cohorts newly enrolled in gallia , together with three hundred horse , which the king of noricum had sent unto him . upon the arr●vall of which forces , he made a second camp on the other side of the town , and appointed curio to command it . the rest of the time was spent in compassing the town with a ramp●er and with castles . the greatest part of which work being finished , it chanced at the same time , that such as were sent to pompey returned . the letters being read , domitius dissembling the truth , gave out in the councell of war , that pompey would come speedily to succour them : and therefore wished that no man should be disma●ed , but to prepare such things as were of use for the defence of the town . but he himself conferring secretly with some of his familiar friends , consulted how he might escape away . but forasmuch as his looks agreed not with his words , and that his carriage seemed more troubled and timorous then usuall , and likewise his secret conferences with his friends were more then ordinary , as also by his avoiding of publick counsels and assemblies as much as he could , the matter could be no longer dissembled . for pompey had writ back , that he would not hazzard the cause , by drawing it into such terms of extremity : neither was domitius , ingaged in the keeping of co●finium by his advice or consent : and therefore , if by any means he could , he should quit the place , and bring the forces unto him . but the siege was so streight , and the works did so begird the town , that there was no hope of effecting it . domitius purpose being known abroad , the souldiers within the town , about the beginning of the evening forsook their stations , and drew themselves apart ; and thereupon had conference with the tribunes of the souldiers and centurions to this effect : that they were besieged by caesar , whose works and fortifications were almost finished ; their generall domitius ( in hope and confidence of whom they were engaged in that place ) setting aside all matters whatsoever , was bethinking himself how he might escape and fly away : and in regard thereof , they were not to neglect their own safety . the marsi at first began to differ from the rest upon that point , & possest themselves of that part of the town which seemed to be strongest : and such a dissension thereby grew amongst them . that they had almost gone to blowes . howbeit , understanding a while after ( by messengers which past to and fro between them ) of domitius purpose to fl●e away , whereof formerly they were ignorant ; they agreed together , and with one consent brought domitius out into open publick ; and sent some to caesar , to let him know , they were ready to open the gates , to receive his commandements , and to deliver domitius alive into his hands . upon advertisement whereof ( albeit caesar found it a matter of great consequence , to gain the town with as much speed as he could , and to take the souldiers into his camp , lest either by large promises and gifts , or by entertaining other purposes , or otherwise through false bru●ts or dev●sed messages , their minds might happily be altered , as oftentimes in the course of warre , great and eminent chances and alterations do happen in a small moment of time ; yet for that he feared lest the night-time might give occasion to the souldiers upon their entrance to sack and pilfer the town ) he commending those that came unto him , sent them back again , and willed that the gates and the walles should be kept with a good guard . he himself disposed the souldiers upon the work , which he had begun ; not by certain spaces and distances , as he had accustomed in former times , but by continuall watches and stations , one touching another round about all the fortifications . moreover , he sent the tribunes and captains of the horse about , and willed them to have a care that there might be no eruptions or sallies , and that they should look to the private slippings out of particular men . neither was there any man so heavy or dull , that suffered his eyes to be shut that night : for so great was the expectation of what would ensue , that no man thought of any other thing , then of what would happen to the corfinians , to domitius , to lentulus and the rest . about the fourth watch of the night , lentulus spinther spake from the wall to our souldiers that had the watch , and signified that he would willingly have leave to come to caesar . which being granted , he was sent out of the town , attended with some of domitius his souldiers , who left him not untill he came in sight of caesar . with him he dealt concerning his life , and pra●ed him to pardon him ; put him in mind of their former familiarity ; acknowledged the favours received from caesar , which were very great ; namely , that by his means , he was chosen into the colledge of priests , that upon the going out of his praetorsh●p , he obtained the province of spain , and in his suit to be consul , he was much assisted by him . caesar , interrupting his speech , told him , that he came not from his government to hurt any man ; but to defend himself from the injuries of his adversaries ; to restore the tribunes of the people to their dignitie , that were thrust out and expelled the city ; and to put himself and the people of rome into liberty , which were opprest with the partialities of a few factious persons . lentulus , being reassured upon this answer , prayed leave to return into the town ; and the rather , that this which he had obtained touching his own safety , might give hope to the rest : amongst whom some were so affrighted , that be doubted they would fall into some desperate course . and having obtained leave , he departed . caesar , as soon as it was day , commanded all the senators and senators children , together with the tribunes of the souldiers , and the roman knights , to be brought out unto him . of senatours there were l. domitus , p. lentulus spinther , vibullius rufus , sex. quintilius varus , the treasurer , l. rubrius ; besides domitius his sonne , and many other young men ; with a great number of roman knights and decurions , whom domitius had called out of the municipall towns. these being all brought forth unto him , were protected from the insolencies and injuries of the souldiers . moreover , he spake a few words unto them , concerning the ill requitall on their behalf , for the great benefits he had done unto them : and so sent them all away in peace . the sixty sestertia of gold which domitius had laid up in the publick treasury , being brought unto him by the two chief magistrates or ba●lifs of corfinium , he redelivered to domitius ; lest he should seem more continent in taking away mens lives , then their moneys : although he knew that this money was part of the publick treasure , and delivered out by pompey to pay souldiers . he commanded domitius his party to be sworn his souldiers . and that day removing his camp , went a full dayes march ( after a stay of seven dayes about corfinium ) through the confines of the marrucini , frentani , and larinates , and came into apulia . the first observation . as it is true , that a friend is not solely tied to the respects of right , but doth give more advantage by offices of good endeavour , then by that which duty requireth : so is it dangerous for a man to put his ●ickle further into a harvest , then haply may deserve thanks of the owner . neither can it be cleared from imputation of folly , to care another mans businesse , with hazard and perill of our own fortune . howbeit , the current and drift of things doth oftentimes so ingage both our persons and affections , either in the main action it self , or in some circumstances of the same , that we cannot avoid the hazard of rebuke , if our endeavours do not sort with his liking that is to approve them . whereof domitius may be an instance ; who , taking corfinium on the behalf of the state , was neverthelesse disavowed in his merit , and consequently brought into extremity of danger , for his over-forwardnesse in the service of his countrey . such liberty hath sovereignty , either to take or leave , when the event shall not rise answerable to a good meaning . the second observation . vvhen a party is fallen into an exigence , it hath no better remedy for relief then that of the comick , redimas te captum quam queas minimo ; redeem your self at as cheap a rate as you can . which is not understood , that we should clear the head , and leave the rest of the members to misfortune : for that were to draw a double mischief on the whole body . but the head is to escape with as little prejudice to the other parts , as by wisdome and vertue may be gained : and so much the rather , lest in seeking to purchase safety with hazard of the other members , it draw the whole destruction upon it self ; as it fell out with domitius : who going about to fly out of the town , and to leave such forces as by his means were imbarked in that cause , was justly made the sacrifice of their peace . sulla deserved better to be followed by men of adventure : for , being moved to escape himself away by night , and to leave his troups to such fortune as jugurth upon advantage should put upon them ; he answered , etiamsi certa pestis adesset , mansurum potius , quam proditis quos duccbat , turpi fuga , incertae , ac for sitan paulo post morbo interiturae vitae parceret : although the plague were never so near and certain to befall him , yet he would stay by it , rather then by a base slight betray those under his command , thereby to save his fickle life for a time , which it may be some disease or other would immediately after deprive him of . and therefore , if a commander shall at any time goe about to betray his forces , with hope of his own safety , the issue will bring out either his dishonour , or his confusion . the third observation . such as undertake great designs , do likewise project the means of atchieving the same , and do propound unto themselves such principles to be observed , as they take to be special way-makers to the fortune they reach at ; from which grounds they seldome or never swerve . as appeareth by this of caesar : who aiming at the sovereignty of that empire , and knowing no way so direct to lead him thereunto , as to climbe up by the steps of mildnesse , and to make his adversaries debtors to his clemency , he left aside his maximes of warre , to hold firm that principle ; and did forbear to gain a town of great importance , with that speed which occasion and opportunity did afford him , and to take the troups into his camp , for the prevention of such chances and changes , as do happen in a small moment of time , lest his souldiers entring into the town , after the shutting of the evening , might take leave of the night-time to make forfeiture of his mercy . it shall therefore be well beseeming the wisedome of a leader , to have alwayes respect to the principles of his means , and to distinguish between that which is fit and that which is more fit , in the native carriage of his businesse . the fourth observation . concerning this coll●gium pontisicum , the colledge of priests , we are to note , that numa , the founder of the roman commonweal , for the preventing of partialities and factions in that state , which at that time consisted of two nations or tribes , did break the whole body into many small parts and fractions , making his division by arts and occupations ; whereby he ordained , that all minstrels or trumpeters should be incorporated into one brotherhood ; and that in like manner , goldsmiths , carpenters , diers , shoomakers , coriers , tanners , bel-founders , potters , and all other trades and sciences , should have their peculiar body or fraternity ; appointing them feasts , assemblies , and services , according to the worthinesse of each mystery , as plutarch hath observed in the life of numa . valerius maximus maketh mention of the colledge of pipers or minstrels . and plinte , in like manner , mentioneth the colledge of copper-smiths . cicero taketh notice of the colledge or company of merchants , which he calleth collegium mercurialium ; for that of old time , the nimble-tongued mercury was believed in , as the guider and protector of merchants . the priviledges and customes wherewith these fraternities were endowed , are set down by caius the civilian . there are certain colledges at rome , saith he , incorporated by act of senate , and established with good ordinances and constitutions , having certain things in common , in imitation of the publick weal : and as scevola further noteth , with power to make laws , for the better government of such colledges and societies ; so the same be not contrary to the fundamentall laws of the state. after the same manner , the priests had their peculiar colledge or corporation ; and at the first institution were but four in number , and all of patrician families , unto the year of rome ; at what time there were four of the commons chosen , and added to the former number ; whom sulla increased to fifteen , as dio witnesseth . and these were called collegium pontisicum , whereof this pontifex maximus was president : one of the absolutest dignities of rome , as being for term of life , and of greatest and divine authority . which generall distribution of the romans into trad●s and mysteries , doth not unfitly bring into remembrance , that which is usuall amongst the turks , who by their law are all bound to be of an occupation ; not excepting the grand signior himself . for he that now upholds the ottoman familie , by the name of sultan acm●t , is a professed maker of rings , which the turks do wear on their thumb when they shoot , to let the string go easily without hurting them : and his father mahomet was a fletcher , and made arrows . in like manner , all his courtiers are of trades and occupations ; and every man is called by the title of his art : as , he that was lately visier bassa to the present sultan , was called by the name of natcash basha , the visier painter , being indeed the sultans painter . neither are they ashamed to acknowledge as much : for , opening letters which were sent into turky out of christendome , that were limmed about the margin , he said , he could paint as well as that himself . the fifth observation . the fifth thing which i observe out of these passages at corfinium , is , the restoring back of such moneys to domitius , as were brought unto caesar by the officers of the town , and which he knew to be of the publick treasure of the state. which howsoever it may seem admirable to the hearers of these times , wherein there is but this one rule for matter of money , unde habeas quaerit nemo , sed oportet habere , no body asks how you come by it , but it must be had : yet such as will lay a sure foundation of honour , and thrive in the courses which they follow , must not be ignorant , that there is nothing more requisite to gain opinion and reputation in the carriage of any publick businesse , then to be clear of the least suspicion of covetousnesse . neither is there any means that will sooner win a multitude , to believe in those things which are set abroach by publick authority , then those two virgin vertues , abstinence and continencie : especially when they are found in princes and chief commanders , that can otherwise justifie their actions with sovereignty and uncontrollment . nor , on the other side , did ever apollo give out truer oracle then that , which said , that there was no means to ruine sparta but by avarice . in which sense , a c. pontius the samnite wished , that the gods had reserved him to times wherein the romans would have been corrupted with gifts : for then he would soon have seen an end of their commonweal . and certainly that empire could never have towred so high , nor continued firm so many ages , had not her foundation been laid by men of admirable temper in this kind : such as was paulus aemilius ; who having sacked macedonia , and brought as much wealth into the publick treasury as gave an end to tributes and subsidies , was no way the richer ( but in honour ) for all that he had taken . and such also was scipio africanus ; that of all the wealth of carthage , brought nothing into his private house , but a high and triumphant name , as a merit of his vertues and deeds of arms : leaving behind him this oracle , as a document to following times ; that covetous captains are good to none but to the enemy . and to conclude , such was m. curius ; who having triumphed of the samnites , the sabines , and pyrrhus , refused a great masse of gold , which was offered him by the samnites : esteeming it more honourable to command them that had gold , then to have gold of his own . howbeit , such is the frailty of humane nature , that for the most part , men have alwayes suffered their desire of money to increase with their wealth , although it were to their ruine and destruction . which caesar well discerned , as appeareth by that which he writ to oppius , touching this accident : haec nova sit vincendi ratio , ut misericordia & liberalitate nos muniamus ; it is a new way of conquering , to strengthen our selves by mercifulnesse and liberality . the sixth observation . upon occasion of caesar's calling unto him , out of the town , senatores , senatorumque filios , equitesque romanos , the senators , sons of senators , and roman knights , it shall not seem impertinent , to note the degrees and conditions of state whereof the roman people consisted . for the better clearing whereof , it is to be understood , that by that notable transaction at comitium , between romulus and tatius , it was agreed , that both those nations should dwell together at romulus town , which after his name , should be called rome ; and that the inhabitants thereof should be named quirites , after the name of tatius city . howbeit , specially they were divided into three tribes , whereof they which were of romulus party , were called after his name , rhamnenses ; those that came with tatius , tatienses ; and the third tribe lucerences , of lucus , a grove : forasmuch as they being neither of romulus retinue , nor yet of the sabines , were neverthelesse met together at that place , from divers parts , as at a grove , where commonly assemblies were made to offer sacrifice , and to perform their heathenish solemnities . each of these tribes were divided by romulus into ten curiae ; and so made the number of thirty curiae . and out of each of these curiae he chose three persons , such as by their presence and sufficiency seemed fittest , and most worthy ; which amounted to ninety . to whom , out of every tribe he further added three , and one more of his own choosing , to make the number up a hundred ; whom he established as his councel or senate : by whose advice he resolved of all matters of consequence , either concerning peace or warre , as dionysius halicarnasseus noteth . howbeit plutarch saith , they were seldome assembled but to understand the kings pleasure ; and had no other preeminence in the commonweal , saving they were the first that did know what was purposed . howsoever , they were stiled by the name of senatores , quasi seniores , as thereby qualified to be admitted to counsell : and in the same sense they were called patres . the senate being thus established , romulus selected out of every of those curiae ten young men , and so made up the number of three hundred , for a guard to his person ; who for their readinesse and numblenesse were called celeres , all mounted on horseback : whence grew their ordo equestris , or band of roman knights , which were the mean between the senate and the people , and as a seminary to supply the senate ; for out of them were the senatours taken . the rest , that were not of these two orders , were comprehended under the name of the commons , or populacy . whereby it appeareth that rome consisted of three estates , senatours , knights , and the commons , according to that of ausonius ; martia roma triplex ; equitatu , plebe , senatu . of three sorts rome consists , knights , commons , senate . touching the number of senatours , it is further to be noted , that tarquinius priscus , to gain the favour of the people , took a hundred of the commons , and added them to the senate , who were called senatores minorum gentium . and brutus having reduced it to a commonweal , made them up three hundred out of the band of knights ; and from that time they were called patres conscripti . neither were they at all times limited in that number : for the seditious gracchi added three hundred more unto them ; and julius caesar admitted unto the senate all manner of persons . in which regard augustus ( as suetonius saith ) senatorum affluentem numerum deformi & incondita turba ( erant enim super mille , & quidam ind●gnissimi ) ad modum pristinum & splendorem redegit : reduced the excessive number of senatours , which was become a deformed and shapelesse company ( for they were above a thousand , and divers of them unworthy fellows ) to their ancient way and splendour . concerning a competency of wealth , to make a man capable of the place of a senatour , we may observe , that in the reign of servius the king , he that was worth a thousand asses ( which are about three hundred pound sterling ) was eligible . but the riches of the empire increasing , a senatours wealth was rated at nine thousand pound , according to suetonius ; senatorum censum ampliavit , ac pro octing●ntorum millium summa duodecies h●s taxavit , supplevitque non habentibus . the wealth of a roman knight was rated at three hundred threescore , or thereabouts . this corfinium was the chief town of the pelignians , and stood in the centre of italy , where all the confederate people assembled when they consulted of warre against the romans , for their right of burgeship , or freedome of the city , which was then denied them : which warre was called bellum sociale marsicum , and italicum . there is now nothing remaining of that town but the ruines , as a mark of the place where it anciently stood , upon a plain , commonly called pentina , or sant peligno . chap. ix . pompey goeth to brundusium : caesar maketh means to treat with h●m . pompey understanding of these things which had past at corfinium , departed from luceria , and went to canusium , and from thence to brundusium ; causing all the power he could to be raised by new musters and inrollments , arming shepheards and slaves , and mounting them on horseback ; of whom he made some three hundred horse . in the mean time l. manlius , the praetor , fled from alba with six cohorts ; and rutilius lupus , praetor , fled from tarracina with three cohorts : who descrying afarre off the cavalry of caesar , commanded by bivius curius , forsaking the praetor , turned their ensignes towards curius , and joyned with him . in like manner the dayes following , divers other cohorts came in as they marched , some to the foot troups , and some to the horse . cn. magius of cremona , master of the works and of the munition in pompey's army ; was taken on the way , and brought back to caesar : whom he sent back again to pompey , with commission to treat with him to this effect : forasmuch as there had yet happened no opportunity of meeting or conference , he was now determined to seek him at brundusium ; for it much imported the commonweal , and every mans safety in particular , that they two might conferre together . neither could things be so well handled upon so great a distance of way , where the articles of treaty must be carried to and fro by a third party , as when they met face to face to conclude of the conditions . this message being first given , he came to brundusium with six legions ; four legions of old souldiers , and the other raised by new inrollments , or made up as he came along the countrey : for he had presently dispatched domitius his cohorts from corfinium into sicily . at his coming , he found the consuls gone over to dyrrachium with the greatest part of the army , and pompey remaining at brundusium with twenty cohorts . neither could he certainly be informed , whether he remained at brundusium to make good the town , whereby he might the easier be master of the adriatick sea , and command both the utter parts of italy , and the regions of greece , and so to keep the warre on foot on the one side and on the other ; or whether he staied there for want of shipping . howsoever , he would not endure that pompey should think he could not be forced to quit italy ; and therefore resolved to stop up the mouth of the haven , and to take away the use thereof : which he went about in this manner . where the mouth of the haven was narrowest , he raised great mounts of earth on either side near unto the shore ; for there the sea was shallow : but going further into the deep , where no such mounts could be raised , he placed double slottes of wood , right against the same mounts , of thirty foot square ; and at the corners cast out four anchors to fasten them , that they might not be tossed up and down by the waves . these flottes being thus placed , he then added other flottes of the same scantling , and covered them with bavin and earth , to the end men might come readily upon them to defend them . he armed them in front and on each side with hurdies and gabions ; and on every fourth flotte made a tower of two stories high , the better to defend them from violence of shipping , and from burning . against this work pompey sent out great ships of burthen , which he found in the haven , armed with towers of three stories high , full of munition , and all sort of weapons , to hinder and disturb the same . so that every day they fought afarre off each with other , with slings , arrows , and other casting weapons . which businesse caesar so carried , as being willing not to let fall the conditions of peace , if happily it might be effected . and albeit he greatly wondered that magius , whom he had sent to pompey , did not return again : and that this treatie so often attempted , did hinder much his designes : yet he thought it fit by all means to persevere therein : and therefore sent caninius rebilus , one of his legates , an inward friend of , and near allied to scribonius libo , to speak with him : commanding him to perswade libo to mediate a reconciliation , and that caesar himself might speak with pompey . it might be , that thereupon both of them would yield to lay down their arms upon equall conditions : the greatest part of which honour would redound to libo , if by his intercession the warre might take an end . libo having heard caninius , went streight to pompey ; and within a while returning , told him , that forasmuch as the consuls were absent , there could be nothing done touching an agreement . whereupon caesar resolved to let fall the matter of ▪ treaty , which he had so often attempted , and to prepare for warre . the first observation . this accident of taking cn. magius , hath made known an officer of great place and use in the roman army , of whom otherwise their histories make little mention . for , howsoever there is found in these commentaries many particular descriptions of admirable and incredible works , such as may seem to be made rather by giants and cyclopes , then any labour of man ; yet there is no mention of any praefectus fabrûm , or master of the works in any of caesar's armies . howbeit vegetius , expressing their singular care to have in abundance all manner of provisions requisite for an army , saith ; that to every legion did belong carpenters , bricklayers , smiths , painters , and other artizans , skilfull and fit to build lodgings for their wintering camps ; to make engines and devices for warre ; such as were their portative , or ambulatory towers , targets , morions , corslets , bows , arrows , darts , and piles , or whatsoever else might serve , either for offence or defence . which artificers were all known by the name of fabri ; and he that was chief , and had the command of them , was called praefectus fabrûm . and in like manner plutarch sheweth , that there was such an officer ; as also that the place was given by the generall ; where he saith , that vibius a sicilian refused to lodge cicero , as he passed to exile through lucania ; although that in his consulship he had bestowed upon him the place of praefectus fabrûm . and albeit caesar maketh no mention of any such officer ; yet catullus doth it for him , in such biting trimetres as will not be forgotten : quis hoc potest videre , quis potest pati , nisi impudicus , & vorax & helluo , mamurram habere , quod comata gallia habebat & ultima britannia ? who can this endure to see , but must a wanton glutton be , that mamurra should have all fetch'd from britan and from gall ? of which mamurra plinie thus writeth ; cornelius nepos , saith he , writeth that mamurra , a roman knight , born at formia , and master of the works under caesar in gallia , was the first that covered all the walles of his house , which he built in mount coelius , with leaves of marble . neither let any man disdain the authour as a mean person ; for this is that mamurra , whom catullus doth note in his verses ; whose house was farre more stately then catullus did expresse , by saying he had gotten all the wealth of gallia comata . for the said cornelius affirmeth , that he was the first in rome that made the pillars of his house of solid marble , even hewen out of the quarries of caristus , or luna . thus farre goeth pliny . out of which may be noted , that exorbitancy in gaining doth produce the like course in spending ; and howsoever such comings in may be close and secret , yet the issuings out will proclaim it in profuse and lavishing manner : and therefore such as command in these places , and have such means to inrich themselves , had need to be clean-fingered . caesar writing to oppius , mentioneth the taking of this man , as a thing of some note . cn. magium , pompeii praefectum deprehendi scilicet , meo instituto usus sum , & eum statim missum feci : jam duo praefecti fabriûm in meam potestatem venerunt , & à me missi sunt : when i had taken cn. magius , a master of the works to pompey , according to my usuall manner , i let him go . so that there have two masters of the works fallen into my hands , and i have let them both freely go . concerning the use of these manuall arts , and the prerogative they have in well-ordered states ; it is to be noted , that without these , no city can conveniently be built , fortified , or furnished with arms. and thereupon such artizans have alwaies challenged a place of chief regard in the commonweal . whence it was , that ulysses scorned not se fabrum profiteri , to professe himself such an artizan . the second observation . the maxime proprium , or most proper part of warre is opposition ; and that universall , rather then any other kind of repugnancy : for there is no sympathizing condition between two enemy armies , otherwise then by ▪ mutuall exchange of velle & nolle , throughout the whole course of their intendments ; as may be here observed upon caesar's arrivall at brundusium . for finding pompey to remain there after the departure of the consuls , and not certainly informed of the reason of his stay ; lest he should think he could not be forced to quit italy , caesar went about to thrust him out headlong : or otherwise , if his purpose were to follow after the consuls to caesar's design then was to shut him in , and so to have followed the rule of contradiction , by which souldiers are directed in their atchievements . concerning the site of brundusium , which hath ever been famous for the commodiousnesse of the haven , and the usuall port where the romans took shipping for greece , being but a hundred italian miles distant from apollonia in epirus ; we are to note , that the town standeth upon a langet of earth , extended into the haven peninsule-like from the main land , resembling the neck and head of a stagge , and in that regard is called brundusium , of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth a stagge : which langet hath many crooked guts , or inlets of the sea , capable of great shipping ; besides the two main ports on either side of the town , which with the rest of the haven , make the safest and fairest road of that part of the world . the mouth of the haven where caesar made his flottes , is very streight ; and opposite thereunto , some three miles distant into the sea , standeth a small iland , to abate the violence and rage of the waves . now to besiege brundusium , it was requisite to take away the use and benefit of the haven : which caesar attempted with such rare and artificiall works ( of mounts where the sea was shallow , and of flottes where the water was deep ; and those made firm with earth , and fenced with hurdles and turrets , that the reader may discern it , by the description , to be a master-piece of excellent invention . the third observation . it is truly said of old , that peace is not dear at any rate . which antiochus well understood , when he bought it of the romans for twelve thousand attick talents , and bushels of wheat : esteeming it as the sovereign happinesse of mans fortune , and an extraordinary effect of those intelligent spirits , which guide the motions of the celestiall spheres , to keep the elements in a disagreeing concord , and the feet of men in the paths of tranquillitie . hence it is , that such as are instruments of so great a good , and shall thereby happen to redeem a nation from horror and confusion , have in all ages been crowned with honour and renown , as the due reward of a mediatour of peace . and therefore caesar , perswading libo to negotiate a cessation of arms , and to work in pompey a disposition to an agreement , propounded the honour which attended this service , and the merit of that endeavour which brought back peace into the empire . chap. x. pompey leaveth brundusium , and shippeth himself for greece . the work being half perfected , and nine dayes labour bestowed upon it ; the ships that had transported the consuls and the other part of the army , returned from dyrrachium to brundusium : and thereupon pompey began to fit himself for a departure ; being induced thereunto either by the works which caesar had begun , or by a resolution formerly taken to quit italy . and the better to retard caesar's prosecution ( lest upon his issuing out , the souldiers should enter the town ) he mured up the gates , and stopt the entrances of the streets and passages , sunk ditches and trenches crosse the waies , & therein stuck sharp piles and stakes , and covering the same with slight hurdles , levelled it with thin and light earth : leaving onely two waies free , which went unto the haven , which he hedged in with a strong palisado of huge sharp piles . these things being thus prepared , he commanded the souldiers to get a shipboard , without noise or tumult ; and left upon the walles and in the towers , here and there , some of the readiest slingers and archers , to be called away upon a warning-signe , when the rest of the souldiers were all shipped ; appointing gallies to take them in at an easie and safe place . the inhabitants of brundusium , oppressed with the injuries and contumelies of pompey and his souldiers , did favour caesar's partie ; and understanding of this departure , whilst they were running up and down , and busied about getting abroad , gave notice thereof from the tops of their houses . which being perceived , caesar ( not to omit any opportunitie of atchieving his purpose ) commanded ladders to be prepared , and the souldiers to take arms. pompey a little before night weighed anchour : and the souldiers keeping guard on the wall , upon the watch-word given , were all called from their stations , and by known passages repaired to the ships . caesar's souldiers with ladders got upon the wall : but being admonished by them of brundusium to take heed of the blind d●tch , they stood still . at last , they were brought a great compasse about , and so came to the haven ; and with skiffes and boates , seized two ships with souldiers , which stuck by chance upon the mounts which caesar had made . observations . forasmuch as this manner of pompey's departure from brundusium , and the sleight he used to imbark himself and his armie without danger of caesar's entering the town , is commended for one of the best stratagems of warre that ever he used ; let us a little consider the parts thereof , which present themselves of two sorts : the one consisting of the works he made , to hinder and retard caesar's entrance , if happily he should have knowledge of his departure ; and the other , in the cleanly conveighance of his men aboard , without noise or tumult , and the semblance he made of keeping the town , by continuing watch upon the walls , to the end there might be no knowledge taken thereof . the works were of three sorts . for first he ●ured and stopped up the ends and entrances of streets and lanes , which might give accesse to a pursuing enemy . and to that end also , he sunk ditches , or trenches , crosse the waies and passages : which he stuck full of sharp stakes and galthrops , and covered them with light and thin hurdles , that the enemie might not espy them . and thirdly , hedged in the waies leading to the port , with a strong palisado of huge sharp piles . and so used both the lions and the foxes skin , to avoid the danger which might have fallen upon him , if caesar happily had found means to attach them , as they were incumbered in getting to their ships , and disposing themselves to flie away . which being an occasion that might have given him great advantage , was in this manner carefully prevented by pompey . howbeit , this his quitting brundusium is censured but for a faultie resolution handsomely carried : for cicero doth much blame him for abandoning italie ; calling it a themistoclean policie , to perswade his partie to forsake their countrey , and to leave the best of their pleasures , and the weakest of each sexe , to such miserie and desolation , as moved pittie in those that considered but the condition of the dogges and brute beasts ; as it fell out at athens , when themistocles perswaded the athenians to leave their town and countrey , and betake themselves wholly to sea , to fight against xerxes . chap. xi . caesar dispatcheth forces into sardinia and sicilie . cato's endeavour to keep sicily for pompey . albeit caesar well knew , that it much imported a speedy end of the business , to get ships and passe the seas after pompey , before he could joyn himself with the forces of the transmarine parts ; yet doubting the lets , and the long time before it could be effected , for that pompey had taken with him all the shipping he could get , and thereby left him for the present no means to follow after : it remained that he attended shipping to be brought from remote parts , as out of gallia , from ancona and the streights ; which at that time of the year , would require a long and troublesome passage . in the mean time , he thought it no way fit that pompey's old army , and the two provinces of spain should be settled and assured ; ( one of them being deeply ingaged to pompey for many great and ample benefits : ) or that they should have time to raise new troups , especially of horse ; or that gallia or italie should be solicited or wrought from him in his absence . and therefore for the present , he resolved to desist from making any further pursute after pompey , and to go into spain ; giving order to the duumviri of all the municipall towns , to provide shipping , and send it to brundusium . he sent valerius , a legate , into sardinia with one legion ; and curio , the propraetor , into sicily with three legions ; commanding him , after he had possessed sicily , to transport his army into africa . marcus cotta governed sardinia , and m. cato sicily . tubero should by lot have held africa . the caralitani understanding that valerius was to be sent unto them , before he had left italy , of their own accord thrust cotta out of the town . cotta amused thereat , and perceiving withall that the whole province gave consent unto it , fled presently out of sardinia into africa . cato prepared and new trimmed the gallies in sicily , giving order to the towns to build new , and prosecuted his direction with great diligence . moreover , by his legats , he mustered and inrolled citizens of rome in lucania and brutia , requiring rateable numbers of horse and foot from the towns in sicilie . which things being almost accomplished , understanding of curio his coming , he complained in publick how he was abandoned and betraied by pompey ; who , without any providence or preparation , had ingaged himself in an unnecessary warre : and yet being demanded by himself and the rest in the senate , answered confidently , that he was provided of all necessaries fit for warre . and after he had thus publickly complained , he fled out of the province . by which means , valerius found sardinia , and curio sicily , void of government , and thither brought their armies . tubero arriving in africa , found actius varus commanding the province : who ( as we have formerly shewed ) having lost his cohorts at auximum , fled forthwith into africa , and of his own authority possessed himself of the province , which he found without a governour . he got together by new inrolements two compleat legions , which he raised by his knowledge and experience of the people of that country , by reason he had governed that province as praetor some few years before . tubero arriving with his fleet at utica , was by varus kept out of the town and the haven ; neither would he suffer him to set his son ashore , which was sick , but compelled him to weigh anchour and depart . the first observation . this chapter maketh the first period of this warre , as it is taken from the beginning of these civill broiles , unto pompey's forsaking italie , which was begun and ended in the space of daies : and also openeth the gate to second resolutions , which are prosecuted , as the sequele of the historie will manifest : containing likewise the reasons , why caesar made not present pursute after pompey , as the hinges of the succeeding war , and the true causes of the consequents of the same . in the consideration whereof , albeit caesar understood the advantage of him that prosecuteth a receding enemie , and the hopes which might be thereby conceived of a speedy end of that warre ; yet having no ready means to accomplish his desire , he thought it better to prevent such inconveniences as might happily have fallen out upon the same : and so to keep his partie in a progresse of their active thoughts , by clearing and assuring that western part of the empire , which pompey had left unto him by his departure ; rather then to leave an enemie on his back , or to admit a cooling and languishment of their resolutions , through expectation of shipping , to follow that course which otherwise had been without exception . in the carriage whereof we may observe , that as upon the first breaking out of these troubles , they scambled for the towns of italie , and sought to strengthen their parties by such as had no voice in the grand chapter of the senate , but onely injo●ed the benefit of municipall rights ; so now being parted asunder , and the contagion of this intestine evill spread abroad , and grown to more ripeness , they made like haste to fasten upon the remoter provinces , wherein caesar had the better portion . for in his share were contained italia , gallia , britannia , hispania , sicilia ; which being the prime countreys of europe , were consequently the flour of that empire , for that europe hath ever been taken for the principall and chiefest part of the world . the second observation . secondly , we may observe in cato , the effects of a stoicall or formall spirit , which are more valuable in the easiness of peace , then in the difficulties of warre . for , howsoever he made shew of bestirring himself , in rigging and trimming up the gallies of his province , commanding more to be built , raising new troups of horse and foot , and prosecuting his commands with purpose of an exact account : yet in the end , understanding of curio his coming , he spent his furie in complaining of his friends , and laying the cause of those garboiles upon him , whom by election and consent he had formerly set up , to make head against such , as otherwise may be supposed would have contained themselves in a better measure of moderation . chap. xii . caesar goeth to rome ; and , calling a senate , complaineth of the injuries done unto him . these things being ended , that the souldiers might for the residue of the time be a little eased and refreshed , caesar brought them back into the next municipall towns ; he himself went directly to the cittie : and having called a senate , he laieth open the injuries and wrongs offered unto him by his adversaries ; sheweth them , that he never sought honour in the state by extraordinary means , onely he looked to have enjoyed the full time of his consulship , and therewith to have been contented : which was no more then any citizen might stand for . the tribunes of the people had required , that consideration might be had of him in his absence , notwithstanding the opposition of his enemies , and cato his bitter resistance , spending the time , after his old manner , with long and tedious speeches : which if pompey ( being consul ) had disliked , why did he suffer that to passe which was enacted ? but if then he did allow and like of it , what reason had he to hinder him from enjoying a benefit which the people of rome had bestowed upon him ? from that , he fell to speak of his patience : which appeared , in that of his own accord he moved that either party might quit their forces ; which might have been very pr●●diciall to his honour and dignitie : declared what had been the malice and bitterness of his adversaries , who refused to do that themselves , which they required of another man ; choosing rather to imbroile and confound the whole state , then to forgo the command of an armie : spake at large as well of the wrong done unto him , by taking the two legions from him , as also for their hard and insolent dealing , in putting the tribunes of the people by their place and authority . he forgot not likewise to relate the conditions which he propounded ; the conference which he desired , and would not be granted . in regard whereof , he prayed and required , that they would take the charge of the common-weale , and give a helping hand to him for the government thereof . but if they should upon any doubt or mistrust refuse to joyn with him , he would not much importune them , but would take it into his own hands ▪ and in the mean time , let commissioners be sent to pompey to treat of peace . neither did he respect what pompey a little before had said in the senate , that to whom soever embassadours were sent , to such seemed to be ascribed authority and preeminence ; as , on the contrary part , such as sent them , manifested an apprehension of fear ; for these were arguments of pusillanimitie . for his part , as he had gone beyond him in deeds of armes and noble acts ; so would he in like manner , endeavour to excell him in justice and equitie . the senators were well pleased that embassadours should be sent : but there was no man found that would go ; every man refusing in particular , for fear of pompey ; who , upon his departure from rome , had said in the senate , that he would hold him that stayed at rome , in the same condition with them that were in caesar's camp. so that three daies were spent in debate and excuses ; l. metellus , tribune of the people , being drawn by caesar's adversaries , to protract the time ; and to hinder any matter which caesar should propound unto them . the first observation . first , we may observe , how irksome it is to humane nature , for him that hath tasted the sweetnesse of authority , to forgo the reins of command , and again to inrolle his name in the list of common dutie ; descending from the throne of soveraigntie , to the condition of obedience , and to lose his eminencie in respectless equalitie : especially , if the honour be militarie , and of martiall nature . for that fasteneth on us with a stronger hold , then any other power ; being lesse capable of moderation , and waited on with the eyes and expectation of present and future ages . whereby men grow desperatly jealous of the opinion of the world , and cannot indure to quit themselves of that care , although they have attained to the full time of their deliverance : but to be supplanted in the midst of so glorious a race , or to be pulled out of the seat of magistracie by an abortive miscarriage , is able to inrage an ambitious spirit so farre beyond the bounds of modestie , that it will not spare any endeavour to confound the greatest empire , with irrecoverable calamities . the second observation . secondly , we may observe the disposition of those senators , that by their staying at rome , became neutrall in that faction ; and thereupon refused either to take caesar's commands , or to present themselves to pompey , as mediatours of peace . plutarch hath two reasons , why the senatours would undertake no such matter of commission as was required by caesar . the first is this which is here expressed ; every man fearing the displeasure of pompey , who at his departure from rome , had protested to hold them for enemies that went not along with him : whereas caesar censured their forbearance with better advantage to himself , and took their neutralitie as an argument of becoming his followers . the other reason which plutarch avoucheth , is the opinion which the senatours had of caesar's double dealing ; as not carrying his heart in his mouth , but pretending that which he never meant . for they could not be perswaded that his end was a cessation of armes , or such a peace with pompey as should have kept on foot their ancient liberty ; but sought rather pretexts of good meaning , to colour his designe of making rome his servant . howsoever , we may not omit what is reported to have happened between him and metellus , more then he himself speaketh of . for , going about to take money out of the treasurie , he was there stoutly resisted by this metellus , of whom he complaineth ; alleadging the lawes and acts of the state , forbidding any man to touch that money , but in such times of extremitie as were therein expressed . to which caesar answered ; that those lawes were onely made for time of peace : but now , armes and warre required another course of proceeding . neverthelesse metellus * would not suffer him to break open the doors , untill caesar advised him to be gone if he loved his life ; for it was easier for him to dispatch him then to speak it : and so entered and carried away the treasure . whereupon groweth that of florus , censum & patrimonium populi romani ante rapuit quam imperium ; he carried away the treasure and patrimony of the people of rome , before he got the empire . and appian , deriding the scrupulositie of the ancient romans , that would not touch that treasure but in extremitie of warre against the celiae or galles , saith that caesar might lawfully take it , for that he had vanquished and subdued the galles ; whereby the romans had no further cause to fear them . chap. xiii . caesar leaveth the citie , goeth into gallia , and treateth with the marseillians . caesar perceiving their resolution , after he had spent there in vain some few daies ( that he might not lose any more time , and leave those things undone which he purposely intended ) he left the citie , and went into the further gallia . upon his arrivall there , he understood that pompey had sent into spain vibullius rufus , whom caesar had a little before taken at corfinium and d●smissed him : and that domitius likewise was gone to take marseilles , with eight gallies , which he set out from sicilia and sardinia , and manned them with slaves , men infranchised , and his own husbandmen : sending as messengers before , certain young noble-men of marseilles , with whom pompey upon his departure from the city had earnestly dealt , that caesar's new favours might not put out of their remembrance the old benefits which he had done unto them . those of marseilles having received this message , shut their gates against caesar , called into the citie the albicans , barbarous and mountainous people ( who of ancient time had held amitie with them , and dwelt upon the hills above marseilles , ) brought corn from all the adjacent regions and castles into the town , set up offices and forges to make armes , repaired both their walls , their navie , and their gates . caesar called out unto him some fifteen of the chiefest men of marseilles , & treated with them , that the beginning of the warre might not grow from that town ; who should rather follow the example of all italie , then apply themselves to the will of any one man : not omitting such other perswasions as he thought pertinent to a sound resolution . these men reported at marseilles what caesar had delivered , and by the common consent of the town returned this answer ; that they understood , that the people of rome was divided into two parts ; neither was it in them to judge , or could they discern which of the two was in the right . the leaders of these two factions were pompey and caesar , both speciall patrons and benefactours to their citie : of whom , one had augmented the publick revenues of the state , and endowed it with the lands and territories of the volcae arec●mici , and the helvij ; the other , having conquered and subdued * gallias , gave it unto them , whereby their tributarie in-comes were much augmented ▪ and therefore , as they were equally bound to both for their favours , so would they carrie to both an equall respect , not ayding either of them against the other , or receiving them within their gates . whilest these things were in handling , domitius arrived at marseilles with his shipping ; and being received in , was made governour of the city , and had the whole direction of the warre committed unto him . by his appointment the ●leet was sent out into all coasts ; and such ships of burthen as they found , they brought in : the nails , timber , and tackling whereof , they took to mend and rigge out other ships . what corn soever was found in the city , was brought in publick keeping ; reserving the surplus of victuall and provision for a siege , as occasion should require . ca●sar , provoked with these injuries , brought three legions to marseilles , determined to make towers and mantelets ready for an assault , and to build twelve new gallies at arles ; which were armed , rigged , finished , and brought to marseilles , within thirty dayes after the timber was cut down . of these he made d. brutus admirall , and left c. trebonius to follow the siege . observations . from the marseillians we may learn , that it is farre easier to say well then to do well : for howsoever they were able to discern the truth , and to give an answer to caesar , well-beseeming the fame and opinion of their literature and knowledge , ( being an academie little inferiour to the best , and in later times more frequented by the romans , for the studie of oratorie and philosophy , then athens , or any other such chief seat of the muses ; ) yet in their actions they disavowed all : taking upon them most unseasonably to arbitrate those differences , and to shew their opinion of the quarrell , by taking part with one faction . wherein their errour the more appeared , in that the party grieved was not liable to their award , but rather had occasion to gain thereby a double honour to himself ; first , by forcing them , and then by pardoning their rashness . and yet some writers do think , they did no more then they were tied unto by former treaties , and leagues with the empire ( which they took to consist in pompey's partie ) whereof they were loyall and zealous confederates ; as appeareth by their love , when rome was taken by the galles : for having news thereof , and understanding of the composition which was to be made to raise the siege from the capitoll , they provided all the gold and silver they could get , and sent it to rome for that service . in regard whereof they were endowed with many priviledges and immunities , both in the city , and elsewhere in the empire . howsoever , their hap being to respect more an exact observance of what had passed , then the fatall succeeding course of things , drew upon them a sharp and bitter warre ; whereof they could not be freed , but by submitting themselves to his mercy whom they had rejected . and thus we see verified that of the poet ; quicquid delirant reges plectuntur achivi . kings play the fools , and the poor people suffer . which implieth also how dangerous it is , for men of authority and imployment to be subject to wilfull ambition . for as their service is of great importance to government , when it is attended with well qualified affections ; so are their motions as fearfull , which are carried with the violence of exorbitant passions : especially , considering the means they have , either to misimploy the power of the state , or to give way to such inconveniences as may necessarily pervert all things but the ends they aim at : besides the aptness of a high spirit , not to doubt the truth of that saying which is attributed to caesar , si violandum est jus , regnandi gratia violandum est ; if a man would violate all right and law , he would do it for a kingdome . chap. xiv . caesar hasteth into spain . whilest these things were prepared and put in order , he sent c. fabius , one of h●s legates , with three legions , that had wintered about narbone , before him into spain ; commanding him with all speed and diligence to take the passage of the pyrenean hills , which were kept at that time with the forces of l. afranius : and gave order for the other legions which wintered further off , to follow after . fabius , according to his directions , made haste , put the garrison from the passage , and by great journeys marched towards afranius armie . upon the arrivall of vibullius rufus , who ( as it is formerly related ) was sent by pompey into spain , afranius , petreius , and pompey's legates ( of whom ▪ the one governed the nearest province of spain with three legions ; the other held the country from the * forrest of castile , to the river * ana , with two legions ; and the third commanded the vectones and lusitania , with the like number of legions ; ) did so dispose and divide their charges , that petreius was appointed to bring his legions out of lusitania , through the territories of the vectones , and joyn himself with afranius ; and that varro with his power , should keep the further province of spain . which being so resolved and determined , petreius having commanded the lusitanians to levie horsemen , and other auxiliarie forces ; and afranius likewise having made the like levie in the territories of the * celtiberi , * cantabri , and the rest of the barbarous nations bordering upon the ocean : petreius came speedily through the vectones to afranius ; and induced by the opportunitie of the place , by mutuall consent , they resolved to keep the war on foot near about ilerda . the first observation . the first observation may be taken from this designe of caesar's upon spain , being at that time under the government and command of pompey ; the standing or falling whereof did much import the successe of that war : for which respect it was , that when caesar could not buckle with the person of his enemy , he used all means to beat down his authoritie , as the next in degree to his essence and being , and most concerning his honour and reputation . for if he took from him those provinces , which the state had commended to his charge , and left him no interest in the obedience of such , whom he might in a sort challenge for his own people ; what assurance could the other parts of the empire have in his protection ? or what could he elsewhere expect of that which these refused him ? the excellency of a generall , is that perfection of judgement commended by aristotle , inabling him to discern , quid primum , or what is most materiall in that varietie of undertaking , which falleth out in following a war. and if that cannot with any conveniencie be attained , then to know the next point of importance ; and so consequently to distinguish the degrees of difference , as they stand ranked in the order of judicious proceeding . for the effectuall prosecuting of which designe , let us take a short view of their forces on each side , according as we find them mustered in this chapter ; that by the inequalitie of their troups , we may judge of the want or sufficiency of their directions . afranius , as it is said in the story , had three legions , and petreius two legions , together with cohorts of auxiliarie forces , supplied unto them by the two provinces of spain ; which cohorts equalled the number of eight legions , and so in all made thirteen legions ; and according to the usuall rate at that time of in a legion , amounted to men : together with horse ; which came to seventie thousand men , or thereabouts . to confront so great an enemy , caesar had five legions , auxiliary troupers from the galles , and peradventure evocati : which according to the former rate of a legion , did rise to , or men at the most . whereby the one exceeding the other well-near in a double proportion of strength , and yet failing in correspondencie of successe , calleth the verity of that proverb in question , ne hercules contra duos , hercules himself cannot deal with two . besides , the inequalitie of the place where the triall was to be made , being wholly devoted to the greater partie , was a matter of no small consequence . for he that maketh war in a countrey absolutely favouring the enemie , and confronting his purposes , had need of more forces then the adverse partie , or better fortune in his proceedings . and therefore fabius , to prevent such mischiefs as might grow by that advantage , sought all means to draw some of the towns to his faction , and to make himself friends for his better support and securitie ; according to that which was said of old , that war cannot be made without some peace . the second observation . secondy , we may observe the means he used to secure himself of the loyaltie of his armie , and wholly to ingage the souldier in his fortune . for the money he borrowed of the tribunes and centurions , was a speciall tie of their affections to his service : forasmuch as no man wisheth ill to him , by whose welfare and prosperitie he hopeth to thrive ; for so ( wounding himself through another mans bodie ) the hurt would fall upon his own head : but rather desireth such an accomplishment of his hopes , as may make himself partaker thereof . and on the other side , the largess he made unto the souldiers did so oblige their indeavour to his purposes , that they were thereby ready to perform as much as warlike laelius had promised in his own person , on the behalf of the rest . pectore si fratris gladium , juguloque parentis condere me jubeas , plenaeque in viscera partu conjugis , invita peragam tamen omnia dextra . bid me to stab my brother , cut my father's throat , or rip the gut of my big-bellied wife , ( though loath ) i 'le doo 't . the third observation . thirdly , let us consider the effects of diligence and provident foresight , which do oftentimes redeem an armie from a dishonourable overthrow ; as may be learned from two circumstances in fabius directions . first , in that he trusted not to one passage over the river sicoris , but made two severall bridges , as well for the conveniencie as the better securitie of his people . secondly , upon the occasion which the enemie might take by the breaking of the bridge , to distresse the legions on the other side of the water , he presently sent out succours to prevent such a casualtie : which albeit it might seem to have proceeded out of curious suspicion , or idle fear , yet it fell out to be no more then was requisite and expedient . which may teach a generall to be carefull even of possibilities , and to prevent contingencies , with the certaintie of industrious directions ; accounting alwaies that which may happen , to be as certain as any thing we most expect . the fourth observation . concerning spain , we are to note that the romans at first divided it into two provinces , which they called the nearer and the further ; or according to strabo , the utter and the inner ; and they were separated asunder by the river iberus , now ebro : and thence also they were called cis iberum , & ultra iberum , spain on this side ebro , and spain beyond . the nearer province , being the lesser , continued without alteration during the roman's government , and was sometimes called tarraconensis provincia , of tarraeo , the principall town of the same . but the further , in processe of time was divided into two parts ; the one called betica , and the other lusitania : and so the whole region of spain came to be divided into three provinces . it was first entered by the romans , by occasion of the notable siedge of saguntum : upon which , p. scipio having subdued the carthaginians , reduced spain into a province , and left it governed by proconsuls , unto the time of cornelius lentulus and lucius stertinius . afterwards it was governed by propraetors , and sometimes by praetors , according as the empire came to be inlarged ; and had thereby many governments , for the preferment of such as had supplied the better places of dignitie in the state. neverthelesse , in the times of trouble the governours had alwaies consularie power ; as , in the warre against scrtorius , quintus metellus proconsul , and cn. pompeius questor , cum consulari potestate missi sunt , were sent with consular power . and at this time , pompey governed it by two deputies or legates . touching the form and figure of the countrey , strabo likeneth it to an oxe hide ; the neck whereof joyneth to the pyrenean hills , which rise in towers from one sea to another , as limits and bounds between france and spain ; taking their name ( as some think ) from pyrene , the maid that hercules deflowred , whom sil. ital. mentioneth , lib. . pyrene celsa nimbo si verticis arce divisos celtis late prospectat iberos ; atque aeterna tenet magnis divortia terris . nomen bebrycia duxere à virgine colles . hospitis alcidae crimen : qui sorte laborum gerionis peteret cum longa tricorporis arva , possessus baccho , saeva bebrycis in aula lugendam ●ormae sine virginitate reliquit pyrenen — and a little after , defletumque tenent montes per secula nomen . the lofty tower of pyren's cloudy head o're looks th' iberi , whom it parts from celts , for aye dividing those two spacious lands . from bebryx daughter first these hills took name , ravish'd by hercules : who as he went the triple-bodied gerion's land to seize , drunk at the time , and lodg'd in bebryx court , pyrene left to be bewail'd by beauty , no more a virgin — and her lamented name the hills still keep . but according to the opinion more generally received , they are so called of the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for that shepheards and heardsmen set them once on fire , as witnesseth diodorus siculus . and aristotle , in hiberia inquit combustis aliquando pastoribus sylvis , calenteque ignibus terra , manifestum argentum defluxisse : cumque postmodum terrae-motus supervenisset , eruptis hiatibus , magnam copiam argenti collectam ; atque inde massiliensibus proventus non vulgares obtigisse : he saith that on a time in spain the shepheards having set fire on the woods , the ground was so heated thereby , that plain rills of silver flowed from the hills ; and that afterwards by reason of earthquakes , severall gapings being made in the said place , they gathered great plenty of silver ; which the marscillians made no small benefit of . the countrey of spain is commended for many things , as may appear by divers elogies : amongst which , that of claudianus the poet is written , as though the author had been a pensioner to the kingdome . quid dignum memorare tuis hispania terris vex humana valet ? primo lavat aequore solem india : tu fessos , exacta luce , jugales proluis , inque tuo respirant sydera fluctu . dives equis , frugum facilis , pretiosa metallis , principibus foecunda piis . — what noted thing in spain can man commend ? as indian seas first drench the morning sun , so his tir'd steeds wash here when day is done : in spanish waves the wearied stars take breath . spain store of horse , fruits , precious metals hath ; breeds pious princes . — chap. xv. caesar coming to his armie , advanceth forward , and incampeth near unto the enemie . within two dayes after caesar came into the camp with nine hundred horse , which he had kept with him for a convoy . the bridge broken by the tempest , was almost re-edified , and that which remained undone , he commanded to be finished in the night . and having seen the nature and situation of the place , he left six cohorts to keep the camp and the bridge , with all the carriages of the armie . and the next day , putting all his forces into a triple battell , he marched towards ilerda : and there standing a while in armes , offered battell , in an equall and indifferent place . afranius brought out his forces , and made a stand in the midst of the hill , under his camp. caesar perceiving that afranius at that time was not disposed to fight , determined to incamp himself some paces from the foot of the hill . and least the souldiers should be interrupted in their works by the sudden assaults and incursions of the enemy , he forbad them to fortifie it with a rampier or wall , which must necessarily be discovered and seen afarre off ; but caused a ditch to be made of fifteen foot in breadth , in the front of the camp next unto the enemie . the first and second battell ( according as was directed ) continued in armes ; and the third battell performed the work behind them unseen , before it was understood by afranius that caesar would incamp in that place . which being finished , he drew his legions within the ditch , and so stood in armes all night . the next day he kept all his armie within the ditch . and forasmuch as the matter to make the rampier was to be fetched farre off , he kept the like course for the finishing of the rest ; allotting each side of the camp to be fortified by a severall legion , with a ditch to be sunk about of the same scantling : and in the mean time , made the other legions to stand ready in armes against the enemie . afranius and petreius , to the end they might amuse the souldier , and hinder the work , brought down their forces to the foot of the hill , and provoked them to fight . howbeit , caesar intermitted not the work , trusting to three legions in armes , and the munition of the ditch . the enemy not making any long stay , or advancing further then the foot of the hill , led back their troups into the camp. the third day caesar fortified his camp with a rampier ; and commanded the rest of the cohorts and the carriages which were left in the other camps , to be brought unto him . observation . it may be observed for caesar's custome throughout the whole course of his wars , to approch as near the enemie as conveniently he could ; that so he might the better observe his passages , and be ready to take the favour of any opportunitie , which either the nature of the place , or the motions of the adversary would afford him . which was the rather his advantage , in regard of his dexteritie , and superlative knowledge in the use of armes , together with the experience of his old legions : whereby he was able , not onely to improve his own designes to the utmost of an honourable successe , but to return the disgrace of any attempt made upon his armie , upon the heads of them that were authors of the same . for otherwise , his accosting so near an enemie , might have turned to his own losse ; as being full of hazard , and subject to more casualties then he that standeth further off . and therefore the rule is , that he that desireth to ●it near his adversarie , must be exceeding circumspect , and sure of some advantage , either from the place , or the over-awing power of his forces , or else out of his own vertue , or by some other means , to over-sway the inconveniences which attend such ingagements . as may appear by that which frontinus observeth hence , touching the straight whereinto caesar was fallen ; being either to give battel , which the enemie refused ; or to make good that place , from whence he could not retreat but with danger . whereupon , a little before night be stole the making of a ditch on the back of his armie ; and retiring himself within the same , stood in armes all night , for his better safetie . the use of such ditches are of much importance , and have oftentimes redeemed an army from great extremities : and were so frequent upon all occasions with the romans , that he that shall deny them to be good ditchers , shall do them wrong . and not onely they , but other nations could tell how to make use of the spade . pericles of athens , being forced by them of peloponnesus into a place that had but two out-lets of escape , sunk a ditch of a great latitude thwart one of the passages ( as though he meant to keep out the enemie ) and set his souldiers to break out the other way . the peloponnesians thinking he could no way escape by the passage where the trench was cut , applied themselves wholly to the other place , where the souldiers made shew of breaking out : whereby ( through the help of bridges which he had formerly provided ) he escaped over the ditch without resistance . sometimes they added other helps to these trenches , especially when they sought handsome means to get themselves away : whereof sertorius may be an instance ; who , having the enemie pressing him in the rere , and being to passe a river , drew a ditch and a rampier at his back , in the fashion of a half-moon : which rampier he heaped with wood and combustible matter , and so setting it on fire , kept off the enemie , and passed with ease over the water . in like manner , herculeius , one of sertorius legates , having rashly entered with a small power into a long and narrow passage between two hills , and finding himself pursued by great forces of the enemy , sunk a crosse trench between the two mountains ; and piling the rampier with wood , set it on fire , and so cut off the enemie . chap. xvi . caesar's attempt to possesse himself of a small hill : what disadvantage he ran into , by missing of his purpose ; what means he used to recover himself . between the town of ilerda , and the next hill where petreius and afranius were incamped , there was a plain of about three hundred paces ; in the midst whereof stood a little mole , rising higher then the rest : which if caesar could get and fortifie , he hoped to cut off the enemy from the town and the bridge , and from such victuals and provisions as were brought to the town . hereupon he took three legions out of the camp ; and having put them into order of battell , he commanded the antesignani of one legion to run before , & possesse the place . which being perceived , the cohorts that kept watch before afranius camp , were presently sent a nearer way to take that mount. the matter came to blows : but forasmuch as afranius partie came first to the place , our men were beaten back ; and by reason of new supplies sent against them , were constrained to turn their backs , and retire to the legions . the manner of fight which those souldiers used , was first to run furiously upon an enemy , to seize any place boldly and with great courage ; not much respecting their orders or ranks , but fighting in a scattered and dispersed fashion . if they chaunc't to be throughly charged , they thought it no shame to give way and retire ; accustomed thereunto by frequenting the lusitanians , and other barbarous people , using that kind of fight : as it commonly falleth out , that where the souldiers have long lived , they get much of the usage and condition of those places . notwithstanding , our men were much troubled thereat , as unaccustomed to that kind of ●ight : for seeing every man leave his rank , and run up and down , they feared least they should be circumvented , and set upon inflank , and on their bare and open side ; whereas themselves were to keep their order , and not to leave their places , but upon extraordinarie occasion . upon the routing of the antesignani , the legion that stood in the corne● left the place , and retreated to the next hill ; almost all the armie being affrighted , upon that which had happened beyond every mans opinion , contrary to former use . caesar encouraging his men , brought out the ninth legion to second them ; by that means compelling the enemy ( insolent of good successe , and shrewdly pursuing our men ) to turn their backs , and to retire to the town of ilerda , and there to make a stand under the walls . but the souldiers of the ninth legion , carried on with endeavour , and going about to repair their losse , rashly followed the enemy into a place of disadvantage , and came under the hill whereon the town stood : and as they would have made their retreat , they were charged afresh from the upper ground . the front of the place had an uneasie broken ascent , and was on each side steep ; extended onely so much in breadth , as would serve three cohorts to imbattell in : neither could the cavalrie come to help them . the hill declined easily from the town about four hundred paces in length : and that way our men had some conveniency of retreat , from the disadvantage to which their desire had unadvisedly led them . the fight continued in this place : which was very unequall , both in regard of the straightness thereof , as also for that they stood under the foot of the hill , whereby no weapon fell in vain amongst them . notwithstanding , by prowesse and valour they patiently endured all the wounds they received . the enemies forces were supplied and renewed , by such cohorts as were often sent out of the camp through the town , that fresh men might take the place of such as were wearied out . and the like was caesar fain to do , sending fresh cohorts to that place to relieve the wearied . after they had thus continually fought for the space of five hours together , and that our men were much over-charged with an unequall multitude : having spent all their weapons , they drew their swords , and ascended up the hill , to charge and assault the enemy : and having slain a few of them , the rest were driven to make retreat . the cohorts being thus put back to the walls , and some of them for fear having taken the town , our men found an easie retreat . our cavalrie did from a low ground get up unto the top of the hill ; and riding up and down between the two armies , made our souldiers to retreat with better case : and so the fight succeeded diversly . about seventie of our men were slain in the first on set . and amongst these was slain q. fulginius , captain of the first hasta●e centurie of the fourteenth legion ; who , for his exceeding valour , was preferred to that place from the lower orders . six hundred at least were wounded . and of afranius party were slain t. caecilius , centurion of a primipile order , and four centurions more , besides two hundred souldiers . but such was the opinion of that dayes businesses that either side believed they left with the better . afranius party was so perswaded , for that they long stood to handy-blows , and resisted the violence of our souldiers , although in all mens judgement they were the weaker : as also , for that they at first took and held the place which gave occasion of that fight ; and in the first encounter , compelled our men to turn their backs . our men in like manner thought they had the better , in regard they had maintained fight for five houres together , in a place of disadvantage , and with an unequall multitude ; that they ascended up the hill with their swords drawn , and compelled their adversaries to turn their backs , and to retreat into the town , maugre the disadvantage of the place . the first observation . in this direction which caesar gave , to take the little hill between ilerda and afranius camp , we may observe the danger depending upon the mischieving of an action . for the failing of a purpose , in seeking to obtain that which would prove of great advantage , doth oftentimes draw men into as great inconveniences . and as the end in every design pretendeth gain , so the means thereof do give way to hazard : from whence it consequently followeth , that such as are imployed in execution , had need to use all endeavour , not to falsifie the grounds of good directions , by negligent or inconsiderate carriage ; but rather to make good any want or defect , by serious and wary prosecution of the same . and the rather , for that it specially concerneth their good that have the charge and handling of commands : for they first are like to feel the smart of any errour committed therein ; or otherwise , to have the honour of any fortunate successe , forasmuch as vertue hath all her praise from action . concerning the use of running , we are to understand that the romans ( amongst other their exercises of armes ) had speciall practise of this , as available in four respects , according as vegetius hath noted . first , to the end they might charge the enemy with greater force and violence . secondly , that they might possesse themselves with speed , of places of advantage . thirdly , that they might readily discover , as should be found expedient upon all occasions . and lastly , to prosecute a flying enemy to better purpose and effect . and this , as seneca saith , they practised in peace ; that being accustomed to needlesse labour , they might be able to discharge necessary duties . and * livie , amongst the military exercises used by scipio , to fit his men for those glorious exploits which he afterwards atchieved , saith ; that the first day , the legions ran four miles in arms. and suetonius affirmeth , that nero , having appointed a race for the praetorian cohorts , carried a target lifted up before them with his own hand . and that galba did more admirably ; for being suted of purpose to make himself eminent , he directed a field-race with a target , himself running as fast as the emperours chariot , for twenty miles together . the second observation . the second thing to be noted in these specialties , is , the bold enterprise of caesar's men , in charging the enemy with their swords drawn , against the hill ; whereby making them to give back , they had an easie and safe retreat from the danger wherein they were ingaged . whereby we may observe , that difficulties of extremity are never better cleared , then by adventurous and desperate undertakings : according to the condition of diseases and distemperatures of the body , which being light and easy , are cured with mild and easy potions ; but being grievous and doubtfull , do require sharp and strong remedies . which doth also in like manner appear throughout the whole course of nature , and particularly in weights : for as ponderous and heavy bodies are not moved , but with a counterpoise of greater force ; no more can extremities of hazard be avoided , but by like perilous enforcements . and hence groweth the difference between true valour and fool-hardy rashnesse ; being but one and the same thing , if they were not distinguished by the subject wherein they are shewed . for to run headlong into strange adventures , upon no just occasion , were to shew more levity then discretion : and again , to use the like boldnesse in cases of extremity , deserveth the opinion of vertuous endeavour . as is well observed by homer , in the person of hector , perswading the trojans that fled away , to stand and make a head against the grecians ; this is the time , saith he , considering the danger wherein we are , to use that prowesse and courage which we boast of . and accordingly , diomedes censured glaucus in the same place , for offering himself to the fury of the grecians ; either thou art some god , saith he , or else but a lost and forlorn man. which may serve to learn us the true use of courage ; that ordinarily is never more shewed then in misemployment . the third observation . i have already , in the observations of the second commentary of the warres of gallia , discoursed particularly of the parts of a legion : where it appeareth , that in caesar's time a legion consisted of five thousand men , or thereabouts ; and according to the sufficiency and experience of the souldiers , was divided into three parts . the first and meanest of such as followed an ensigne , were called hastati ; the second , principes ; and the third and chief sort , triarii : and according to this division , had their place and precedency in the army . again , each of these three kinds was divided into ten companies , which they called maniples ; and every maniple was subdivided into two centuries or orders ; and in every order there was a centurion or captain . these orders were distinguished by the numbers of the first , second , third , and so consequently unto the tenth orders , which were the last and lowest of each of these three kinds . so that this q. fulginius , here mentioned , was centurion of the first and prime order of the hastati : and t. caecilius , centurion of the first order of the triarii , which by excellencie was called primipilus , or the leader of the first company of a legion . now concerning their imbattelling , we are to note , that according to this former division of hastati , principes , and triarii , upon occasion of fight , they made a triple battell , one standing in front to another ; which we call the vant-gard , battell , and rere-ward . whereof the hastati were called antesignani : not for that they had no ensignes of their own , for every maniple had an ensign ; but because they stood imbattelled before the eagle , and other the chief ensigns of the legion . to which purpose is that of livie , pugnaorta est , non illa ordinata per hastatos , principesque & triarios , nec ut pro signis antesignanus , post signa alia pugnaret acies : the fight began not a regular fight by hastati , principes and triarii , nor in that orderlinesse that the antesignani fought before the ensigns , and another battell behind the ensigns . and again ; cadunt antesignani : & ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa , sit ex secunda prima acies : the antesignani were cut down : so that lest the ensigns should be le●t naked of defendants , the second battell was made the first . whereby it appeareth that most of the chiefest ensigns were with the principes , which were called subsignani , as the triarii post signani . amongst other benefits of these so particular divisions of an army , that is not the least which is noted by thucydides , ut jussa imperatoris brevi spacio ad singulos milites deferri possent ; the commands of the generall are thereby suddenly transmitted to every particular souldier . chap. xvii . caesar brought into great extremity by overflowing of two rivers . the enemy fortified the mount for which they contended , with great and strong works , and there put a garrison . in the space of those two dayes that these things were in doing , there fell out upon a suddain a great inconvenience : for such a tempest happened , that the like waters were never seen in those places . and further besides , the snow came down so abundantly from the hills , that it overflowed the banks of the river ; and in one day brake down both the bridges which fabius had made : and thereby brought caesar into great extremity . for , as it is formerly related , the camp lay between two rivers , sicoris and cinga ; and within thirty miles neither of these rivers were passable , so that all the army were of necessity couped up in that straightnesse : neither could the cities which had formerly ranged themselves with caesar's party , furnish any supplies of victuall and provision ; nor such of the army as had gone far for forrage , being hindred by the rivers , could return to the camp ; nor yet the great convotes and reenforcements , coming to him out of italy and gallia , could get to the camp. the time of year was very hard ; for there was neither old corn left of their winter provisions , nor that on the ground was as yet ripe . the cities and towns near about were all emptied : for afranius before caesar's coming , had caused all the corn to be brought into ilerda ; and that which remained , was since caesar's coming all spent . and for cattell ( which might have relieved this necessity ) by reason of the warre , they were removed by the bordering towns , and carried farther off . such as were gone out to forrage , and to seek corn , were by the light-armed portugalls , and the buckler-bearers of the hither spain , much troubled and molested : for these men could easily passe the river , forasmuch as none of them used to go to warre , without bladders for that purpose . on the contrary part , afranius abounded with all necessary provisions : great quantity of corn was formerly provided and stored up , much was brought in from all the provinces round about , there was also great plenty of forrage in his camp : for the bridge at ilerda afforded means of all these things without danger , and the countrey beyond the river was whole and untouched , which caesar could not come unto by any means . the waters continued for many dayes together . caesar used all means to re-edifie the bridges ; but neither the swelling of the river would permit him , nor yet the cohorts of the enemy , placed on the banks of the other side , suffer him to go forwards with it : which they might easily hinder , both in regard of the nature of the river , and the greatnesse of the water , as also for that they might easily cast their weapons from along the bank , unto one place or point . whereby it was very hard , at one and the same time ( the river running so violently as it did ) to do the work , and to shun the weapons . the first observation . first , we may observe , that the strength of a multitude is not priviledged from such casualties as betide the weaknesses of particular persons ; but doth oftentimes undergo extremities , which can neither by providence be prevented , nor removed by industry : and are such as proceed not from the endeavour of an enemy , but out of the circumstances of time and place ; together with such accidents as are interlaced with the same . in respect whereof it was , that cambyses told cyrus , that in the course of warre he should meet with some occasions , wherein he was not to labour and contend with men , but with chances and things ; which were not to be overcome with lesse difficulty then an enemy ; and are the more dangerous , according as they give way to scarcity and lack of victual . for as it is said in the same place ; scis brevi finem habiturum imperium , si commeatu exercitus careat : you know that if your army be once starved , your empire can be but short-lived . the remedies whereof are first , patience : which is as requisite in a souldier , as either courage or any other ability ; and in such cases keepeth an army from discontentment and disorder , untill means of better fortune . and secondly , good endeavour , which availeth much in such chances ; the effect whereof will appear by that which caesar wrought , to redeem his army from these inconveniences . the second observation . concerning that which is here noted of the spaniards , that made nothing of passing a river with the help of bladders , which the romans were readier to wonder at then to imitate ; it is observed , that as people exquisitely fashioned to a civile life , by a firm and settled policie of government , are firm and reall in the whole course of their proceedings , and accordingly do shew their punctuality , as well in their solemnities and private carriages , as in their magnificent and stately buildings : so on the other side , barbarous and rude nations , that live under generall and slight lawes , are as slight and rude in their actions ; as amongst other things , may appear in that the spaniards thought it no scorn to use the help of bladders in passing over a river , as a device coming next to hand ; which the people of a wise and potent state would not have done , but by a sure and substantiall bridge . the use of which bladders , as it hath been ancient amongst people of that nature , so it is continued in the same manner by the savages inhabiting groenland , and the north parts of america ; as appeareth by discoveries made of late by the moscovy merchants , about the north-west passage : from whence such as are imployed in those voiages , have brought great and large bladders or bagges , made of seal-skins , ingeniously devised to be filled and blowed with wind , and tied behind at their girdle , and at their coller , to help themselves in swimming . and after the same easy fashion , the indians of peru , as josephus acosta writeth ( instead of wood and stone ) made their bridges over great rivers of plaited reeds , which they fastened to the banks on each side with stakes : or otherwise of bundles of straw and weeds , by which , men and beasts ( if there be any credit in his story ) passe over with ease . howbeit , as when the ancient greeks would note a man of extreme insufficiency , they would say , he could neither read nor swim : so caesar seemed of the same opinion , by commending the skill of swimming , as a thing of much consequence in the use of armes . whereof he made good experience in egypt : where he cast himself into a small boat , for his better safety ; and finding it over-charged , and ready to sink , he leapt into the sea , and swam to his fleet , which was two hundred paces off , holding certain papers in his left hand above the water , and trailing his coat of armes in his teeth , that it might not be left to the enemy . chap. xviii . afranius marcheth with three legions , to cut off a party . the scarcitie of victuall in caesar's army . it was told afranius , of great troups and convoies that were coming to caesar , but were hindered by the waters , and aboad there by the rivers side : for thither were come archers out of ruthenia , and horsemen out of gallia , with many carres and carriages , according to the custome of the galles . there were besides , of all sorts , about six thousand men , with their servants and attendants ; but without order , or any known command : for every man was at his own liberty , travelling the countrey without fear , according to the former freedome and safety of the wayes . there were likewise many young men of good rank , senators sons , and knights of rome ; besides embassadours from sundry states , and divers of caesar's legates . all these were kept back by the river . af●anius went out in the night time with three legions , and all his horse , to cut off this party ; and sending his cavalry before , set upon them unawares . howbeit , the cavalry of the galles put themselves speedily in order , and buckled with them . and as long as it stood upon indifferent termes , they being but a few , did withstand a great number of the enemy : but as soon as they discovered the ensignes of the legions coming towards them , some few of them being slain , the rest betook themselves to the next hills . this small time of encounter was of great consequence for the safety of our men : for by this means they had opportunity to take the upper ground . there were lost that day two hundred archers , a few horsemen , and no great number of the souldiers boyes , together with the baggage . victuals by reason of all these things waxed very dear , as well in regard of the present want , as also for fear of future penury , as commonly it happeneth in such cases ; insomuch as a bushell of corn was worth fifty pence . whereby the souldiers grew weak for want of sustenance : and the inconveniences thereof daily more and more increased . for so great was the alteration which hapned in a few dayes , that our men were much afflicted with the extreme want of all necessary provisions : whereas they on the other side , having all things in abundance , were held for victors . caesar sent unto those states which were of his party , and instead of corn , gave them order to furnish him with cattell ; dismissed souldiers boyes , and sent them to towns farther off ; relieving the present scarcity by all the means he could . afranius and petreius , together with their friends , inlarged these things in their letters to rome : rumour and report added much hereunto ; as that the warre was even almost at an end . these messengers and letters being come to rome , there was great concourse from all parts to afranius house , much congratulation and rejoycing for these things : and thereupon many went out of italy to pompey , some to be the first messengers of the news ; others , that they might not seem to expect the event of the war , and so prove the last that came to that party . when the matter was brought to these difficulties and extremities , and all the wayes were kept by afranius souldiers and horsemen , and no bridges could be made : caesar gave order to the souldiers , to make such * boats and barks as he had in former years taught them the use of in the warre of britain : the keels whereof were built of light stuffe , and small timber , and the upper parts made with wicker , and covered with hides . which being finished , he laded them upon carres , and carried them in the night some twenty two miles from the camp. and in those barks transporting his souldiers over the river , upon a suddain he possest himself of a little hill , which lay near unto the water side : which hill he speedily fortified , before the enemy had notice thereof . afterwards he brought over a legion to that place , and made a bridge from side to side in two dayes space : and so the convoies , which had gone forth for provisions and forrage , returned back in safety ; whereby he began to settle a course for provision of corn. the same day he passed over the the river a great part of his cavalry , who falling unlooked for upon the forragers ( scattered here and there without fear or suspicion ) cut off a great number of men and cattell . whereupon the enemy sending certain spanish troups , bearing little round bucklers , to second and relieve the forragers , they divided themselves of purpose into two parts ; the one to keep and defend the booty which they had got , and the other to resist and beat back the forces sent to charge them . one of our cohorts , which had easily run out before the army , was intercepted , and cut off : the rest returned by the bridge into the camp in safety with a great booty . the first observation . these rutheni inhabited that part of provence where rhodes now standeth : amongst whom caesar had ordinarily a legion or two in garrison , for the better keeping of the countrey in obedience , being a stout and warlike people , and using archery , as appeareth in this place . which howsoever the course of time hath brought into utter contempt , yet let us not scorn to take notice , that anciently it hath been used by such as performed the greatest feats of arms : for hercules had but two sorts of weapons to atchieve labours of so much variety ; a club for such monsters as would contest with his valour , and bow and arrows for others that kept farther off . and in the old warre of troy ( if homer may be believed ) pindarus duke of lycia , having a stable of gallant coursers , left them all at home , lest he should not find means at troy to give them their ordinary keeping ; and came on foot with his bow and arrows , with such reputation of his deeds of arms , that aeneas sought him out in a conflict , to resist the rage and extreme pressures of diomedes . and on the contrary part , teucer relieved the distressed grecians from a hot and desperate pursuit , by slaying with his bow eight valiant trojans before he stirred his foot . concerning the use of which weapon , howsoever it may seem ridiculous ( to such as understand nothing but the course of the present age ) to recall the long bow to the service of a battel ; yet they may remember , that the gray-goose wing gave our forefathers such advantage , that they wrought wonders amongst all nations for deeds of armes : which we should imitate with as much hope of successe , if we could handle our bowes in any measure as they did . of this i have already formerly treated . the second observation . it is a saying as true as it is old , that an ill hap cometh not alone , but is alwaies attended with such consequents as will inforce other inconveniences ; as may be observed by this extremity here mentioned . for the mischief was not bounded with the affliction which caesar suffered for want of needfull provision , notwithstanding the weight was such as could not be born by ordinary patience : but the enemy inlarged it to his further advantage , vaunting of it as a helplesse remedy , and making out dispatches to send victory to rome . which gave him yet further prejudice in the opinion of the world ; and made those his enemies , that formerly shewed no dislike of his proceedings . and thus every ill chance hath a tail of many other misfortunes ; which if either providence or endeavour may prevent , it shall much import a commander to avoid them . the third observation . as necessity maketh men constant in their sufferings , so custome giveth easinesse and means of deliverance : according as may appear by this direction of caesar , which was wholly drawn from former experience . for first the boats here prescribed , were such as he used in the warre of britany ; and as farre as may be gathered out of the former commentaries , were those he commanded to be built for his second journey : which he would now imitate in regard of the flatnesse of their bottomes , and not otherwise . for it is not to be supposed , that those barks were covered with skinnes ; unless peradventure he used some such as these upon occasion in that war , not expressed in the story . herodotus in his clio , describeth the like ; the boats ( saith he ) which come from babylon , down the river euphrates , are made by the heardsmen of armenia , of light timber , in a round fashion , without beak or poup , & are covered with skinne , the hiry side inward ; and in these they take their passage . such as fish for salmon in the river of sever●● , use the like boats in all respects , which they call corracles of corium ; being all covered with horse-skins tanned . secondly , the means he used to passe over without impeachment from the enemy , by carrying those boats in the night-time up the river to a place of security , was such , the like whereof he had formerly practised in gallia , to passe the river loire , being then guard don the other side by the enemy . whereby we see how much use and continuance doth inable men , beyond others of smaller experience : according to that , dies diem docet , one day teacheth another ; or , older and wiser . chap. xix . the massilians encounter with brutus at sea , and are beaten . while these things were done at ilerda , the massilians ( by the direction of l. domitius ) rigged and set out gallies , whereof eleven were covered ; besides many lesser vessels which went along with them , to make the navy seem the greater for the astonishment of the enemy . in these they put a great number of archers , and many albicks , of whom we have formerly made mention ; encouraging them both by rewards and promises . domitius required certain ships for himself , and them he filled with shepheards and countrymen , which he had brought thither with him . the navy being thus furnished , set forward with great confidence towards our shipping , whereof d. brutus was admirall , and lay at anchour at an island right over against marseilles . brutus was far inferiour to the enemy in shipping ; but caesar having pick't the chiefest & val●antest men out of all the legions , as well of the antesignani as centurions , put them aboard the fleet , they themselves requiring to be imploied in that service . these men had prepared hooks and grapples of iron , and had likewise furnished themselves with many piles and darts , and other sorts of weapons ; and understanding of the enemies coming ▪ put to sea , and encountred with the massilians . they fought on either side very valiantly & fiercely : neither were the albicks much inferiour to our men in prowesse , being rough mountainous people , exercised in arms , and having a little before fallen off from the massilians , did now remember the late contract and league they had made with them . the shepheards , in like manner ( a rude and untamed kind of people , stirred up with hope of liberty , ) did strive to shew their valour in the presence of their master . the massilians ( trusting to the nimblenesse of their shipping , and in the skill and dexterity of their pilots , did frustrate ( in a deluding manner ) the shock of our ships , when they came violently to stemme them . and forasmuch as they had sea-room enough , they drew out their navy at length , to compasse and inclose our men about : and sometimes they would single out one of our ships , and set upon them with divers of the●rs together , or wipe off a side of their oars in their passage along by them . when they came to deal at hand ( leaving aside the art & skill of the p●lots ) they took themselves to the stoutnesse and valour of the highlanders . our men were fain to use worse oar-men , and more unskilfull pilots ; who being lately taken out of ships of burden , did not well know the true names of the tackling , and were much troubled with the heavinesse and sluggishnesse of the shipping ; which being made in haste of unseasoned timber , was not so nimbie or ready for use . but as the matter came to handy-blows , every single ship did willingly undertake two at once ; and having grapled with either of them , fought on each side , entring valiantly the enemies ships , killing a great number of the highlanders and shepheards . part of the ships they sunk , some they took with the men , and the rest they beat back into the haven . that day the massilians lost nine ships , with those that were taken . this news was brought to caesar at ilerda . the first observation . i have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight , consisting of three parts . the first was , their nimble and skilfull managing of their ships , either forcibly to assault , or to lavire and bear off , as might fall for their best advantage : wherein the massilians , by reason of the skilfulnesse of their pilots , had great confidence . the second was , their fight before they came to grappling , as well with great engines , such as were their balistae and catapultae , casting stones and logs of wood one against another , as also with slings , arrows and da●ts ; resembling our great artillery , and small shot : for which purpose , their ships were built with fore-ca●●les and turrets , and other advantages of height , for their casting weapons . the third was , their grappling and forcible entry ; wherein , forasmuch as the matter was referred to the arbitrement of valour , the legionary souldier carried the cause . whence we may observe , that their legio●s were the 〈◊〉 of their valiant and worthy men , as well for the sea as the land ; being ●itted by the discipline of their military exercises , to undertake any service subject to humane industry ; whereof they g●ve an account worthy the school wherein they were instructed . neither is 〈◊〉 at any time , but that such kingdomes as 〈…〉 to train up their men in academies of vertuous actual●y , do alwaies keep then honour at a high 〈◊〉 ; affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage , both for designment and performance . the second observation . i have a little before shewed out of livie , that the antesignani were ordinarily taken for the hastati ; which being the easiest sort of souldiers , according to the generall division of a legion , doth seem to contradict the passage in this chapter , sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros antesignanos , centuriones caesar ei classi attribuerat ; but caesar having pickt the valiantest of the antesignani out of all the legions , put them into this fleet as centurions . for the better clearing whereof , we are to note , that as the hastati , or first battel of a legion , were generally taken for the antesignani ( as standing before the eagle and other the chiefest ensignes , which were alwaies amongst the principes or second battell ; ) so every maniple having an ensign in the midst of the troup , the souldiers that stood in front before the ensign were likewise called antesignani , and were the best souldiers in the company : for the centurion , standing alwai●s in the head of the troup , was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men ; the rest filling up the rere , consorted with the lieutenant , who thereupon was called tergi-ductor . whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a roman army ; being first generally divided into three battels ; whereof the meanest were in the vantguard , to make triall of their strength , and to spend the heat of their young bloud in the first affront of an enemy : the veterani , or old souldiers , being left in the rereward , to repair any losse , which either force or casualty should cast upon their leaders . and again , to counterpoise themselves , in such a manner as the weakest might not alwa●●s go to the wall , their private companies were so ordered , that the best men were alwayes in front . whereby they made such an exquisite temper , as kept every part of the army in their full strength . chap. xx. upon the making of the bridge at ilerda , the enemy resolveth to transferre the warre into celtiberia . vpon caesar's making of his bridge , fortune suddenly changed . the enemy fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry , did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do ; sometimes seeking forrage within a small distance of the camp , to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required ; sometimes fetching a great compasse about , to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen . and if they had received but the least check , or had but descried the cavalry afarre off , they would have cast down their burdens , and fled away . at last they omitted forraging for many dayes together , and ( which was never used by any nation ) sent out to seek it in the night . in the mean time those of osca and calaguris , being in league together , sent embassadours to caesar , with offer of their service , in such sort as he should please to command it . within a few dayes the tarraconenses , lacetani , and ausetani , together with the illurgavonenses , which border upon the river ebrus , followed after . of all these he desired supplies of corn and provision : which they promised to furnish ; and accordingly got horses from all quarters , and brought grain into the camp. in like manner , the regiment of the illurgavonenses , understanding the resolution of their state , left the enemy , and came unto him with their colours : and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared . the bridge being perfected , five great cities and states being come in unto him , a course settled for provision of corn , and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions , which pompey was said to come withall by the way of mauritania ; many other towns farther off revolted from afranius , and clave to caesar's party . the enemy being much affrighted and abashed at these things , caesar ( to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horsemen about by the bridge ) having got a convenient place , resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth , by which he might drain some part of the river sicoris , and make it passable by a foord . these trenches being almost made , af●anius and petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear , lest they should be cut off altogether from victuall and forrage , forasmuch as caesar was very strong in horse ; and therefore they determined to leave that place , and transferre the warre into celtiberia , being the rather thereunto induced , for that of those two contrary factions , which in the former warre had stood for l. sertorius , such cities as were subdued by pompey , did yet stand in aw of his name and authority : and such as from the beginning had continued firm unto him , did intirely love him , for the great benefits they had received from him ; amongst whom caesar's name was not known . there they expected great succours both of horse and foot , and made no doubt but to keep the warre on foot untill winter . this advice being agreed upon , they gave order to take up all the boats that were on the river iberus , and to bring them to octogesa , a town sited upon iberus , twenty miles from the camp. there they commanded a bridge of boats to be made ; and transporting two legions over sicoris , fortified their camp with a rampier of twelve foot in height . which being known by the discoverers , caesar by the extreme labour of the souldiers , continued day and night in turning the course of the water : & at length brought the matter to that passe , that the horsemen ( with some difficulty ) durst adventure over ; but the foot troups , having nothing above the water but their heads , were so hindered as well by the depth of the river , as the swiftnesse of the stream , that they could not well get over . notwithstanding at the same instant of time , news was brought of the making of the bridge over the river iberus , and a foord was found in the river sicoris . the first observation . first , concerning the places here mentioned , the reader may take notice that ilerda ( now known by the name of lerida ) standeth upon the river sicoris , in the province of catalonia ; and being sited upon a hill , is inclosed round with a wall of hewen stone , in a pleasant and fertile countrey , both for corn , wine , oyl , and fruit : as it is graphically described by lucan ; colle tumet modico , levique excrevit in altum pingue solum tumulo , super hunc sundata vetusta surgit ilerda manu ; placidis praelabitur undis hesperios inter sicoris non ultimus amnes : saxeus ingenti quem pons amplectitur arcu , hybernas passurus aquas . — with a light rising to a pretty height the rich ground swels , on which by ancient hand ilerda's plac'd : with gentle waves slides by the sicoris , none of spain's meanest streams ▪ o're it a bridge of stone with noble arch , subject to suffer by the winter flouds . it was formerly a university , and at all times famous for salt meats and pickled fish . whereunto horace alludeth , when he tells his book , that although it fell out that no man would regard it , neverthelesse it might serve at ilerda to wrap salt-fish in . aut fugies uticam , aut unctus mittêris ilerdam . either to utica thou'lt passe , or to ilerda in an oily case . osca , now called huesca , a town likewise of catalonia , in former time surnamed victrix , where sertorius kept the sonnes of the grandees of spain , as pledges of their loyalty , under pretext of learning the greek and latine tongue , which he had there caused to be taught , in form of an academy . in this town his hap was to be slain by perpenna , as paterculus recordeth the story ; tum m. perpenna praetorius , è proscriptis , generis clarioris quam animi , sertorium inter coenam aetoscae interemit ; romanisque certam victoriam , partibus suis excidium , sibi turpissimā mortem , pessimo auctoravit facinore ; then m. perpenna a praetorian , one of the proscribed party , of a more noble stock then mind , slew sertorius , at aetosca as he was at supper ; occasioning by this wicked deed of his certain victory to the romans , ruine to his own party , and a shamefull death to himself . which aetosca is by all men taken for this osca . the inhabitants boast of nothing more at this day , then that s. laurence was a citizen of their town . calaguris , now calahorra , is seated upon a hill on the banks of iberus ; the people whereof are famous for their constancie and faithfulnesse to their commanders , and specially to sertorius : as appeareth by that of valerius maximus ; quo perseverantius interempti sertorii cineribus , obsidionem cn. pompeii frustrantes , fidem praestarent ; quia nullum jam aliud in urbe eorum supererat animal , uxores suas , natosque , ad usum nefariae dapis verterunt : quoque diutius armata juventus viscera sua visceribus suis aleret , infelices cadaverum reliquias salire non dubitavit . that they might demonstrate their fidelity to the ashes of sertorius , to the very last , by defeating pompey's siege , in regard there was no live thing elseleft in the city , they most inhumanely made their wives and children serve them for food ; and that those which were in armes might so much the longer with their own bowels feed their bowels , they stuck not to salt up the pitifull remainders of the dead carcases . neverthelesse afranius took them in the end by continuall siege ; amongst whom that antiquity of bebricius is very remarkable , which is yet extant near to logronno . diis . manibus . q. sertorii . me. bebricius . calaguritanus . devovi . arbitratus . religionem . esse . eo . sublato . qui . omnia . cum . diis . immortalibus . communia . habebat . me. incolumen . retinere . animam . vale viator . qui . haec . legis . et . meo . disce . exemplo . fidem . servare . ipsa . fides . etiam . mortuis . placet . corpore . humano . exutis . in english thus : to the d●j manes ( or divine ghost ) of q. sertorius , i bebricius of calaguris devote my self ; supposing it a business of conscience , he being gone , who had all things in common with the immortall gods , for me to seek to save my own life . farewell traveller , who readest this , and learn of me to be faithfull . faithfulness is a thing pleaseth even the dead , when they have put off their humane bodies . in memorie of whose fidelity , augustus caesar took a band of these people for a guard to his person . in this town was quintilian the rhetorician born ; and being brought from thence to rome , in nero his time , was the first that taught a publick school for salarie : as witnesseth saint hierome ; quintilianus ex hispania calaguritanus primus romae publicam scholam tenuit , & salario cohonestatus publico claruit . quintilian a spaniard of calaguris first taught a publick school at rome , and had a stipend allowed him . celtiberia was the countrey lying along the river iberus , inhabited by people coming out of gallia celtica : whereupon lucan saith , — profugique à gente vetusta gallorum celtae , miscentes nomen iberis . some celtick fugitives from gallia came , and with th' iberi made a compound name . florus calleth them hispaniae robur . and valerius maximus affirmeth , that they were alwayes glad of warre , as being to end their life in happiness and honour ; and lamented their ill fortune to die in their beds , as a miserable and shamefull end . his pugnacecidisse decus , corpusque cremari tale nefas : calo credunt , superisque referri , impastus carpat si membra jacentia vultur . — to dy in fight they count great honour , know no funerall rite . heav'ns their 's they think , & the celestial seats , whose scattered limbs the ravenous vulture eats . their armes and weapons were of singular raritie : for besides the water of bilbo , which gave them an invincible temper , they had also a peculiar fashion of working them , as witnesseth diodorus siculus ; hiding their plates of iron in the earth , untill the worst and weakest part were eaten out with rust , and of that which remained , they made very hard swords . the second observation . the suddain alterations of warre are like the changings of mens minds upon small accidents ; which are so forceable to shake our resolutions , as made a great philosopher to describe a man by the propertie of mutabile animal , or a changeable living creature . and it is notably seen in this ; that afranius , in the compasse of a few daies , triumphed of caesar's overthrow , and fled away for fear of his power . whence we may note the advantage coming to a party , when they shake off any eminent distresse : for as the extremity thereof threatneth ruine and destruction , so the alteration bringeth with it an opinion of victorie . and surely , such is the condition of all sorts of miserie , that when the storm is over , and the bitterness of the affliction alaid , good times come redoubled upon the patients ; as though the vicissitude of things did inforce contrary effects . and therefore a commander , knowing the advantage of such an opportunity , must indeavour to improve the same , as may best serve to a speedy end . chap. xxi . the enemy setteth forward , and is staied by caesar . the enemy thereupon thought it expedient for him to make the more haste ; and therefore leaving two auxiliary cohorts for the safe keeping of ilerda , he transported all his forces over the river sicoris , and incamped himself with the two legions which formerly he had carried over . there remained nothing for caesar to do , but with his cavalrie to impeach and trouble the enemy in their march . and forasmuch as it was a great compasse about to go by the bridge ( whereby it would come to passe , that the enemy would get to iberus a farre nearer way ) he passed over his horsemen by the foord . about the third watch , as petreius and afranius had raised their camp , upon a suddain the cavalrie shewed themselves in the rere , & swarming about them in great multitudes , began to stay and hinder their passage . as soon as it began to be day-light , from the upper ground where caesar lay incamped , it was perceived , how the rereward of the enemy was hard laid to by our cavalrie , and how sometimes they turned head again , and were neverthelesse broken and routed : sometimes their ensignes stood suddenly still , and all their foot troups charged our horse , and forc't them to give way ; and then turning back , went on their way again . the souldiers walking up and down the camp , were grieved that the enemy should so escape their hands , whereby the matter would consequently be spun out into a long war : and went unto the centurions and tribunes of the souldiers , praying them to beseech caesar not to spare them for any danger or labour ; for they were ready and willing to passe the river where the horse went over . caesar moved through their desire and importunity , albeit he feared to expose his army to a river of that greatness , yet he thought it expedient to put it to triall , and therefore commanded that the weakest souldiers of all the centuries should be taken out , whose courage or strength shewed a disabilitie to undertake that service : and these he left in the camp , with one legion to defend the same , bringing out the other legions without carriage or burden : and having set a great number of horses and cattell both above and below in the river , he transported his army over . some few of the souldiers , being carried away with the stream , were succoured and taken up by the horsemen ; insomuch as not one man perished . the army carried thus over in safety , he ranged them in order , and marched forward with a three-fold battell . such was the endeavour of the souldier , that albeit they had set a circuit of six miles to the foord , and had spent much time in passing the river , yet by the ninth houre they did overtake the enemie that rose about the third watch of the night . assoon as afranius and petreius had discovered the legions afarre off ( being terrified with the noveltie of that pursuit ) they betook themselves to the upper ground , and there imbattelled their troups . in the mean time caesar refreshed his armie in the field , and would not suffer them ( being wearie ) to give battell : and as the enemy tried again to go on in their march , he followed after and staied them ; whereby they were forced to incamp sooner then was purposed : for there were hills a little before them , and for five miles together , the passages were very difficult and narrow . by which means ( being advanced between the hills ) they hoped to be free from caesar's cavalrie , and by keeping the passages , to hinder the armie from following after ; to the end they themselves might without perill or fear , put their forces over the river iberus : which by all means was to be effected . neverthelesse , being wearied with travailing and fighting all day , they put off the business to the next morning . caesar also incamped himself on the next hill ; and about midnight , some of their partie being gone out from the camp , somewhat far off , to fetch water , were taken by the horsemen . by them caesar was advertised , that the enemy with silence began to remove , and to lead their troups out of their camp. whereupon he commanded the signe of rising to be given , and the cry ( dislodging and trussing up their baggage ) to be taken up , according to the discipline and use of souldiers . the enemy hearing the cry , fearing least they should be impeached in the night , and forced to fight with their burdens on their backs , or to be shut up in those straight passages by caesar's horsemen , staied their journey , and kept their forces within their camp. observations . this passage over sicoris , was in the same manner as he carried his armie over the river loire , in the seventh commentarie of the war of gallia ; vado per equites invento , pro rei necessitate opportuno , ut brachia modo atque humeri , ad sustinenda arma liberi ab aqua esse possent , disposito equitatu , qui vim fluminis frangerent , incolumem exercitum transduxit . the horsemen having found a foord , indifferent convenient in regard of the necessity they were put to , to the end that the souldiery might have their arms and shoulders at liberty , and not be hindered by the water from carrying their weapons , he so disposed his horse , that he broke the force of the river with them , and so carried his army over in safety . the horse that stood above brake the force of the water , and those that were below took up such as were overcome with the stream , and withall , gave courage to the souldier to venture with better assurance , seeing the passage impaled in on each side , to keep them from miscarrying . his attempt upon sicoris , to abate the swelling pride of that river , by dividing it into many streams , was in imitation of the first * cyrus , who taking displeasure at the river cyndes , next unto euphrates the greatest river of ass●ria , drew it into three hundred and threescore channels . croesus not finding the river halis passable by a foord , and having no means to make a bridge , sunk a great trench behind the camp , from the upper part of the river , and so drew all the water behind his army . vegetius hath a particular discourse of passing an army over a river , whether it be by bridge or boat , or by wading or swimming , or any other way : to which i referre the reader . chap. xxii . asranius seeketh to take the straights between certain mountains ; but is prevented by caesar . the next day following , petreius went out secretly with a few horse , to discover the countrey ; and for the samepurpose some went likewise out of caesar's camp : l. decidius saxa was sent with a small troup to view the site of the place . and either party returned with the same report : that for * five miles the way was open and champain , and afterwards very rough and mountainous ; and whosoever first took those straight , might easily impeach the enemy from going further . the matter was disputed in the councell of war , by petreius and afranius ; the time of their setting forward was debated . most of them thought it fit to take their journey in the night ; for by that means they might come to those straights before it were perceived . others were of opinion , that it was not possible to steal out in the night ; as appeared by the cry of rising taken up the night before in caesar's camp , upon their removing : and caesar's horsemen did so range abroad in the night , that all places and passages were kept and shut up . neither were they to give occasion of night fights , but to avoid the same by all the means they could ; forasmuch as in civile dissension , the ordinary souldier would rather suffer himself to be over mastered by fear , then continue firm in the allegiance which he had sworn unto : whereas , in the day time , every man hath shame and dishonour before his eyes , together with the presence of the centurions and tribunes ; with which respects a souldier is restrained , and kept within the bounds of duty . and therefore the attempt was by all means to be undertaken in the day time : and although it ●ell out to some losse , yet neverthelesse the body of the armie might pass in safety , and possesse that place which they sought for . this opinion prevailing in their consultation , they determined by break of day the next mornning to set forward . caesar , having diligently viewed the countrey , as soon as day began to appear , drew all his forces out of his camp , and marched forward in a great circuit , keeping no direct way . for the waies which led to iberus and octogesa , were taken up with the enemies camp ; insomuch as they were to passe over great and difficult vallies . and in many places , broken rocks and stones did so hinder them , that they were necessarily forced to give their weapons from hand to hand , the souldiers lifting up one another ; and so they passed most part of the way . howsoever , no man thought much of the labour , for that they hoped to give an end to all their travell , if they could keep the enemy from passing over the river i●erus , and cut off his ●●●ualls . at the first , afranius souldiers ran joyfully out of their camp to see the army , casting out words of derision and reproch , that for want of victuall they fled and returned to ilerda ; for the way they held was quite contrary to that they intended , whereby they seemed to go back again : and the commanders themselves did much approve their own counsell , that they had kept their troups within the camp. for that which confirmed them in their opinion was , that they perceived they were come out without their carriages : whereby they hoped , necessity would not suffer them to continue long there . but when they saw the troups by little and little to wind to the right hand , and that they perceived , how those that were in front had fallen backward beyond their camp , there was no man so dull , but thought it expedient presently to march out , and make head against them , whereupon they cried to arme ; and all their forces , excepting some few cohorts which were left to keep the camp , went out , and marched directly towards iberus . the whole business consisted in speed and celeritie , which of the two should first take the straights , and possesse the hills , caesar's army was hindered by the difficulty of the way : and afranius partie was retarded by caesar's cavalry . the matter was come to that upshot , that if afranius party did first get the hills , they might haply qu●● themselves of danger ; but the baggage of the whole army , and the cohorts left in the camp could not be saved : for being intercepted and s●●luded by caesar's armie , there was no means to relieve them . it 〈◊〉 , that caesar first attained the place ; and being come out from among those great rocks into a plain champain , put his army in order of battell against the enemy . afranius seeing the enemy in front , and his rereward hardly charged by caesar's ca●alry , got the advantage of a small hill , & there made his stand : and from thence sent four cohorts bearing round bucklers unto a mountain , which in all mens sight was higher then the rest ; commanding them to run as fast as they could , and possesse that hill , intending to follow after with all his forces , and altering his course , to get along the ridges and tops of the mountains to octogesa . as the cohorts were advanced forward by an oblique circuit , caesar's cavalry perceiving their intendment , set upon them with such violence , that they were not able any time to bear their charge , but were surrounded by them , and all cut in pieces in the fight of both armies . the first observation . petreius and afranius , in their councell of war , resolved by all means to shun night encounters , as a thing full of hazard and uncertainty , and apt for looseness and disobedience : for the night , being neither a discoverer of errours , nor yet a distinguisher either of actions or persons , but wrapping up both the vertuous and the faultie in her mantle of obscuritie , doth not admit of directions , to follow an opportunity , or to help a mistaking ; but rather giving way to impunitie and licentious confusion , leaveth no hope of what is wished : whereas the light is a witness of every mans demeanour , and hath both honour and rebuke to make dutie respected . for which causes , curio ( as it followeth in the next commentarie ) in his harangue before that untimely expedition against king juba , thus rejected their advice that would have had him set forward in the night ; at etiam ut media nocte proficiscamur addunt : quo majorem credo licentiam habeant qui peccare conantur : namque hujusmodi res aut pudore aut metu tenentur , quibus rebus nox maxim : adversaria est . further then this , they advise us to set out in the middle of the night : that so ( i think ) those men who have a mind to do mischief may take the greater liberty : for in the day-time they would be restrain'd either through shame or fear , to both which the darkness of the night is a great adversary . and that the danger may appear as well by effect as by discourse , let the reader take notice of that battell by night , between antonius primus on the behalf of vespasian , and the vitellian legions , near unto cremona ; whereof tacitus hath this description ; praelium tota nocte varium , anceps , atrox ; his , rursus illis , exitiabile . nihil animus aut manus , n● oculi quidem provisu juvabant , &c. the fight was doubtfull and bloudy the whole night , now this party going to the worse , by and by that . a stout heart or a valiant hand availed little , neither could the eyes see before them either advantage or disadvantage . and thus are all night-works condemned , wherein either order or honour are of any moment . the second observation . i have already noted , in the former commentaries , the use of exact and particular discoverie of the countrey , where a partie is ingaged : then which nothing doth more advantage a commander to expedite the happy issue of a war. for by that means he is not onely able to judge of any motion which the enemy shall offer , and to give sure directions to frustrate and make void the same ; but also to dispose himself according as shall seem expedient for his safety . wherein , if a place of such consequence as is here mentioned shall by designe be aimed at , this historie sheweth how much it importeth either partie to obtain it : and therefore caesar had reason to make his passage through vallies and rocks , rather then to lose victorie , for want of labouring in an uneasie way . this lucius decidius saxa , or didius saxa , imployed in this discoverie , was afterward advanced by caesar to be tribune of the people ; whereat tullie was so much offended . how can i omit ( saith he ) this decidius saxa , a man brought from the furthest end of the world ; whom we see tribune of the people , before we ever saw him a citizen ? chap. xxiii . caesar refuseth to fight upon an advantage offered , contrary to the opinion and desire ●f all men . there was an opportunity then offered of doing something to purpose ; neither was caesar ignorant thereof● such an overthrow given before their faces , did consequently so discourage them , that it was thought they would not indure a charge ; especially , being compassed about with the cava●ri● , in an indifferent and open place , where the matter was to be decided by battell . which was on all sides instantly desired at caesar's hands : for the legates , centur●ons , and tribunes of the souldiers , came joyntly unto him , desiring him to make no doubt of giving battell , for all the souldiers were very ready and forward thereunto ; whereas the contrary partie had 〈◊〉 many arguments of fear and discouragement . first , in that they did not succour their fellows . secondly , in asmuch as they had not boug●d from the hill , which they had took for a retreat . neither had they withstood the charge and incursion of the cavalr●e , but had thronged pell-mell together , and confusedly mingled their ensignes one with another , no man either keeping his place or his colours . and if he feared the inequality and disadvantage of the place , he might take some other of more indifferencie ; for certainly afranius could not long stay where he was , but must depart from thence for want of water . caesar was in hope to end the matter without either blow or wound of his men ; forasmuch as he had cut off the enemy from victuall . and why then should be lose a man , although it were to gain a victory ? why should he suffer his valiant and well-deserving souldiers , to be so much as hurt or wounded ? or why should he put the matter to the hazard of fortune ? especially , when it no lesse concerned the honour and reputation of a commander to vanquish an enemy by direction and advice , the● to subdue them by force of armes ? being moved withall with a tender commiseration of such citizens of rome , as were consequently to be hazarded or slain in the sight ; whereas he desired to work out his own ends with their safety . this opinion of caesar's was disallowed by most men : and the souldiers would not stick to speak plainly amongst themselves , forasmuch as such an occasion of victor●● was overslipt , that when c●●sar would have them , they would not fight . he notwithstanding continued firm in his opinion ; and fell as little off from the enemy , to lessen and abate their fear and amazement . petreius and afranius , upon the opportunity given them , withdrew themselves into their camp. caesar having possest the hills with garrisons of souldiers , and shut up all the passages leading to i●erus , incamped himself as near as he could to the enemy . the commanders of the adverse partie being much afflicted that they had absolutely lost all means of provision of victuall , and of gaining the river i●erus , consulted together of other courses . there were two waies left open ; the one to return to ilerda , and the other to tarracon . and while they were considering of these things , it was told them , that such as went out for water were very much pressed by our cavalrie . whereupon they placed many courts of guard , as well of horse , as auxiliary footmen , interlacing the legionary cohorts amongst them ; and began also to re●se a rampier from the camp to the watering-place , that the souldiers might safely , without fear , fetch water within the bounds of their fortification . which work petreius and afranius divided between themselves ; and for the perfecting of the same , had occasion to go far off from the camp : by means of whose absence the souldiers taking libertie of free speech one with another , went out ; and as any man had an acquaintance or neighbour in each others camp , they sought him out . and first , they all gave thanks to all our party , that they had spared them when they were terr●●ied and amazed the day before : in regard whereof , they acknowledged to hold their lives by their favour : and afterwards , inquired how they might safely yield themselves to their generall , complaining that they had not done it in the beginning , and so have joyned their forces with their ancient friends and kinsmen . and having proceeded thus far in their communication , they require assurance for the lives of afranius and petreius ; least they should seem to conceive mischief against their generalls , or betray them in seeking their own safety . which things being agreed upon , they promised to come with their ensignes to caesar's camp ; and thereupon se●t to caesar some of the centurions of the first orders , as deputies to treat of peace . in the mean time , they invited their friends on either side into the camps , insomuch as both their lodgings seemed but one camp. many of the tribunes of the souldiers , and centurions came to caesar , recommending themselves to his favour : and the like did the grandees and chief princes of spain , whom they had commanded out , to take party in this war , and to remain with them as hostages and pledges . these inquired after their old acquaintances and ancient hosts , by whom each man might have access to caesar with some commendation . in like manner , afranius his son dealt with caesar , by the mediation of sulpitius a legate , touching his own and his fathers life . all things sounded of joy and mutuall congratulation : of them that had escaped such imminent dangers ; and of us , that seemed to have effected such great matters without bloudshed . insomuch as caesar ( in all mens judgement ) reaped great fruit of his accustomed clemency and mildnesse ; and his counsell was generally approved of by all men . the observation . this chapter containeth a passage of that note and eminency , as the like is not read in any story . for if we search the records of all nations , from the very birth of bellona , unto times of later memory , it will no where else appear that a generall spared an advantage to purchase a victorious name , by the bloudshed and ruine of his enemy : especially contrary to the will and desire of his army , that had undergone such difficulties and hazzards , to give an end to that war ; contrary to his knowledge , and late experience of the mutability and change of time and fortune ; contrary to the surest rule of war , — dolus an virtus , quis in hoste requirit ? valour or craft , who cares which in a foe ? and contrary to the use of arms , which are alwaies bent against an enemy to subdue him . this is the fruit of that other part of military knowledge , which men do rather admire then attain unto , no lesse concerning the honour of a commander , * consilio superare quam gladio , to overcome by counsell and good direction , rather then by the sword , and was a main step to raise him to the empire . for howsoever the souldier ( to prevent further labour ) stood hard for bloud , not respecting that of the * comick , omnia prius experiri verbis , quam armis sapientem decet , a wise man should try all fair words before he brings the businesse to blowes : yet if caesar had been so injurious to nature , as to have left them to their own desires , and suffered their fury to have violated the law of humanity more then was requisite for victory ; they would afterwards have loathed themselves , and cursed their swords for such unseasonable execution ; and may be doubted , would have revenged it upon his head , before the time came to strike the fatall stroak of the eversion of that state. caesar esteemed it also a part of divine power , to save men by troups , according to that of seneca ; haec divina potentia est , gregatim , ac publice servare : it is a divine power that saves men by troups and all at once . and therefore he chose rather to displease the souldier for the present ; then to lose that honour which attendeth the sparing of home-bred bloud : whereof forreign enemies are not altogether so capable . chap. xxiv . petreius breaketh off the treaty , and new sweareth the souldiers to the party . afranius being advertised of these passages , left the work which he had begun , and withdrew himself into the camp ; prepared ( as it seemed ) to take patiently whatsoever should befall him . but petreius was no way disma●ed thereat : for having armed his houshold family , he went flying with them , and a pratorian cohort of buckler-bearers , together with some few stipendary horse of the barbarous people , whom he was wont to keep about him , as a guard to his person , and came suddenly and unlooked for to the rampier ; brake off the souldiers treaty ; thrust our men off from the camp , killing such as he could apprehend . the rest got together , and affrighted at the suddennesse of the danger wrapt their coats about their left arms , and with their sword drawn , defended themselves from the buckler-bearers and horsemen : and trusting to the nearnesse and propinquity of their camp , they took courage and got safely thither , being protected by the cohorts that had the guard at the camp gates . this being done , petreius weeping about to the maniples , calling the souldiers , and beseeching them not to leave & forsake him , nor yet pompey their generall , that was absent , nor to deliver them over to the cruelty of their adversaries . presently thereupon a great concourse of souldiers was about the praetory , requiring that every man might take an oath , not to abandon or betray the army or their generalls , nor yet to enter into private consultation thereof without consent of the rest . he himself first took an oath to this effect , and caused afranius to take the same . the tribunes of the souldiers and centurions followed in order : and after them , the souldiers were brought out according to their centuries , and were sworn the same oath . they caused it also to be proclaimed , that whosoever had any of caesar's souldiers , should cause them to be brought out : and being brought forth , they ●lew them publickly before the praetorian pavilion . but most men concealed such as were with them , and in the night time sent them out over the rampier . whereby it came to passe , that the terrour wherewith the generalls had affrighted them , the cruelty they had shewed in punishment , together with the vain religion of the new oath , had taken away all hope of yielding for the present ; and quite changing the souldiers minds , had reduced the matter to the former course of war. caesar for his part , caused diligent inquiry to be made of such souldiers as came into his camp during the time of the treaty , and sent them away in safety . but of the tribunes of the souldiers and centurions , many of their voluntary accord remained with him : whom afterwards he held in great honour ; and advanced the centurions , and such roman knights as were of the better rank , to the place and dignity of tribunes . the afranians were sorely laid unto in their forraging , and watered likewise with great difficulty . many of the legionary souldiers had store of corn , being commanded to take provision with them from herda for twenty two daies . but the buckler-bearers and auxiliary forces had none at all , having but small means to provide and furnish themselves , and their bodies not being used to carry burthens ; for which cause , a great number fled daily to caesar . the first observation . that every man is the maker of his own fortune , is evidently seen in the severall carriages of these two generalls . for afranius gave way to the souldiers treaty , and resolved to suffer whatsoever that transaction should cast upon him . but petreius , opposing himself to their desires , raised new troubles , had further designs , and another fortune . wherein forasmuch as the event of things riseth according as they are first directed , either by weak or strong resolutions ; it better suteth the temper of souldier ( howsoever the successe fall out with our desires ) rather to be stiffe in what he wisheth , then to make his own easinesse the ready means of his adversaries happinesse . the second observation . vertue at all times hath had this priviledge in the difference and degrees of state and condition , to make a noble mans word equall to a common mans oath : but the integrity of former ages , had a more generall prerogative , avouching every mans promise for the strictnesse an oath . hence it was that the romans , upon their inrollment for a war , gave but their promise to the tribune of the souldiers , to keep such ordinances as their militia required : untill at length that the corruption of time ( falsifying the simplicity and truth of words ) did inforce them to give an * oath , as the surest bond of faith and obedience : as is noted by livie at large ; the souldiers ( saith he ) which was never before that time practised , were sworn by the tribunes , to appear upon summons from the consuls , and not to depart without leave . for untill then , there was nothing required of them but a solemn promise ( which the horsemen made by their decuries , and the foot troups by their centuries ) not to leave their colours by flight , or through fear , not to forsake their rank , unlesse it were either to assault an enemy , to take up an offensive weapon , or to save a citizen ; which being at first but the offer of a free mind , was now by the tribunes required by obligation of an oath . the form of this oath was diversly varied , as appeareth by aul. gel. and more specially in the times of the emperours : for caligula made this addition to the souldiers oath , that they should hold neither their lives nor their children dearer unto them then the emperour cai●s and his sisters . concerning the respect had of this military oath , that which tully reporteth of cato is of excellent note . popilius having charge of the province of macedonia , had ( amongst other roman youths ) cato's son , a young souldier in his army ; and being occasioned to dismisse a legion , discharged likewise young cato , being one of that legion . but he desirous to bear arms in that war , continued still in the army : whereupon cato writ from rome to popilius , requiring him , that if he suffered his son to remain in that war , he would by any means swear him again ; for being discharged of his first oath , he could not lawfully fight against the enemy . ever since constantine the great , the souldiers were sworn by a christian oath , as vegetius noteth ; to obey all things the emperour should command them , not to leave their warfare without license , not to shun death for the service of the publick weal. and at this day , amongst other nations , an oath is given to the souldier upon his inrollment , to this effect ; well and lawfully to serve the king , towards all men , and against all , without exception of persons ; and if they know any thing concerning his service , to reveal the same incontinently ; not to leave their colours , without leave either of the generall or his lieutenant . the ancient romans did charge their solemn and publick oathes with many ceremonies : as appeareth by that form which was used in ratifying treaties and transactions ; their heralds killed a hog , and cried out withall , that the like would happen to him that first falsified his faith . polybius reporteth , that he that read the oath whereby the romans and carthaginians sware their accord , had the hair of his head tiedup in an extraordinary manner : the parties invocating their jupiter , to grant all prosperity to him that without fraud or deceit did enter into that agreement . but if ( said he that took the oath ) i shall either doe , or purpose otherwise , all the rest being safe and sound , let me alone ( in the midst of the laws and justice of my countrey , in my own habitation and dwelling , and within my proper temples and sepulchers , ) perish most unfortunately , even as this stone flieth out of my hand . and ( as he spake those words ) he cast away a stone . i do not ●ind the use of a military oath in our nation . howbeit , the common form of our oath is as ceremonious and significative as any other whatsoever : which may be observed by the parts it containeth , as i have seen them allegorized in some antiquities . for first , the book being alwayes a part of holy writ , implyeth a renunciation of all the promises therein contained . secondly , the touching it with our hands , inferreth the like defiance of our works , never to be successfull or helping unto us . thirdly , the kissing of the book importeth a vain mispending of our vows & praiers , if we falsify any thing thereby averred . chap. xxv . the endeavour which asranius used to return to ilerda ; but failed in his design . fhe matter being in this extremity , of two means which were left unto them , it was thought the readier and more expedient , to return to ilerda . for having left there behind them a little corn , they hoped to take some good course for the sequele . tarraco was further off , and thereby subject to more casualties concerning their passage . in regard whereof they resolved of the former course , and so dislodged themselves . caesar having sent his cavalry before , to incumber and retard the rere-guard , followed after himself with the legions . the hindmost troups of their army were constrained ( without any intermission of time ) to fight with our horsemen . and their manner of fight was thus . certain expedite cohorts , free of carriages , marched in the rere of their army , and in open and champain places many of these cohorts made a stand , to confront our cavalry . if they were to ascend up a hill , the nature of the place did easily repell the danger wherewith they were threatned ; forasmuch as such as went before , might easily from the higher ground protect them that followed after : but when they came to a valley or descent , that those that were in the former ranks could not help them in the rere , the horsemen from the upper ground , did cast their weapons with great ease and facility upon the enemy . and then continually they were in great hazzard & danger : and still as they approached near unto such places , they called to the legions , and willed them to make a stand with their ensignes , and so by great force and violence repelled our cavalry . who being retired back , they would suddenly take a running , and get all down into the valley . and presently again , being to ascend into higher ground they would there make a stand , for they were so far from having help of their own cavalry ( whereof they had a great number ) that they were glad to take them between their troups , ( being much affrighted with former incounters ) and so to shelter and protect them : of whom if any chanced ( upon occasion ) to stray aside out of the rout the army held , they were presently attached by caesar's horsemen . the fight continuing in this manner , they proceeded slowly on their way , advancing forward but by little and little ; and oftentimes stood still , to succour and reli●ve their party , as th●● it fell out . for having gone but four miles on their way ( being very hardly laid to , and much pressed by our cavalry ) they took to an exceeding high hill ; and there putting themselves into one front of a battel , fortified their camp , keeping their carriages laden upon their horses . assoon as they perceived that caesar's camp was set , and that the ten●s were up , and their horses put to grasse ; they rose suddenly about mid-day , upon hope of some respite , by reason of our horse put out to feeding , and went on their journey . which caesar perceiving rose and followed after , leaving a few cohorts to keep the carriages : and about the tenth hour , commanding the forragers and horsemen to be called back , & to follow after , instantly the cavalry returned , and betook themselves to their accustomed charge . the fight was very sharp in the rere , insomuch as they were ready to turn their backs . m●ny souldiers , and some of the centurions were slain . caesar's troups pr●ssed hard upon them ▪ and threatned the overthrow of their whole army ; insomuch , as they had neither means to chuse a fit place to incamp in , nor to proceed forward in their march . whereby they were necessarily inforced to make a stand , and to p●●h their camp far from any water , in an unequall and disadvantageous place . but caesar forbare to meddle with them , for the same reasons that have been formerly declared ; and for that day , would not suffer the souldiers to set up their tents , that they might be the readier to follow after , at what time soever , by night or by day , they should offer to break away . the enemy having observed the defect of our camp , imployed all that night in advancing their works , and in casting their camp with an opposite front to our army . the like they did all the next day : but so it fell out , that by how much their camp was brought farther on , and the fortification grew nearer to finishing , by so much farther off they were from water : and so remedied one evil with a worse mischief . the first night , none of them went out of their camp to fetch water : and the next day , they led out all their troups together to water , but sent no man out to forrage . whereby caesar , finding them oppressed with many inconveniences , chose rather to force them to a composition , then to fight with them . the observation . in this troublesome and confused retreat , which these commanders undertook , to regain the advantages that formerly they had quitted at ilerda , we may observe the difficulties attending a weaker party , when they would free themselves from the pressures of a strong confronting enemy . for the frailty of humane fortune is alwayes so yoaked with incumbrances , and hath so many lets from the native weaknesses of its own endeavour ; that if the opposition of forreign malice shall therewithall unhappily concurre , to stop the current of our desires , there is little hope of better successe , then that which the ordinary condition of extremity doth afford : which is , to hazard the perill of a wound , in seeking to avoid the smart of a rod ; and to fall into scylla , upon a desire we have to shun charybdis : according as it befell this party . wherein let us farther note the advantage which a commander hath , either to take or leave , when he is able to over-master the enemy in cavalry : for the horsemen serving an army royall , by making discoveries , by forraging , by giving rescue upon a suddain , by doing execution , and retarding an enemy in his march , if ( over-awed by the cavalry of the enemy ) they cannot perform these services as is requisite ; the contrary party is the stronger by so many advantages . chap. xxvi . caesar goeth about to inclose the enemy , and he to hinder caesar . howbeit caesar laboured to inclose them about with a ditch and a rampier , to the end he might with better ease hinder their suddain sallies and eruptions , to which he thought the enemy would necessarily betake themselves . the enemy being streightened for want of forrage , and to the end also they might be the readier to escape away , caused all their horses of carriage to be killed : and in these works and consultations were two dayes spent . the third day , a great part of caesar's works being already perfected , the enemy ( to hinder the businesse intended concerning the fortifications ) about two of the clock in the afternoon made the alarmes , brought out the legions , and imbattelled themselves under their camp. caesar calleth back the legions from their work ; and commanding all his horse to troup together , putteth his army in battell . for having made such a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy , against the will of the souldier and opinion of all men , he found himself subject thereupon to much inconvenience : howbeit he was resolved ( for the reasons already specified ) not to strike a battel ; and the rather at this time , for that the space between his camp and the enemies was so little , that if he had put them to flight , it could not have much availed him , for the gaining of a perfect and absolute victory . for their camps were not above two thousand foot asunder ; whereof the armies took up two parts , and the third was left for incursion and assault . so that if he had given battel in that nearnesse of the camp , they would have found a speedy retreat upon their overthrow . for which cause he resolved to stand upon his defence , and not to give the onset , and charge them first . afranius had put his army in a double battel : the first consisting of five legions ; and the auxiliary cohorts , which usually served in the wings , were now placed for succours , and made the second battel . casar's army was ordered in a triple battel : the first was of four cohorts , a piece of the five legions : the second , of three ; and the third again of three of each legion , following in order . the archers and slingers were in the midst , and the cavalry on the sides . being thus both imbattelled , they seemed to obtain their severall ends : caesar , not to fight unlesse he were forced to it ; and the enemy , to hinder caesar's fortification . but the matter being drawn out in length , they stood imbattelled untill sun-seting : and then returned both into their camps . the first observation . contra opinionem enim militum , famamque omnium , videri praelio diffugisse , magnum detrimentum afferebat , having made a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy , against the will of the souldier , and the opinion of all men , he found himself subject to much inconvenience , saith the history . whence we may observe two points . first , that a commander in striking a field , must partly be directed by his army : for he may neither fight against the liking of the souldier , nor withhold them from fighting when they are willing to embrace it , if other circumstances do indifferently concurre therewithall . for when men are commanded to do what they would do , the matter is throughly undertaken , and the issue is commonly answerable to the readinesse of their desires : but being restrained in their affections , and put besides their aptnesse of their voluntary disposition , there groweth such a contrariety between the generalls order and the souldiers o●edience , as will hardly sympathize to beget good fortune . and if a leader of that same and opinion , and so well known to his army , as caesar was , grew into distaste with his souldiers , upon so good causes which he had to shun a battel ; what hazard that commander runneth into , who seldome or never gave argument of his resolution in this kind , may be conceived by this passage . the second thing which i note , is , that a generall must learn especially to disguise his intendments , by making shew of that which he meaneth not . for albeit the more judicious sort of men are not so well satisfied with pretences as with deeds : yet forasmuch as the * condition of princes , contrary to the manner of private persons , requireth such a direction of businesse , as may rather suit with fame and opinion , then with particular ends ; it behoveth them to use such glosses , as may take away all petulant and sinister interpretations , howsoever their courses may aim at other purposes . and certainly , * the generality of people are better paid with appearances then with truth ; according as machiavill hath observed . but concerning caesar , that which ephicrates said of himself , having imbattelled his army to fight , that he feared nothing more , then that his enemy knew not his valour ; may more properly be said here . for there was nothing abused the enemy more , or made them take up so many bravadoes , or use so much delay before they came to composition , but that they knew not caesar . for as the eagle is able to mount aloft in all seasons and temperatures of the air ; so was his sword steeled to make way through all resistance . the second observation . in the next place , the manner of their imbattelling cometh to be observed : which generally in all editions runneth this ; acies erat afraniana duplex , legio v. & iii. in subsidiis locum alariae cohortis obtinebat : caesaris triplex , sed primam aciem quaternae cohortes ex v. legione tenebant . has subsidiariae ternae , & rursus aliae totidem , suae cujusque legionis , subsequebantur : sagittarii funditoresque media continebantur acie , equitatus latera cingebat : and needeth the help of some excellent critick , to make it have answerable sense to the other parts of this history . for first , how shall we understand those words , acies afraniana duplex , legio v. & iii. in subsidiis ; afranius his army was in a double battel ; the fifth legion , and the third for succours ? shall we take the meaning to be , that the first legion stood in front , and the other stood for succours behind ? or shall we take it with faernus ; acies afraniana duplex : ex legione prima , & tertia , in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant ; afranius &c. out of the first legion and the third , the cohorts which use to be in the wings were put in place of the succours ? but neither by the one or by the other , is there found more then two legions : whereas there is expresse mention of five , besides the cohorts of the countrey . and therefore , as not knowing other more probable , i have translated it according to lipsius correction , and made the text thus ; acies erat afraniana duplex , legionum quinque : & in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant : afranius had put his army in a double battel : the first consisting of five legions ; and the auxiliary cohorts , which usually served in the wings , were now placed for succours , and made the second battel . the first battel consisted of five legions ; and the second , of the spanish and auxiliary forces . the like help must be lent to caesar : for otherwise , the text doth afford him but few cohorts , standing thus , primam aciem quaternae cohortes , ex quinta legione , tenebant . has ternae , & rursus aliae &c. the first battel was of four cohorts out of the fifth legion : then followed three , and then as many others &c. for undoubtedly caesar had five legions equall to afranius ; but being farre inferiour unto him in auxiliary troups , was driven to a more artificial division , to help his weaknesse in that point . and therefore , as the same critick hath mended it , we are to read , quaternae cohortes ex quinque legionibus , four cohorts out of the five legions : which bringeth forth this sense ; in the first battel were five times four cohorts , in the second , five times three cohorts , and as many in the third battel . and by the addition of suae cujusque legionis , of every one of the legions , it appeareth , that every legion was so divided into three parts , that it had four cohorts in the first battel , three in the second , and three in the last . concerning the space which their armies imbattelled , took up , it appeareth , that the whole distance between their camps contained two thousand foot ; whereof either army took up one third , being foot , or a hundred and eleven pases , a little more then a furlong : but that altered more or lesse , as place and occasion required . chap. xxvii . the treaty of peace . the next day , caesar went about to finish and end the fortification which he had begun ; and the enemy , to try whether they might find a foord in the river sicoris , and so get over . which being perceived caesar carried over the light-armed germans , and part of the cavalry , and disposed them in guard along the river bank . at length , being besieged and shut up on all sides , and having kept their horses without meat four dayes together , besides their extreme want of water , wood and corn , they required a parlie , and that ( if it might be ) in some place out of the presence of the souldier . which caesar denied , unlesse it were in publick . whereupon afrani●s his sonne was given in hostage to caesar ; and so they presented themselves in a place of caesar's appointing . and in the hearing of both the armies , afranius spake to this effect ; that he was not to be offended , neither with him nor with the souldier , for being faithfull and obedient to the generall cn. pompeius ; but now , having made sufficient proof of their duty , they had also throughly suffered for the same , having endured the extremity of want in all necessary provisions : insomuch as now they were shut up as women , kept from water , kept from going out , opprest with a greater weight of grief in body , and of dishonour in their reputation then they were able to bear ; and therefore d●d confesse themselves to be vanquished and overcome : praying and beseeching , that if there were any mercy left , they might not undergo the extremity of fortune . and this he delivered as humbly and demissively as was possible . to which caesar answered ; that these terms of complaint and compassion could be used to no man more unproperly then himself : for whereas every man else did his duty ; he only , upon fit cond●tions of time and place , refused to fight with them , to the end all circumstances might concurre to apeace : albeit his army had suffered much wrong , in the death and slaughter of their fellows , yet he had kept and preserved such of their party as were in his power , and came of their own accord to move apeace ; wherein they thought they went about to procure the safety of all their fellows . so that the whole course of his proceeding with them consisted of clemency . howbeit their commanders abhorred the name of peace , and had not kept the laws either of treaty or truce : for they had caused many simple men to be massacred and slain , that were deceived by a shew of treaty . and therefore it had befallen them , as it happeneth for the most part to perverse and arrogant persons , to seek and earnestly to desire that which a little before they had foolishly contemned . neither would he take the advantage of this their submission , or of any other opportunity of time , either to augment his power , or to strengthen his party : but he onely required , that those armies might be discharged , which for many years together had been maintained against him . for neither were those six legions for any other cause sent into spain , nor the seventh inrolled there , nor so many and so great navies prepared , nor such experienced and skilfull commanders selected and appointed , ( for none of these needed to keep spain in quiet ; ) nothing hereof was prepared for the use and behoof of the province , which ( by reason of their long continuance of peace ) needed not any such assistance . all these things were long ago provided in a readinesse against him : new forms of government were made and ordained against him ; that one and the same man , should be resident at the gates of rome , have the whole superintendency and direction of the city business ; and yet notwithstanding , hold two warlike provinces for so many years together , being absent from both of them . against him , and for his ruine , were changed the ancient rights and customs of magistracy , in sending men at the end of their pretorship or consulship , to the government of provinces , as was alwaies accustomed ; but in lieu of them , were chosen some that were allowed and authorised by a few . against him the prerogative of age did nothing prevail : but whosoever they were that in former wars had made good proof of their valour , were now called out to command armies . to him onely was denied that which was granted to all other generalls ; that when they had happily brought things to an end , they might dismisse their armie , and return home with honour , or at the least , without dishonour . all which things he notwithstanding both had , and would suffer patiently : neither did he now go about to take their army from them , and retain them in pay for himself , which he might easily do ; but that they should not have means to make head against him . and therefore , as it was said before , they should go out of the provinces , and discharge their army ; if they did so , he would hurt no man : but that was the onely and last means of peace . observations . there is not any one vertue that can chalenge a greater measure of honour , or hath more prerogative either amongst friends or enemies , then fidelity . for which cause it is , that men are more strict in matters committed to their trust for the behoof of others , then they can well be , if the same things concerned themselves . and yet neverthelesse there is a quatenus in all endeavours , and seemeth to be limited with such apparency , as true affection may make of a good meaning : and was the ground which afranius took to move caesar for a pardon ; non esse aut ipsis aut militibus succensendum , quod fidem erga imperatorem cn. pompeium conservare voluerint ; sed satis jam fecisse officio , satisque supplicii tulisse , &c. that he was not to be angry , either with him or the souldiery , for being faithfull to their generall cn. pompeius ; but that now they had sufficiently done their duty , and as throughly smarted for the same , &c. which he delivered in a stile suiting his fortune . for , as cominaeus hath observed , men in fear give reverent and humble words ; and the tongue is ever conditioned to be the chiefest witnesse of our fortune . on the other side , caesar produced nothing for his part , but such wrongs as might seem valuable to make good those courses which he prosecuted . as first , injuries done by them , and that in the highest degree of blame against his souldiers , that went but to seek for peace . injuries done by their generall , in such a fashion , as spared not to evert the fundamentall rights of the state , to bring him to ruine and confusion . whereby he was moved to indeavour that which nature tieth every man unto , propellere injuriam , to repell an injury from himself : and having brought it to these termes wherein it now stood , he would give assurance to the world , by the revenge he there took , that he entred into that warre for his only end , that he might live in peace : and so required no more but that the army should be dismissed . chap. xxviii . the execution of the articles agreed upon . the conditions propounded were most acceptable and pleasing to the souldiers , as might appear by them : for being in the condition of vanquished persons , and thereupon expecting a hard measure of fortune , to be rewarded with liberty and exemption of arms , was more then they could expect : insomuch as where there grew a controversy of the time and place of their dismission , they all generally standing upon the rampier , signified both by their speeches and by their hands , that their desire was it might be done instantly ; for it could not be provided by any assurance , that it would continue firm , if it were deferred untill another time . after some dispute on each side , the matter was in the end brought to this issue ; that such as had houses and possessions in spain , should be discharged presently , and the rest at the river varus . it was conditioned , that no man should be injuried , that no man should be forced against his will to be sworn under caesar's command . caesar promised to furnish them with corn , untill they came to the river varus : adding withall , that what soever any one had lost in the time of the warre , which should be found with any of his souldiers , should be restored to such as lost it ; and to his souldiers he paid the value thereof in money . if any controversy afterward grew amongst the souldiers , of their own accord they brought the matter from time to time before caesar . as when the souldiers grew almost into a mutiny for want of pay , the commanders affirming the pay-day was not yet come , petreius and afranius required that caesar might understand the cause : and both parties were contented with his arbitrement . a third part of the army being dismissed in those two dayes , he commanded two of his legions to march before their army , and the rest to follow after , and continually to incamp themselves not farre from them ; and appointed q. fusius calenus , a legate , to take the charge of that businesse . this course being taken , they marched out of spain to the river varus , and there dismissed the rest of their army . observations . the river varus divideth gallia narbonensis from italy ; and was thought an indifferent place to discharge the army , whereby there might be an end made of that warre . wherein if any man desire to see a parallell drawn between caesar and the other leaders for matter of warre , it shall suffice to take the issue for a square of their directions ; being drawn to this head within fourty dayes after caesar came within sight of the enemy , as curio noteth in his speech to the souldiers . cato seeing the prosperous successe of caesar against pompey , said their was a great uncertainty in the government of their gods ; alluding peradventure to that of plato in his politicks , where he saith , that there are ages , wherein the gods do govern the world in their own persons ; and there are other times , wherein they altogether neglect the same ; the world taking a course quite contrary to that which the gods directed . but lucan spake from a surer ground , where he saith , victrix causa diis placuit , sed victa catoni . the conquering cause pleas'd jove , the conquered cato . and thus endeth the first commentary . the second commentarie of the civile vvarres . the argument . this commentarie hath three speciall parts . the first containeth the siege of marseilles : the strange works , and extreme endeavours to take and to keep the town . the second expresseth the vain labour which pompey's lieutenant , undertook , after that afranius and petreius were defeated , to keep the province of andaluzia out of caesar's power and command . and the third part consisteth of the expedition curio made into africa ; and endeth with his overthrow . chap. i. the preparations for the siege , as well within as without the town . whilst these things were doing in spain , c. trebonius the legate being left to besiege marseilles , had begun in two places to raise mounts , to make mantelets and towers against the town : one next unto the port where the ships lay ; and the other in the way leading from gallia and spain into the town , just upon the creek of the sea , near unto the mouth of the rhosne . for three parts of marseilles are in a manner washed with the sea : and the fourth is that which giveth passage by land ; whereof that part which belongeth to the castle ( by reason of the nature of the place , and fortified with a deep ditch ) would require a long and difficult siege . for the perfecting of those works , trebonius had commanded out of all the province , great store of horses for carriage , and a multitude of men ; requiring them to bring rods to make hurdles , and other materials for the work : which being prepared & brought together , he raised a mount of fourscore foot high . but such was the provision , which of ancient time they had stored up in the town , of all equipage and necessaries for the warre , with such provision of munition and engines , that no hurdles made of rods or osiers were able to bear out the force thereof . for out of their great balistae , they shot beams of twelve foot long , pointed with iron , with such force , as they would pierce through four courses of hurdles , and stick in the earth . whereby they were forced to roof their * gallery with timber of a foot square , and to bring matter that way by hand to make the * mount. a testudo of sixty foot in length was alwayes carried before , for the levelling of the ground , made of mighty strong timber , covered and armed with all things which might defend it from fire and stones , or what else should be cast upon it . but the greatnesse of the work , the height of the wall , and towers , together with the multitude of engines , did retard and hinder the proceeding thereof . moreover , the albici did make often sallies out of the town , setting fire to the mounts and to the turrets ; which were kept by our souldiers with great facility and ease , forcing such as sallied out to return with great losse . observations . having described in the former commentaries these engines and works here mentioned , the reader may please ( for his better satisfaction ) to review those places ; as also farther to note , that the word artillery was brought down to these ages from the use of ancient engines , which consisted of those two primitives , arcus and telum . and according as diversity of art and wit found means to fit these to use and occasions , so had they severall and distinct names ; whereof i find chiefly these , balistae , catapultae , tolenones , scorpiones , onagri . of each of which there are divers and severall sorts ; as first , of the balistae , some were called centenariae , others talentariae , according to the weight of the bullet or weapon they shot . of the rate and proportion whereof vitruvius , and his learned interpreter daniel barbarus , have made accurate description . again , some were made to shoot stones ; as appeareth by that of tacitus , magnitudine eximia , quartaedecimae legionis balista ingentibus saxis hostilem aciem proruebat ; the balista of the fourteenth legion being an exceeding great one , beat down the army of the enemy with huge stones : and others , to shoot darts and piles of timber , headed with iron ; as it is manifested by this place . moreover , the manner of bending of these engines made a difference : some being drawn up with a wrinch or scrue , and some with a wheel ; some having long armes , and others having short : but the strings were generally either all of sinewes , or of womens hair , as strongest and surest of any other kind . of these vegetius preferreth the balistae , and the onagri , as unresistable when they were skilfully handled . the word onagri , as ammianus marcellinus noteth , was of a later stamp , and imposed upon those engines which former time called scorpiones ; and was taken from the nature of wilde asses , that are said to cast stones backward with their feet at the hunters , with such violence , that oftentimes they dashed out their brains . in the time of barbarisme , all these engines were generally called mangonella : as appeareth by vigin●rius , in his annotations upon onosander . which is likewise shewed by that which mr. camden hath inserted in the description of bedfordshire , concerning the siege of bedford castle , in the time of henry the third , out of an authour that was present ; ex parte orientali fuit una petraria , & duo mangonella , quae quotidie turrim infestabant ; & ex parte occidentis duo mangonella , quae turrim veterem contriverunt ; & unum mangonellum ex parte australi , &c. on the east side was placed one engine to cast stones , and two mangonels , which continually plaid upon the tower ; and on the west side two mangonels , which beat down the old tower ; and one mangonel on the south side , &c. but our powder having blown all these out of use , it were to no purpose to insist longer upon them . chap. ii. the marseillians prepare themselves for a sea-fight . in the mean time , l. nasidius being sent by cn. pompeius with a navie of sixteen ships ( amongst which , some few had their beak-head of iron ) to the succour and supply of l. domitius and the marseillians , he passed the straights of sicilie , before curio had intelligence thereof : and putting into messana , by reason of the suddain terrour of the principall men , and the senate that took themselves to flight , he surprized one ship in the road , and carried her away , and so held on his course to marseilles . and having sent a small bark before , he certified domitius and the rest of his coming ; exhorting them by all means , that joyning their forces with his supplies , they would once again give fight to brutus navie . the marseillians since their former overthrow , had taken the like number of ships out of their arcenall , and new rigged and trimmed them , and with great industrie furnished and manned them for that service : for they wanted neither oare-men , mariners , sailers , nor pilots , fit for that purpose . to these they added certain fisher-boats , and fenced them with coverings , that the oare-men might be safe from casting weapons : and these he filled with archers and engines . the navie being thus furnished and prepared , the marseillians ( incited and stirred up with the prayers and tears of old men , women and maids , to give help and defence to their citie in time of extreme danger ; and to fight with no lesse courage and confidence then formerly they had accustomed ) went all aboard with great courage : as it cometh to passe through the common fault of nature , whereby we put more confidence in things unseen and unknown , or otherwise are more troubled thereat : according as it then happened . for the coming of nasidius had filled the city full of assured hope and courage : and thereupon , having a good wind , they left the port , and came and found nasidius at taurenta ( a castle belonging to the marseillians ) and there fitted themselves for a fight ; incouraging each other again to a valiant carriage of that service , and consulting how it might be best performed . the right squadron was given to the marseillians , and the left to nasidius . and to the place repaired brutus , having increased the number of his ships : for those six which he took from the marseillians , he had added unto the other which caesar had caused to be made at arelate , and had mended them since the last fight , and fitted them with all necessaries for men of war. and thereupon exhorting his souldiers to contemn the enemy , as a vanquished partie , having already foiled and overthrown them when they were in their strength , they set forward against them with great assurance and courage . out of the camp of c. trebonius , and from all those higher places they might easily perceive and see in the city , how all the youth which remained in the town , and all the aged , with their wives and children , did from the publick places of guard , and from the town walls , stretch out their hands towards heaven , or otherwise run to their churches and temples , and there prostrating themselves before their images , did desire victorie of their gods. neither was there any of them all that did not think the event of all their fortunes to consist in that daies service : for the chiefest of all their able men , and the best of all sorts and degrees , were by name called out , and intreated to go aboard , to the end that if any disaster or mischance should happen , they might see nothing further to be endeavoured for their safety ; and if they overcame , they might rest in hope to save their citie , either by their own valour , or by forrain help . observations . communi fit vitio naturae , ut invisis , latitantibus , atque incognitis rebus , magis confidamus , vehementiusque exterreamur , ut tum accidit ; it cometh to pass through the common fault of nature , &c. in cases of hazard , things brought unto us by report do more abuse our judgement , either in conceiving too great hopes , or yielding too much to distrust , then any matter present can move or inforce : for these perturbations attending upon our will , are inlarged more according to the qualitie of our desires , then as they are directed by discourse of reason ; and so draw men either easily to believe what their wishes do require , or otherwise to reject all as utterly lost . the uncertainty whereof , and the disappointment ensuing those deceivable apprehensions , hath brought the hope of this life into very slight account , being reckoned but as the dream of him that is awake ; and as piafraus , or a charitable delusion , to support us through the hard chances of this world , and to keep mans heart from breaking : for every mans help is hope ; which never affordeth present relief , but asswageth the bitternesse of extremities , by — dabit deus his quoque finem , god once will put an end to these things too . chap. iii. the fight , and the marseillians overthrow . the fight being begun , the marseillians were wanting in no point of valour : but bearing in mind such exhortations as a little before had been given them by their friends , they fought so resolutely , as though they meant not to fight again ; or as if any one should chance to miscarry in that battell , he should make account that he did but anticipate , for a small moment of time , the fatall end of his fellow-citizens , who ( upon taking of the town , ) were to undergo the same fortune of war. our ships putting on by little and little , were glad to give way to the nimbleness and mobility of their shipping , which by the skill of their pilots were well managed . and if it happened that our men had found means to grapple with any of their ships , they presently came on all sides to their rescue . neither did the albici shew themselves backward when the matter came to hands , or were they inferiour to our men in courage or valour . moreover , out of the lesser ships were cast infinite numbers of darts , and other weapons , wherewith our men busied in fight were suddainly wounded . in this conflict , two of their triremes having spied brutus ship ( which by her flag might ●asily be discerned ) came violently against him from two contrary parts : but the danger being foreseen , brutus did so prevail through the swiftnesse of his ship , that he a little out-stript them ; whereby they coming with their full swinge , did so encounter one another , that they were both very much shaken with the blow : for the beak-head of one being broken off , the water was ready to come in on all sides . which being observed by some of brutus party that were near about , they set upon them ( being thus distressed ) and quickly sunk them both . the ships that came with nasidius were found of no use , and therefore quickly left the fight ; for there was not offered there unto them either the sight of their countrey , or the exhortations and prayers of their kinsfolks and allies , as motives to hazard their lives in that quarrell : so that of them there was none wanting . of the ships that came out from marseilles , five were sunk , and four taken . one escaped with nasidius fleet , which made towards the hither spain . one of them that remained was sent before to marseilles ; who coming as a messenger before the rest , and approching near unto the town , all the multitude ran out to hear the news : which being once known , there was such a generall mourning and desolation , as though the town were instantly to be taken by the enemy . notwithstanding , they left not off to make ready such necessaries as were requisite for defence of the same . observations . the benefit a town besieged receiveth from an open in-let by sea , cannot be better manifested , then by the siege of ostend ; for by that occasion specially , it indured the most famous siege that was in christendome these many years . this l. nasidius was rather a constant friend to the cause , then a fortunate admirall : for afterwards , he refused not to take the like overthrow for pompey the son , at leucades , as he did now for the father . and surely it falleth out ( whether it be through the uncertainty of sea-faring matters , or that men have fairer pretences at sea , to avoid occasions of hazard , then are found at land , or that pauca digna nascuntur in mari , few things of value come from the sea , according to the proverb , or for what other cause , i know not ) that there are few of those which sought honour in this kind , who have attained the least part of their desires . and yet neverthelesse , some there are of famous memorie : as * barbarussa , a terrour of the levant seas ; andreas auria , of genua , renowned for his great exploits upon the turk : together with divers of our own nation ; as namely , sir francis drake , who for skill and fortune at sea , is held matchable with any other whatsoever ; besides , mr. candish , for voyages to the south , and sir martin frobisher , for discoveries to the north. howbeit , these later times have advantage without comparison of former ages , through the invention of the sea-compass with the needle ; which was found out little more then three hundred years ago , by one flavus , born in the kingdome of naples ; without which , no ship can shape a course in the ocean , and to which nothing can be added , more then to find a perfect and ready direction for longitudes . chap. iiii. the works which the legionary souldiers made against the town . it was observed by the legionary souldiers , that had the charge of the right part of the work , that it would much advantage them against the often eruptions and sallies of the enemy , if they built a tower of brick under the town wall , in stead of a hold or receptacle : which at first they made low and little , onely for the repelling of suddain assaults . thither they usually retreated : and from thence , if they were over-charged , they made defence , either by beating back , or prosecuting an enemy . this tower was thirty foot square , and the walls thereof five foot thick : but afterwards ( as use and experience is the master of all things ) it was found by insight and industrie of men , that this tower might be of great use , if it were raised to any height ; which was accordingly performed in this fashion . when it was raised to the height of a story , they so framed the floor , that the ends of the ●oysts did not ●itt●e out beyond the sides of the tower ; least any thing might be thrust out , on which the fire which the enemy should cast might take hold : and then paved that floor , with as much brick as the mantelets and gabions would suffer to be laid . upon this tarras thus made they laid crosse beams along the sides , as a foundation to an upper story , for the top and covering of the tower . and upon these beams they raised crosse timbers , thwarting each other for the sides of the tower , and coupled them at the top with side beams . these crosse timbers were longer , and bare further out then the square of the tower ; that there might be means to fasten coverings and defences , against the blows and darts of the enemy , whilest the workmen were finishing the walls and sides of that building . the top or upper story of this tower they likewise paved with brick and clay , that no fire might fasten on it ; and laid matteresses on the top thereof , to the end the floor might not be broken with any weapons shot out of engines , nor the pavement shivered in pieces with stones cast out of catapults . moreover they made three nettings or mats of hawsers , equall in length to the sides of the tower , and four foot in breadth . and upon those three sides which confronted the enemie , they fastened them upon poles to hang before the tower : which kind of defence they had in other places tried to b● of proof , and not to be pierced with any weapon or engine . and as one part of the tower came to be covered , finished , and fortified , against any violence of the enemy , they carried their mantelets and defences to the rest unfinished . the top of which tower they framed upon the first story , and then raised it up with wrinches or scrues , as far as the close netting would serve them for a defence . and so covered with these shelters and safeguards , they built up the sides with brick ; and then again scruing up the top higher , they fitted the place to build the sides higher : and as they came to the height of a story , they laid the joysts of the floor in such sort , as the ends thereof were hid and covered with the wall or sides that were of brick ; and so from that story they proceeded to another , by scruing up the top , and raising their netting . by which means they built very safely six stories , without any wound or other danger at all ; and left windows and loop-holes in the sides , for the putting out of engines in such places as they thought convenient . when by means of that tower , they were in hope to defend the works near about it , they then made a musculum or mouse of sixty foot in length , and of two foot timber square , to conveigh them safely from this tower of brick to another of the enemies , and to the town wall : whereof this was the form . they cut two side groundsils of equall length , and made the space between them to contain four foot ; upon them they erected little columns of five foot high , and joyned them together , putting braces of an easie sloping in such distances , as the rafters were to be placed to bear up the roof : and upon those braces they laid rafters of two foot square , fastning them both at the ridge , and at the eavings , with plates and bolts of iron . they lathed the roof with lath of four fingers broad : and so the building being made with a gable-ridge handsomly fashioned , the top was laid all over with clay , to keep the mouse from burning ; and then covered with tiles , which were fenced with leather , to the end they might not be washed away with pipes or gutters of water , which might be laid to fall upon them . and least those hides should be spoiled , either with fire or great stones , they laid matteresses upon them . this work being wholly finished near unto the tower , through the help and means of defensive mantelets & gabions ; suddenly before the enemy was aware , with a ship-engine and rolers put under it , they brought it so near a tower of the enemies , that it joyned to the wall thereof . the townsmen being upon a suddain appalled thereat , brought the greatest stones they could get , and with levers tumbled them down from the wall upon the mouse : but the strength of the work d●d not shrink at the blows , and whatsoever fell upon it , slided down the sloping of the roof . which when they perceived , they altered their purpose , and got pots of rosin and pitch , and setting them on fire , threw them d●wn upon the mouse ; which tumbling down from the roof , were removed away with long hooks and poles . in the mean time , the souldiers that were within the mouse , pulled out the lower stones that were in the foundation of the tower . this mouse or mantelet was defended by our men out of the brick tower , with weapons and engines : and by means thereof the enemy was put from the wall & the turrets , so that they could not well defend the same . many of the stones being sapped out of the foundation of the tower , part thereof suddenly fell , and the rest leaned as though it would not stand long after . observations . forasmuch as it requireth the labour of an industrious pen to shadow out the effects of industrie ; i will onely produce the evidence of these works , to shew the power it hath in humane actions , rather then by any maimed or shallow discourse , weaken the force of so great an engine . wherein first it may be noted , how in ●●ese and the like attempting endeavours , one thing draws on another , according as practise maketh overtu●e to maisteries : for our understanding growing by degrees , hath no intuitive faculty to discern perfection , but by little & little worketh out exactness ; making every morrow yesterdaies scholar , as reason findeth means of discourse from causes to effects , or from effects to causes . and so this tower , made at first but for a retreat of defence , gave occasion to let them see the like or better use thereof in the offensive part , if it were raised to a height convenient for the same : which they performed with as much art as the wit of man could use in such a work . for having made the first story , they then made the roof , for the shelter and safety of the souldier : and scruing it up by little and little , they built the sides , having fenced the open space with netting , for avoiding of danger ; arming it with brick and clay against fire , and with matteresses against stones and weights . and then again they proceeded to the making of that mantelet or musculum , which gave them passage to the wall ; building it with strong , or rather strange timber , of two footsquare , framed so artificially with braces , and ridging rafters , and those so fitted , as neither fire , water , weapon , nor weight , could prevail against it . and thus they laboured to gain their own ends , and bought fortune with immeasurabe indeavour . chap. v. the marseillians get a truce of the romans , and break it deceitfully . the enemy being then much appalled at the suddain ruine and fall of the tower , and greatly perplexed at so unexpected a mischief ; and withall struck with a fear of the wrath and indignation of the gods , and of the sack and spoil of their city ; they came all unarmed , thonging out of the gates , wearing holy attire upon their heads , and stretching out their s●bmissive hands to the legates and the army . upon which noveltie , all hostility ceased for the time , and the souldiers withdrawing themselves from the assault , were carried with a desire of hearing and understanding what would passe at that time . when they came to the legates and to the army , they cast themselves all down at their feet , praying and beseeching that things might be suspended until casar's arrivall . they saw plainly that their town was already taken , their works were perfected , their own tower demolished ; and therefore they desisted from making any further defence : there could be no let to hinder them from present spoil and sacking , if upon caesar's arrivall they should refuse to obey his mandates . they shewed further , that if their tower were absolutely overthrown , the souldiers could not be kept from entering the town in hope of pillage , and would thereby bring it to a finall destruction . these and many the like things were uttered by them very movingly ( as men learned and eloquent ) with great lamentation and much weeping , whereby the legates ( moved with commiseration ) withdrew the souldiers from the fortifications , put off the assault , and left a small guard to keep the works . a kind of truce being through pitty and commiseration thus made and concluded , caesar's coming was expected ; no weapon was cast , either from the town-wall , or from our side : insomuch as every man left off his care and diligence , as though all had been ended . for caesar had by letters given straight charge to trebonius , not to suffer the town to be taken by assault , least the souldiers ( moved through their rebellion and contempt , together with the long travell they had sustained ●hould put all above fourteen years of age to the sword : which they threatned to do , and were then hardly kept from breaking into the town ; taking the matter very grievously , that trebonius seemed to hinder them from effecting their purposes . but the enemy , being people without faith , did onely watch for time and opportunity , to put in practice their fraud and deceit . the first observation . it is a saying of an ancient writer , that as our attire doth cover the body , so it doth uncover the nakedness of the mind . whereupon it is , that men have found means to sute themselves upon occasion , according to the disposition of their inward affections , as they are either , dilated with joy , or contracted with sorrow , lifted up with weal , or humbled with affliction . and accordingly these marseillians , in token of their humility and submission , came out , wearing an attire here called infula ; which servius describeth to be a kind of coife , made after the form of a diademe , with two pendants on each side , called vittae . those which the romans used of this kind , were fashioned like a pyramid : the point whereof did signifie the * elements , ascending upwards in such a pointed fashion ; and by the two pendants or bands , were denoted the water and the earth . they were made wholly of wooll , as festus writeth , infulae sunt filamenta lanea , quibus sacerdotes , host●ae , & templa velabantur ; infulae are certain ornaments and tappets made of wool , wherewith the priests use to be clad , the sacrifices to be covered , and the temples to be hanged : to shew humblenesse and simplicitie , whereof wool is a hieroglyphick ; for no kind of beasts have more need of aide and succour then sheep : and thereupon it was , that all supp●●ants were attired with tresses of wool . or otherwise , as some will have it , that the habit of the petitioner might call to remembrance the flexible disposition , which is well-beseeming those that have power and means to give help and relief : according to the use of heathen ages , wherein their images of then idols had their feet tied with cords of wool ; to shew the mildness and easiness which upon devote supplications was found in divine powers , whereof wool was a symbolum . the second observation . the marseillians being an ancient progeny of the greeks , notwithstanding the long descent of time , and alteration of air , did keep a touch of the naturall disposition of that nation , as well in such strains of eloquence , as were familiar unto them above other people , as in * subtiltie and duplicitie of dealing . which passage of the mars●illians is observed by ‖ tully , as a matter enforcing the due praises of eloquence , and the use it hath upon all occasions to draw consent , with the sweetness of a well-tuned tongue , above that which may be attained either by engines or a strong hand . wherein , if we should go about to compare the † force of armes with the power of a grave discourse , and set a souldier parallel to an orator , there might hence be taken divers probable reasons to second that saying , which hath been thought to savour more of vain-glorie , then of true judgement , cedant armatogae , concedat laurea linguae ; let armes to gowns , the bay-leaf yield to th' tongue . or at least , to make a resemblance of plutarch's two wrastlers , of whom one being alwaies cast , did neverthelesse perswade the other that he cast him ; and so , howsoever he became foiled , yet left the place with an opinion of victorie : and is alwaies more easily effected , when it is attended with cunning and deceit , according to that of valerius maximus , efficacissimae vires per fidiae , mentiri & fallere , the main strength of perfidiousness is lying and deceiving . but , as it is observed by philip de commines , the * example of one sole accident , is sufficient to make many men wise : so this may serve to teach succeeding times , not to trust to words , whereof there is no hold ; but to ratifie such compositions with irrevocable performances . the third observation . thirdly , we may note , how far the anger of a roman armie was extended , upon such provocations as are here mentioned , viz. ad interficiendos pucros , to the slaying of all the males above fourteen yeares of age : for , from that stage of life , they accounted all in the rank of men ; according to the institution of tarquinius priscus , who in his triumph of the sabines , made a speciall oration in the praise of his own sonne , that had assaulted and struck the enemy in those warres , being then but fourteen yeares of age ; and thereupon gave him liberty to wear mans apparell , which was that yoga praetexta ( edged or faced with p●rple ) whereof their histories make so often mention . but to define precisely h●reof , were to mistake the fury of the souldier . for howsoever the rule is certain from the law of natu●e , that no finite cause can be infinite in effect , or that a mortall hate should have a boundlesse revenge : yet occasion made it variable , and as irregular as that of alexander ; who sometimes saved all , and at other times ( as at the taking of tyre ) saved none at all , but such as had taken the protection of the temple . the inhumane cruelty of the turks exceedeth all former hostility in this kind : for they never save any out of commiseration , but for private use ; and do rather chuse to destroy mankind , then suffer it to live for any other purpose then their own . chap. vi. the marseillians taking advantage of the truce , consu●e with fire all the roman works : which are afterwards re-edified . after a few dayes , when our men were grown remisse and carelesse , suddenly about high noon , as some were gone one way some another , and others wearied with continuall labour had given themselves to rest , the weapons being cased and laid up ; they rushed out of their gates , and coming with the wind that then blew hard , they set our works on fire : which was so carried and dispersed with the wind , that the mount , the mantelets , the testudo , the tower and the engines , were all on fire at once , and were burned down and consumed , before it could be known how it came . our men astonished at so suddain and unthought-of an accident , caught up such weapons as were next at hand ; and others running speedily from the camp , set upon the enemy , but were hindered from following them as they fled , by engines and arrows from the town wall . they , on the other side , being retired under the protection of the wall , did at their ease burn down the mouse and the brick-tower : and so many moneths labour was , through the perfidiousnesse of the enemy , and the force of the tempest , consumed and brought to nothing in a moment of time . the marseillians attempted the like the next day after , having opportunity of the like tempest ; and with greater confidence sallied out , and threw much fire upon the other mount and the tower . but as our men the day before ( expecting nothing lesse then to be surprized in that sort ) had neglected more then ordinary their usuall guards ; so being now made wiser by that which had happened , they had made all things ready for defence : by which means , having slain a great number , they drave the rest back into the town , without effecting any thing . trebonius began again to re-edifie such works as were ruinated and consumed with fire , and that with greater ●alacritie of the souldier then before . for when they saw their great labours and endeavours sort to no better successe , and the truce broke by the treachery of the enemy , it was a great gall unto them to have their valour thus derided . and forasmuch as there was nothing left in all the countrey for the raising of a mount , all the trees being already cut down , and brought far and near to make the first mount , they began a mount of a strange and unheard-of fashion , raised with two side-walls of brick being six foot thick a piece , and joyned together with floors . the walls were of equall distance , to the latitude of the former mount , which was all of solid matter : and where the space between the walls , or the weaknesse of the work did require it , there were piles driven between , and beams and planks laid athwart for the strengthening thereof . the floors , made between those walls , were laid with hurdles , and the hurdles were covered with clay . the souldiers being thus sheltered on both sides with a wall , and defended in front by mantelets and gab●ons , did safely , without danger , bring whatsoever was necessary for that building ; whereby the work was carried on with great speed : and the losse of their former continuall labour was in a short time recovered again , through the admirable dexterity and valour of the souldier . to conclude , they left gates in the walls , in such places as were fittest for sallies . when the enemy perceived , that what they hoped could not be repaired again in a long time , was with a few daies labour re-edified and finished , whereby there was no place left to practise deceit , or to sallie out with advantage , neither was there any means left by which they could prevail , either by force of armes to hurt our souldiers , or by fire to consume our works ; and understanding likewise , that by the same manner of fortification , all that part of the town which had passage and accesse from the firm land , might be encompassed with a wall and with towers , that their souldiers should not be able to stand upon their works ; and perceiving withall , that our army had raised a counter-mure , against the wall of their town , and that weapons might be cast by hand unto them ; that the use of their engines ( wherein they much trusted ) was by the nearness of space quite taken away ; and lastly , that they were not able to confront our men ( upon equall terms ) from their walls , and from their turrets ; they descended to the same articles of rendry and submission , as were formerly agreed upon . the first observation . hence we may observe , that a generall cannot be too secure of an enemie , that stands upon terms to render up a place . for the action being but voluntary by constraint , if haply the constraining force be removed , then that doth cease which is voluntary ; and so it cometh by consequent to a refusall . as appeareth by this passage of the marseillians ; who being brought into hard terms , as well by their two overthrows at sea , ( whence they expected no further succour , ) as also by the siege laid so close by land , ( where they were so violently assaulted , that their towers of defence made passage for the romans to enter upon them ; ) did neverthelesse ( upon cessation of those inforcements ) alter their purpose , and entertained new hopes : which maketh good that saying ; — tim●o danaos & dona ferentes , i fear the greeks , even when they bring their gifts . the second observation . secondly , we may observe that a will , forward to undergo labour , doth never stick at any difficulty , nor is at all dismaied with the losse of any pains : but is rather redoubled in courage and industrie ; especially being edged on with a desire of revenge . which ( if homer may have credit ) doth alwaies adde a third part to a mans strength ; as appeared by diomedes , being hurt in the shoulder with one of pindarus arrows : for revenge whereof , he exceeded himself in a sesquiterce proportion of valour , and slew more trojans by a third part then otherwise he could . howsoever , as there is nothing so hard , but is subject to the endeavour of the mind : so there is nothing so easie , as to disposses our selves of that intent care which is requisite in these imployments . for these romans , that through the greatness of their spirits had made such first and second works , as the memorie thereof will last with the world , were surprised when they lay in the interim , as it were unbent , in as great remisness and neglect ( howsoever drawn unto it by deceit ) as if they had been able to do no such matter as is here reported . and therefore it behoveth a commander , to keep his armie alwaies seasoned with labour ; forasmuch as exercitus labore proficit , otio consenescit , an army thrives by employment , but grows old by idleness . chap. vii . varro raiseth great troups to maintain pompey's partie in spain , but to no purpose . marcus varro , in the further province of spain , having from the beginning understood how things had passed in italie , and distrusting how matters would succeed with pompey , did oftentimes give out very friendly speeches of casar : that pompey had by way of prevention gained him to his party , and honoured him with a lieutenancie , whereby he was obliged in dutie to him ; howbeit , in his particular disposition he stood no less affected to caesar : neither was he ignorant of the duty of a legat , to whose trust and fidelity the government of the province was left , as in deposito , upon condition to be rendred up at all times and seasons , as he that commanded in chief should require it : he likewise knew very well what his own forces were , and what was the affection and disposition of all the countrey towards c●sar . this was the subject of all his speeches , without any shew of inclining either to the one or to the other . but afterwards , when he heard that caesar was ingaged at marscilles , that petreius forces were joined with afranius armie , that great aides were come unto them , that every man was in great hope and expectation of good successe , and that all the hither province had agreed together to undertake pompey's cause ; as also what had after happened concerning the want of victualls at ile●da , ( all which things were writ with advantage unto him by afranius ; ) he then upon that alteration changed his mind according to the times , and levied souldiers in all parts of the province : and having raised two compleat legions , he added unto them some thirty cohorts of the countrey souldiers , to serve for wings to the army , and gathered together great quantity of corn , as well for the supplie of the mars●illians , as for the provision of petreius and afranius . moreover , he commanded them of gades to build and provide ten gallies ; and ordered further , that many other should be made at hispalis . he took all the money and the ornaments out of hercules temple , and brought the same into the town of gades , and in lieu thereof sent six cohorts out of the province to keep the temple . he made caius gallonius ( a roman knight and a familiar friend of domitius , and sent by him thither to recover some matter of inheritance ) governour of the town . all the armies ( as well private as publick ) were brought into gallonius house . he himself made many bitter invectives against caesar ; affirming in publick that caesar had been severall times worsted , and that a great number of the souldiers were revolted from him , and were come to afranius : which he knew to be true , by certain and approved messengers . the roman citizens residing in that province being much perplexed and affrighted thereat , were thereupon constrained to promise him thousand sesterces in ready money , for the service of the common-weale , besides twenty thousand weight of silver , together with one hundred and twenty thousand bushels of wheat . upon those cities and states which favoured caesar's partie , he laid greater impositions : for such as had let fallen speeches , or declared themselves against the common-weale , he confiscated all their goods , and put a garrison upon them : giving judgement himself upon private persons , and constraining all the province to swear allegeance to him and to pompey . and being in the end advertised what had happened in the hither province , he prepared for war , with a purpose to dispose thereof in this manner : his resolution was to keep two legions with him at gades , with all the shipping and the corn : for knowing that the whole province did intirely affect caesar's cause , he thought it best and easiest for him ( having made good provision of shipping and corn ) to keep the iland . the first observation . observe first , how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties ( bearing no affection but to their own ends ) to declare themselves , upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war : for if their judgement fail , as varro's did , they are then forced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality , then can afterwards be excused ; and so run into a further degree ofenmitie , then the party for whom they suffer . and certainly , whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right , ( which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side , ) or whether it favoureth of an ill nature , to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them , or for what other cause i know not ; but sure it is , that neutrals , attending nothing but their own advantage , are of no better esteem then the bird whereof leo africus writeth ; which when the king of birds demanded tribute , would alwaies rank himself amongst the fish , and when the king of fishes required his service , would alwaies be with the birds ; or then the weather-cock , whereof there is no other use , then indicare regnantem , to shew what wind rules . the second observation . the iland of gades , was known to the romans by the name of tartesson : hic gades urbs est dicta tartessus prius . here gades stands , of old tartessus call'd . the town of gades was indowed , as dion witnesseth , by julius caesar , with the liberties and priviledges of rome . to which effect plinie writeth ; oppidum habet civium romanorum , quod appellatur augusta urbs julia gaditana , this iland hath a town of roman citizens , which is called augusta julia gaditana . it was a town of great fame , as appeareth by that of juba king of mauritania , who made ambitious sute , to have the title of duumviri , or two-men of the town ; as festus noteth , in his description of the sea-coast . at vis in illis tanta , vel tantum decus aetate prisca , sub fide rerum fuit ; rex ut superbus , omniumque praepotens quos gens habebat forte tum maurusia , octaviano principi acceptissimus , et literarum semper in studio , iuba , interfluoque separatus aequore , illustriorem semet urbis istius duumviratu crederet — such was their power , such their grace of old , while faith was yet in place ; king iuba , the most powerfull prince the moors had either then or since , in favour with octavian , and every way a learned man , divided from this place by s●n , thought it would greater glory be to be duum-vir of the town . in this iland stood hercules temple ; to which as well romans , as other noble adventurers of all nations , made often repair , to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of armes : which solemnitie was not omitted by hannibal , before his expedition into italie . amongst other altars in this temple , there was one dedicated to penurie and art ; signifying that art driveth away penurie , as hercules put to flight and subdued monsters . those of asia , and the mediterrane parts , took this iland to be the furthest end of navigation : for the atlantick sea admitted no further passage , for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness . and therefore pindarus saith , that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the streight of gibraltar , the way in the ocean being a thousand leagues abroad . in this town of gades was born l. cornelius balbus , who at his death gave a legacy to the roman people , twenty five pence per pole ; together with junius brutus columella , that writ so excellently de re rustica . et mea quam generat tartessi littore gades . and which my gades yields on tartesse shoar . it is now called cales , and was sacked by our english , an. . hispalis , surnamed romulensis , from the roman colony that was planted there , is seated upon the river baetis , in a very pleasant and fertile countrey , and especially for oiles . the town is now the staple for the west indies , and a very nursery of merchants . arias montanus , that great theologian , was born in this city . the third observation . concerning these hundred and ninety thousand sesterces , the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof . for if we take them in the neuter , for seven pound ten shillings apiece , it amounteth to pound , which is thought too much : if in the masculine , it will rise not to above pound , which is deemed too little . and therefore the criticks do mend the place , and read h-s centies nonagies , a hundred times ninety h-s . which bringeth out pound : and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the authour . chap. viii . the province and the legions revolt from varro . caesar settleth spain , and returneth to marseilles . albeit caesar was called back into italy , for many great and important causes , yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in spain ; for that he knew pompey's deserts to be such , as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither province . and therefore having sent two legions into the further spain ; under the conduct of q. cassius , tribune of the people , he himself made forward by great journeys , with six hundred horse ; sending an edict before him , to summon the magistrates and chief men of the cities and towns , to appear before him by a day at corduba . upon publication of which edict , there was no city in all that province , that sent not some of their senate by the day appointed to corduba : neither was there any roman citizen of note , that presented not himself there at that time . the princes and states being assembled , of their own accord they shut the gates against varro , set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers , and retained with them two cohorts , called by the name of colonicae ( which came thither by chance ) for the safe keeping of the town . at the self-same time , the inhabitants of carmona ( which is the strongest town of all the province ) cast out the three cohorts that were by varro put into their cittadell , and shut them out of their town . whereby varro was the rather moved to make haste to gades with his legions , lest he should be hindered and cut off , either in the way , or in his passage over from the continent : such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole province towards caesar . and being somewhat advanced on his journey , he received letters from gades , that as soon as it was known there of the edict which caesar had published , the chiefest of the gaditans agreed with the tribunes of the souldiers which were in garrison , to expell gallonius out of the town , and to keep the city and the iland for caesar . which being resolved upon , they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord , while he might do it without danger ; and if he refused , they would then take such further order as they should find expedient . gallonius moved with fear dislodged himself , and went out of gades . these things being divulged abroad , one of the two legions , known by the name of vernacula , took up their ensignes , went out of varro's camp ( he himself standing by and looking on ) and retired themselves to hispalis ; and there sat down in the market-place , and in common porches , without hurting any man. which the roman citizens of that convent did so well like of , that every man was very desirous to entertain them in their houses . whereat varro being much astonished , altered his journey towards ilipa italica , as he gave it out ; but soon after was advertised by some of his friends , that the gates were shut against him . whereupon , being circumvented and fore-closed from all other addresses , he sent to caesar , to advertise him that he was ready to deliver up the legion , to whomsoever he should please to appoint . to which purpose he sent him sex. caesar , commanding the legion to be delivered to him . varro having given up his charge , came to caesar at corduba , & there gave him a true account of the carriage of his office . the moneys remaining in his hands he delivered up , & gave an inventory of the corn and shipping which were in any place provided . caesar , by a publick oration made at corduba , gave thanks generally to all men . as first to the roman citizens , for the endeavour they used to be masters of the town . secondly , to the spaniards , for driving out the garrisons . to them of gades , that they traversed and prevented the projects of the adversaries , and had restored themselves to liberty . to the tribunes of the souldiers , and centurions , that were come thither to keep the town , for that by their valour and magnanimity the resolution of the townsmen was assured and confirmed . he remitted such levies of mony , as the roman citizens had promised varro for the publick service . he restored the goods confiscated of such as had spoken more freely then was pleasing ; and gave divers rewards , both publick and private : the rest he satisfied with hope of good time for the future . and having stated there two daies , he went to gades : where he gave order that the monies and monuments , which were transferred from hercules temple to a private house , should be carried back again to the temple . he made q. cassius governour of the province , and left with him four legions . he himself in a few daies space , with those ships which m. varro , and those of gades ( by his commandment ) had made , came to tarraco ; for there the embassadours of almost all the hither province did attend his coming . and having received them with private and publick honour , in the same fashion as formerly he had used , he left tarraco , and came by land to narbone , and from thence to marseilles : where he received first advertisement of the law made at rome , for creating of a dictator ; and that himself was named thereunto , by m. lepidus , prator . the first observation . it is one of caesar's peculiars , recorded by suetonius , that he never left behind him any spark or suspicion of war , least it might be said he did not throughly conquer where he came . for he that doth a businesse to halves , hath as much more to do before it be done : and the remainder in matter of war , groweth commonly to a greater head then that which first gave occasion of arms ; like fire , which is smothered for a time , to break out afterwards with greater fury . and therefore that he might not be thought to provoke an enemy rather then subdue him , he neglected all occasions how important soever , which might draw him into italy ; to the end he might settle spain in a peace , answerable to an absolute victory . which he easily effected , having over-mastered the chiefest of the party , and turned their troups out of the country , as men altogether mistaken in the matter . the fame whereof so prevailed with the rest , that rather then they would stand out , they forsook their commanders . and having thus removed all occasions of force , he then proceeded to take away all doubtfulnesse , which might accompany a new reconcilement , by shewing such respects as well beseemed ancient desert . for first , he made a publick acknowledgement of their generall love & affection towards him : and then taking notice of particular services , engaged them further with honours and rewards ; righted such as were oppressed by the adverse party ; remitted all levies and taxations ( to shew the difference between his & the enemies favour ) and filled all men with hope of good times : as knowing that fair words , accompanied with large promises , are powerfull instruments to work out whatsoever is desired . and so he took a little more time to settle those provinces without further trouble ; as believing in the proverb , that what is well done , is twice done . the second observation . m. varro here mentioned , made more profession of knowledge and arts , then any other of his nation , being thereupon stiled by the name of doctus or learned ; & yet in the judgement of learned philosophers , was fitter to perswade then to teach . tully being deprived of publick offices , handled philosophy a little in his own language : pliny and seneca , lesse then varro or tully . but what are these to aristotle or plato ? or rather , what hath learning to do with a roman generall ? whose knowledge consisted in their military discipline , and in the powerfull means of victorious endeavour . wherein varro was as ignorant , as was don raimundus , the eleventh king of arragon , in managing of arms ; who taking his sword in one hand , and his buckler in the other , held the horse bridle in his teeth . howbeit , if qui minus facit , minus peccat , he that does least , offends least , were a good excuse , it were fitting to make him blamelesse , that deserved so well of learning above all others of that empire . but forasmuch as his actions appear so far inferiour to that which is conceived of his understanding , let that be acknowledged which is true , that confiderate agere pluris est , quam cogitare prudenter ; considerate action is more worth , then wise thinking . this ilipa italica was the chief town of the turdetani in andaluzia ; & is conjectured by the ruines yet remaining , to stand over against sevill . tarraco is that which is now called tarragon ; a colony of scipio his planting , whereof the province taketh appellation ; which is extended ( as plinie witnesseth ) from catalonia to navarre and castile , along the alpes . bla●se de vigenere reporteth , that in the year , there was a councell held at tarraco by ten bishops ; wherein it was decreed , that sunday should alwayes begin presently after evening prayer ( or their vespers ) on the saturday . from whence it is , that the spaniards do not work at all after that time ; and do eat upon saturdayes at supper , the head , the feet , and the entralls of such flesh as is killed in the shambles ( together with other pretty bits which they call morsillas ) without prohibition or scruple of conscience . in this town of tarraco was born paulus osorius , that noble oratour . corduba , otherwise called colonia patricia , was held the next of worth and dignity to sevill ; but for excellent wits to be preferred above all the towns of spain : for here first were born the two senecas , the father , the rhetorician , and the sonne , the philosopher ; together with their kinsman , annaeus lucanus , the divine poet , of whom martial writeth ; duosque senecas , unicumque lucanum facunda loquitur corduba . one lucan and two senecas brave corduba doth shew . besides of later times , avenzoar , avicenna , and averrois , as excellent a philosopher , as the other was a physician : of whose works — fama loquetur anus . — fame when she 's old will speak . and from hence come those cordovan skins , so much in request . the third observation . concerning the office of a dictator , whereunto caesar was named by the praetor lepidus , we are to observe , that the dictatorship was the greatest place of dignity in their government , as polybius noteth . the consuls , saith he , having each of them but twelve lictors apiece , that carried bundles of rods before them , as ensignes of magistracy , the dictator had alwayes twenty four ; to shew that the sovereign power divided between the two consuls , was then reduced to one sole command . the occasions of establishing a dictator were divers ; howbeit , it was commonly to take order in some great matter of consequence , which fell out to be extraordinary , and required the command of one man. and as it is in the fastes or records of the capitoll , either reipub. regend . causa , to govern the commonwealth , as was this first dictatorship of caesar : or otherwise , m. fabius ambustus dict. seditionis sedandae causa , m. fab. amb. was created dictator to quiet a sedition ; and at another time , cn. quintius varus dictator , clavi figendi causa , to strike in the nail ; which was one of the superstitions they used in time of pestilence ▪ and so divers the like . of all which there is this form expressed by tully ; si quando duellum gravius , discordiaeve civium crescunt , unus ne amplius sex menses , nisi senatus decreverit , idem juris quod duo consules teneto , isque ave sinistra dictus magister populi esto : if at any time either a great quarrell happen , or discord arise amongst the citizens , then let one man have the same power that the two consuls have , for six moneths , and no longer , unlesse the senate shall otherwise decree ; and let this man ( in an ill hour ) be termed the master of the people . but forasmuch as magister populi was a harsh and odious name to the people , they called him by a more modest name , dictator : whereof varro giveth this reason , dictator quod à consule dicebatur , cujus dicto audientes omnes essent ; he was called dictator because he was named to that office by the consul , whose orders they were all to be obedient to . and as none could name a dictator but the consul , ( for caesar was named by the praetor in an extraordinary time ; ) so none could be named to that place , but such as were or had been consuls : consulares legere ita lex jubebat de dictatore creando lata ; the law for the creating a dictator commands to chuse consular men only . to which may be added the circumstance of time , which was alwayes in the night ; nocte deinde silenti , ut mos est , papirium dictatorem dixit , he named papirius to the dictatorship ( as the custome is ) in the dead of the night . the dictator had sovereign power , but limited for time , which was commonly six moneths ; whereby they are specially distinguished from monarchs : and thereupon cicero adjudgeth sylla's dictatorship to be a mere tyranny , and so doth caesar's ; because both were prorogued beyond the time prescribed by the law . caesar held this dictators place but eleven dayes , and then left it off : but afterwards had it for his life , and so came to be stiled dictator perpetuus , perpetuall dictator . chap. ix . the marseillians give up the town . the marseillians being much opprest , and almost worn out with all sorts of inconveniences , brought to an extreme exigent of victuall , defeated & overthrown in two fights at sea , broken and cut in pieces oftentimes in their sallies out , afflicted with a grievous pestilence through long shutting up and alteration of diet ( for they lived of nothing but of old panick and musty barly , which was long before laid up in publick for this purpose ; ) their tower being overthrown , and a great part of their wall down , out of hope of any succours from the provinces , or of other armies , which they knew were come into the hands and power of caesar ; they seriously determined ( without fraud ) to give up the town . but a few dayes before , l. domitius understanding their resolution , having got three ships ( whereof two he assigned to his familiar friends , the third he took himself , and taking the opportunity of a troublesome storm ) put to sea : which being perceived by the ships that by brutus commandement did continually guard the mouth of the haven , they weighed their anchours , and made after them . notwithstanding , that wherein domitius was held on her course , and by the help of the foul weather got out of sight . the other two being afraid of our ships , returned back into the haven . the marscillians , according as was commanded , brought their arms and engines out of the town , drew forth their shipping , both out of their haven and their arcenalls , and delivered up their publick treasure . which things being accomplished and performed , caesar willing to save them , rather for the name and antiquity of the town , then for any merit of theirs , left two legions there for a garrison , and sent the rest into italy . he himself took his way towards rome . observations . hence we may observe , that when men refuse to be led by reason , as the best means to guide them to convenient ends , they are commonly constrained by the commanding warrant of necessity , to undergo the same thing upon harder conditions . as it happened to the marseillians , who not regarding the army then present , and ready to take a strict account of their answers ( which with good excuse doth command a neutrall state ) chose rather to be shut up with a siege , that of all miseries is accounted the worst ; and therein so carried themselves , as they left no stone unremoved to make good their refusall : but for want of better helps , brought their fraud to play a part , to their greater disadvantage . and if the conquerour had not took all occasions to shew his clemency , they might happily have paid dear for their contempt . but where either desert or other motives wanted , there nomen & vetustas , their name and antiquity was sufficient to make caesar constant to his own ends : which , as near as the course wherein he was ingaged would afford him , were alwayes levelled at the generall applause of his actions ; taking that to be no little help to work himself into the sovereignty of the state : observing it the rather in cases of great and happy successe , which are ever more restrained then lesser fortunes . howsoever , it cannot be denied but that clemency is a property of excellent honour : which caesar shewed in saving the town . chap. x. curio transporteth two legions into africk . about the same time , c. curio set sail from sicily to passe into africk : and making no account at all of actius varus forces , he carried with him but two legions of the four which were delivered him by caesar , together with five hundred horse . and after he had been at sea two dayes and three nights , he arrived at a place called aquilaria , distant twenty two miles from clupea ; where there is a very commodious road for ships in sommer , sheltered on each side with two large and eminent promontories . l. caesar , the son , attended his coming at clupea with ten gallies ; which being taken from the pirats in the late warres , and laid aground at utica , were repaired and new trimmed by varus : but being afraid of the great number of his ships , he forsook the sea , and ran his gallie on shore ; and leaving her there , fled by land on foot to adrumetum , a town kept by considius longus , having one legion onely in garrison . the rest of caesar's navy , seeing their admirall flie away , put into adrumetum . m. rufus the treasurer pursued him with twelve ships , which curio had brought with him out of sicily , to waft the ships of burthen ; and finding the gallie left upon the sand , he towed her off , and returned to curio with his navy . curio sent marcus before with the ships to utica ; and he himself set forward thither by land with the army , and in two dayes journey came to the river bagrada ; where he left c. caninius rebilus , the legate , with the legions , and went himself before with the cavalry , to view a place called cornelius camp , which was held very fit and convenient to incamp in , being a direct ridge of a hill , shooting out into the sea , steep and broken on each side , and yet shelving by a little more gentle descent on that side which was next utica , being distant from thence ( if the nearest way were taken ) a little more then a mile . but in that shortest cut there rose a spring , in that part which was furthest off from the sea , and so made a marish or bogge ; which whosoever would avoid , must fetch a compass of six miles to go to the town . a view being taken of this place , curio beheld afarre off varus camp , joyning to the town wall , at the gate called bellica , marvellously fortified through the strong situation of the place , having the town on the one side , and a theatre which stood before the town on the other ; and by reason of the great circuit of building which it contained , made a narrow and difficult passage to the camp. he observed further , great store of carriages , which by reason of this suddain alarme , were brought out of the countrey towards the town : for the intercepting whereof he sent the cavalry . and at the same instant , varus likewise had sent out of the town , numidian horse , and foot , which king juba ( a few daies before ) had sent to utica , for the strengthening of that party . this prince had acquaintance with pompey , by reason that his father lodged with him , and bare a spleen to curio , for the law which he preferred when he was tribune of the people , for the confiscation of juba his kingdome . the cavalry on either side met together , and the numidians were not able to abide the charge of our men ; but about an hundred and twenty being slain , the rest betook themselves back to the camp at the town . in the mean time , upon the arrivall of our gallies , curio commanded it to be proclaimed , that such victuallers and ships of burthen as were in the bay at utica ( being in number about two hundred ) and would not presently come to the cornelian camp , should be held and taken for enemies . at which proclamation , upon an instant of time , they all weighed anchour , and came to the place whether they were commanded : whereby the army abounded with all necessary provisions . this being done , he returned to the camp at bagrada ; and by the acclamation of the whole army , was saluted by the name of imperator . the first observation . this chapter beginneth with the third part of this book , containing curio his passage into africk : concerning whom it is to be observed , that in the beginning of these broils , no man was more enemy to caesar , nor made more bitter invectives to the people against him , then he did in his tribuneship ; but afterwards he fell off , and was gained by the voluptuous inticements of m. antonie , together with a huge mass of money which caesar sent him . whereupon he plaied the turn-coat , and with might and main afflicted that party ; prevailing much with the communaltie , by his eloquent and perswasive speeches ; the lively force whereof is able to stir up affection in stones . for which cause it is , that * velleius paterculus noteth , that no man brought a more burning or dangerous fire-brand to the kindling of those civile wars , then did curio ; being a man of an excellent discourse , audacious , prodigall of his own and of other mens , subtle , ingenious , extreme vitious , and alwaies well-spoken , to the ruine of the publick weal. which sweetnesse of words came unto him by inheritance , as plinie witnesseth ; una familia curionum , in qua tres continua serie oratores extiterunt ; in the one family of the curiones there were three noted oratours one after another . of whose monstrous prodigality the same authour hath made a very large account . and out of these overweening humours it was , that he became so unwarie as to divide his armie ; neglecting the enemy , and the variableness of war , which altereth as the moon , and keepeth no constant shape whereby it may be known . concerning the dismembring of an army lightly , and upon heedlesse rashness , cyrus giveth grave advice , in the beginning of the sixth book of xenophon . to which ( for the present ) i refer the reader . clupea was a town in africk , named by plinie , oppidum liberum , or a free town , and sited upon the promontorie of mercury , in the territories of old carthage . it was so called , because it carried the form of a target retorted ; and for the same cause it was called aspis : in clypei speciem curvatis turribus aspis . aspis with turrets bowing like a shield . this promontorie , which curio chose to incamp in , was famous for three things . first , it was reputed the place where antaeus the giant dwelt , which hercules slew , by strangling him in his armes , that he might not touch the earth , from which it is said he received fresh strength . secondly , p. cornelius scipio , that subdued africk , made that place his chief camp of strength : and so it came to be called cornelius camp. and lastly , for this expedition which curio made , to lose two legions , and himself withall , as unwilling to see the morrow , after such a losse ; for , vitae est avidus , quisquis non vult , mundo secum pereunte , mori ; he loves life indeed , that is not willing to dy when the world falls . chap. xi . curio marcheth to vtica . his cavalry put to flight great troups coming from king juba . his army strangely possessed with an idle fear . the next day he brought his army to utica , and incamped himself near unto the town . but before the fortification of his camp was finished , the horsemen that stood centinell gave notice of great forces of horse and foot , coming towards utica , from king juba : and at the same time , a great dust was seen rise in the aire , and presently the first troups began to come in sight . curio astonished at the novelty of the thing , sent his horse before , to sustain the first shock , and to stay them : he himself , calling the legions with all speed from their work , imbattelled his army . the cavalry encountering with the enemy ( before the legions could be well unfolded and put in order ) did put to flight all the kings forces , that came marching without fear or order ; and slew a great number of the foot troups : but the horse , making hast , got almost all safe into the town , by the way of the sea-shore . the next night after , two centurions of the nation of the marsi , fled from curio , with twenty two of their souldiers , to actius varus . these centurions , whether it were to please varus , or otherwise speaking as they thought ( for what men wish , they easily believe ; and what they think , they hope others do think the same ; ) did confidently affirm , that the minds of the whole army were altogether alienated from curio ; and that it was very expedient that the armies should come in sight , and find means to speak together . varus being perswaded to that opinion , the next day , early in the morning , drew his legions out of the camp : the like did curio ; either of them putting their forces in order , upon a small valley which lay between both their armies . there was in varus army , one sex. quintilius varus , who ( as it is formerly declared ) was at corfinium ; and being let go by caesar , went into africk . it fortuned that curio had carried over those legions , which caesar had formerly taken at corfinium : so that a few centurions being slain , the companies and maniples remained the same . this occasion being so fitly offered , quintilius ( going about curio his army ) began to beseech the souldiers , that they would not forget the first oath they had taken to domitius , and to him their treasurer ; nor bear arms against them , that had run the same fortune , and endured the same siege ; nor fight for those , who ( by way of reproach ) had called them fugitives . to these he added some promises , to put them in hope of a good recompence , out of his own liberality , if they would follow him and actius . having delivered this unto them , curio his army stood mute , and declared not themselves by any sign , either one way or other : and so either side drew back to their camp. notwithstanding , curio his camp was afterwards possessed with a great fear , and suspicion : which was quickly augmented , by divers reports raised upon the same . for every man forged opinions and conceits ; and out of his own fear , added something to that which he had heard of another . which when it was spread from one authour to many , and one had received it from another , it seemed there were many authours of the same thing . for civile war is alwaies compounded of such men , as hold it lawfull to do and follow what and whom they please . those legions which a little before were in the service of the enemy , did willingly embrace what was offered them ; for old acquaintance had made them forget what benefits caesar had lately bestowed on them : being also of divers countries and nations , and not all of the marsi or peligni , as those the night before , which were their cabin-mates , and fellow-souldiers : whereupon they took occasion , to publish abroad in worse tearms , that which others had vainly given out ; and some things were coined by those that would seem most diligent in doing their duty . the first observation . observe first , from the revolt of these centurions , that a fellow or two of rank and fashion falling from a party , do gain easy credit to their advertisements , by averring any thing which the enemy desireth . whence it is , that forasmuch as fugitives can little otherwise avail , ( one man being but as no man , ) they seek favour and reputation with the party they ●ly unto , by their advise and discovery , and consequently , the remuneration of espiall ; which according to the president made by fabius to the spies of clusine , is worth a mans labour . and herein revolters ( specially those of judgement ) are very dangerous instruments ; not only in weakening or making frustrate such designs as may be contrived against an adversary ; but also in discovering the secrets of their own party , and disclosing of that which is absolute and well , untill it be made known . for there is no subsisting thing so perfect , but hath alwaies some part or other open , to give an easy passage to destruction : according to that of the poet , omnia sunt hominum tenui pendentia filo . all humane things hang by a slender thread . and therefore , it is no small means of preserving each thing in being , to make shew of strength , and conceal weaknesses , as the registers of assured ruine . for which cause it is , that fidelity is commended , as the foundation of humane society : and perfidious treachery , divulging the secret imperfections thereof , is the plague and bane of the same . the second observation . as there is nothing more dangerous in an army then fear ; so there is nothing sooner bred to disturb a multitude , then this passion , which metamorphoseth a troup of men into a heard of deer . for hence it appeareth , that one thersites is able to leaven a whole army ; and an idle conceit bred in the weak thoughts of some tresantas , begetteth oftentimes a main cause of distrust throughout all the party : which , as it spreadeth abroad , is so delivered from one to another , * as the reporter ( not believing what he telleth ) addeth alwaies somewhat to make the hearer believe what he could not himself . and so weak minds do multiply the vain apprehension of idle humours , in such a fashion , as there is more hurt in fearing , then in the thing which is feared . epaminodas was more fortunate then all others in this kind : for * while he led the thebans as their commander , they were never taken with any sudden affrightment , nor possest with any panick terrour , to bereave them of their senses , or falsify the truth of their understanding ; being all ( as it seemed ) of the same mind with the generall , who accounted ▪ no death so honourable as that which came by war. howbeit such is the frailty of humane nature , and so strange are the convulsions of the mind , that a commander must expect to meet with times , wherein his men will stand in danger of nothing so much as their own infirmity : being troubled rather with strong apprehensions , then for any danger of the thing feared . chap. xii . curio disputeth the matter in a councell of war. for which causes a councell of war being called , they began to deliberate what course was to be taken . i here were some opinions which thought , that it was very expedient to assault and take varus camp for that there was nothing more dangerous then idlenesse , for the breeding and increase of such imaginations as the souldiers had conceived . others said , it were better to try the fortune of a battel , and to free themselves by valourous endeavour , rather then to be forsaken and abandoned of their own party , and left to undergo most grievous and extreme torments . there were others which thought it fit , to return about the third watch of the night to cornelius camp ; that by interposing some respite of time , the souldiers might be better settled , and confirmed in their opinions ; and if any mischance further happened , they might ( by reason of their store of shipping ) with more ease and safety return back to sicily . curio misliking both the one and the other , said , that there wanted as much good resolution in the one opinion , as abounded in the other : for these entered into a consideration of a dishonourable & unbeseeming flight ; and those were of an opinion to fight in an unequall and disadvantageous place . for with what hope ( saith he ) can we assault a camp so fortified , both by nature and art ? or what have we gained , if with great losse and damage , we shall go away and give it over ? as though things well and happily atchieved , did not get to the commander great good will from the souldier ; and things ill carried , as much hate . concerning the removing of our camp , what doth it inferre but a shamefull retreat , a despair in all men , and an alienation of the army ? for it is not fit , to give occasion to the prudent and well-advised , to imagine that they are distrusted ; nor on the other side , to the ill-disposed , that they are redoubted or feared : and the rather , because fear in this kind will give them more liberty to do ill , and abate the endeavour of good men in well deserving . and if ( saith he ) these things are well known unto us already , that are spoken of the revolt and alienation of the army ( which , for mine own part , i think either to be altogether false , or at least , lesse then in opinion they are thought to be ) is it not better to dissemble and hide them , then that they should be strengthened and confirmed by us ? ought we not , as we do hide the wounds of our bodies , to cover the inconveniences of an army , least we should minister hope or courage to the adversarie ? but some there are that advise to set forward at midnight ; to the end ( as i imagine ) that such as are desirous to offend , may perform it with more scope and licentiousnesse . for such disorders are repressed and reformed either with shame or fear ; to both which the night is an enemy . and therefore , as i am not of that courage , to think without hope or means that the enemies camp is to be assaulted ; so on the other side , i am not so fearfull , as to be wanting in that which is fitting : but am rather of opinion , that we try all things before we yield to that ; and do assure my self , that for the most part , we are all of one mind concerning this point . observations . as in matter of geometry , rectum est index sui & obliqui , a straight line manifesteth both it self and a crooked line , being equall to all the parts of rectitude , and unequall to obliquity : so is it in reason and discourse . for a direct and well-grounded speech carrieth such a native equality with all its parts , as it doth not only approve it self to be levelled at that which is most fitting , but sheweth also what is indirect and crooked , concerning the same matter ; and is of that consequence in the variety of projects and opinions , and so hardly hit upon , in the lame discourse of common reason , that plato thought it a piece of divine power , to direct a path free from the crookednesse of errour , which might lead the straight and ready way to happy ends . and the rather , forasmuch as in matter of debate , there are no words so weighty , but do seem balanced with others of equall consideration : as here it happened , from those that pointing at the cause of this distemperature , convicted idlenesse for the authour of their variable and unsettled minds ; and , as * xenophon hath observed , very hard to be endured in one man , much worse in a whole family , but no way sufferable in an army ; which the romans called exercitus , ab exercitio from exercise . for remedy whereof , they propounded labour without hope of gain , and such service as could bring forth nothing but losse . others , preferring security before all other courses ( as believing with livie , that captains should never trust fortune further then necessity constrained them ) perswaded a retreat to a place of safety , but upon dishonourable tearms . which unevennesse of opinions curio made straight by an excellent maxime in this kind ; thinking it convenient to hold such a course , as might neither give honest men cause of distrust , nor wicked men to think they were feared . for so he should be sure ( in good tearms of honour ) neither to discourage the better sort , nor give occasion to the ill-affected to do worse . and thus winding himself out of the labyrinth of words ( as knowing that to be true of annius the praetor , that * it more importeth occasions to do then to say ; being an easy matter to fit words to things unfolded & resolved upon ; ) he brake up the councell . chap. xiii . curio calleth a generall assembly of the souldiers ; and speaketh unto them , concerning their fear and retraction . the councell being risen , he gave order for a convocation of the army ; and there called to remembrance what they had done for caesar at confinium : how by their favour and furtherance , he had gained the greatest part of italy to be on his side . for , by you ( saith he ) and by your endeavour , all the rest of the municipal towns were drawn to follow caesar : and there , fore not without just cause did he at that time repose great assurance in your affections towards him ; and the adverse party conceived as great indignation & spight against you . for pompey was not forced away by any battel ; but being prejudiced by your act he quitted italy . caesar hath recommended me , whom he held near unto himself , together with the provinces of sicily and africk ( without which he cannot defend the city and italy ) to your trust and fidelity . there are some which solicite and perswade you to revolt from my command : for what can they wish or desire more , then to make it but one work , to bring us both to ruine and overthrow , and to ingage you in a most detestable wickednesse ? or what worse opinion can they conceive of you , then that you should betray those men , that professe themselves wholly yours ; and that you might afterwards come into their power , who take themselves to be undone by your means ? have you not understood what caesar hath done in spain ? two armies beaten ; two generalls defeated ; two provinces taken ; and all within forty daies , after he came in view of the enemy ? those whose forces were not able to make resistance when they were whole and entire , how is it possible they should hold out being beaten and discomfited ? you that followed caesar when the victory stood doubtfull ; now fortune hath adjudged the cause , and determined of the issue of the war , will you follow the vanquished partie , when you are to receive the reward of your service ? they gave out , that they were forsaken and betraied by you , and do remember you of the former oath you took . but did you forsake l. domitius , or did he forsake you ? did not he thrust you out , and expose you to all extremity of fortune ? did he not seek to save himself by flight , without your knowledge or privity ? were you not preserved and kept alive by caesar's clemency , when you were abandoned and betraied by him ? how could he tie you with the oath of allegeance , when ( having cast away his sheaf of rods , and laid down his authority ) he himself was made a private person , and became captivated to the command of another mans power ? it were a strange and new religion , that you should neglect that oath , wherein you stand now ingaged ; and respect the other , which was taken away by the rendry of your generall , and the * losse of your liberty . but i believe you think well of caesar , and are offended at me , that am not to preach of my merits towards you ; which as yet are less then my will , and unworthy your expectation : and yet souldiers have alwaies used to seek reward upon the shutting up of a war ; which what event it will have , make you no doubt . and why should i omit the diligence which i have already used , and how the business hath hitherto proceeded ? doth it offend you , that i transported the army over in safety , without losse of any one ship ? that at my coming , i beat and dispersed at the first onset the whole fleet of the adversaries ? that twice , in two daies , i overcame them onely with the cavalry ? that i drew two hundred ships of burthen out of the road and port of the enemy ? and have brought them to that extremity , that they can be supplied by provision neither by sea nor by land ? all this good fortune , and these commanders rejected and forsaken , will you rather imbrace again the ignominie you received at corfinium , or your slight out of italy , or the rendering up of spain , or the prejudiciall successe of the war of africk ? truly , for mine own part , i was desirous and content to be called caesar's souldier : but you have stiled me with the title of imperator . which if it repent you , i do willingly quit my self of your grace , and return it back unto you : and do you ; in like manner , restore me to my name again , least you should seem to give me honour which might turn to my reproch . the first observation . in the handling of this accident , the difference cometh to be observed between a councell of war , and a concio , or convocation of the souldiers . the first was more particular , consisting of some choice men , and those the most eminent in the partie . is qui non universum populum , sed partem aliquam adesse jubet , non comitia , sed concilium edicere debet ; he that calls together only a part of the people , and not the whole , calls a councell , not a generall assembly . their convocation or preaching was more generall , the whole army being convented together , to be fitted by perswasion and discourse to follow the resolution taken by a councell ; and was properly called adlocut●o , and sometimes conventus : cicero perlectam epistolam caesaris in convent● militum recitat ; cicero read the letter from caesar in a conventus , or generall meeting of his souldiers . the parties called to a councell , were according as the generall valued the occasion : for sometimes the legates and tribunes were onely consulted ; and now and then the centurions of the first orders , together with the captains of horse , were called to their assistance ; and oftentimes , all the centurions . but howsoever , curio resolved out of his own judgement , as great commanders commonly do ; and is specially observed by pierre matthieu , of the french king ; who ever loveth to hear the opinion of his captains , but alwaies finds his own the best . the second observation . amongst other strains of this discourse , it is acknowledged , that rome could not stand without sicilie ; & the reason was , for the plenty of corn which it brought forth : for sicily was alwaies reputed as the granary or barn of rome , & accordingly cared for by the senate , as a place without which their citie could not continue . the grain of that iland is hard , like horn , and cannot well be broken or ground into meal , untill it be wet with water , and then dried in the shade , rather then in the sunne : by means whereof it yieldeth so exceedingly , that it is accounted twenty in the hundred better then any ponent wheat ; especially , for that it will keep long in their vaults and caves under the earth , & seldome or never take heat , being of it self so hard and dry . the gluttonous use of flesh hath made men ignorant of the vertue and strength of corn , which the romans better understood ; for their legions never sed on flesh , as long as they could get corn. pecora , quod secundum poterat esse inopiae subsidium , they fetched in cattel , as the second way to help their want , saith caesar . and in another place ; ut complures dies milites frumento caruerint , pecore è longinquioribus vicis adacto extremam famem sustentarent ; the souldiers having for many daies been without corn , they were fain to sustain their extreme hunger with cattell which they had fetched afar off . and in the same place , quod minor erat frumenti copia , pecus imperabat ; because there was but little corn , he gave order for cattell . and again , non illi hordeum cum daretur , non legumina recusbant . pecus vero , cujus rei summa erat in epiro copia , magno in honore habebant . they refused neither barley nor pulse when it was offered them ; but cattell , whereof there was good store in epirus , they prized at an high rate . by which places it appeareth , that they never fell to flesh , but when they wanted corn. which is doubtlesse a firmer nutriment , lesse excrementall , and of better strength , then any other food whatsoever ; as containing the prime substance of meat , and the spirit of wine : for aqua vitae is as well made of wheat , as of the lees of wine . flesh is good to make wrastlers of a grosse and heavy constitution , as plutarch noteth : but the roman souldier stood in need of an effectuall and sinewy vigour , able to undergo carriages , fitter for a mule then a man , together with such works , as later ages do rather hear then believe ; and was attained by feeding onely upon bread . the rabbines and thalmudists do write , that the giants of the old world first fell to the eating of flesh , making no difference between a man and a beast ; but grew so execrable , that they made women cast their fruit before their time , to the end they might eat it with more tenderness and delicacy . which is also said to be practised by the canniballs , upon the first discovery of the indies . viginere reporteth , that he knew some great men in france so friand , that they caused oftentimes does ready to foan to be killed , and the young ones took out alive , to be made meat for monstrous appetites . but there is no indifferent parallel to be drawn , between the sobriety of the ancient roman souldier , and the gluttony of these times ; far exceeding that of agamemnon , which achilles noted with words of high reproach , calling him hogs-head of wines , eyes of a dog , and hart of a dear . the third observation . thirdly , from this elaborate & well-couched speech , we may note , that eloquence is a very beautifull ornament to princes , and great commanders ; besides the use it hath to lead a multitude to such ends as is wished : for smooth words prevail where force booteth not . according to that of cicero , cum populum persuaderi posse diffidimus , cogi fas esse non arbitremur : if the people will not be perswaded , let us not think it fit to go about to compell them . chap. xiv . curio bringeth out his troups , and putteth varus army to flight . the souldiers moved with this oration , did oftentimes interrupt him in his speech ; signifying with what grief they did indure the suspicion of infidelity . and as he departed from the assembly , every man exhorted him to be of a good courage , and not to doubt of giving battell , or to make triall of their fidelity and valour . by which means , the minds & disposition of all men being changed , curio resolved ( out of a generall consent ) as soon as any occasion was offered , to give battell . the next day , having brought out his forces , he made a stand , and imbattelled them in the same place where he stood in armes the day before . and varus likewise drew out his troups ; whether it were to solicite the souldier , or not to omit the opportunity of fighting , if it might be afforded in an indifferent place . there was a valley ( as we have formerly declared ) between the two armies , of no very hard or difficult ascent ; and either of them expected who should first come over it , to the end they might fight in a place of more advantage : when upon a suddain , all varus cavalry that stood in the left cornet of the army , together with the light-armed souldiers that stood mingled amongst them , were seen descending into the valley . to them curio sent his cavalry , together with two cohorts of the marrucini . the enemies horsemen were not able to indure the first incounter of our men ; but having lost their horses , fled back to their party . the light-armed men that came out with them , being left and forsaken , were all slain by our men , in the view and sight of varus whole army . then rebilus , caesar's legate ( whom curio for his knowledge and experience in matter of war , had brought with him out of sicily ) said ; curio , thou seest the enemy affrighted : why makest thou doubt to use the opportunity of time ? curio without making any other answer , then willing the souldiers to remember what they had assured unto him the day before , commanded them to follow him , and ran formost himself . the valley was so cumber some and difficult , that in gaining the ascent of the hill , the formost could hardly get up , unlesse they were lifted up by their followers . howbeit the enemy was so possessed with fear , for the flight and slaughter of their fellows , that they did not so much as think of resisting ; for they took themselves all to be already surprised by the cavalry : so that before any weapon could be cast , or that our men could approch near unto them , all varus army turned their backs , and fled into their camp. in this flight , fabius pelignus ( a certain souldier of one of the inferiour companies of curio his army ) having overtaken the first troup of them that fled , sought for varus , calling after him with a loud voice ; as though he had been one of his own souldiers , and would either advise him , or say some-thing else to him . and as he , being often called , looked back , and stood still ( inquiring who he was , and what he would ) he made at varus shoulder ( which was unarmed ) with his sword , and was very near killing him : howbeit he avoided the danger , by receiving the blow upon his target . fabius was instantly inclosed about by such souldiers as were near at hand , and slain . in the mean time , the gates of the camp were pestered and thronged with multitudes and troups of such as fled away , and the passage was so stopped , that more died in that place without blow or wound , then perished either in the battell or in the flight . neither wanted they much of taking the camp ; for many left not running untill they came to the town . but the nature of the place and the fortification of the camp , did hinder their accesse ; and curio his men coming out , prepared onely for a battell wanted such necessaries as were of use for the taking of the camp. and therefore curio carried back his army , with the losse of no one man but fabius . of the adversaries were slain about six hundred ; and many more wounded , who all upon curio his departure , besides many other that feigned themselves hurt , left the camp for fear , and went into the town . which varus perceiving , and knowing also the astonishment of the army , leaving a trumpeter in the camp , & a few tents for shew , about the third watch , he carried his army with silence out of the camp into the town . observations . it is a part of wisdome , and oftentimes a main help to victorie , to attend the advantage of an enemies rashness , and to see if his folly will not make way to his overthrow . whereof curio made good use : for he kept his army in the upper ground , untill the cavalry of the adversarie were loosely fallen into the valley ; and then set upon them , and cut them all in pieces . the sight whereof maskered the whole army , and kept curio in safety , upon the like disadvantage , in the cumbersome passage of the same vale : by means whereof he put to flight the whole forces of the enemy , and made a great slaughter in the party . wherein i may not forget that trick of a roman spirit , whereby the authour becometh memorable to posterity , in calling after varus by name , to make him the sacrifice for both the hoasts . whence we may observe , that when a battell is joyned pell-mell , no man can be assured in his own valour , nor share out his fortune by the length of his sword ; but is oftentimes subject to weaknesses of contempt , and vanquished by such as cannot be compared unto him but in scorn . i have heard it reported , that at the battell of eureux , maturine ( that known woman in france ) took prisoner & disarmed a cavalero of spain : who being brought before the king , and by him demanded whose prisoner he was , or whether he knew the partie that had forced him ; answered , no ; but that he knew him to be a gallant man of armes . whereat the king smiled : and the gentleman , understanding what fortune he had run , was as much dismaied as a man possibly could be , that considered , quod ferrum aequat , in bello , robustioribus imbecilliores , the sword equalleth the weakest to the strongest . chap. xv. curio leaveth vtica to meet with king juba . his cavalrie overthroweth the forces led by sabura ; which leadeth him on to his overthrow . the next day curio prepared to besiege utica , inclosing it about with a ditch & a rampier . there were in the town a multitude of people unacquainted with war , through the long peace they had injoyed : and the inhabitants stood very affectionate to caesar , for many benefits they had received from him . the rest of the multitude consisted of divers sorts of men , much terrified and affrighted by the former incounters : whereupon every man spake plainly of giving up the town , and dealt with pub. actius , that their fortunes and lives might not come in danger , through his pertinacie and wilfulness . while these things were a doing , there came messengers from king juba , signifying , the king was at hand with great forces , and willed them to keep and defend the town . which news did much incourage and confirm the wavering and affrighted minds of the enemy . the same was also reported to curio : whereunto for a while he gave no credit ; such was his confidence in the successe of things . and now withall , came letters and messengers into africk , of that which caesar had so fortunately atchieved in spain : so that being absolutely assured with all these things , he was perswaded the king durst attempt nothing against him . but when he found by assured discovery , that his forces were within twenty five miles of utica , leaving his works already begun , he withdrew himself into cornelius camp ; and began there to fortifie his camp , to get corn and other provisions , and to furnish it with all necessaries materiall for a defence : and sent presently a dispatch into sicily , that the two legions , and the rest of the cavalry might be sent unto him . the camp wherein he lay was fitly accommodated to hold out the war , as well by reason of the nature of the place , as the artificiall fortifying thereof , the nearness of the sea , and the plenty of water and salt ; whereof there was great quantity brought thither , from the salt-pits near adjoyning . no stuffe could be wanting , through the great store of wood which was about the place , nor yet any corn , for the plenty that was to be found in the confining fields : and thereupon , by the advice and approbation of all men , curio resolved to attend his other forces , and to draw out the war in length . these things being thus disposed by the consent and liking of all men , he heard by some that lately came out of the town , that juba was called back , by occasion of a war happened upon the confines , and that by reason of the controversies and dissentions of the leptitani , he was detained at home in his kingdome ; but that sabura his lieutenant was sent with some competent forces , and was not far from utica . to which reports giving too light and easie credit , he altered his purpose , * and resolved to put the matter to triall of battell : whereunto his youthfull heat , the greatness of his courage , the successe of former time , and his confidence in the managing of that war , did violently lead him . being carried on with these inducements , he sent the first night all the cavalry to the river bagrada , where the enemy lay incamped under the command of sabura : but the king followed after with all his forces , and lay continually within six miles , or thereabouts . the horsemen sent before , and making their journey in the night , set upon the enemy at unawares , and not thinking of their approch : for the numidians lodge , scattered here and there in a barbarous manner , without any government or order . and surprising them thus oppressed with sleep , and scattered upon the ground , they slew a great number of them : the rest , in great terror and amazement , escaped by flight . which service being thus executed , the cavalry returned to curio , and brought the captives unto him . curio was gone out about the fourth watch of the night with all his forces , having left five cohorts for a garrison to his camp : and having marched six miles , he met with the cavalry , understood what was done , and inquired of the captives , who was generall of the camp at bagrada . they answered , sabura . he omitted for haste of his way to inform himself of the rest : but turning himself to the next ensignes , said , you see , souldiers , that the confession of the captives doth agree with that which was reported by the fugitives . for the king is not come ; but hath sent some small forces , which cannot make their partie good with a few horsemen : and therefore hasten to take the spoil with honour and renown , that we may now at length begin to think of rewarding your merits . observations . it is observed by marcellinus , that when misfortune cometh upon a man , his spirit groweth so dull and benummed , as his senses seem to be dismissed of their charges . which appeared hear in curio : who having taken a provident and sure course , such as was approved in every mans judgement , and beseemed well the wisdome of a commander , did neverthelesse , contrary to all sense and discretion , forgo the same , and cast himself upon the hazard of that which fugitives had vainly reported . concerning which , as it is noted , that incredulity is hurtfull onely to the unbeliever ; so this passage proveth , that for a commander to be too light of belief , is a danger to the whole partie , and bringeth many to ruine , that had no part in that creed . caesar , in the relation hereof , noteth three speciall things in curio , that carried him headlong to this disaster , and may serve as marks to avoid the like syrtes . the first was , iuvenilis ardor , his youthfull courage and heat : which is alwaies attended with strong affections , suting the qualitie and temperature of the body , being then in the prime height of strength , & accordingly led on with violent motions ; whereas age goeth slowly and coldly forward , and is alwaies surer in undertaking , then hot-spurre youth . and albeit no man in cold bloud could better advise then curio , or fore-see with better providence ; yet his youthfull boldnesse over-swaied his discourse , and drew all to a mischief , in despight of his wisedome . the second was , superioris temporis proventus , the happy issue of former proceedings : which of all other conditions is to be suspected , and needeth gods assistance more then any other fortune ; for that no man sooner erreth , or is more uncapable of order , then such as are in prosperity . and therefore plato refused to make lawes for them of cyrene ; as a matter of great difficulty , to give ordinances to men that were in happinesse . and doubtless , such is the exorbitancie of our nature , that nothing better informeth it then crosses ; which are as instructions and warnings , for the preventing of ruining calamities . wherein curio was not beholding to fortune at all ; that dandled him in her lap for a while , to cast him out at length headlong to his ruine . it had been much better , she had exchanged a frown with a favour , rather then to have given him much good together , and reserve an irrecoverable disgrace for the upshot . the third was , fiducia rei bene gerendae : which savoureth more of folly then any of the former ; it being alwaies an argument of an imprudent man , to assure himself of good fortune . for presumption , being ever accompanied with negligence , is subject to as many casualties , as those that go unarmed upon extremity of danger . and these were the three things that miscarried curio . out of which we may observe with xenophon , that ingens & arduum opus est recte imperare , it is a weighty and difficult matter to command well . chap. xvi . curio pursueth the enemy , with more haste then good successe . that which the cavalry had exploited , was certainly a matter of great service ; especially the small number of them , being compared with the great multitude of the numidians : and yet notwithstanding , they spake of these things with greater ostentation then the truth would bear ; as men are willing to divulge their own praises . besides , they shewed much spoil which they had taken ; captives and horses were brought out ; that whatsoever time was omitted , seemed to be a let and hinderance to the victory : by which means , the desires and endeavours of the souldiers were no way short of the hope which curio had conceived . who commanding the cavalry to follow him , marched forward with as much haste as he could ; to the end he might find the enemy distracted and astonished , at the flight and overthrow of their fellows . but the horsemen , having travelled all night , could by no means follow after . whereby it happened , that some staied in one place , some in another : yet this did not hinder or discourage curio in his hopes . juba being advertised by sabura of the conflict in the night , sent instantly two thousand spanish and french horse , which he kept about him for the safety of his person , and such of the foot-troups as he most trusted , to succour and relieve him : he himself with the rest of the forces , and forty elephants , followed softly after . sabura , suspecting by the horsemen coming before , that curio himself was at hand , imbattelled all his forces ; commanding them , that under a pretence of counterfeit fear , they should retreat by little and little ; himself , when occasion served , would give them the signe of battell , with such other directions as should be expedient . curio was strengthened in his former hope , with the opinion of the present occasion . for supposing the enemy had fled , he drew his forces from the upper ground into the plain ; wherein after he had marched a good space ( the army having travailed sixteen mile ) he made a stand . sabura gave the signe to his men of beginning the battell , led on his army , went about his troups , to exhort and encourage his souldiers . howbeit , he used his foot-men onely for a shew a farre off , and sent the cavalry to give the charge . curio was not wanting to his men ; but wished them to set all their confidence in their valour . the souldiers , ( howsoever harried and wearied , ) and the horsemen ( although but a very few , and those spent with travell ) yet wanted no courage or desire to fight . but these being but two hundred in number ( for the rest staied by the way ) what part of the army soever they charged , they forced the enemy to give way : but they could neither follow them far as they fled , nor put their horses to any round or long career . at length , the cavalry of the enemy began from both the wings to circumvent our army , and to mall them down behind : and as our cohorts issued out from the battell towards them , the numidians ( through their nimblenesse ) did easily avoid the shock ; and again , as they turned back to their ranks , inclosed them about , and cut them off from the battell : so that it neither seemed safe to keep their order and place , nor to advance themselves out , and undergo the hazard of adventure . observations . the principles and maximes of war are alwaies to be held firm , when they are taken with their due circumstances : for every rule hath a qualified state , and consisteth more in cautions and exceptions , then in authority of precept . it is true , that nothing doth more advantage a victorie , then the counsell of lamachus , the third duke of the athenians ; which was , to set upon an enemy when he is affrighted and distracted : for so there is nothing to be expected on is behalf but despair and confusion . but either to be mistaken therein , or otherwise to make such haste to observe this rule of war ( as curio did ) that the best part of the army shall he by the way , and the rest that go on shall be so spent with labour , as they are altogether unfit for service , and yet ( to make the matter worse ) to bring them into a place of disadvantage , to incounter a strong and fresh enemy , is to make the circumstances oversway the rule , and by a maxime of warre , to be directed to an overthrow : neglecting altogether that which is observed by sextus aurelius victor , satis celeriter fit , quicquid commode geritur , that which is well done , is done soon enough . chap. xvii . curio defeated and slain . some few of the army get passage to s●cily : the rest yield themselves to varus . the enemy was oftentimes renforced by succours from the king. our men had spent their strength , and fainted through weariness : such as were wounded , could neither leave the battell , nor be conveighed into a place of safety . the whole army being incompassed about with the cavalry of the enemy ( whereby despairing of their safety , as men commonly do , when their life draws towards an end ) they either lamented their own death , or recommended their friends to good fortune , if it were possible that any might escape out of that danger : all parts were filled with fear and lamentation . curio , when he perceived the souldiers to be so affrighted , that they gave care neither to his exhortations nor intreaties , he commanded them ( as the last hope they had of safety ) that they should all flie unto the next hills , and thither he commanded the ensignes to be carried . but the cavalry sent by sabura had also possessed that place before ; whereby our men began to fall into utter despair , and partly were slain as they fled by the horsemen , or fell down without wounding . cn. domitius , generall of the horse , standing with a few horsemen about him , perswaded curio to save himself by slight , and to get the camp ; promising not to leave or forsake him . but curio confidently replied , that he would never come in caesar's sight , having lost the army committed unto him ; and thereupon fighting valiantly was slain . a few horsemen saved themselves from the furie of the battell ; but such of the rereward , as staied by the way to refresh their horses , perceiving a far off the rout and flight of the whole army , returned safe into the camp. the footmen were all slain to a man. m. rufus the treasurer , being left by curio in the camp , exhorted his men not to be discouraged . they praied and besought him , they might be transported into sicily . he promised them they should ; and to that end gave order to the masters of ships , that the next evening they should bring all the skiffes to the shore . but such was the astonishment and terrour of all men , that some gave out , that juba his forces were already come ; others , that varus was at hand with the legions , and that they saw the dust of the army marching towards them ; whereas there was no such matter at all : others suspected the enemies navie would speedily make to them ; insomuch as every man shifted for himself : such as were already on ship-board made haste to be gone . their departure gave occasion to the ships of burthen to follow after . a few small barks were obedient to the command : but the shore being thronged with souldiers , such was the contention , which of all that multitude should get aboard , that some of the barks were sunk with press of people , and the rest , for fear of the like casualtie , durst not come near them . whereby it happened , that a few souldiers , and masters of families ( that through favour or pitty prevailed to be taken in , or could swim unto the ships ) were carried back safe into sicily . the rest of the forces , sending by night some of the centurions as embassadours to varus , rendered themselves unto him . the next day after , juba seeing the cohorts of these souldiers before the town , cried out presently , that they were part of his booty : and thereupon gave order that a great number of them should be slain , and selecting a few of the rest , sent them into his kingdome : varus complaining in the mean while , that his faith and promise was violated , and yet durst not resist it . the king rode into the town , attended with many s●nationns , amongst 〈◊〉 was ser. sulpitius , and licinius damasippus : and remaining there a few daies , gave such order for things as he thought fit , and then returned to his kingdome , with all his forces . observations . and this was the period which divine power made , to the hopefull beginning of curio's designe upon africk ; and happened so suddenly , as they were lost ere they were aware : like a tempest at sea , that swalloweth up vessels in the same place , where a little before they swam most proudly , and in the like irrecoverable manner . for war is not capable of a second errour ; one fault being enough to ruine an army , and to disable curio for ever doing the like : of whom lucan hath left this memoriall ; haud alium tanta civem tulit tudole roma , aut cui plus leges deberent recta sequenti . perdita nunc primum nocuerunt secula , postquam ambitus , & luxus , & opum metuenda facultas , transverso , mentem dubiam torrente tulerunt ; momentumque fuit mutatus curio rerum , gallorum captus spoliis & caesaris auro . so vertuous citizen rome never bred ; whilst right , the laws a friend like him ne're had . but the bad times first took him from his hold : ambition , riot , and the force of gold in a wrong stream soon drew his wavering mind , of great concern which way so e're inclin'd , fetcht off with gallick spoils and caesar's gifts . his body lay unburied , as a witness of numidian hate ( which is alwaies extreme , like the heat of the countrey ) and of juba's particular revenge , for tendering an edict to the people , to confiscate his kingdome . to conclude this commentary ; the losse either partie sustained unto this stage of the war , was in these particulars : pompey was driven out of italy , lost marseilles , and both the provinces of spain ; caesar received this losse in africk , besides that in the adriatick sea , where antonius miscarried , whereof he maketh no mention in these commentaries . and , as when jupiter weighed the fortune of the greeks and the troians in a pa●re of ballance , it fell out the greeks had more ill luck then the troians ; so the fortune of these parties being weighed , by the relation made thereof , it falleth plainly out , that pompey had the worse . and thus endeth the second commentarie . the third commentarie of the civile vvarres . the argument . the former books contain the drifts and designes which these famous chiefs attempted and prosecuted , while they were asunder . and now cometh their buckling at hand to be related ; together with the judgement which the warre gave of the cause in question , on caesar's behalf . chap. i. caesar giveth order at rome , for matter of credit and vsury , and other things . caesar the dictator holding the assembly for election of magistrates , julius caesar and pub. servilius were created consuls : for in that year he was capable by law to be chosen thereunto . these things being ended , forasmuch as he found that credit was very scant throughout all italy , and that money sent upon trust was not paid ; he gave order that arbitratours should be appointed , to make an estimation of possessions and goods , according as they were valued before the war ; and that the creditours should take them at that rate for their moneys . for this course he thought to be fittest , and expedient , as well for the taking away of any fear of composition , or new assurances , for the quitting and abolishing of all debts ( which do commonly fall out upon wars and civill broils , ) as also for the keeping and preserving of the debtors credit . in like manner , he restored the ancient course of appeal , made by the praetors and tribunes to the people ; as also certain courses used in suing for magistracy ( which were taken away by a law made in pompey's time , when he kept the legions about him in the city ; ) and likewise reformed such judgements in sutes and trialls of law , as were given in cases , when the matter in controversie was heard by one iudge , and the sentence pronounced the same day by another iudge . last of all , whereas divers stood condemned , for offering their service unto him in the beginning of the civill war , if he should think it fit to accept thereof ; and holding himself as much obliged unto them , as if he had used it : he thought it best expedient for them , to be acquitted by the people , rather then by his commandement and authority ; least he should either seem ungratefull , in not acknowledging their deserts ; or arrogant , in assuming to himself that which belonged to the people . the first observation . caesar , as he was dictator , holding the assembly for the choice of magistrates , himself with p. servilius isauricus were made consuls , in the year of rome . which was just ten years after his first consulship ; whereby he became capable thereof , by the law published by sylla , wherein it was provided , that no man should be chosen to an office , within ten years after he had supplied the same . in this year happened all these things which are contained in this third commentarie ; as paterculus noteth in these words ; c. caesar and p. servilius being consuls , pompey was miserably maslacred , after three consulships , and three triumphs ; and was slain , the day before his birth-day , being aged years . the choice day was regularly the first of ianuary : and the assembly was called comitium centuriatum . touching the difference of these assemblies , the parties present thereat , the manner of the choice , and other circumstances appertaining , the reader may receive information at large by rossius . only it is to be remembred , that comitia centuriata were never holden without consent of the senate . and forasmuch as the chief part of them were with pompey , lucan taketh exception at this creation . — moerentia tecta caesar habet , vacuasque domos legesque silentes , clausaque justitio tristi fora . curia solos illa videt patres , plena quos urbe fugavit . sad roofs and empty houses caesar found . the laws were silenc'd , & the courts shut up . no fathers met in senate , only they , who when the town was full were forc'd away . the persons that were suiters for the consulship , were called candidati ; who oftentimes used extraordinary means to attain the same . this moved pompey to make a law , that no man should sue for publick offices by bribes , or other corrupt courses ; and it was called lex de ambitu . which indeed was but renewed : for the same was set on foot , anno urb. . by petilius , tribune of the people ; and renewed again by pub. cornelius cethegus , anno ; and within a while after made capitall , as farre as banishment concerned the party . coponius was so condemned , having bought a voice with an * amphora of wine . the law which pompey now made , was very strict , as * dio noteth : for it was ordained , that upon producing of witnesses , the processe should end in a day giving the accuser two houres to lay open the matter , and the defender three to make answer ; and the judgement instantly followed . the rigour of which law caesar here reformed . the second observation . the second thing i observe , is the difficulty of taking up money upon credit , in time of trouble or warres : which caesar expresseth in these terms ; cum fides tota italia esset angustior , in regard credit was very scant throughout all italy . the word fides hath ever been taken for a reall performance of any promise or agreement , which tully calleth the foundation of justice , and the very prop of a commonweal ; taking the etymon to grow , quia siat quod dictum , because that which was spoken is done . according to that of nonius marcellus ; fides nomen ipsum videtur habere , cum sit quod dicitur , fides seems to have its appellation , when that 's done which was spoken . and for that men commonly are covenant-keepers , not so much by the perfection of their nature , as out of strictnesse of law , it falleth out , that where there are no lawes , there is no performance ; and consequently , little or no credit either given or kept in time of warre , because silent leges inter arma , laws are silenc'd in time of warre . caesar to provide for this inconvenience , appointed commissioners to rate every mans lands and possessions , as they were valued before the warres , and to satisfie the creditours with the same . which plutarch explaineth in this manner ; that the creditours should take yearly two parts of the revenue of their debtours , untill such time as they had paid themselves ; & that the debtours should have the other third to live withall . whereof it seemed he had some light , by a president in the consulship of valerius publicola , which is extant in livie ; novi consules foenebrem quoque rem levare aggressi , solutionem aeris alieni in publicam curam verterant , quinque viris creatis , quos mensarios , ab dispensatione pecuniae appellarunt : the new consuls intending to ease the people in point of usury , made the payment of debts a part of the publick care , and created five men to that purpose , who were called mensarii , from their disposall of those monies . this generall acquittance for debts , the romans called novae tabulae ; in this respect , as coelius rhodiginus hath it , quod cum pecuniae creditae obaeratis condonantur , novae mox cooriuntur tabulae , quibus nomina continentur nova ; in regard that when the debt was remitted to the debtour , new tables were made , wherein new names were put ; and is nothing else , but what is ordinary amongst our bankrupts , compounding for so much in the pound with their creditours , upon new assurance , and other security , which they called novae tabulae ; agreeing to that of tully : tabulae vero novae quid habent argumenti , nisi ut emas mea pecunia fundum , eum tu habeas , ego non habeam pecuniam ? what else mean these new tables , but that you shall buy a piece of ground with my money , and keep it to your self , whilst i go without my money ? concerning matter of usury , which was the ground of this mischief , tacitus noteth it , as an old and deadly disease , and the cause of many seditions in that empire ; and is never better likened , then to the biting of a serpent , called an aspick , which , upon the infusion of her venom , putteth the patient into a heavy slumber ; and in a short time , bringeth all a mans substance to death and destruction . and thereupon it is called foenus à foetu , from the fertile and ample increase of money . for , as basil noteth , the labourer loseth the seed , and contenteth himself with the fruit or increase : but the usurer will have the fruit , and yet not loose the seed . whereby there must needs grow great increase . the law of the twelve tables was , ne quis unciario foenore amplius exerceto , that no man for the future take upon use one in the hundred . the highest rate was centesima usura ; when the hundredth part of the principall was paid every month to the creditour , and was twelve per cent. the next was usura deunx , when the debtour paid eleven in the hundred for a year . the third dextans , which was per cent. dodrans . bes . septunx usura , . semis . quincunx . triens . quadrans . sextans . unciaria , one in the hundred . howbeit , cato condemned all kind of usury : for , being demanded , quid maxime in re familiari expediret ? respondit , bene pascere : quid secundum ? satis bene pascere : quid tertium ? bene vestire : quid quartum ? arare . et cum ille qui quaesierat dixisset , quid foenerari ? quid hominem inquit occidere ? what was the most expedient thing in householdry ; answered , good diet : what the second ; enough good diet : what the third ; good cloaths : what the fourth ; ploughing . and when he that question'd him thus , said , what think you of taking use ? he replyed , what is it to kill a man ? allowing ( as it seemeth ) no means of getting mony , but those which aristotle took to be most agreeing to nature : which is from the fruits of the earth , and the increase of our cattell ; with such other courses as are answerable thereunto . chap. ii. a particular view of pompey's forces . in the accomplishing of these things , as also celebrating the latine holy-daies , and holding the assemblies of the people , having spent eleven daies , he gave over his dictatorship , left the city , and came to brundusium . for he had commanded seven legions , and all his cavalry to repair thither . howbeit , he found no more shipping ready , then would hardly transport fifteen thousand legionary souldiers , and five hundred horse ; the want of shipping seeming to hinder him from bringing the war to a speedy end . moreover , those forces which were shipped , were but weak ; in regard that many of them were lost in the wars of gallia , and lessened likewise by their long journey out of spain : besides that the unwholsome autumn in apulia , and about brundusium , had made the whole army ill disposed , being newly come out of the sweet air of gallia and spain . pompey having had a years space to provide himself of men and munition , and neither war nor enemy to trouble him , had got together a great navy out of asia , from the cyclade iles , corcyra , athens , pontus , bithynia , syria , cilicia , phoenicia , and egypt ; and had caused another as great a fleet to be built in all places fit for that purpose ; had raised great summs of mony out of asia , and syria , and of all the kings , dynastes , tetrarchs , and free states of achaia ; and had likewise compelled the corporations of those provinces to contribute the like summe . he had enrolled nine legions of roman citizens : five which he had transported out of italy ; one old legion out of sicily , which being compounded and made of two , he called the ●win ; one out of creet and macedonia●old ●old souldiers , who being discharged by 〈…〉 those provinces ; and 〈…〉 of asia ▪ which lentulus the consul had caused to be enrolled . besides , he had distributed amongst those legions , under the 〈…〉 supply , a great number of thessaly , 〈…〉 , and epirus . amongst these he had mingled antonie's souldiers : and besides these , he expected to be brought by scipio , out of syria , two legions . of archers out of crete , lacedaemon , pontus . and syria , and the rest of the cities , he had ; six cohorts of slingers , two mercenary , & horse . whereof deiotarus had brought galles ; ariobarzanes out of cappadocia ; cotus out of thracia had sent the like number , under the leading of his son sadalis . from macedonia came , commanded by rascipolis , a captain of great fame and vertue . from alexandria came , part galles , and part germans ; which a. gabinius had left there with king ptolemy , to defend the town . pompey the son had brought with the navy , of his shepheards and servants . tarcondarius , castor , and donilaus , had sent three hundred out of gallograecia ; of whom , one came himself , and the other sent his son . two hundred were sent out of syria , by comagenus of antioch , whom pompey had presented with great gifts : most of which were arbalestriers on horseback . to these were added dardans , and bessi , partly for pay and entertainment , and partly got by command or favour ; besides macedonians , thessalians , and of divers other nations and cities : insomuch as he filled up the number formerly spoken of . he provided great quantity of corn out of thessaly , asia , crete , cyrene , and the rest of those regions . he determined to winter at dyrrachium , apollonia , and all the maritime towns , to keep caesar from passing the sea : and to that end , he had laid and disposed his navie all along the sea-coast . pompey the son was admirall of the aegyptian ships ; d. laelius and c. triarius , of those that came out of asia . c. cassius commanded them of syria ; and c. marcellus , with c. pomponius , the ships of rhodes . scribonius libo and m. octavius had charge of the liburnian and achaian navie . howbeit m. bibulus commanded in chief in all sea causes ; and to him was left the superintendency of the admiralty . the first observation . concerning these latinae feriae , it is to be noted , that the romans had two sorts of feriae , or holy-daies ; the one called annales , which came alwaies to be kept on a certain day , and thereupon were called anniversarii , or , yearly : the other , conceptivae ; which were arbitrary , and solemnized upon such daies , as the magistrates and priests thought most expedient , whereof these latinae feriae were chief ; and were kept on mount albane , to jupiter latiar or latialis , for the health and preservation of all the latine people , in league and confederacy with the people of rome , and were solemnized in remembrance of the truce between those two nations : during which feast , the romans held it unlawfull to make any war. the sacrifice was a white bull , kill'd and offered by the consuls , and the flesh distributed to the inhabitants of latium ; according to an ancient treaty of alliance between them , engraven for a perpetuall memory , in a column of brasse . the particulars whereof are expressed at large by dionysius halicarnasseus . the second observation . the second thing coming to be noted , is the view taken of pompey's forces : which are nine compleat legions , besides the supplies here particularly mentioned , sent from such as bare affection to that party ; and , by indifferent calculation , might amount in all , to near about threescore thousand men , together with the favour of the countrey , where the triall was to be made by the stroke of war. in which muster were the souldiers of c. antonius ; whose misfortune these commentaries have either willingly forgot , or some other chance hath wip't it clean out . howbeit florus hath it recorded , that caesar having sent dolabella and antonius to seize upon the streights , and entrance of the adriatick sea , the one took hold of the coast of sclavonia , and the other near unto corfu : when upon a suddain came octavius and pompey's lieutenants , and with great forces ( they had aboard their ships ) surprized both the one and the other ; whereby antonius was constrained to yield up fifteen companies , which were these souldiers of antonius hear mentioned . rascipolis , or rascupolis , was a thracian of great fame , that followed pompey ; and his brother rascus betook himself to caesar , upon an appointment made between themselves . for finding in the countrey where they dwelt , two great factions in opposition , & doubting which party to take , they divided themselves , as the best approved part of neutrality : and held likewise the same course , in the war between brutus and octavius , continuing unto the battell of philippi . upon the issue whereof , rascus demanded no other reward for his service , then the life of his brother : which was easily granted . this pompey's high admirall , was fellow-consul with caesar , in the year of rome . but caesar so out-stript him in the managing of things , that he much suspected himself , as insufficient for the place : which made him keep his house all that year . whereupon came this distich ; non bibulo quicquam nuper , sed caesare factum : nam bibulo fieri consule nil memini . caesar did all , nought bibulus did do : of consul bibulus no act i know . chap. iii. caesar passeth over into greece , and returneth his shipping to brundusium . octavius besiegeth salonae . caesar upon his arrivall at brundusium , called the souldiers together ; and shewed them , that forasmuch as they were almost come to an end of all their labours and dangers , they would now be content to leave willingly behind them their servants and carriages in italy , and go aboard clear of those incumberments , to the end , the greater number of souldiers might be taken in ; and that they should expect the supply of all these things from victory , and his liberality . every man cried out , that he should command what he would , and they would willingly obey it . the second of the nones of january , he weighed anchour , having ( as is formerly shewed ) shipped seven legions . the next day he came to land at the promontory of ceraunium , having got a quiet road amongst the rocks and places of danger . for doubting how he might safely venture upon any of the known ports of that coast , ( which he suspected to be kept by the enemy ) he made choice of that place which is called pharsalus ; and there arriving in safety with all his ships , he landed his souldiers . at the same time , lucretius vespillo and minutius rufus ( by order from laelius ) were at oricum , with eighteen ships of asia : and m. bibulus was likewise at corfu , with one hundred and ten ships . but neither durst those come out of the port , although caesar had not in all above twelve ships of war , to wa●t him over ; amongst which , he himself was imbarked : neither could bibulus come soon enough , his ships being unready , and his mariners ashore ; for that caesar was descried near the continent , before there was any bruit of his coming in all those regions . the souldiers being landed , he sent back the same night the shipping to brundusium ; that the other legions , and the cavalry might be brought over . fusius calenus , the legat , had the charge of this service , and was to use all celeritie in transporting over the legions : but setting out late , and omitting the opportunity of the night wind , they failed of their purpose in returning back . for bibulus being certified at corsu of caesar's arrivall , and hoping to meet with some of the ships of burthen , met with the empty ships going back to brundusium : and having taken thirty of them , he wreaked his anger ( conceived through grief and omission ) and set them all on fire , consuming therein both the masters , and the mariners ; hoping by the rigour of that punishment , to terrifie the rest . this being done , he possest all the coast , from salonae to oricum , with ships and men of war ; appointing guards with more diligence then formerly had been used . he himself , in the depth of winter , kept watch a ship-board , not refusing any labour or duty , nor expecting any succour , if he happened to meet with caesar . but after the departure of the liburnian gallies , m. octavius , with such ships as he had with him , came from illyricum to salonae ; and there having incited the dalmatians , and other barbarous people , drew hissa from caesar's party . and finding that he could not move them of salonae , neither with promise nor threatnings , he resolved to besiege the town . the place was strong by nature , through the advantage of a hill ; and the roman citizens ( there inhabiting ) had made towers of wood to ●ortifie it within : but finding themselves too weak to make resistance ( being wearied out and spent with wounds ) they fell at length to the last refuge of all ; which was , to enfranchize all their bond-slaves , above the age of fourteen years ; and cutting their womens hair , they made engines thereof . their resolution being known , octavius incompassed the town about with five camps : and at one instant of time began to force them by siege , and by assault . they being resolved to undergo all extremities , were much pressed through want of corn ; and thereupon sending messengers to caesar , sought help of him . other inconveniences they indured as they might . and after a long time , when the continuance of the siege had made the octavians remisse and negligent ( taking the opportunity of the noon time , when the enemy was retired aside , and placing their children and women on the wall , that nothing might seem omitted of that which was usuall ) they themselves , together with such as they had lately infranchized , brake into the next camp unto the town . which being taken , with the same violence they set upon another ; and then upon the third , and so upon the fourth , and in the end , upon the fifth ; driving the enemy out of all the camps : and having slain a great number , they forced octavius , and the rest remaining , to betake them to their ships ; and so the siege ended . for octavius despairing to take the town , the winter approaching , and having received such losses , retired to pompey at dyrrachium . the first observation . it hath been generally conceived , that there is little or no use of women in times of war , but that they are a burthen to such as seek honour by deeds of armes ; and do better sute the licentio●snesse of peace , then the dangers of warfare . whereof andromache is made an instance ; from that which homer reporteth of her tears , sighs , and praiers , to withdraw hector from those valorous exploits , which he undertook for the defence of troy. and therefore they are by ovid wished to handle the distaffe and the spindle , and leave the warres , as fitter for men , then the weaknesse of their sex. — columque i cape cum calathis , & stamina pollice torque : bella relinque viris — go take thy basket on thy head , and at the distaff twist thy thread . leave warres to men — neverthelesse it cannot be denied , that howsoever soever the tendernesse of women doth require a passive course of life , under the shelter of a safe roof , rather then in the bleak storms of active endeavour ; yet there have been some viragoes , that have over-topped the pride of men in points of war : amongst whom , semiramis may lead the rest ; together with tomyris , cyrus mistresse by conquest . as also zen●bia , that subdued the persians ; and helena , queen of the russes . besides other noble spirits , that could answer such as told them news of the death of their sons in battell , that they had brought them into the world for that onely purpose . which do prove , as well a reall , as a potentiall aptness of that sex , to the use and practice of armes . and if any man ( as unwilling to affoord them so much worth ) will know wherein they avail the fortune of a war , he may take notice , that even in expeditions ( wherein they are most subject to exceptions ) they alwaies give acceptable assistances to their husbands , both in their provisions , and otherwise ; and are such companions , as can hardly be left at home , without danger of greater hazard . but in places besieged , women do not onely affoord hair to make ropes , if need require ( as it fell out in this siege ) but are able to cast pieces of mill-stones upon the enemy , with better fortune sometimes then any other man : and have thereby slain the generall , to the raising of the siege , and saving of the citie . but to take instances of later times : it is not to be forgotten , that when the arch-duke matthias ( after the death of count mansfield commanded the christian army , at the siege of strigonium ; while the turks , within the castle , were making works for a retreat , the women ( in the mean time ) made good the breaches ; and there bestowed such store of wild-fire , that the italian squadrons ( commanded by aldobrandine ) being joyned poldron to poldron , to presse into the breach , seemed all of a fire at once , and were forced to fall off with great terrour and confusion . the second observation . a town assaulted by a warlike enemy , is not kept or freed with charmes or spells ; or as the inhabitants of tomby , in the east indies , drave away the portugalls , with hives of bees , when they were possessed of the walls : but with such valour as may over-master the enemy , and extend it self to the taking of five camps , if need require ; which was performed by these inhabitants of salonae . chap. iii. caesar sendeth to pompey , touching a peace ; taketh in oricum , apollonia , and other places . it is before declared , that vibullius rufus ( one of pompey's lieutenants ) was twice taken by caesar , and dismissed ; once at corfinum , and a second time in spain . him did caesar deem ( in regard of the favours which he had shewed him ) to be a sit person , to be sent with a message to pompey ; and the rather , for that he understood , that he was in good account and credit with him . the summe of his commission was , to tell him , that it beseemed them both to give an end to their wilfulnesse , to lay down their armes , and not to tempt fortune any longer ; either side had been sufficiently afflicted with losse and dammages : which might serve for instruction and example to avoid other inconveniences . he for his part was driven out of italy , with the losse of sicily , sardinia , and the two provinces of spain , as also of one hundred and thirty cohorts of roman citizens in spain and italy . himself was afflicted with the death of curio , with the losse of the african armie , and with the rendry of the souldiers at corfu . and therefore they should have regard of themselves , and of the common-wealth . they had good experience by their own losses , what fortune could do in war. this was the onely time to treat of peace , whilst either party stood confident in his own strength , and seemed of equall might and power . but if fortune should chance to sway to one side , he that thought he had the better end of the staffe , would never hearken to any conditions of peace , nor content himself with a reasonable part , because his hope would give him all . concerning the articles of treaty , forasmuch as they could not agree thereof themselves , they ought to seek them from the senate and people of rome . in the meanwhile , it was fit that the common-wealth and themselves should rest satisfied , if ( without further delay ) both of them did take an oath in the presence of their armies , to dismisse their forces within three daies next following ; to lay down armes , and send away their auxiliary troups , wherein they so relied ; and consequently , to depend upon the judgement and decree of the people of rome . for assurance whereof on his behalf , he would presently discharge as well his forces in the field , as those in garrison . vibullius , having received these instructions from caesar ( thinking it no lesse requisite to advertise pompey of caesar's arrivall , that he might consult of that , before he delivered what he had in charge ) posted night and day , taking at every stage fresh horse ; that he might certifie pompey , that caesar was at hand with all his forces . pompey was at that time in candavia , and went out of macedonia to winter in apollonia , and at dy●rachium . but being troubled at the news , he made towards apollonia by great journeys , least caesar should possesse himself of the maritime cities . caesar having landed his forces , went the next day to oricum . upon his approach , l. torquatus , who commanded the town under pompey , and had there a garrison of parthians , shutting the gates , went about to defend the place , commanding the graecians to take armes , and make good the walls . but they refusing to fight against the power and authority of the people of rome , and the townsmen endeavouring of their own accord to receive caesar in ; he opened the gates , despairing of all other succours , gave up both himself and the town to caesar , and was entertained by him in safety . oricum being taken in by caesar , without any further delay he went to apollonia . his coming being heard of , l. straberius , the governour , began to carrie water into the citadell , to fortifie it , and to require pledges of the inhabitants . they , on the other side , denied to give any , or to shut their gates against the consul , or of themselves to take a resolution contrary to that which all italy and the people of rome had thought convenient . their affections being known , he secretly conveighed himself away . the apollonians sent commissioners to caesar , and received him into the town . the bellidenses followed their example , and the amatini , together with the rest of the confining cities . and to conclude , all epirus sent unto caesar , promising to do what he commanded . but pompey understanding of these things , which were done at oricum and apollonia , fearing dyrrachium , posted thither night and day . howbeit , upon the report of caesar's approch , the armie was so astonished , that for haste on their way , they left almost all their ensignes in epi●us and the confining regions : and many of them ( casting away their armes ) seemed rather to flie , then to march as souldiers . as they came near to dyrrachium , pompey made a stand , and caused the camp to be intrenched ; whenas yet the army was so affrighted , that labienus stood out first , and took a solemn oath , never to forsake pompey , but to undergo what chance soever fortune had allotted him . the same oath took the legates ; being seconded by the tribunes of the shouldiers , and centurions , and by all the army , that took the like oath . the first observation . unum est tempus ( saith caesar ) de pace agendi , dum uterque sibi confidit , & pares ambo videntur ; the only time to treat of peace is , whilst either party is confident of his strength , and both seem of equall might and power . which may serve for an excellent rule , to point out the fittest and seasonablest time for composition between two opposite parties . for as in quantities , equality begetteth equality , and disparity a like unevennesse of nature ; so in other things , as namely in treaties of agreement , the conditions do commonly rise to either partie , according as they stand ballanced in the scale of equality ; or otherwise , as the difference of their means shall allot them . for if that be true in the extremity , which curtius hath , that lawes are given by conquerours , and accepted upon all conditions , by them that are subdued ; it doth consequently follow in the mean , that men find dealing proportionable to their fortune . to which purpose is that of plato , where he saith , that peace and quietness consist in equality ; as trouble and motion are alwaies in inequality . the second observation . it appeareth here by the fright and astonishment of pompey's army , that the course he took to abandon italic , was out of no good advice or direction . for whereas he might with farre more honour , and no lesse hope of successe , have contested with caesar , in the place where the warre brake out , and kept him to a task which should have held him from the conquest of spain , or such other atchievements as he easily wrought in the absence of his adversaries : it fell out , that his departure into greece sorted to no other end , then by time to abate the edge of the forwardest courages , and to suffer a numerous armie to be daunted with noise and clamours of continuall victories , gotten upon a part of themselves ; and then to give occasion to the conquerour to come in the 〈◊〉 of fame , and take them disarmed of expectation , to their great amazement . chap. v. caesar taketh up his lodging for winter . bibulus distressed at sea for want of provisions , seemeth desirous of a treaty : which being carried on the other side with good caution , breaketh off again . caesar understanding that his passage to dyrrachium was thus intercepted , did forbear his haste , and incamped himself upon the river apsus , in the confines of the apollonians ; that by the means of his guards and forts , such cities as had well deserved of him , might be in safety : and there determined to winter , in tents of skin , and to attend the coming of his other legions out of italy . the like did pompey , pitching his camp on the other side of the river apsus ; and there assembled all his troups and forreign aids . calenus having ( according to caesar's directions ) imbarked the legions and cavalry at brundusium , and taken in as many as his shipping would contain , he set sail : but being gone a little out of the port , he received letters of advice from caesar , that all the havens and the sea-coast was kept with the enemies fleet . whereupon he made again into the haven , and called back all the ships : only one , holding on her course , without regard of the command , carrying no souldiers , but belonging to private men , arrived at oricum , and there was taken by bibulus ; who spared neither bond nor free , of as many as were of age , but put all to the sword . whereby it happened , that in a moment of time , by great chance the whole army was saved . bibulus , as is before declared , lay at oricum with his navy . and as he kept the sea and the ports from caesar ; so was he kept from landing in any of those countries : for all the sea-coast was kept by guards and watches set along the shore , that he could neither water , get wood , nor bring his ships to land upon any occasion : insomuch as he was brought into great streightnesse and exigence , for want of all necessaries ; and was constrained ( besides all other provisions ) to fetch his water and wood from corfu . and one time amongst the rest it happened , that the weather being foul , they were forced to relieve themselves with the dew which in the night time fell upon the skins , that covered the decks of the ships . all which extremities they patiently endured ; and would by no means be brought to leave the ports , or abandon the sea-coast . but as they were in these difficulties , and that libo and bibulus were come together , they both of them spake from a-shipboard to m. acilius and statius murcus , legates ( of whom one was governour of the town , and the other had the charge of such guards as were along the shore ) signifying , that they would willingly talk with caesar of matters of great consequence , if they might have leave . for a better shew and assurance whereof , they intimated something concerning a composition . in the mean time they earnestly desired there might be a truce : for the thing they propounded imported matter of great weight , which they knew caesar exceedingly affected ; and it was thought that bibulus was able to work somewhat to that purpose . caesar at that time was gone with one legion to take in some towns farther off , and to set a course for provision of corn , which was brought sparingly unto him ; and was then at buthrotum , opposite to corfu . being certified there by letters from acilius and murcus , of that which libo and bibulus had required , he left the legion , and returned himself to oricum . at his arrivall thither , they were called out to treat . libo came forth , and excused bibulus , for that he was exceeding cholerick , and had besides conceived a great anger at caesar , about the aedility and praetorship : and in regard of that , he did shun the conference , lest a matter of that utility and importance should be disturbed by his intemperate carriage . pompey , he said , alwaies was desirous that matters might be accorded , and that arms might be laid aside : but they of themselves could do nothing therein ; forasmuch as by the generall resolution of a councell , the superintendency of the warre , and the disposition of all things were referred to pompey . howbeit , when they understood what caesar required , they would send instantly a dispatch unto pompey , and be a means that he should accomplish all things with good satisfaction . in the mean time let there be a truce ; and untill an answer might be returned from him , let neither party offend one another . to this he added somewhat concerning the cause in question , the forces and aids . to which caesar did not think it fit at that time to make any answer : nor do we think there is cause now to make mention thereof . caesar required , that it might be lawfull for him to send embassadours to pompey without danger ; and that they would undertake , that such as he sent , might be well intreated , or take them into their charge , and bring them safely to pompey . concerning the truce , the course of the warre fell out to be so carried , that they , with their navy , did keep his ships and succours from coming unto him ; and he , on the other side , did prohibite them from , landing , or taking in fresh water : and if they would have that granted unto them , let them cease guarding of the coast ; but if they would continue that , then would he continue the other . notwithstanding , he thought the treaty of accord might go on , albeit these were not omitted ; for he took them to be no impediment thereunto . they would neither receive caesar's embassadours , nor undertake for their safety ; but referred the whole matter to pompey : only they instanced , and very vehemently urged for the truce . but caesar perceiving that all this speech tended only to avoid the present danger , and to supply themselves of such wants wherewith they were streightened , and that there was no condition of peace to be expected , he began to think of prosecuting the warre . the first observation . as in contracting with a party , it is duely to be cared , that war be not shrowded under the fair name of peace ; so a truce demanded by an enemy , is to be handled sparingly and with suspicion : as a thing never commonly required , but when necesity doth move them thereunto ; and not to be granted , but as it may inferre the like advantage . but to yield to a suspension of arms , advantageous to an enemy , and no way gainfull to them that consent unto it , is neither allowable by reason , nor caesar's example . and if occasion prove it requisite , it must be but for a little time : for a prince armed in the field , that shall entertain a truce for any long season , shall see his army consumed both in courage , and in the parts thereof , which will fall asunder of themselves ; and was the means , by which lewis the eleventh put by edward the fourth king of england , from going on with a warre that might have given him the possession of the crown of france . whence it is , that such as seek a peace , desire no more then a cessation of arms , for some reasonable time , as an introduction inforcing the same . concerning leagues , we are to note that there are found three differences . the first is , a league of peace : which by the apostles rule , should extend to all men , habete pacem cum omnibus , have peace with all men ; and by example of holy patriarchs ( isaack with abimelech , jacob with laban ) may lawfully be made with heathen princes ; being as the golden chain , that tieth all the nations of the earth in peaceable community . the second is , a league of entercourse , or commerce ; which is likewise by the same patriarch , sending for corn into egypt , and solomon's entercourse with hyram king of tyre , together with divers other examples , allowable with infidels . for nature being rich in variety of commodities , doth therefore divide her works amongst the kingdomes of the earth , that there might be a mutuall entercourse of exchange between the parts of the same . the third is , a league of mutuall assistance ; such as jehosaphat made with achab : and it is hardly safe with any prince ; but no way allowable with infidels . touching the persons to be offered in a treaty , it is to be observed from bibulus , that no man , whose presence may either give offence , or whose intemperance may any way interrupt a course sorting to a happy issue , is fit for any such imployment . the second observation . there were in rome certain officers called aediles , ab aedibus , as having the care of houses and buildings , both publick and private , that they might be built and maintained in such manner as was agreeable to the ordinances of that state , together with other things whereof they had the charge . nunc sum designatus aedilis ( saith cicero ) habeo rationem quod a populo romano acceperim , mihi ludos sanctissimos , maxima cum ceremonia , cereri liberoque faciendos : mihi floram matrem populo plebique romanae , ludorum celebritate placandam : mihi ludos antiquissimos , qui primi romani sunt nominati , maxima cum dignitate ac religione , jovi , junoni , minervaeque esse faciendos : mihi sacrarum aedium procurationem ; mihi totam urbem tuendam esse commissam : ob earum rerum laborem & solicitudinem fructus illos datos , antiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicendae locum , togam praetextam , sellam curulem , jus imaginis , admemoriam posteritatemque prodendam . now that i am appointed to bear the office of aedility , i recon with my self what charge i have received from the people of rome : viz. to see to the solemnizing with highest ceremony of the most holy plaies consecrated to ceres and bacchus ; to the pacifying of flora towards the people with celebration of playes due to her ; as likewise to the performing of those most ancient playes , in honour of jupiter , juno , and pallas , with the greatest splendour and religion possible : to have a care of sacred houses , and in generall of the whole city , &c. wherein it is to be noted , that these shews and plaies , were alwayes made and set forth at the charge and costs of the aediles : and thence it was , that the allowing or disallowing of all play-books belonged unto them . moreover , they had the charge of all the publick buildings and works of the city , together with the provision of victuall and corn. and for the missing of this office , was bibulus angry with caesar , and would not be regained upon any condition . chap. vi. bibulus dieth . caesar useth means to procure a treaty of peace ; but prevaileth not . bibulus being kept from landing many dayes together , and fallen into a grievous sicknesse , through cold and extreme labour ( and having no means of help , nor yet willing to forgo his charge ) could no longer withstand the violence of the disease . he being dead , there was none appointed to take the whole charge , but every man commanded his own fleet . the hurlyburly being quieted which caesar's suddain arrivall had moved , vioullius with the assistance of libo , together with l. lucceius and theophanes , to whom pompey was wont to communicate matters of greatest importance , resolved to deliver what caesar had recommended unto him : and entering into the relation thereof , was interrupted by pompey , forbidding him to speak any farther of that matter . what use or need have i ( saith he ) either of my life , or of the city , when i shall be thought to enjoy it by caesar's favour ? neither can the opinion thereof be removed , untill the warre be ended ; that of my self i return back into italy , from whence i am come . caesar understood this , from those that were present when he spake it : and yet notwithstanding , he endeavoured by other means , to procure a parlce of peace . for the two camps of pompey and caesar were only separated by the river apsus , that ran between them ; where the souldiers had often colloquies , and by agreement amongst themselves , threw no weapon during the time of their treaty . whereupon he sent p. vatinius , a legate , to the river bank , to utter such things as did chiefly concern a peace ; and to ask oftentimes with a loud voice , whether it were not lawfull for citizens to send to citizens , touching a treaty of peace ; being a thing permitted to the thieves of the pyreneian mountains : or at least , to move that citizens should not in arms contend with citizens . and having spoken much very respectfully , as well concerning his own wellfare , as the safety of all the rest , he was heard with silence by the souldiers on both sides . at length , it was answered from the other party , that a. varro did offer himself for a conference the next day ; so that the commissioners on both sides might come and go in safety , and deliver freely their opinions : for which a certain time was then appointed . the next day , great multitudes of either side presented themselves at the place assigned ; and great was the expectation thereof , every man seeming to incline to peace . out of which troup stept forth t. labienus , and spake softly touching the peace : and at last , entered into altercation with vatinius . in the middle of their speech were weapons suddainly cast from all parts : which he avoided , being covered and defended with weapons . notwithstanding many were wounded ; and amongst others , cornelius balbus , m. plotius , l. tiburtius , centurions , besides many other souldiers . then said labienus , leave off therefore to speak of any composition ; for unlesse caesar's head be brought , there can be no peace . observations . this small piece of the story containeth divers notable passages of extremity , in the carriage of pompey , and others of his party . as first ( to take them as they lie ) that of wilfulnesse in bibulus : whom neither sicknesse , nor despair of help could move to intermit the task he had undertaken ; but chose rather to suffer unto death , in approving his zeal to the cause , then to give himself a breathing time for the saving of his life : and may serve to admonish any other bibulus , to value his life above that which a stiffe and wilfull opinion may lead him unto , beyond the measure of honourable endeavour , or what else may any way be justly expected ; least in striving to do much , he happen to do nothing . for that cannot be understood to be well done in another mans behalf , that is not well done in his own . the second is , pompey's resolution ; being so extreme , as no composition , or other thing whatsoever , could give him satisfaction , but only a victorious end of that warre . our proverb saith , better a lean agreement , then a fat remedy . and the casualties of warre may move an experienced commander , to imbrace a safe and quiet peace ; as knowing , that he that goeth about to vex another , shall have his turn of suffering the like miseases : and as war beginneth when one party listeth , so it endeth when the other side pleaseth . — facilis descensus averni : sed revocare gradum , superasque evadere ad auras , hoc opus , hic labor est — — the way to hell is easy : but to come back , and to recover life , this is a task indeed — and therefore let no commander , how great soever , refuse all peace , but that which is bought by extremity of war ; least the event ( whereof there can be no assurance ) fall out as it happened to pompey : but rather with the use , let him learn the end of arms ; which is , to make straight that which is crooked , and out of discord and dissension , to draw means of a happy peace . to which may be added that other of labienus , as far in extremity as either of the former ; whom nothing would satisfie but caesar's head . it cannot be denied , but that he strook at the root ; for his head was the head of that war. but to say it , rather then to do it , was no argument of labienus worthinesse . for as polybius noteth , it is common to most men to magnify themselves , with words full of wind ; yea and more then that , to follow their designes with impetuous violence : but to direct their undertakings to a successfull issue , and to remove by industry or providence , such hinderances as happen to traverse their hopes , is granted but to a few ; and now denied to labienus , notwithstanding this bravado . and therefore , let such commanders as are in good opinion and esteem with their generall , be well wary of imbarking their party in any cause , farther then may beseem the wisdome and experience of judicious leaders ; as believing in that of metellus to king bocchus : omne bellum sumi facile , caeterum acerrime desinere : non in ejusdem potestate initium ejus & finem esse : incipere cuivis etiam ignavo licere ; deponi , cum victores velint . every warre is easily begun , but hardly so soon ended : the beginning and the end of it are not in the same man's power : any poor-spirited fellow may begin a warre ; but it shall end when the conquerour pleaseth , and not before . chap. vii . coelius rufus moveth sedition in italy , and it slain . at the same time , m. coelius rufus the praetor at rome , undertaking the businesse of debts , in the beginning of his magistracy , placed his seat by the chair of c. trebonius praetor of the town ; promising to be assisting to any man , that would appeal unto him , concerning valuation and paiment to be performed by arbitratours , according as caesar had ordained . but it came to passe , as well through the equity and indifferency of the decree , as through the lenity of trebonius ( who was of opinion , that those times required an easy and mild execution of justice ) that none were found , from whom the beginning of the appeal might grow : for to pretend poverty , or to complain of particular misfortune ▪ and of the calamity of those times , or otherwise to propound the difficulties of selling their goods by an outrope , was every mans practise ; but for any man to acknowledge himself to be in debt , and yet to keep his possessions whole and untouched , was held to be a very strange impudency : so that there was no man found that would require it . moreover , coelius carried a very hard hand to such as should have received benefit thereby . and having made this entrance ( to the end he might not seem to have undertook a shamefull or dishonest cause ) he published a law , that there should be no interest paid for any monies let out upon consideration , for thirty six dayes of the time agreed on . but when he perceived that servilius the consul , and the rest of the magistrates did oppose themselves against him therein , and finding it not to sort with his expectation ( to the end he might incite and stirre up the humours and spirits of men ) he abrogated that law , and instead thereof made two others . the one , which cut off the yearly rents that tenants were accustomed to pay their land-lords , for the houses they dwelt in : and the other , touching new assurances , and the abolishing of old debts . whereupon the multitude ran violently upon c. trebonius , and ( having hurt divers that stood about him ) pulled him out of his chair . of these things servilius the consul made relation to the senate : who thereupon decreed , that coelius should be removed from his praetorship . and by means of that decree , the consul interdicted him the senate , and also drew him from the * speaking-place , as he went about to make a speech to the people . coelius moved with shame and despight , made as though he would go to caesar ; but sent messengers secretly to milo , condemned to banishment for killing clodius . and having recalled him into italy , that by great gifts and rewards had gained to his party the remainder of the company of fencers , he joyned himself with him : and then sent him before to thurin , to excite and stirre up the shepheards to sedition ; he himself going to cassiline . at the same instant , his ensignes and arms being stayed at capua , besides his family suspected at naples , and their attempt against the town perceived ; their other designes being discovered , and their partizans shut out of capua ; fearing some danger , forasmuch as the inhabitants had took arms , and held him as an enemy , he let fall his former determination , and brake off his journey . in the mean while , milo , having sent letters to the municipall towns , that what he did , was by the authority and commandment of pompey , according as he received it from bibulus , he applied himself to , and sollicited such as were in debt : with whom prevailing nothing , he brake up divers prisons , and began to assault cosa in thurin : and there he was slain by q. pedius the praetor , with a stone which he cast from the wall . coelius going on ( as he gave out ) towards caesar , he came to thury ; where when he had moved divers of the inhabitants , and promised mony to the french and spanish cavalry , which caesar had put there for a garrison , he was in the end slain by them . and so the beginning of great matters , which put all italy in fear and trouble , by the indirect practises of the magistrates , and the iniquity of the times , had a speedy and easy end . observations . it is to be noted , for the better understanding these passages , that of those which were chosen praetors , the two chiefest remained at rome . the one , to administer justice to the citizens , which was called praetor urbanus ; who in the absence of the consul , had the superintendency of the affairs of the state , assembled the senate , received packets , made dispatches , and gave order in all things : which place was now supplied by trebonius . the other was called praetor peregrtnus ; whose office was , to order the causes and suits of forreigners and strangers : whereunto coelius was chosen ; and being of a turbulent and unquiet spirit , took occasion upon this rent in the state , to raise new garboils , fit for his own purposes ; as having learned what aristotle teacheth , that all things which are already stirred are more easily moved , then other natures that are yet in quiet . and thereupon , having power by his office to decide causes of controversy , he removed his tribunal , and placed it hard by where trebonius fate , to the end he might oppose the decrees he made , for the prizing of goods to satisfie creditours , and draw the people to appeal unto him ; publishing withall certain dangerous edicts , on the behalf of those that were in debt . this coelius was cicero's scholar for oratory ; and in the opinion of quintilian , was thought worthy to have lived longer , if he had been of a staied and settled carriage : but now must stand for an example of a wilfull magistrate . touching rostra , which i have translated the speaking-place , it was a part of their forum , where the consuls and other magistrates spake unto the people : wherein was built a chair or pulpit , of the beak-heads of ships , which the romans took from the antiatii , and thereupon took the name of rostra ; memorable amongst other things , for that antony set tullie's head between his two hands , in the chair , where he had often spoken most eloquently , and with as many good words , as were ever found in humane oratory . chap. viii . libo taketh an iland right over against the haven of brundusium ; and is beaten off by a stratagem . libo departing from oricum , with his fleet of fifty ships , came to brundusium , and took an iland , which lyeth over against the haven , as a place of great importance , by which our army must necessarily come forth ; thereby shutting in all the ports , and parts of that shore : as also surprising by his sudden coming , certain ships of burthen , he set all on fire , saving one laden with corn , which he took along with him . whereby he put our men into a great fear ; and landing certain souldiers and horsemen in the night-time , he dislodged the cavalry that were there in garrison : and so prevailed , through the advantage of the place , as he writ to pompey , that he might draw the other shipping on shore , and new trim them ; for he would undertake , with his fleet alone , to hinder those forces from coming to caesar . antonius was then at brundusium ; who trusting to the valour of the souldiers , armed out threescore skiffs belonging to great ships , and fencing them with hurdles and planks , put certain choice souldiers in them , disposing them in severall places along the shore : and further commanded two triremes ( which he had caused to be made at brundusium , for the exercise of the souldiers in rowing ) to go out to the mouth of the haven . libo perceiving these to come out somewhat loosely , and hoping to intercept them , sent out five quadriremes to attach them : which were no sooner come near unto our ships , but the old souldiers that were aboard fled back into the port. the enemy , carried on with a desire of taking them , pressed after somewhat : rashly , and unadvisedly : when at length , upon a signall given , the skiffs came suddenly out from all parts , set upon them , and at the first shock took one of the quadriremes , with all the ●ar-men and souldiers in her ; the rest they compelled to fly away shamefully . to which losse this was farther added , that they were kept from water , by the cavalry which antonius had disposed along the coast : through necessity whereof ( as also by reason of the ignominie received ) libo departed from brundusium , and gave over the siege . many moneths were now past , and the winter came hardon , and yet neither the shipping nor the legions came from brundusium , to caesar . and some opportunities seemed to be omitted , for that the wind was good oftentimes ; which caesar thought they would have taken . and the longer they staied there , the streighter was all the coast guarded and kept , by such as commanded the fleet ; being now in great hope to hinder their passage . which they did the rather endeavour , because they were oftentimes reproved by letters from pompey , for that they did not impeach caesar's coming at first : which he did to make them the more carefull , to hinder those supplies . and in attending so from day to day an opportunity of passage , it would wax worse and worse , the winds growing more easy and gentle . observations . by how much easier it is to keep the out-let of one port , then to guard the coast of a large countrey : by so much was libo more likely to prevail , in seeking to shut up the haven of b●undusium , to hinder these supplies from coming unto caesar ; then the other , that went about to guard all the maritime parts of epirus , to keep them from landing , after they were at sea. but such is the uncertainty of enterprises of war , that albeit our course be rightly shapen , yet it doth often fail of leading us to that which is desired . for , howsoever he was possessed of this iland , that lay thwait the mouth of the haven , and had thrust out the guard of horsemen , and so became confident of blocking up the port : yet there was means found by the adverse party , to give him such an affront , as made him quit the place with more dishonour , then could be recompensed by any thing he got . chap. ix . caesar's supplies passe over into greece , and take landing . caesar troubled at these things , writ very sharply to them at brundusium , not to omit the opportunity of the next good wind , but to put to sea , and to shape their course to oricum , or to the coast of apollonia ; because there they might run their ships on ground : and these places were freest from guards , by reason they could not ride far from the ports . they , according to their accustomed courage and valour ( marcus antonius and fusius calenus directing the businesse , and the souldiers themselves being forward thereunto , as refusing no danger for caesar's sake ) having got a south wind , weighed anchour , and the next day passed by apollonia and dyrrachium : but being discovered from the continent , quintus coponius , admirall of the rhodian navy , lying at dyrrachium , brought his ships out of the haven . and as he had almost ( upon a slack wind ) overtaken our men , the same south wind began at length to blow stiff , by which means they escaped . yet did not he desist from pursuing them ; but was in hope , by the labour and industry of the mariners , to overweigh the force of the tempest , and followed them , notwithstanding they were past dyrrachium , with a large wind . our men using the favour of fortune , were neverthelesse afraid of the enemies navy , if the wind should chance to slack : and having got the port called nymphaeum , three miles beyond lissus , they put in with their ships . this port lay sheltered from the south-west wind ; but was not safe from a south wind ; howsoever , they accounted an ill road lesse dangerous then the enemies fleet : and yet they were no sooner put in , but the wind ( which had blown southerly for two dayes together ) did now most happily come about to the south-west . and here a man may see the suddain alteration of fortune ; for they which of late stood in fear of a dangerous road , were now by that occasion , received into a safe harbour : and those which threatened danger to them , were forced to bethink themselves of their own safety . so that the time thus changing , the tempest saved our party , and sunk theirs . insomuch as sixteen of the rhodian ships were all shaken in pieces , and perished with shipwrack ; and of the great number of oar-men and souldiers , part were dashed against the rocks and slain , and part were taken up by our men : all which caesar sent home in safety . two of our ships coming short , and overtaken with the night , and not knowing where the rest had taken shore , stood at anchour right over against lissus . them did ot●cilius crassus , governour of lissus , go about to take with skiffs , and other little ships , which he had prepared for that purpose ; and withall , treated with them of yielding themselves , promising life and safety upon that condition . one of the ships carried two hundred and twenty men , of the legion made of young souldiers ; in the other were lesse then two hundred old souldiers . and here a man may see , what assurance and safety consisteth in courage and valour of mind ; for the new made souldiers , terrified with the multitude of ships that came against them , and spent with sea-sicknesse , upon oath made not to receive any hurt , did yield themselves to otacilius : who being brought all unto him , were contrary to his oath , most cruelly slain in his sight . but the souldiers of the old legions ( howsoever afflicted with the inconvenience of the tempest , and noisomnesse of the pump ) did not slack any thing of their ancient valour : for having drawn out the first part of the night in conditions of treaty , as though they meant to yield themselves , they compelled the master to run his ship a-shore ; and having got a convenient place , they there spent the rest of the night . as soon as it was day , otacilius sent four hundred horse , which had the guard of that part of the coast , with others of the garrison , to assault and take them : but they valiantly defending themselves , slew divers of them ; and so got to our men in safety . whereupon , the roman citizens residing in lissus , ( which town caesar had formerly given them to be kept and guarded ) received in antonius , and assisted him with all things needfull . otacilius , fearing himself , fled out of the town , and came to pompey . antonius sent back the greatest part of the ships that had brought over his troups ( which were three legions of old souldiers , one of new souldiers , and eight hundred horse ) to transport the rest of the souldiers and horse , that remained at brundusium : leaving the pontones , which are a kind of french shipping , at lissus ; to this end , that if haply pompey , thinking italy to be empty and unfurnished , should carry over his army thither , caesar might have means to follow him : and withall sent messengers speedily to caesar , to let him know where the army was landed , and what men he had brought over . the first observation . dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirat , it is no matter whether the enemy does his businesse by valour , or subtilty ; is not so justifiable by the laws of true vertue , as that of achilles , who professed to hate that man more then the gates of hell , that promised one thing , and purposed another . neither do the jurists conclude otherwise ; having , for the more apparency of truth , drawn it to a question , an perfidia in perfidum uti , jus sit , whether it be lawfull to break faith with a faith-breaker ; alledging labienus practise against comius of arras , together with that which admitteth no answer , that their example standeth as a president , to deal with them as they deal with others . but to falsifie religion , as otacilius did , and to make an oath the broaker of unworthy ends , is abhorred by god and man , and accordingly succeedeth . the most remarkable instance in this kind , is that ( which is to be wished were forgotten ) of lewis king of hungaria ; who having concluded the honourablest peace , that ever christian prince had before that time made with any of the turkish sultans , and confirmed the same by an oath , taken upon the holy evangelist ; did neverthelesse , at the perswasion of julian , a cardinall ( who took upon him , by power from the pope , to disannull the league , and absolve him from the oath ) break the peace , and gave battel to amurath at varna ( where the infidell took occasion impiously to blaspheme , in calling for vengeance on such , as in their deeds had denied the godhead of their most sacred & blessed lord ) and was there slain , to the utter ruine of his kingdome , and the reproch of christian name . neither did the cardinall escape the vengeance , which his treachery had drawn upon that royall army : but being there wounded unto death , was found lying in the high way , by gregory sanose , ready to give up the ghost ; and seemed but to stay to take with him the bitter curses of such as passed by , flying from the battel , as the due reward of his perfidious absolution . the second observation . in case of difficulty and hazard ( as caesar noteth ) there is alwayes great help in a good courage . for , whether it be that good hap attendeth a valourous carriage , or that vertue be able to remove all opposition , or what other cause there is besides ; but thus it falleth out , that such as entertain a noble resolution , are ever safest in extremity of perill ; and instead of losse , get honour and renown . brasidas found a mouse amongst dried figs , which bit him so that he let her go , & thereupon said to those that stood by , that there was nothing so little , that could not save it self , if it had a heart to defend it self against such as assaulted it . and herein we may observe that to be true , which the poet hath delivered ; seris venit usus ab annis , time and practise do much avail to perfect this courage in the minds of men of war ; as knowing aforehand the weight of such labours , and having incountered the like dangers , even to the redeeming of themselves from the jaws of death . whence it is that the comick saith , no man can possibly come so well furnished to any course of life , but that time and experience do alwaies teach him what he knew not before : whereas others that go rawly to work , are so daunted with the unusuall looks of war , as they ( forgetting the profession of arms ) do run headlong into the danger they seek to avoid ; being able to give no other account of their service , but that they marched many bodies , and but a few men. the third observation . plutarch , valerius maximus , appian , suetonius , & lucan , do all write , that caesar , impatient of the slay of his forces at brundu sium , imbarked himself in a small frigat of twelve oares , disguised in the habit of a slave , and put to sea to fetch his legions ; notwithstanding all the coast swarmed with the enemies shipping : but meeting with a contrary wind , which would not suffer him to get out of the river anius , the master commanded the mariners to cast about , and get to shore . whereupon caesar discovering himself , incouraged him to go forward , for that he carried caesar and his fortunes . the master forgetting all danger , made out again to get to sea ; but was by force of the tempest driven to return , to caesar's great grief . and albeit there is no mention made hereof in these commentaries , yet the authority of so many grave authours is not to be contemned . chap. x. caesar hasteth to meet with antonius , and preventeth pompey . caesar and pompey had both intelligence almost at one instant of time , of antonius fleet ; for they saw them passe by apollonia and dyrrachium , and directed their journeys along the coast after them : but they understood not for a while where they were landed . howbeit having notice thereof , either of them took a contrary resolution . for caesar purposed to joyn with antonius , assoon as possibly he might : and pompey resolved to hinder their meeting , and by ambushments ( if he could ) to set upon them at unawares . the same day , either of them drew their army out of their standing camps , upon the river apsus : pompey secretly , and by night ; caesar openly , and by day : but caesar had the greater circuit to fetch , and a longer journey to go up the river , to find a foord . pompey having a ready way , and no river to passe , made towards antonius by great journeys : and when he understood that he came near unto him , chose a convenient place , and there bestowed his forces ; keeping every man within the camp , and forbidding fires to be made , that his coming might be the more hidden . whereof antonius being presently advertised by the greeks , he dispatched messengers to caesar , and kept himself one day within his camp. the next day caesar came unto him . upon notice thereof , pompey left that place , least he should be intrapped between two armies , and came with all his forces to asparagus ( which appertained to them of dyrrachium ) and there , in a convenient place , pitched his camp. observations . vvhere two armies are in a country , and one of them hath succours coming to renforce them , each of those parties are , by the example of these glorious commanders ( caeteris paribus ) to make towards those succours : the one , to cut them off ; and the other , to keep them standing . and to that end , as it suted pompey's condition to go secretly ; howsoever caesar noteth it , as a touch to his valour : so on the other side , it stood not only well enough with caesar's party to go openly , but also was an argument of his courage and magnanimity , and might raise him estimation in the opinion of the greeks . the disadvantage which pompey could take thereby , was the danger to be inclosed with armies ; which he foreseeing , avoided . chap. xi . scipio's preparation in asia , to come into greece , to assist pompey . about this time scipio , having sustained divers losses near the mount amanus , did neverthelesse call himself by the name of imperator ; and thereupon commanded great summs of mony to be levied of the cities and potentates of those quarters : taking from the generall receivers of that province , all the monies that were in their hands for two years past and commanding them to disburse ( by way of loan ) the receit for the year to come ; and required horsemen to be levied throughout all the province . having gathered these together , he left the parthians , being near enemies unto him ( who a little before had slain m. crassus , the generall , and besieged m. bibulus ) and drew the legions out of syria ; being sent specially thither to keep and settle that province , much amuzed through fear of the parthian warre . at his departure , some speeches were given out by the souldiers , that if they were led against an enemy , they would go ; but against a citizen and consul they would not bear armes . the army being brought to pergamus , and there garrisoned for that winter in divers rich cities , he distributed great largesses , and gifts ; and for the better assuring of the souldier unto him , gave them certain cities to ri●●e . in the mean time , he made bitter and heavy exactions of money throughout all the province : for he put a tribute upon slaves and free-men by pole , set impositions upon the pillars and doors of houses , as also upon grain , oar-men , armes , engines , and carriages ; and whatsoever had a name , was thought fit to yield mony by way of imposition ; and that not only in cities and towns , but almost in every village and castle : wherein he that carried himself most cruelly , was held both the worthiest man , and the best citizen . the province was at that time full of officers and commandements , pestered with overseers and exactors : who besides the mony levied by publick authority , made their particular profit by the like exactions . for they gave out , they were thrust out of their houses and their country , and in want of all necessaries ; to the end they might with such pretences , cover their wicked and hatefull courses . to this was added the hard and heavy usury , which oftentimes doth accompany warre , when all monies are drawn and exacted to the publick ; wherein the forbearance of a day , was accounted a discharge for the whole . whereby it happened that in those two yeares , the whole province was overgrown with debts . and yet for all that , they stuck not to levy round sums of mony , not only from the citizens of rome , inhabiting in that province ; but also upon every corporation , and particular citie : which they gave out , was by way of loan , according to a decree of senate ; commanding the receivers to advance the like ●um by way of loan , for the year to come . moreover scipio gav● order , that the monies which of old time had been treasured up in the temple of diana at ephesus , should be taken out , with other images of that goddesse . but as he came into the temple ( having called unto him many of the senators that were there present ) he received a dispatch from pompey , that caesar had passed the sea with his legions ; and that , setting all things apart , he should hasten to him with his army . these letters being received , he dismissed such as he had called unto him , and began to dispose of his journey into macedonia , setting forward within a few dayes after : by which accident the treasure at ephesus was saved . observations . it is seneca his conceit , that iron , being of that excellent use in things pertaining to mans life , and yet so much undervalued to gold and silver , will admit of no peace , as often as there is question of mony ; but raiseth continuall garboiles and extremities , as a revenge that the world doth misvalue●t : and fell out as true in those better ages , as it doth in these dayes , that are of baser metall . for what greater violences in the state of rome , then those concerning tributes and impositions ? a particular whereof may be made out of this chapter . for first , we find a tribute by pole , without respect of state or condition ; which they called capitatio . and then a second , as grievous as that , being a taxe laid upon every dore in a house , which they called ostiaria : whereof tully maketh mention , in the eighth epistle of his third book . and lastly , an other upon every pillar in a mans house , which they called columnaria : mentioned likewise by cicero , columnarium vide ut nullum debeamus , see that we own no tax-mony for our pillars . alciatus understandeth this to be that we read in dionysius halicarnasseus , that when treasure failed at the siege of modena , they laid an imposition upon every tile that was found on the senators houses in rome ; which gave the trium-virate occasion , to make the tiles as heavy to the rest of the roman citizens : and this , saith he , was called columnaria . some popes , out of their occasions , have gone far in this kind , and found means to lay impositions upon all things pertaining to the use of man. insomuch as pasquill begged leave to dry his shirt in the sun , before there were an imposition laid upon the light. the rule is diversly given in this behalf , that the fisk doth not swell above his proportion . alexander is commended for making his subjects the keepers of his treasure . and claudianus giveth honorius this elogium ; nec tua privatis crescunt aeraria damnis . thy chests fill not by losse of private men . basilius adviseth that mony thus raised , be not at any time dipped either in the teares or in the bloud of the people . but tully draweth it to a more certainty , by making necessity the square of such commands . da operam , ( saith he ) ut omnes intelligant , si salvi essent velint , necessitatie esse parendum ; do your endeavour to let all see , that they must obey necessity if they mean to be safe . and so the opening of private mens purses , is but to keep them shut and safe , from such enemies as would consume all ; according as scipio once answered , when the romans blamed him for spending their treasure . howsoever , scipio knew well what he did , in getting into his hand such store of treasure ; for war cannot any way be maintained , but with plenty of money : neither can any state continue , if the revenue which supporteth the common-weal be abated ; as tacitus hath well observed , dissolvitur imperium , si fructus quibus respub . sustinetur diminuantur . chap. xii . caesar sendeth forces into thessalia , aetolia , and macedonia . scipio cometh into greece . caesar being joyned with antonius , drew that legion out of oricum , which he had formerly lodged there to keep the sea-coast ; and thought it expedient to make triall of the province , and to advance further into the country . and whereas embassadours came unto him out of thessalia and aetolia , assuring him , that if he would send forces to protect them , the cities of those provinces would readily obey what he commanded : he sent l. cassius longinus , with the legion of young souldiers , called the seven and twentieth , and two hundred horse , into thessalia ; and c. calvisius sabinus , with five cohorts , and a few horse , into aetolia ; exhorting them specially , to take a course for provision of corn in those two provinces , which lay near at hand . he sent likewise cn. domitius calvinus with two legions , the eleventh and the twelfth , and five hundred horse into macedonia : of which province ( for that part thereof which is called frank or free ) menedemus , a principall man of that countrey , being sent as an embassadour , had professed exceeding great forwardnesse on their behalf . of these , calvisius upon his coming was entertained with great affection of the aetolians : and having cast the garrison of the enemy out of caledon and * naupactum , became master of all aetolia . cassius arrived with the legion in thessalia ; and finding there two factions , was accordingly received with contrary affections . egesaretus , a man of ancient power and authority , favoured pompey's party : and petreius , a man of a most noble house , endeavoured by all means to deserve well of caesar . at the same time also came domitius into macedonia : and as embassadours began to come thick unto him from divers states of that province , it was told him , that scipio was at hand with the legions , and came with great fame and opinion of all men : which is oftentimes a fore-runner of novelties . he , making no stay in any part of macedonia , marched directly with great fury towards domitius ; and when he came within twenty miles of him , turned his course suddenly to cassius longinus , in thessalia : which he did so speedily , that newes came together of his coming , and of his arrivall . for , to the end he might march with greater expedition , he left m. favonius at the river haliacmon ( which divideth macedonia from thessalia ) with eight cohorts , to keep the carriages of the legions : where he commanded them to build a fort. at the same time , the cavalry of king cottus , which was wont to keep in the confines of thessalia , came flying suddenly to cassius campe. whereat he being astonished ( understanding of scipio's coming , and seeing the horsemen whom he thought to be his ) made towards the hills which inclose thessalia , and from thence marched towards ambracia . and as scipio made hast to follow after , letters overtook him , sent from favonius , that domitius was at hand with the legions , and that he could not hold the place wherein he was left , without scipio's help . upon the receipt of which letters , scipio altered both his purpose and his journey ; & leaving cassius , made hast to help favonius : so that continuing his journey night and day , he came unto him in very good time . for as the dust of domitius army , approaching , was seen to rise , the fore-runners of scipio his army were likewise discovered . whereby it happened , that as domitius industry did help cassius , so did scipio his speed save favonius . observations . caesar being now ready with his forces to proceed against pompey , the first thing he did , was to make triall of the provinces of greece , and to get their favour and assistance , for his better furtherance in contesting his adversary . for as an army standeth firm by two speciall means , first , in themselves , as they are able to resist any opposing force ; and secondly , through the favour of the countrey , wherein they are ingaged : so on the other side , their overthrow either proceedeth from their own weaknesse ; or otherwise , when the provinces adjoyning do refuse such mutuall respects , as may relieve the wants of a consuming multitude . and therefore , having got all the forces together which he looked for , or could any way expect , he sent out to try the affection of the countrey , and to alter that in a moment , which pompey had been settling for a year together , and then resolved to attack him nearer . and doubtlesse , if scipio had not by chance interrupted their course , upon his coming out of asia to aide pompey , they had as easily got all thessalia and macedonia , as they did aetolia : and were neverthelesse so ordered and disposed , as they got more honour of scipio , then he could win of them . chap. xiii . the passages between domitius and scipio . scipio aboad two daies in his standing camp , upon the river haliacmon , which ran between him and domitius camp. the third day , as soon as it began to be light , he passed his army over the river by a foord , and incamped himself . the next day in the morning , he imbattelled his forces before the front of his camp. domitius in like manner , made no difficulty of bringing out his legions , resolving to fight . and whereas there lay a field of six miles between both the camps , he led his troups imbattelled under scipio's camp ; who neverthelesse refused to move any jot from his standing : yet for all that , domitius souldiers were hardly kept from giving battell ; but specially a river , lying under scipio's camp , with broken and uneasie banks , did hinder them at that time . scipio , understanding of their alacrity and desire to fight , suspecting it might happen , that the next day he should be forced to fight against his will , or with great dishonour keep himself within his camp , having with great expectation in the beginning gone on rashly , and unadvisedly , was now dishonoured with a reproachfull end . for in the night-time he rose , without any noise or warning for the trussing up of the baggage , and passing the river , returned the same way he came : and in an eminent place , near unto the river , he pitched his camp. a few daies after , he laid an ambushment of horsemen in a place , where our men had formerly accustomed to forrage . and as q. varus , generall of the horse in domitius army , came out according to his ordinary use , they set upon him at a suddain . but our men did valiantly sustain the onset ; and every man betaking himself speedily to his rank , they all together of their own accord charged the enemy : and having slain fourscore , they put the rest to flight , with the losse onely of two of their men . observations . it appeareth here , that to shew a readiness and resolution to fight , upon such grounds as are justifiable by the rules of war , is no small advantage to the prosperous carriage of the same . for albeit scipio was great in his own strength , and as great in the opinion and expectation of men : yet when he found such an alacrity in the enemy , to give and take blows , and a desire to entertain seriously all occasions of giving battell ; he was so far from prosecuting what he had pretended , as he rather chose the fortune of a safe retreat , and consequently , to turn the advantage which the world in opinion had given to his army , to his own reproach and disadvantage . whereas on the other side , to be found for the most part unwilling to hazard the triall of a field , or indisposed to fight upon any occasion , doth invite an enemy to attempt that , which otherwise he would not ; and giveth them courage to beat him from all his purposes , as knowing the resolution of their adversary , and the means they have , either to take or leave at their pleasure . chap. xiv . domitius draweth scipio to a losse , by an ambushment . young pompey's attempt upon oricum . after these things , domitius hoping that scipio might he drawn to fight , he made as though he were in great want and scarcity of corn : and thereupon , rising from the place wherein he was incamped , with the usuall cry of removing , according to the custome of war , and having marched three miles , he lodged all his army , with the cavalry , in a convenient and secret place . scipio being ready to follow after , sent his horsemen and a great part of his light-armed souldiers , to discover what way domitius took : who marching forward , as the first troups came within the ambushment ( suspecting somewhat by the neighing of the horses ) they fell back again . those that followed after , seeing the former troups so suddainly to retire , stood still . our men finding themselves discovered , and thinking it in vain to attend the rest , having got two troups of horse within their reach , they contented themselves with them ; amongst whom was m. opimius , the generall of the horse . the rest of those two troups they either put to the sword , or took alive , and brought them to domitius . caesar , as is before shewed , having withdrawn the garrisons from along all the sea-coast , left onely three cohorts at oricum , for the defence of the town : and to them he committed the custodic and safe keeping of the gallies , which he had brought out of italy ; whereof acilius the legate had the charge , being left governour of the town . he , for the better security of the shipping , had drawn all the fleet into a back angle , behind the town , and there fastened them to the shore : and in the mouth of the haven had sunk a great ship , and set another by her , upon which he built a tower , to keep the entrance of the port ; and filled the same with souldiers , to defend the haven from any suddain attempt . upon notice whereof , pompey's son , being admirall of the egyptian fleet , came to oricum , and with many haulsers and hooks weighed up the sunk ship ; and assaulted the other ship , set by acilius for the defence of the haven , with ships wherein he had made towers , which stood by counterpoize , that he might sight with advantage of height , supplying continually fresh men ; and attempting also from the land side , to take the town by scaling ladders , as by sea with his navy , to the end he might distract and dismember the forces within . in the end , with extreme labour and multitude of weapons , he overcame our partie , and took the ship , having cast out such as had the guard ; who fled all away with skiffs and boats. at the same time , being likewise seized of a small height , on the other side of the town , in the nature of a peninsula , he conveyed over four small * gallies , with rollers and levers , into the inner part of the harbor , lying behind the town ; insomuch , as setting on each side upon the gallies tied unto the shore , empty and unfurnished , he carried four of them away , and burned the rest . this being done , he left d. laelius , whom he had taken from the egyptian fleet , to keep the passage , that no victualls , or other provisions , might be brought into the town , either from bullis or amantia : and he himself going to lissus , found thirty ships of burthen , which antonius had left within that haven , and set them all on fire . and as he went about to take lissus , the souldiers which caesar had put there for a garrison to the town , together with the roman citizens , and the townsmen thereof , did so well defend the same , that after he had continued there three daies , and lost a few men in the siege , he left the place , without effecting any thing . observations . an ambushment is easily at all times laid : but to do it so that it may not be suspected , and in such manner that the enemy may fall into the danger thereof , is that which is to be armed at therein . and therefore , to give the better colour to such designes , the trick hath been to pretend fear ( and so slight ) or want of corn , or somewhat else , to draw the enemy to follow after with more boldnesse and resolution . and so to have it well done , there must be two deceits to assist each other ; as in this of domitius : to make shew of removing , through scarcity and want ; and then to lie in wait for an advantage : according to that of the spaniard , a un traydor , dos alevosos . for the prevention of such snares of deceit , the rule is generally given by onosander , that the departure or falling away of an enemy , is alwaies to be suspected . and for the more security therein , experienced commanders have been carefull before they stirred their army , to make exact discovery , even to the place where they intended to lodge . for as in physick , it is the greatest part of the cure , to know the disease : so in matter of war , the danger is almost over , when it is perceived whence it may grow . the manner observed in discoveries , hath usually been to send the parties out in three companies or troups ; the first , consisting of a small number , to beat the way at ease , and to range about from place to place , as shall be found convenient : the second companie , being somewhat stronger , to second and relieve the first , if there be occasion : and the third , able to ingage a good number of the enemy . and after this manner cyrus disposed of his fore-runners ; as appeareth in xenophon . but this being subject to the consideration of time and place , and other circumstances , may varie , as shall seem expedient to the wisedome of the generall . chap. xv. caesar marcheth towards pompey ; offereth him battel ; and cutteth him off from dyrrachium . after caesar understood that pompey was at asparagus he marched thitherward with his army : and taking by the way the town of the parthinians , wherein pompey had put a garrison , the third day he came to pompey in macedonia , and lodged himself fast by him . the next day he drew out his forces ; and putting them in order , presented him battel . but when he found that he would not accept thereof , he drew back his army into the camp , and bethought himself of some other course . for the next day , taking a difficult and narrow way , he set forward with all his forces towards dyrrachium : hoping either to draw pompey to fight , or to force the town , or at least ●o cut him off from all convoys and munition , which was there stored up for the whole provision of the war ; as afterwards it came to passe . for pompey being ignorant at first of his purpose , inasmuch as he took a contrary way , thought he had been driven thence through scarcity and want of corn. but being afterwards advertised by the discoverers what course he took , he rose the next day , in hope to meet him a nearer way . which caesar suspecting , exhorted the souldiers to endure a little labour with patience . and resting a small part of the night , in the morning he came before dyrrachium , even as the first troup of pompey's army was discovered afar off ; and there incamped himself . pompey being cut off from dyrrachium , when he could not accomplish his purposes , fell to a second resolution , and fortified his camp in an eminent place , called petra : from whence there was an indifferent passage to the ships , and sheltered likewise the haven from certain winds . thither he commanded part of the ships to be brought ; together with corn and provision of victuall from asia , and such other countries as were in his obedience . caesar , doubting that the war would prove long and tedious , and despairing of any succour of victualls from the coast of italy , for that all the shore was ( with great diligence ) kept by pompey's partie , and that the shipping which in w●nter he had made in sicilia , gallia , and italia , were staied and came not to him ; he dispatched l. canuleius a legate into epirus , to make provision of corn. and forasmuch as those regions were far off , he appointed storehouses and magazines in certain places , and imposed carriage of corn upon the countrey bordering about them . in like manner , he commanded what grain soever should be found at lissus , parthenia ) or any other place , to be brought unto him : which was very little , forasmuch as the countrey thereabout was rough and mountainous , and afforded no corn , but that which was brought in from other places ; as also , that pompey had taken order in that behalf , and a little before had ransacked the parthinians , and caused his horsemen to carry away all the grain , which was found amongst them . observations . the first thing that caesar did , after their approch near one unto another ; was to offer battel ; as the best arbitrator of the cause in question , and most fitting the usance of the ancient romans . but , forasmuch as the endeavours of such as are in action , are alwaies ordered by him that is the sufferer ; and that pompey refused to accept thereof , knowing himself to be much stronger in forces , better accommodated , having a far greater party in the countrey , and the sea wholly at his command ( which advantages were like to end the business , without hazard of a battel ; ) caesar bethought himself of some other project , which might take away the scorn of that refusall , by undertaking such things as much imported the state of his adversarie . for in such cases , when an enemy will not fight , somewhat must be done to cast dishonour , or greater inconveniences , upon him ; or at least , to make overtures of new opportunities . and therefore he took a course , either to draw pompey to fight , or to force the town wherein all his provisions of war were stored up , or otherwise to cut him off from the same . the least of which was a sufficient acquittance of any disgrace , which the neglect of this offer might seem to inferre ; having thereby occasion to use that of the poet , jam sumus ergo pares , now we are even . chap. xvi . caesar goeth about to besiege pompey . caesar being informed of these things , entered into a deliberation , which he first took from the very nature of the place wherein they were : for whereas pompey's camp was inclosed about with many high and steep hills , he first took those hills , and built forts upon them ; and then , as the condition of each place would bear , he made works of fortification from one fort to another , and determined to inclose pompey about with a ditch and a rampier . and especially upon these considerations ; for that he was greatly straightened through want of corn , and that pompey being strong in horse , he might with lesse danger supply his army from all parts with provision : as also to the end he might keep pompey from forraging , and so make his cavalry unserviceable in that kind : and further , that he might abate and weaken the exceeding great reputation , which pompey had attained unto amongst forreign nations , when it should be noised throughout the world , that he was besieged by caesar , and durst not fight . pompey would by no means be drawn to leave the commodity of the sea , and the town of dyrrachium , having there laid up all his provision of war , arms , weapons , engines of what sort soever ; besides corn , which was brought from thence to his army by shipping . neither could he hinder caesar's fortifications , unlesse he would accept of battel , which for that time he was resolved not to do . only it remained , as the last thing he could think of , to possesse himself of as many hills as he might , and to keep as much of the country as he could with good and strong guard ; and by that means , to distract , as much as possibly he might , caesar's forces : as accordingly it fell out . for having made twenty four castles and forts , he took in twenty five miles of the country in circuit , and did forrage within that space , and there caused many things to be set and planted by hand , which in the interim served as food for horses . and as our men perceived their fortifications to be carried , and continued from one castle to another , without intermission ; they began to fear , least they had left some places to sally out , and so would come upon them behind , before they were aware . and the reason they made their works thus perfect , throughout the whole inward circuit , was , that our men might not enter in upon them , nor circumvent them behind . but they ( abounding in number of men ) exceeded in their works , having also on the inside a lesse compasse to fortifie . and as caesar went about to take any place , albeit pompey was resolved not to fight , or interrupt him with all his forces : neverthelesse he sent out his archers and slingers , of which he had great numbers ; by whom many of our men were wounded , and stood in great fear of the arrowes : and almost all the souldiers made them coats , either of quilt or stiffening , or of leather , to keep them from danger . to conclude , either party used all force and means to take places , and make fortifications : caesar , to shut up and streighten pompey what he could ; and pompey , to inlarge himself , and possesse as many hills as conveniently he might ; which gave occasion of many skirmishes and encounters . observations . vve may here take notice of the strangest enterprize , that ever was undertaken by a judicious souldier . for where else may it be read or understood , that a weaker party went about to besiege a strong adversary , and to inclose a whole country by castles and towers , and perpetuall fortifications from hill to hill ; to the end he might shut him up , as he lay incamped in the field ? but herein appear the infinite and restlesse endeavours of a roman spirit , and the works they wrought to atchieve their own ends : and yet not besides the limits of reason . for if that of seneca have any affinity with truth , that a man is but a common , or rather contemptible thing , unlesse he raise himself above ordinary courses : it is more specially verified in a souldier ; whose honour , depending upon the superlative degree , must seek out projects beyond all equality : and the rather , upon such inducements as are here alledged ; which shew good reason he had to be so mad . chap. xvii . a passage that happened between both parties , about the taking of a place . amongst these fights and encounters , it happened , as caesar's ninth legion had taken a certain place , and there began to fortify , pompey had pos●est himself of the hill next adjoining thereunto , and began to hinder our men from their work . and having from one side an easy access unto it , first with archers and slingers , & afterwards with great troups of light-armed men , and engines of battery he began to disturb them in their businesse . neither were our men able , at one and the same time , to defend themselves , and go on with their fortifications . caesar seeing his souldiers wounded and hurt from all parts , commanded them to fall off , and leave the place . but forasmuch as they were to make their retreat down the hill , they d●d the more urge and presse upon them ; and would not suffer them to fall back , for that they seemed to forsake the place for fear . it is reported that pompey should then , in a vain-glory , say to those that were about him , that he would be content to be taken for a generall of no worth● , if caesar's men could make any retreat from thence ( where they were so rashly ingaged ) without great losse . caesar fearing the retreat of his souldiers , caused hurdles to be brought , and s●t against the enemy , in the brimme of the hill ; and behind them sunk a trench of an indifferent latitude , and incumbered the place as much as possibly he could . he lodged also slingers in convenient places , to defend his men in their retreat . these things being perfected , he caused the legions to be drawn back . but pompey's party began with greater boldness and insolency to presse our people : and putting by the hurdles , which were set there as a barricado , they passed over the ditch . which when caesar perceived , fearing least they should rather seem to be beaten off , then be brought back , whereby a greater scandall might consequently ensue , having almost from the mid-way incouraged his men by antonius , who commanded that legion , he willed that the signe of charging the enemy should be given by a t●umpet , and gave order to assault them . the souldiers of the ninth legion , putting themselves suddenly into order , threw their p●les : and running furiously from the lower ground , up the steep of the hill , drave the enemy headlong from them ; who found the hurdles , the long poles , and the ditches , to be a great hinderance unto them in their retreat . it contented our men to leave the place without losse : so that having slain many of them , they came away very quietly , with the losse of sive of their fellows . and having staied about that place a while , they took other hills , and perfected the fortifications upon them . observations . this chapter sheweth , that advantage of place , and some such industrious courses as may be fitted to the occasion , are of great consequence in extremities of war : but above all , there is nothing more availeable to clear a danger , then valour . valour is the hercules that overcometh so many monsters : and verifieth that saying , which cannot be too often repeated , virtute faciendum est , qu●cquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum , what a man does in matter of war , must be done with valour . but of this i have already treated . chap. xviii . the scarcity which either parti● endured in this siege . the carriage of that war was in a strange and unusuall manner , as well in respect of the great number of forts and castles , containing such a circuit of ground within one continued fortification , as also in regard of the whole siege , and of other consequents depending thereupon . for whosoever goeth about to besiege another , doth either take occasion from the weakness of the enemy , daunted or stricken with fear , or overcome in battail , or otherwise being moved thereunto by some injurie offered ; whereas now it happened that they were far the stronger , both in horse and foot . and generally , the cause of almost all sieges is , to keep an enemy from provision of corn : but caesar , being then far inferiour in number of souldiers , did neverthelesse besiege an army of intire and untouched forces , especially at a time when they abounded with all necessary provisions ; for every day came great store of shipping from all parts , bringing plenty of all things needfull : neither could there any wind blow , which was not good from some part or other . on the other side , caesar having spent all the corn he could get , far or near , was in great want and scarcity : and yet notwithstanding , the souldiers did bear it with singular patience ; for they remembred how they had suffered the like the year before in spain , and yet with patience and labour had ended a great and dangerous war. they remembred likewise the exceeding great want they indured at alesia , and much greater at avaricum : and yet , for all that , they went away conquerers of many great nations . they refused neither barlie nor pease , when it was given them in stead of wheat . and of cattell ( whereof they were furnished with great store out of epirus ) they made great account . there was also a kind of root , found out by them that were with valerius , called chara , which eaten with milk did much relieve their want ; and made withall a kind of bread , whereof they had plenty . and when pompey's party happened in their colloquies , to cast in their teeth their scarcity and misery ; they would commonly throw this kind of bread at them , and scatter it in divers places , to discourage them in their hopes . and now corn began to be ripe , and hope it self did relieve their want , for that they trusted to have plenty within a short time . and oftentimes the souldiers , in their watches and conferences , were heard to let fall speeches , that they would rather eat the bark of trees , then suffer pompey to escape out of their hands . besides , they understood by such as ran away from the enemy , that their horse of service could scarce be kept alive , and that the rest of their cattell were all dead , and that the souldiers themselves were in no good health , as well through the narrowness of the place wherein they were pent , as also by means of the ill savour and multitude of dead bodies , together with continuall labour , being unaccustomed to travel and pains , but especially , through the extreme want of water ; for all the rivers and brooks of that quarter , caesar had either turned another way , or dammed up with great works . and as the places were mountainous , with some intermission and distinction of valleys , in the form and fashion of a cave or den ; so he stopped the same with great piles beaten into the ground , and interlated with fagots and hurdles , and then strengthened with earth , to keep back the water : insomuch as they were constrained to seek low grounds , and marish places , and there to sink wells . which labour they were glad to undertake , besides their daily works , albeit these wells stood far distant from their garrisons , and were quickly dried up with heat . but caesar's army was in exceeding good health , and had plenty of water , together with all kind of provisions , excepting wheat ; which the season of the year daily brought on , and gave them hope of store , harvest being so near at hand . in this new course of war , new policies and devices of warfare were invented and put in practice by either partie . they , perceiving by the fires that our cohorts in the night time kept watch at the works , came stealing out , and discharged all their arrows upon them , and then presently retreated . wherewith our men being warned , found out this remedy ; that they made their fires in one place , and kept their watch in another . the first observation . forasmuch as all matter of attempt doth much import the fortune of a war , we may not omit to take notice of the reasons hear expressed by caesar , which are the true motives of undertaking a siege . the first is drawn either from the weakness of an enemie , or as he is daunted with fear , or overcome in battel . for having thereupon no confidence in his own power , he resteth himself in the strength of the place which he holdeth and possesseth : which giveth his adversaries occasion to lay siege unto his hold ; and either to force them , or shut them up like women . the second is , when one state hath offered injurie to another ( which alwaies importeth losse ) beyond that which stood with the course of respect formerly held between them . for revenge whereof , the other side laieth siege to some of their towns , to repair themselves by taking in the same . and thirdly , the finall cause of all sieges is , to keep an enemy from victuall , and other manner of provisions ; and so to take them by the belly , when they cannot take them by the ears ; which is a part so violent , in requiring that which is due to nature , as it hath made the father and the son fall out for a mouse : as it happened at athens , besieged by demetrius . the second observation . the second thing worthy our consideration is , the patience and deportment of caesar's souldiers , in their so great wants and necessities . as first , in helping themselves with this root called chara , described by dioscorides , to be a little seed , tasting somewhat like anise-seed , good to help digestion , and having such a root as a caret , which being boiled , is very good meat ; and is the same which our physicians call caraway-seed : wherewith they served their turn with such contentment , as they seemed to have been trained up in the school of frugality ; a vertue worthy of all regard , and the onely means to make easie the difficulties of war , being as necessary for a souldier , as the use of armes ; and is that which was aimed at in the answer of cyrus , to shew the services in a souldiers diet . forbeing demanded , what he would have made ready for supper ; bread , saith he ; for we will sup at the fountain . neither hath it been thought fit , to give way to the naturall loosness of the stomacks appetite , upon any occasion ; but to use the like moderation in the time of plenty . for zeno took the answer of them , that would excuse their liberall expenses by their ability of means , for no better pa●ment , then they themselves would have taken the excuse of their cooks , for putting too much salt on their meat , because they had salt enough . caesar punished his baker , for giving him better bread then his souldiers had . and scipio cashiered a couple of romans at the siege of carthage , for feasting a friend in their tent , during an assault . which austerity of life raised the romans to that height of honour , and made them masters of the world , from the east to the western ocean . secondly , as a consequent of this contentment , we may note their resolution to hold on their course of siege ; purposing rather to eat the bark of trees , then to suffer pompey to escape their hands . it is an excellent point in a generall , to keep himself from irresolution ; being a weakness of ill consequence , and not unlike the disease of the staggers , variable , uncertain , and without bottom or bound : whereas constancy to purposes , produceth noble and worthy ends . an instance whereof is fabius maximus , who notwithstanding the reproach and scandall cast upon him , continued firm in his determination , to the saving of his country . and if it be so well beseeming a leader , it is of much more regard in the souldier : especially considering that of xenophon ; non facile in officio potest miles contineri ab eo , qui necessaria non subministrat ; he cannot easily keep his souldiers in obedience , which does not provide them necessaries . for , as the same author observeth in another place , nullus est ad●o fortis aut validus , qui possit adversus famem aut frigus pugnando militare ; there is no man so stout and valorous , that can fight against cold and hunger . the third observation . amongst all the parts of the roman discipline , their watch deserveth a particular description ; supplying in the army , the office of the naturall eye in the bodie , which is , to give notice of any approaching danger , for the preventing of the same . polybius hath left it to posterity in this manner ; of each sort of the legionary foot , as namely the hastati , principes , and triarii , and likewise of the horse , there was chosen one out of the tenth and last maniple , that was made free from watch and ward . this party , as the sun began to decline , came daily to the tent of the tribune , and there had given him a little tablet , wherein the watch-word was writ ; which tablet they called tessera : and then returning to his company , delivered it to the centurion of the next maniple , and that centurion to the next , and so in order , untill it came to the first and chiefest company , which was lodged next unto the tribunes ; and by the centurion thereof was returned to the tribune before sun-setting . and if all the tablets were brought in , then did the tribune know the word was given to all . if any wanted , they made inquirie , and by the notes of inscription finding which was missing , they punished the default as they saw cause . and this was their watch-word , by which their party was distinguished from an enemy ; and in likelihood ( for polybius doth not affirm so much ) was by the centurion given to such of his maniple as were to watch that night . their night-watches were thus ordered ; a maniple , or company , was alwaies appointed to watch at the generalls pavilion . the treasurer had three watches , and every legat two . a watch consisted of four men , according to the generall division of their night into four parts : each of those four having his turn appointed him by lot , for the first , second , third , or fourth watch , and the rest sitting by . the velites kept watch without the camp , and the decuries of horse at the gates . besides , every maniple had private watch within it self . of those that were appointed to watch , a lieutenant of each maniple did bring to the tribune in the evening , such as were to keep the first watch of the night : and to them were delivered lesser tablets , then were given out at first , called tesserulae , appropriated to every particular watch ; one for himself , and three other for his fellows . the trust of giong the round was committed to the horsemen : for it belonged to the first commander of horse in each legion , to give order to his lieutenant , to appoint before dinner four young men of his troup , to go the round the next night ; and in the evening , to acquaint the next commander to appoint rounders for the night following . these horsemen being thus appointed , did cast lots for the first , second , third , and fourth watch , and then repaired to the tribune ; of whom they had order what , and how many watches to visit , having received the watch-word before from their commander : and then all four went to attend at the tent of the primipile , or chiefest centurion of a legion , who had the charge of distinguishing the four watches of the night by a trumpet . when time served for him that was to go the round the first watch , he went out accompanied with some of his friends , and visited those watches which were assigned unto him . and if he found the watch-man waking , and in good order , he then took that tablet from him which he had received of the tribune , and departed . but if he found him sleeping , or out of his place , he took witnesse thereof , and departed . the same did the rest of the rounders , as their watches fell out in course . and as the day began to break , all the rounders brought in the tablets to the tribunes . and if all were brought in , there was no more to do : but if any wanted , it was found out by the character , what watch had failed ; which being known , the centurion was called , and commanded to bring those that were faulty . if the offence were in the watch-man , the rounder was to prove it by witnesses : if not , it fell upon himself ; and a councell of war being presently called , the tribune gave judgement to kill him with a club . and in this manner did the romans keep watch in the camp. chap. xix . a relation of divers incounters , that happened between both parties . in the mean time pub. sylla , whom caesar ( at his departure from the camp ) had left to command the army , being certified thereof , came with two legions to succour the cohort : at whose approach , pompey's party was easily beaten off , being neither able to indure the shock nor sight of our men . for the first being put off , the rest gave back , and left the place : but as our men pursued them , sylla called them back , and would not suffer them to follow far after . howbeit , many men think , that if he would have pressed hard upon them , the war had ended that day . but in my opinion , he is not to be blamed ; for there is one charge and power peculiar to a lieutenant , and another to him that commandeth in chief : the one doing nothing but by order and prescription , and the other disposing every thing as he shall think fit . sylla ( in caesar's absence ) having freed h●s men , was content therewith , and would no further ingage them in fight ( which might happily prove subject to ill fortune ) least he should seem to assume unto himself the place and authority of a generall . there were certain things that made the retreat of pompey's men very difficult and hazardous . for having ascended from a bottome to a hill , they now found themselves upon the top thereof . and as they were to make their retreat down again , they stood in fear of our men , pressing on them from the higher ground ; neither was it far from sunne-setting ( for hoping to end it speedily , they drew out the business untill it was almost night ) whereby pompey was forced to take a resolution from the time , and to possesse himself of a mount , no further from the fort then out of shot . there he made a stand , fortified the place , and kept his forces . at the same time they fought in two other places : for pompey , to separate and distract our troups , assaulted divers forts together , to the end they might not be succoured from the next garrisons . in one place , volcatius tullus with three cohorts sustained the assault of a legion , and made them forsake the place . in another part , the germans sallying out of our works , slew many of the enemy , and returned back to their fellows in safety . so that in one day there were six severall sights ; three at dyrrachium , and three at the fortifications : of all which an account being taken , there were found slain of pompey's party to the number of two thousand , with many centurions , and other speciall men called out to that war. amongst whom was valerius flaccus , the son of lucius , who being praetor had obtained the province of asia : besides , there were six ensignes taken . our party lost not above twenty men in all those fights ; howbeit in the fort there was not one man but was hurt . four centurions of one cohort lost their eyes ; and for argument of their endeavour and great danger , they made report to caesar , of thirty thousand arrows shot into the fort . there was also a target of one scaeva , a centurion , which was shewed unto him , being pierced through in two hundred and thirty places ; whom caesar ( as having well des●rved of him and the common-wealth ) rewarded with six hundred pound sterling ; and advanced him from the companies of the e●ghth rank , to be the chiefest centurion , or prin●ipile of the legion : for it appeared , that by his means specially the fort was saved . for the cohort , he doubled their pay , as well in money , as in corn and apparrell ; and rewarded them nobly with ornaments of military honour . pompey having wrought all that night , to fortify his trenches , the dayes following he built towers foot high ; which being finished , he added mantelets to that part of the camp. and after five daies , having got a dark night ( shutting all the ports of his camp , and ramming them up ) in the beginning of the third watch , ●e drew out his army in silence , and betook himself to his old fortifications . observations . the breach of the historie in this place , is like a blot in a fair table , or as a gap in a daunce of nymphs , and doth much blemish the beauty of this discourse . but , forasmuch as it is a losse which cannot be repaired , we must rest contented with the use of that which remaineth . out of which we may observe the notice they took of well-deserving ; according to the institution of their discipline , supported especially by praem●um and poena , reward and punishment . the recognition whereof ( according to the judgement of the gravest law-givers ) is the means to raise a state to the height of perfection . eo enim impendi laborem & periculum , unde emolumentum & honos speratur , men will then venture and take pains , when they know they shall get themselves honour and preferment by it . the r●mans , saith polybius , crowned the valour of their souldiers with eternall honours . neither did any thing so much excite them to the atchievement of noble acts , as their triumphs , garlands , and other ensigns of publick ●enown : which caesar specially observed above the rest . for besides this which he did to cassius scaeva ( recorded by all the writers of these wars ) plutarch relateth , that at his being in britain , he could not contain from imbracing a souldiers , that carried himself valiantly in defence of divers centurions . and whereas the poor man , falling down at his feet , asked nothing but pardon for leaving his target behind him ; he rewarded him with great gifts , and much honour . howbeit , the difference which salust hath made in this kind is too generally observed ; that it more importeth a commonweal to punish an ill member , then to reward a good act : for a vertuous desire is by neglect a little abated , but an ill man becomes unsufferable . and thence it is , that merit is never valued but upon necessity . it is fit that he will have the honour of wearing a lions skin , should first kill the beast , as hercules did : but to kill a lion , and not to have the skin , is not so available as a meaner occupation . anthony 〈◊〉 giveth another rule , observed in that government , which is the true idea of perfection : en la casa de dios jamas fuc , nies , ni sera , merito sin premio , ni colpa sin pena ; in the house of god there never was , nor is , nor shall be , desert unrewarded , or fault unpunished . chap. xx. caesar moveth scipio to mediate a peace . aetolia , acarnania , and amphilochis being taken by cassius longinus , and calvisius sabinus , as is before declared , caesar thought it expedient to attempt and try achaia , and to proceed farther in that course : whereupon he sent thither l. calenus , and q. sabinus , and to them he added cassius with his cohorts . their coming being bruited abroad , rutilius lupus , to whom pompey had left the charge of achaia , determined to fortify the isthmus , to keep out fusius . calenus in the mean time , with the favour and assent of the states , took in delphos , thebes , and orchomenus , besides some other places which he took by force . the rest of the cities he laboured to draw to caesar's party , by embassages sent about unto them : and therein was fusius occupied for the present . caesar every day following brought out his army into an equall and indifferent place , to see if pompey would accept of battel ; insomuch as he led them under pompey's camp ▪ the vauward being within shot of the rampier . pompey , to hold the fame and opinion he had attained , drew out his forces , and so imbattelled them before his camp , that their rereward did touch the rampier ; and the whole army was so disposed , that every man was under the protection of such weapons as might be shot from thence . while these things were doing in achaia and at dy●rachium , it was certainly known that scipio was come into macedonia . caesar not omitting his former purpose , sent clodius unto him , a familiar friend to both of them , and one whom scipio had formerly so commended to caesar , that he had taken him in the number of his nearest favourites . ●o him he gave letters and messages , to be delivered to scipio ; whereof this was the effect . that he had used all means for peace , and yet had prevailed nothing at all : which he took to be the fault of such as had the charge of the businesse , being fearfull to treat with pompey thereof in an unseasonable time . but scipio had that credit and respect , that he might not only deliver freely what he thought fitting , but might also ( in some sort ) constrain him , and reform his errour . for being commander in chief over an army , besides his credit , he had strength to compell him . which if he did , every man would attribute the quiet of italy , the peace of the provinces , and the safety and preservation of the empire to him only . all these things did clodius make known to scipio : and for the first daies was well heard ; but afterwards could not be admitted to speech ; favonius reprehending scipio , for going so far with him , as afterwards we understood upon the ending of the war : whereby he was forced to return to caesar , without effecting any thing . caesar that he might with greater facility keep in pompey's cavalry at dyrrachium , and hinder them from forrage , fortified and shut up two passages ( which , as we have before declared , were very narrow ) with great works , and there built castles . pompey understanding that his horsemen did no good abroad , within a few daies , conveighed them within his fortification by shipping . howbeit they were in extreme necessity for want of forrage ; insomuch as having beaten off all the leaves of the trees , they fed their horses with young reeds bruised , and beaten in pieces . for they had spent the corn which was sowed within the works , and were forced to bring food for their cattell from corcyra and aca●ania , by long and tedious navigation ; and where it fell short , they made it up with barley , and so kept life in their horses . but afterwards , whenas not only their barley and other food was spent in all places , and the grasse and herbs dried up , but the fruit also wasted and consumed off the trees , their horses being so lean as they were not able to stand on their legs , pompey thought it expedient to think of some course of breaking out . observations . it may seem a cunning trick of caesar , and perhaps it was his end , to endeavour with fair pretenses to ingage scipio so far in contriving a peace , as being generall of an army , he might assume unto himself a commanding authority ; and thereupon breed such a jealousy , as would keep pompey and him asunder . neverthelesse , it is every way worth a mans labour , to make overtures of peace howsoever : especially considering , how it changeth the relative in the condition of men , which in war is homo homini lupus , one man a woolf to another ; and in peace , homo homini deus , one man a god to another : and , proving good , will doubtlesse continue ; if inconvenient , the sooner broken , and so the case is but the same it was before . secondly , we may note , that there is nothing so difficult , but pertinacy and restlesse labour , directed with diligent and intent care , will in the end overcome it . for caesar , that at the first seemed to undertake impossibilities , going about to besiege a great part of a country , and to shut up a huge army in an open place , did neverthelesse ( by endeavour ) bring them to such extremity of want , that if , as democritus said , the body should have put the mind in sute , for reparation of losse , which her ambition and wilfull obstinacy had drawn upon it , she should never be able to pay damages . touching the isthmus which rutilius rufus went about to fortify , it is a neck of earth , joining an iland unto the continent . for as the in-let of the sea , between two lands , is called porthmus ( whereupon the town of portsmouth in hampshire hath that appellation , as sited upon the like in-let ) so any small la●get or neck of earth , lying between two seas , is called isthmus . whereof this of achaia is of speciall note in greece ; being the same that joined poloponnesus to the continent , and was of speciall fame for the site of corinth . these necks of earth , called isthmi , are of the nature of those things , as have been often threatned , and yet continue the same . for albeit the ambition of great princes hath sought to alter the fashion of the earth in that behalf , yet i know not how their desires have sorted to no end . perfodere nav●gabili alveo has angustias tentavere demetrius rex , d●ctator caesar , caius princeps , & domitius nero , infausto , ut omnium patuit ex●tu , incepto ; king demetrius , caesar the dictator , cai●s the prince , and domitius nero , all of them attempted to draw through this neck of land with a navigable chanell , without any successe , as appears by the issue . in the time of king s●sostris , and since , in the empire of the ottomans , they went about to bring the red sea into nile ; but fearing it would be a means to drown the land , one sea being lower then another , they gave over the enterprize . and it may be upon like consideration , or otherwise , fearing to correct the works of nature , they forbare to make a passage between nombre ac dios and panama , and so to join one sea to the other , as was said to be intended . chap. xxi . an accident which fell out by two brethren of savoy , in caesar's army . there were in caesar's camp two brethren of savoy , roscillus and aegus , the sons of adbucillus , who , for many years together , was accounted the principall and chief man of that state : these were men of singular worth , and had done caesar very great service in all the wars of gallia ; and in that respect , caesar had advanced them to great & honourable charges in their country , and caused them ( extraordinarily ) to be taken in the number of the senators , and bestowed much of the enemies lands upon them , besides great summs of ready mony , and of poor had made them rich . these men were not only well respected by caesar , but were in good account throughout all the army . howbeit , relying too much on caesa●'s favour , and puffed up with foolish and barbarous arrogancy , they disdained their own men deceiving the horsemen of their pay , and averting all pillage from publick distribution to their own particular . the horsemen provoked with these injuries , came all to caesar , and complained openly thereof : adding farther , that their troups were not full , nor answerable to the list or muster-role , by which they required paiment . caesar thinking it no fit time of punishment and withall attributing much to the worth of the men , put off the whole matter , and chid them privately , for making a gain of their troups of horse ; willing them to expect a supply of all their wants from his favour , according as their service had well deserved . neverthelesse , the matter brought them into great scandall and contempt with all men : which they plainly perceived , both by the speeches of other men , as also by that they might judge themselves , their own consciences accusing them . with which reproach and shame they were so moved ( and thinking peradventure that they were not quit thereof , but deferred untill some other time ) that they resolved to leave the army , to seek new fortunes , and make proof of other acquaintance . and having imparted the matter to a few of their followers , to whom they durst communicate so great a disloialty , first they went about to kill c. volusenus , generall of the horse ( as after the war was ended was discovered ) that they might come to pompey upon some deserved service : but after they found it hard to accomplish , they took up as much mony as they could borrow , as though they meant to have paid their troups , what they formerly had defrauded them of ; and having brought many horses , they went to pompey , together with such as were acquainted with their purposes . pompey finding them gentlemen of sort , liberally brought up , attended with a great retinue , and many horses , and both of them very valiant , and in good account with caesar , and withall , for that it was an unusuall and strange accident , he led them about the works , and shewed them all the fortifications : for before that time , no man , either souldier or horseman , had fled from caesar to pompey ; whereas daily they came from pompey to caesar , especially such as were enrolled in epirus and aetolia , which countries were at caesar's devotion . these two brethren exactly understanding all things in caesar's camp ( as well concerning such works as were perfect , as such others wherein men skilfull in war might find defect , together with the opportunity of time , and distances of places , as also the diligence of the guards , with the nature and endeavour of every man that had a charge ) related all particularly to pompey . observations . vve may here observe the sincerity and direct carriage of inferiour commanders in the roman army by the scandall these two s●vo●ens ran into for making false musters , and defrauding the souldiers of their due : a matter so ordinary in these our times , as custome seemeth to justify the abuse . for what more common in the course of our modern wars , then to make gain of companies , by mustering more then they have in pay , and by turning that which is due to the souldier to their own benefit ? the first whereof , if it be duly weighed , is an offence of a high nature against the state ; and the second , such an injury to the souldier , as can hardly be answered . it is merrily ( as i take it ) aid by columella , that , in foro concessun● latrocinium , robbery is lawfull in courses at law. but for those , to whom is committed the safety of a kingdom , to betray the trust reposed in them , by raising their means with dead paies , and consequently , steading the cause with dead service ; as also , by disabling their companions and fellow-souldiers from doing those duties which are requisite , for want of due entertainment ; is a thing deserving a heavy censure , and will doubtlesse fall out unto them , as it did to these two brethren . the sequele whereof will appear by the story , and confirme that of xenophon ; dii haud impunita relinquunt imp●a & nefaria hominum facta : the gods do not suffer the impieties and wickednesses of men to escape unpunished . chap. xxii . pompey attempting to break out , putteth caesar's party to great losse . pompey being informed of these things , & having formerly resolved to break out , as is already declared , gave order to the souldiers to make them coverings for their morions of osiers , and to get some store of bavins and fagots . which being prepared , he shipped a great number of the light-armed souldiers and archers , together with those fagots , in skiffs and gallies . and about mid-night he drew threescore cohorts out of the greater camp , and the places of garrison , and sent them to that part of the ●ortification which was next unto the sea , and farthest off from caesar's greatest camp. thither also he sent the ships before-mentioned , filled with light-armed men and fagots , together with as many other gallies as were at dyrrachium ; and gave directions how every man should imploy himself . caesar had left lentulus marcellinus , the treasurer , with the legion newly enrolled , to keep that fortification ; who for that he was sickly , and of an ill disposition of body ▪ had substituted fulvius posthumus as his coad●utor . there was in that place a ●rench of fifteen foot deep , and a rampier against the enemy of ten foot in 〈◊〉 , and as much in breadth . and about six hundred foot from that place was raised another rampier ▪ with the front the contrary way , but somewhat lower then the ●ormer . for some few daies before , caesar ( fearing that place , least our men should be circumvented with their ships ) had caused double fortifications to be made in that place ; that if ( peradventure ) they should be put to their shifts , they might neverthelesse make good resistance . but the greatnesse of the works , and the continuall labour they daily endured , the fortifications being carried eighteen miles in circuit , would not suffer them to finish it . whereby it happened , that he had not as yet made a rampier along the sea-shore , to joyn these two fortifications together , for the defence thereof : which was informed pompey by these two savoiens , and brought great damage and losse to our people . for as the cohorts of the ninth legion kept watch and guard upon the sea , suddenly , by the break of day , came pompey's army : which seemed very strange unto our men : and instantly thereupon , the souldiers from a shipboard assaulted with their weapons the inner rampier , & the rest began to fill up the trench . the legionary souldiers , appointed to keep the inner fortifications , having planted a great number of ladders to the rampier , did amuse the enemy with weapons , & engines of all sorts ; & a great number of a●chers were thronged together on each side . but the coverings of osiers which they ware on their head-pieces , did greatly defend them from the blowes of stones , which was the only weapon our men had for that purpose . and as our men were overlaid with all these things , and did hardly make resistance , they found out the defect of the fortification , formerly mentioned : and landing their men between the two rampiers , they charged our people in the rere , and so driving them from both the fortifications , made them turn their backs . this alarme being heard , marcellinus sent certain cohorts to succour our men : who seeing them fly , could neither re-assure them by their coming , nor withstand the fury of the enemy themselves : insomuch as what relief soever was sent , was distracted by the fear and astonishment of them that fled away . whereby the terrour and the danger was made much the greater , and their retreat was hindered through the multitude of people . in that fight , the eagle-bearer being grievously wounded , and fainting for want of strength , looking towards the horsemen ; this have i , said he , in my life time carefully and diligently defended for many years together , and now , dying , with the same fidelity do restore it unto caesar : suffer not ( i pray you ) such a dishonour , the like whereof never happened in caesar's army , but return it unto him in safety . by which accident the eagle was saved : all the centurions of the first cohort being slain , but the first of the maniple of the principes . and now the enemy , with great slaughter of our men , approached near marcellinus camp. the rest of the cohorts being greatly astonished , m. antonius holding the next garrison to that place , upon notice thereof , was seen to come down from the upper ground with twelve cohorts . vpon whose coming pompey's party was repressed and staied , and our men somewhat re-assured , giving them time to come again to themselves out of that astonishment . and not long after , caesar having knowledge thereof by smoak made out of the forts , according to the use of former time , came thither also , bringing with him certain cohorts out of the garrisons . observations . it is an old saying , that thieves handsell is alwaies naught . but traitors handsell is much worse : as appeareth by the falling away of these two savoiens : who were the first that left caesar in this war , and the first that brought pompey good fortune : themselves standing culpable of as great an offence , as if they had alienated the whole army . in the course whereof we may see plainly that which i have formerly noted ; that it is an excellent thing to be still attempting upon an enemy , so it be done upon good grounds and cautions : for while pompey stood upon the defensive ward , the honour of the contention fell continually upon caesar . and doubtlesse , he that observeth caesar's proceedings in the carriage of all his warres , shall find his fortune to have specially grown from his active and attempting spirit . in this eagle-bearer , we may see verified that which paterculus affirmeth of mithridates , that a valiant spi●it is sometimes great by the favour of fortune , but alwayes great in a good courage . for these titles of degrees , as princeps prior , and the rest here mentioned , having formerly discoursed at large of the parts of a legion , and the hierarchie of their discipline , i will rather refer the reader thereunto , then bumbast out a volume with distastefull repetitions . chap. xxiii . caesar purposeth to alter the course of warre ; and attempteth to cut off one of pompey's legions . caesar understanding of the losse , and perceiving that pompey was got out of the fortifications , and was incamped upon the sea , in such sort as he might freely go out to forrage , and have no lesse accesse to his shipping then formerly he had ; changing his course of warre , which had not succeeded to his expectation , he incamped himself fast by pompey . the works being perfected , it was observed by c●sar's discoverers , that certain cohorts , to the number of a legion , were brought behind a wood into the old camp. the site of the camp was after this manner . the dayes before , caesar's ninth legion opposing themselves against pompey's forces , and working upon the fortifications ( as is before declared ) had their camp in that place , adjoyning unto a wood , and not distant from the sea , above four hundred pases . afterwards , caesar changing his mind for some certain causes , transferred his lodging somewhat farther off from that place . a few dayes after the same camp was possest by pompey . and forasmuch as he was to lodge more legions in that place , leaving the inner rampier standing , he inlarged the fortification , so that the lesser camp being included in the greater , served as a castle or cittadell to the same . besides also , he drew a fortification from the right angle of the camp , four hundred pases out-right , to a river , to the end the souldiers might water freely , without danger . and he also changing his mind , for some causes not requisite to be mentioned , left the place too : so that the camp stood empty for many dayes together , and all the fortifications were as perfect as at the first . the discoverers brought news to caesar , that they had seen an ensign of a legion carried thither . the same was likewise confirmed ; from certain forts which stood upon the higher grounds . the place was distant from pompey's new camp about five hundred pases . caesar hoping to cut off this legion , and desirous to repair that dayes losse , left two cohorts at work , to make a shew of fortifying , and he himself ( by a contrary way , in as covert a manner as he could ) led the rest of the cohorts , in number thirty three ( amongst whom was the ninth legion , that had lost many centurions , and was very weak in souldiers ) towards pompey's legion , and the lesser camp , in a double battel . neither did his opinion deceive him : for he came thither before pompey could perceive it . and albeit the fortifications of the camp were great , yet assaulting it speedily with the left cornet , wherein he himself was , he drave pompey's souldiers from the rampier . there stood a * turn-pike in the gate , which gave occasion of resistance for a while : and as our men would have entered , they valiantly defended the camp ; t. pulcio , by whose means c. antonius army was betraied , as we have formerly declared , fighting there most valiantly . yet neverthelesse our men overcame them by valour ; and cutting up the turn-pike , entered first into the greater camp , and afterwards into the castle , and slew many that resisted , of the legion that was forced thither . but fortune , that can do much in all things , and specially in warre , doth in a small moment of time bring great alterations ; as it then happened . for the cohorts of caesar's right cornet , ignorant of the place , followed the rampier which went along from the camp to the river , seeking after the gate , and taking it to be the rampier of the camp : but when they perceived that it joyned to the river , they presently got over it , no man resisting them ; and all the cavalry followed after those cohorts . observations . pompey having cleared his army of that siege , it booted not caesar to prosecute his purpose any longer : for when the end is missed for which any course is undertaken , it were folly to seek it by that means . we must rather chuse new wayes , that may lead us to the end of our hopes , then follow the old track , which sorted to no effect . and yet neverthelesse , the sufficiency of the generall is no way disabled : for , albeit a wise man doth not alwayes keep one pase , yet still he holdeth one and the same way . secondly , that of xerxes appeareth to be true , that great attempts are alwaies made with great difficulty and danger . wherein the wisdome of the heathen world ascribed all to fortune , as the sole cause of all remarkable events , and that which filled up both the pages of all the books , wherein men noted the course of things . clades in bello acceptae , non semper ignaviae , sed aliquando fortunae temeritati sunt imputandae , losses received in war , are not alwayes to be imputed to slothfull carriage , but oftentimes to the temerity of fortune , saith archidamus ; and is that which is aimed at by caesar . chap. xxiiii . the ●ight continueth , and caesar loseth . in the mean while pompey , after so long a respite of time , having notice thereof , took the first legion from their works , and brought them to succour their fellows : and at the same time his cavalry did approch near our horsemen , and our men that possessed the camp , did discover an army imbattelled coming against them ; and all things were suddenly changed . for pompey's legion , assured with a speedy hope of succour , began to make resistance at the decumane gate , and voluntarily charged our men . caesar's cavalry being got over the rampier into a narrow passage , fearing how they might retreat in safety , began to fly away . the right cornet , secluded and cut off from the left , perceiving the terrour of the horsemen ( least they might be indangered within the fortifications ) betook themselves to the other side from whence they came : and most of them ( least they should be surprised in the straights ) cast themselves over works of ten foot high into the ditches : and such as first got over being troden under foot by such as followed after , the rest saved themselves in passing over their bodies . the souldiers of the left cornet perceiving from the rampier that pompey was at hand , and that their own side fled away , fearing lest they should be shut up in those straights , having the enemy both without and within them , thought it their best course to return back the same way they came . whereby there happened nothing but tumult , fear , and flight : insomuch as when caesar caught hold with his hand of the ensignes of them that sled , and commanded them to stand ; some for fear left their ensigns behind them , others forsaking their horses , kept on their course : neither was there any one of them that would stand . notwithstanding , in this so great a calamity and mishap these helps fell out to relieve us , when the whole army was in danger to be cut off ; that pompey fearing some treachery ( for that , as i think , it happened beyond his expectation , who a little before saw his men flie out of his camp ) durst not for a good while approach near the fortifications ; and our men possessing the narrow passages and the ports , did hinder the horsemen from following after . and so a small matter fell out to be of great moment , in the carriage of that accident , on either side . for the rampier , which was carried from the camp to the river pompey's camp being already taken ) was the only hinderance of caesar's expedite and easy victory : and the same thing , hindering the speedy following of their horsemen , was the onely safety and help of our men . in those two fights , there were wanting of caesar's men nine hundred and threescore ; and horsemen of note , r. felginas , tuticanus gallus , a senatours sonne , c. felginas of placentia , agravius of puteolis , sacrativirus of capua , ten tribunes of the souldiers , and thirty centurions . but the greatest part of these perished in the trenches , in the fortifications , and on the river banks , prest to death with the fear and ●light of their fellows , without any blow or wound given them . there were lost at that time thirty two military ensignes . pompey , upon that sight , was saluted by the name of imperator ; which title he then obtained , and so suffered himself to be stiled afterward : howbeit he used it not in any of his missives , nor yet wore any laurell in the bundle of rods carried before him . labienus having begged all the captives , caused them ( for greater ostentation ) to be brought out in publick ; and to give the more assurance to such as were fled thither from caesar's party , calling them by the name of fellow-souldiers , in great derision asked them whether old souldiers were wont to flie ; and so caused them all to be slain . pompey's party took such an assurance and spirit upon these things , that they thought no farther of the course of war , but carried themselves as though they were already victors : not respecting ( as the cause of all this ) the paucity of our men , nor the disadvantage of the place , and the streightnesse thereof , the camp being possessed , and the doubtfull terrour both within and without the works ; not yet the army divided into two parts , in such sort as neither of them were able to help or succour the other . neither yet did they adde to this , that the fight was not made by any valiant incounter , or in form of battell ; but that they received more hurt from the narrownesse of the place , and from their own disorder , then from the enemy . and to conclude , they did not remember the common chances and casualties of warre : wherein oftentimes very small causes , either of false suspicion , or of sudden fear , or out of scruple of religion , do inferre great and heavy losses ; as often as either by the negligence of the generall , or the fault of a tribune , the army is misordered . but as though they had overcome by true force of their prowesse , and that no alteration of things could after happen , they magnified that dayes victory , by letters and report throughout the whole world . the first observation . sometimes we may think to repair a losse , and thereby hazard a greater misfortune . for albeit the saying be common , that a man must seek his coat where he lost it , as dicers do ; yet there is alwayes more certainty in seeking , then in finding . for the circle of humane affairs being carried round in a course , doth not suffer happinesse to continue with one party . and thereupon it was , that pittacus dedicated a ladder to the temple of mitylene , to put men in mind of their condition ; which is nothing else but going up and down . the life of a souldier is a mere hermaphrodite , and taketh part of either sex of fortune ; and is made by nature to beget happinesse of adversity , and mischances of good hap : as if the cause of all causes , by intermixing sweet with sower , would lead us to his providence , and consequently to himself , the first mover of all motions . the diversity of these events are so inchained together , as one seemeth to have relation to the other . for this task admitted not of veni , vidi , vici , i only came , and saw , and overcame ; nor went on with alexander , marching over the plains of asia , without rub or counterbuffe : but the businesse was disposed , here to receive a blow , and there to gain a victory . and so this losse at dyrraechium made the battel at pharsalia the more glorious , and beautified the course of this warre with variety of chances . the best use of these disasters , is that which c●oesus made of his crosse fortunes , mei casus , et si ingrati , mihi tamen extitere disciplina ; my mishaps , though they be unpleasing enough , yet they have still taught me something . the second observation . as the mathemat●cks , by reason of their certainty , do admit demonstration , as well from the conclusion to the principles , as from the principles to the conclusion : so in the actions of mans life , it is not hard to assign the precedent causes by the sequele ; the event being oftentimes an understanding judge of things that are past . and although it do no where appear what was the cause of labienus leaving caesar ; yet his insolent carriage towards these captives , may make at least a probable conjecture , that his revolt proceeded from his own disposition , rather then from any cause on caesar's behalf . for where a man hath once done an injury , he will never cease heaping one wrong after another , and all to justify his first errour : whereas on the other side , a noble spirit , free from all desert , will demean himself answerable to his first innocency . chap. xxv . caesar speaketh to the souldiers concerning this mi●hap ; and forsaketh the place . caesar being driven from his former purposes , resolved to change the whole course of the warre ; so that at one and the same time omitting the siege , and withdrawing the garrisons , he brought all the army into one place , and there spake unto the souldiers : exhorting them not to think much at those things that had happened , nor to be amuzed therewith ; but to counterpoise this losse ( which was in a mediocrity ) with many happy and fortunate battels they had gained . let them thank fortune , that they had taken italy without blow or wound ; that they had quieted and put in peace both the provinces of spain , full of warlike men , and directed by skilfull and practised commanders ; that they also had subdued the fertile bordering provinces ; and likewise , that they should remember , with what facility they were all transported in safety through the midst of the enemies fleets ; not only the havens and ports , but all the coast being full of shipping . if all things fell not out prosperously . fortune was to be helped by their industry . the losse which was received , might be attributed to any man rather then unto him : for he had given them a secure place to fight in , had possest himself of the enemies camp , driven them out , and overcome them in fight . but whether it were their fear , or any other errour , or fortune herself , that would interrupt a victory already gained every man was now to labour to repair the damage they had sustained , with their valour : which if they did endeavour , he would turn their lesse into advantage , as it formerly fell out at gergovia , where such as before were afraid to sight , did of their own accord offer themselves to battel . having ended his speech , he disgraced and displaced some ensign bearers . the army thereupon conceived such a grief of the blow that was given them , and such a desire they had to repair their dishonour , that no man needed the command either of a tribune or centurion : every man imposing upon himself as a punishment for his late fault , greater labours then usuall , and withall inflamed with an earnest desire of fighting : insomuch as many of the higher orders thought it requisite to continue in the place , and refer the cause to a battel . but contrariwise , caesar was not assured of the terrified souldiers , and thought it expedient besides , to interpose some time for the settling of their minds ; fearing likewise least he should be straightned through scarcity of corn , upon the leaving of his fortifications . and therefore without any farther delay , giving order for such as were wounded and sick , assoon as it was night , he conveighed all the carriages secretly out of the camp , and sent them before towards apollonia , forbidding them to rest untill they came to their lodging ; and sent one legion withall to convoy them . that being done , he retained two legions within the camp : and the rest , being led out at divers ports , about the fourth watch of the night he sent the same way . and after a little pause ( for the observing of military order , and to the end his speedy departure might not be discovered ) he commanded them to take up the cry of trussing up their baggage ; and presently setting forward , overtook the former troup , & so went speedily out of the sight of the camp. pompey having notice of his purpose , made no delay to follow after : but aiming at the same things , either to take them incumbered in their march , or astonished with fear , brought forth his army , and sent his horsemen before to stay the rereward . but caesar went with so speedy a march , that he could not overtake them , untill he came to the river genusus ; where , by reason of the high and uneasy banks , the cavalry overtook the tail of the army , and ingaged them in fight . amongst whom caesar opposed his horsemen , and intermingled with them four hundred expedite souldiers , of them that had place before the ensigns : who so much prevailed in the encounter , that they drave them all away before them , slew many of them , and returned themselves in safety to their troups . caesar having made a just daies march , according to his first determination , and brought his army over the river genusus , he lodged in his old camp over against asparagus ; and kept all the souldiers within the rampier , commanding the horse that went out to forrage , to be presently taken in by the decumane port. the first observation . albeit that of cato be true , that an errour in ●ight is not capable of amendment : yet out o● that which happeneth amisse , may alwaies be somewhat gathered to repair the disadvantage , and to dispose a party to better carriage for the future . accordingly we may note caesar's notable temper and demeanour , after so great a losse ; recalling the courage of his souldiers , and settling their minds in a course of good resolution , with as many valuable reasons as humane wisdome was able to afford him : without which , all their other advantages , either of valour or experience and use of arms , or their assurednesse after so many victories , or what other thing soever that made them excell all other armies , had been utterly buried in this overthrow . for his better furtherance wherein , he thought it fit to use the help of time , before he brought them to the like triall . for that which is said of grief , if reason will not give an end unto it , time will , is to be understood of any other passion of the mind ; which cannot possibly be so great , but time will consume it . the second observation . the second thing which cometh to be handled , is the manner of caesar's retreat ; being as exquisite a pattern in this kind , as is extant in any story : and is the rather to be considered , forasmuch as it is one of the principall points of military art , and worthiest the knowledge of a generall , to be able , upon all occasions , to make a safe and sure retreat . for those that can do nothing else , can easily put themselves into a war : but to return them home again in safety , is that which concerneth the honour of a leader . many are the causes that may move a commander to dislodge himself , and to leave his adversarie for a time : but the means to do it safety depend specially upon these two points . the one is , to advance himself onward at first , as far as possibly he can , to the end he may get the start , before the enemy be ready to follow him : and is taught by xenophon ; who , after the death of cyrus , in the battell against king artaxerxes , brought back a thousand men into greece , from an army of two hundred thousand horse , that pressed hard upon them , for five hundred leagues together . which retreat is exactly storied by the said author , in seven books , containing all the difficulties concerning this point : amongst which , we find this passage . it much imported us , saith he , to go as far at first as possible we could ; to the end we might have some advantage of space before the enemy , that pressed so near behind . for , if we once got before , and could out-strip them for a daies journey or two , it was not possible for them to overtake us ; forasmuch as they durst not follow us with a small troup , and with great forces they could never reach us : besides the scarcity and want of victuall they fell into by following us , that consumed all before them . thus far goeth xenophon . and according to this rule , caesar ordered his retreat : for he got the start of pompey so far the first day , by that eight miles he gained in the afternoon , as it followeth in the next chapter , that he was never able to overtake him . the second thing for the assuring of a retreat is , so to provide against the incumberances of an enemy , that he may not find it easie to attack him that would be gone . of all retreats which may any way be taken from example of beasts , that of the wolf is most commended : who never flies , but with his head turned back upon his adversaries ; and shews such teeth , as are not to be trusted . after the wolfs manner marched caesar : for howsoever the body of his army retreated one way , yet they turned so terrible a countenance towards the enemy , as was not to be endured . and upon these two hinges , is turned the carriage of a skilfull retreat . howbeit , for the better furtherance hereof , it shall not be impertinent to adde hereunto some inventions , practised by great commanders , which may serve to amuse an enemy , while a generall doth prepare himself to observe the former points . king philip of macedon , desirous to leave the roman army , sent a herauld to the consul , to demand a cessation of armes , while he buried his dead , which he purposed to perform the next day , with some care and solemnity . which being obtained , he dislodged himself secretly that night , and was got far on his way before the romans perceived it . hanniball , to clear his army from that of the romans , which was commanded by the consul nero , about midnight made many fires , in that part which stood next the roman camp : & leaving certain pavillions & lodgings , with some few numidians , to shew themselves upon the rampier , he departed secretly towards puteolis . as soon as it was day , the romans ( according to their custome ) approaching the counterscarp , the numidians shewed themselves ; and then suddainly made after their fellows , as fast as their horses could carry them . the consul , finding a great silence in the camp , sent two light-horsemen to discover the matter : who returning , told him of the enemies departure . in like manner , varus ( as is formerly related ) left a trumpeter in the camp near utica , with certain tents ; and about midnight , carried his army secretly into the town . mithridates , willing to leave pompey , that cut him off short , the better to cover his departure , made shew of making greater provision of forrage then he was accustomed , appointed conferences the next day , made great store of fires in his camp ; and then in the night escaped away . the persians , in the voyage which solyman the turk made against them , in the year one thousand five hundred fifty four , being driven to a place where the ottomans thought to have had a hand upon them , gathered every man a fagot ; and making a great heap thereof , set them all on fire , in the passage of the turks army : which burned so furiously , as the persian escaped before the enemy could passe by the fire . chap. xxvi . caesar goeth on in his retreat : pompey ceaseth to follow him . in like manner , pompey having that day marched a full journey , betook himself to his former lodging at asparagus . and , for that the souldiers were not troubled with fortifying their camp , by reason all the works were whole & intire , many of them went out far off to get wood , and to seek forrage : others , rising hastily , had left a great part of their luggage behind them ; and induced by the nearness of the last nights lodging , left their armes , and went back to fetch those things that were behind . insomuch as caesar , seeing them thus scattered ( as before he had conceived how it would fall out ) about high noon gave warning to depart , and so led out his army ; and doubling that daies journey , he went from that place about eight mile : which pompey could not do , by reason of the absence of his souldiers . the next day , caesar having in like manner sent his carriages before , in the beginning of the night , set forward himself about the fourth watch ; that if there were any suddain necessity of fighting , he might ( at all occasions ) be ready with the whole army . the like he did the daies following . by which it happened , that in his passage over great rivers , and by difficult and cumbersome waies , he received no detriment or losse at all . for pompey being staied the first day , and afterwards striving in vain , making great journeys , and yet not overtaking us , the fourth day gave over following , and betook himself to another resolution . caesar , as well for the accommodating of his wounded men , as also for paying the army , re-assuring his allies and confederates , and leaving garrisons in the towns , was necessarily to go to apollonia : but he gave no longer time for the dispatch of these things , then could be spared by him that made haste . for fearing least domitius should be ingaged by pompey's arrivall , he desired to make towards him with all possible celerity : his whole purpose and resolution insisting upon these reasons ; that if pompey did follow after him , he should by that means draw him from the sea-side , and from such provisions of war as he had stored up at dyrrachium ; and so should compell him to undertake the war upon equall conditions . if he went over into italy , having joyned his army with domitius , he would go to succour italy by the way of illyricum . but if he should go about to besiege apollonia , or oricum , and so exclude him from all the sea-coast , he would then besiege scipio , and force pompey to relieve him . and therefore having writ and sent to cn. domitius , what he would have done ( leaving four cohorts to keep apollonia , one at lissus , and three at oricum , and disposing such as were weak through their wounds in epirus and acarnania ) he set forward . observations . confecto justo itinere ejus dici , having marched a full daies march , or gone a just daies journey , saith the story . which giveth occasion to inquire , how far this just daies journey extended . lipsius saith , it was twenty four miles , alleaging that of vegetius ; militari gradu ( saith he ) viginti millia passuum horis quinque duntaxat aestivis conficienda : pleno autem gradu qui citatior est , totidem horis viginti quatuor ; a souldiers march did usually rid miles in five summer houres , and if they marched with speed , miles in the same time : understanding justum iter , a just journey , to be so much as was measured militari gradu , by a souldiers march . but he that knows the marching of an army , shall easily perceive the impossibility of marching ordinarily twenty four miles a day . besides , this place doth plainly confute it : for , first , he saith that he made a just daies journey ; & then again , rising about noon , doubled that daies journey , and went eight miles . which shews , that their justum iter was about eight miles : and so suteth the slow conveiance of an army , with more probability then that of lipsius . chap. xxvii . pompey hasteth to scipio . domitius heareth of the overthrow . pompey also conjecturing at caesar's purpose , thought it requisite for him to hasten to scipio , that he might succour him , if caesar should chance to intend that way : but if it so fell out , that he would not depart from the sea-shore and corcyra , as expecting the legions and cavalry to come out of italy , he would then attack domitius . for these causes both of them made haste , as well to assist their parties , as to surprize their enemies , if occasion were offered . but caesar had turned out of the way , to go to apollonia ; whereas pompey had a ready way into macedonia by candavia . to which there happened another inconvenience : that domitius , who for many daies together had lodged hard by scipio's camp , was now departed from thence , to make provision of corn , unto heraclea sentica , which is subject to candavia ; as though fortune would have thrust him upon pompey . this caesar was at that time ignorant of . moreover , pompey had writ to all the states and provinces , of the overthrow at dyrrachium , in far greater tearms then the thing it self was : and had noised it abroad , that caesar was beaten , had lost all his forces , and fled away . which reports made the wales very hard and dangerous to our men , and drew many states from caesar's party : whereby it happened , that many messengers being sent , both from caesar to domitius , and from domitius to caesar , were forced to turn back again , and could not passe . howbeit , some of the followers of roscillus and aegus ( who , as is before shewed , had fled unto pompey ) meeting on the way with domitius discoverers ( whether it were out of their old acquaintance , having lived together in the wars of gallia , or otherwise out of vain-glorie ) related all what had happened ; not omitting caesar's departure , or pompey's coming . whereof domitius being informed , and being but scarce four houres before him , did ( by the help of the enemy ) avoid a most imminent danger , and met with caesar at aeginium , which is a town situate upon the frontiers of thessalia . observations . joy is an opening and dilating motion , and oftentimes openeth the body so wide , as it letteth out the soul , which returneth not again . and in like manner , the causes of all such exsultations do , for the most part , spread themselves further then is requisite . pompey having victory in hope , rather then in hand , boasted as though all were his : not considering , that the happinesse or disaster of humane actions , doth not depend upon the particulars rising in the course thereof , which are variable and divers , but according as the event shall censure it . whereupon the russes have a saying in such cases , that he that laughs afterward , laughs then too : as caesar did . chap. xxviii . caesar sacketh gomphi in thessalia . caesar having joyned both armies together , came to gomphi , which is the first town of thessalia by the way leading out of epirus . these people , a few daies before , had of their own accord sent embassadours to caesar , offering all their means and abilities to be disposed at his pleasure ; requiring also a garrison of souldiers from him . but now they had heard of the overthrow at dyrrachiuml ; which was made so great , and so prevailed with them , that androsthenes , praetor of thessalia ( chusing rather to be a partaker of pompey's victory , then a companion with caesar in adversity ) had drawn all the multitude of servants and children out of the country into the town ; and shutting up the gates , dispatched messengers to scipio and pompey , for succour to be sent unto him , in that he was not able to hold out a long siege . scipio understanding of the departure of the armies from dyrrachium , had brought the legions to larissa : and pompey did not as yet approach near unto thessalia . caesar having fortified his camp , commanded mantelets , ladders , and hurdles to be made ready for a surprize . which being fitted and prepared , he exhorted the souldiers , and shewed them what need there was ( for the relieving of their wants , and supplying of all necessaries ) to possesse themselves of an opulent and full town ; as also by their example , to terrifie the other cities : and what they did , to do speedily , before it could be succoured . whereupon , by the singular industrie of the souldiers , the same day he came thither , giving the assault after the ninth houre ( notwithstanding the exceeding height of the walls ) he took the town before sun-setting , and gave it to the souldiers to be rifled : and presently removing from thence , came to metropolis , in such sort , as he outwent as well messengers , as news of taking the town . the metropolitanes , induced with the same respects , at first shut up their gates , and filled their walls with armed men : but afterwards , understanding by the captives ( whom caesar caused to be brought forth ) what had happened to them of gomphi , they presently opened their gates ; and by that means were all preserved in safety . which happinesse of theirs being compared with the desolation of gomphi , there was no one state of all thessalia ( excepting them of larissa , which were kept in with great forces by scipio ) but yielded obedience to caesar , and did what he commanded . caesar having now got a place plenteous of corn , which was now almost ripe , he resolved to attend pompey's coming , and there to prosecute the residue of that war. observations . livie saith , that the siege of that place which we would quickly take , must be prosecuted and urged hard . which rule caesar observed : for he followed it so hard , that he took the town fortified with exceeding high walls , in four houres space , or thereabouts , after he began to assault it . which plutarch saith , was so plentifully stored of all necessary provision , that the souldiers found there a refection of all the miseries and wants they suffered at dyrrachium : insomuch as they seemed to be new made , both in body and courage , by reason of the wine , victuals , and riches of that place ; which were all given unto them , according to that of xenophon , lex inter omnes homines perpetua est , quando belligerantium urbs capta fuerit , cuncta corum esse qui eam ceperint , & corpora ●orum qui in urbe sunt & bona ; it is a generall law amongst all men , that when an enemies town is forcibly taken , all that is found in it , as well bodies as goods , is at their disposall who have taken it . appian saith , the germans were so drunk , that they made all men laugh at them : and that if pompey had surprized them in these disorders , they might have paid dear for their entertainment . he addeth moreover ( to shew the stiffenesse of the inhabitants against caesar ) that there were found in a surgeons hall , twenty two principall personages , stiffe dead upon the ground , without appearance of any wound , having their goblets by them : and he that gave the poison , sitting upright in a chair , as dead as the rest . and as ph●lip , having taken acrolisse in the country of the ●●tirians , drew all the rest to his obedience , through the fear they conceived of their usage : so the consideration of the calamity which befell gomphi , and the good intreaty which the metropolitans found by yielding unto caesar , brought all the other cities under his command . chap. xxix . pompey cometh into thessalia : his army conceiveth assured hope of victory . pompey a few dayes after came into thessalia ; and there calling all the army together , first gave great thanks to his own men ; and then exhorted scipio's souldiers , that the victory being already obtained , they would be partakers of the booty and of the rewards : and taking all the legions into one camp , he made scipio partaker both of his honour and authority , commanding the trumpets to attend his pleasure for matter of direction , and that he should use a praetoriall pavilion . pompey having strengthened himself with an addition of another great army , every man was confirmed in his former opinion , and their hope of victory was increased : so that the longer they dela●ed the matter , the more they seemed to prolong their return into italy . and albeit pompey proceeded slowly and deliberately in the business , yet it was but a daies work . but some there were that said , he was well pleased with authority and command , and to use men both of consular dignity , and of the praetorian order , as his vassals and servants . and now they began to dispute openly , concerning rewards and dignities of priesthood ; and pointed out those which from year to year were to be chosen consuls . others begged the houses and goods of such as were with caesar . besides a great controversie that further grew between them in open councell , whether l. hirrus were not to be regarded at the next election of praetors , being absent , and imploied by pompey against the parthians . and as his friends urged pompey with his promise given at his departure , requiring he might not now be deceived through his greatnesse and authority ; the rest , running a course of as great danger and labour , saw no reason ( by way of contradiction ) why one man should be respected before all others . and now domitius , scipio , and spinther lentulus , began to grow to high words in their daily meetings , concerning caesar's priesthood : lentulus all●aging , by way of ostentation , the honour that was due to his age and authority ; domitius vaunting of the credit and favour he had at rome ; and scipio trusting to pompey's alliance . moreover , atius rusus accused l. afranius to pompey , for betraying the army in spain . l. domitius gave out in councell , that after the war was ended , all such as were of the rank of senatours , should be inquired upon by a triple commission : and that those which were personally in the war ; should be of the commission to judge the rest ; as well such as were at rome , as those that did no service in this war. the first commission should be , to clear such as had well-deserved , from all danger . the second , penall : and the third , capitall . and to conclude , every man laboured , either to have a reward , or to be avenged of his enemy . neither did they think so much of the means how to overcome , as how to use the victory . the first observation . the tale which the emperour frederick related to the commissioners of lewis the eleventh , king of france ( concerning the parting between them of the territories of charles duke of burgundie ) not to sell the skin before they had killed the bear ; might well have ●itted these of pompey's partie , that contended for offices before they fell , and disposed of the skins e're they had took the bears : not sparing out of their impatiency to tax pompey of spinning out the war , for the sweetnesse he found in authority and command ; as agamemnon did at troy. insomuch as plutarch reporteth , that one favonius , imitating cato's severity and freeness of speech , went about throughout all the camp , demanding , whether it were not great pitty , that the ambitious humour of one man , should keep them that year from eating the figs and delicate fruit of tusculum ? and all men generally stood so affected , as pompey could not withstand their inforcements . for , as florus saith , milites otium , socii moram , principes ambitum ducis increpabant , the souldiers blamed the slouth , the confederates found fault with the delay , & the chief commanders with the ambition of their generall . onely cato thought it not fit to hazard themselves upon a desperate man , that had neither hope or help , but in fortune . but , as in most things besides , so in this he stood alone , and could not prevail against a multitude . the second observation . placere sibi ternas tabellas dari , ad indicandum iis , qui erant ordinis senatorii , they agreed , that all such as were of the rank of senatours , should be inquired upon by a triple commission , saith the story . tabellas , i have translated commissions , as best suting our english phrase : but the meaning was as followeth . it appeareth by history , that the roman people , as well in election of magistrates , as in causes criminall , did give their voices openly and aloud , for six hundred years together ; untill one gabinius , a tribune of the people , perceiving that the commons , for fear of the great ones , durst not dispose of their voices freely , and as they would , published an edict , that the people should give their voices by ballating . which law tully commendeth ; grata est tabella quae frontes operit , hominum mentes tegit , datque cam libertatem quod velint faciant ; it is an acceptable law , which hides the faces and meanings of men , and gives all liberty to do what they please . and in another place , he calleth it principium justissimae libertatis , the foundation of most just liberty . upon an election of magistrates , the balls were given according to the number of the competitours ; that every man might chuse as he pleased . in criminall causes , every man had three : one marked with a. signifying absolution , and another with c. for condemnation , and another with n. l. for non liquet , which they called ampliatio , desirous to be further informed , which our grand juries do expresse by an ignoramus . and in this manner would domitius have had his fellow senatours either quitted or condemned . the balls which were given upon the making of a law , were two : one marked with v. r. which signified uti rogas , that it might go on : and the other with a. signifying antiquo , rejecting it . for , as festus noteth , antiquare est in modum pristinum reducere , to antiquate , is to make the thing be as it was before . and in this manner they would have proceeded against caesar's par●izans , being altogether mistaken in the assurance of their happiness ; the continuance whereof depended upon vertue , and not upon fortune . chap. xxx . caesar finding the enemy to offer battell in an indifferent place , prepareth to undertake him . provision of corn being made , and the souldiers well resolved ( to which end he had interposed a sufficient space of time , after the battell at dyrrachium ) caesar thought it time now to try what purpose or will pompey had to fight . and therefore , drawing the army out of the camp , he imbattelled his troups , first upon the place , and somewhat removed from pompey's camp : but every day following , he went further off his own trenches , and brought his army under the hills whereon the enemy lay incamped . this made his army daily the more bold and assured . he kept continually his former course with his horsemen ; who because they were lesse in number by many degrees then those of pompey's party , he commanded certain lusty young men , chosen out of them that stood before the ensignes , for their nimble and swift running , to fight amongst the horsemen ; who by reason of their daily practise , had learned the use of that kind of fight . so that one thousand of our cavalry , in open and champain places , would , when need were , undergo the charge of seven thousand of theirs , and were not much terrified with the multitude of them . for at that time they made a fortunate incounter , and slew one of the two savoiens , that had formerly fled to pompey , with divers others . pompey having his camp upon a hill , imbattelled his army at the lower foot thereof , to see if he could get caesar to thrust himself into an unequall and disadvantageous place . caesar thinking that pompey would by no means be drawn to battell , thought it the fittest course for him to shift his camp , and to be alwaies in moving : hoping by often removes from place to place , he should be better accommodated for provision of corn ; and withall , might upon a march find some occasion to fight ; besides , he should weary pompey's army , not accustomed to travell , with daily and continuall journeys . and thereupon he gave the signe of dislodging . but as the tents were taken down , it was a little before observed , that pompey's army was advanced somewhat further from their trenches , then ordinarily they were accustomed ; so that it seemed they might fight in an equall and indifferent place . whereupon caesar , when his troups were already in the gates setting out , it behoveth us , saith he , to put off our removing for the present , and bethink our selves of fighting , as we have alwaies desired ; for we shall not easily hereafter find the like occasion : and presently drew out his forces . pompey also , as it was afterwards known , was resolved ( at the instance of all that were about him ) to give battell ; for he had given out in councell some few daies before , that he would everthrow caesar's army , before the troups came to joyn battell . and as many that stood by wondered at it ; i know , saith he , that i promise almost an incredible matter : but take the ground whereupon i speak it , that you may undergo the business with more assurance . i have perswaded the cavalry , and they have promised to accomplish it , that when they come near to joyn , they shall attack caesar's right cornet on the open side ; and so the army being circumvented behind , shall be amused and routed , before our men can cast a weapon at them : whereby we shall end the war without danger of the legions , or almost without any wound received . which is not difficult or hard to do , for us that are so strong in horse . and withall , he gave order that they should be ready against the next day , forasmuch as the occasion was offered ( according as they had often intended ) not to deceive the opinion which other men had of their prowesse and valour . labienus seconding this speech , as contemning caesar's forces , extolled pompey's resolution to the skies . do not think , pompey , saith he , that this is the army wherewith he conquered gallia , or germania : i was present my self at all those battells , and do not speak rashly what i am ●gnorant of . there is a very small piece of that army remaining : a great part of them are dead , as it cannot otherwise be , in so many battells . the p●stilence ( the last autumn ) in italy consumed many of them ; many are gone home , and many are left in the continent . have ye not heard , that the cohorts which are now at brundusium , are made and raised of such as remained behind there to recover their healths ? these forces that ye see , were the last year gathered of the musters made in the hither gallia ; and most of them , of the colonies beyond the po : and yet all the flower and strength of them was taken away in the last two overthrows at dyrrachium . when he had spoken these things , he took a solemn oath , not to return into the camp but with victory , exhorting the rest to do the like . pompey commending him , took the same oath : neither was there any man that refused it . these things being thus carried in the councell , they rose up and departed , with great hope and joy of all men ; as having already conceived victory in their minds : and the rather , because they thought that nothing could be spoken vainly by so skilfull a commander , in so weighty and important a cause . observations . concerning the fashion of the cavalry , in which either party reposed so much confidence , we are to note , that the romans had two sorts of horsemen ; the one compleatly armed ( according to their manner ) and incorporated in the body of their legions , whose entertainment was thrice as much as the footmen . aeque impotens postulatum fuit ( saith livie ) ut de stipendio equitum ( merebant autem triplex ea tempestate ) aera demerentur ; it seemed as unreasonable a motion , that the horsemens pay , which at that time was triple , should be lessened . and the other were as light-horsemen , which they called alarii . the first sort were thus armed , as josephus witnesseth ; they wore a sword on their right side , somewhat longer then that of the footmen , and carried a long staffe or spear in their hand , a target at their horse side , and three or more darts in a quiver , with broad heads , and not much less then their staves ; having such head pieces and corselets as the foot-men had . the light-armed men , had either light darts , or bow and arrows . and doubtlesse , their chiefest service was with their casting weapons . and accordingly tully putteth his son in mind , of the praise he had got in pompey's army ( where he commanded a wing of horse ) equitando , jaculando , omni militari labore tolerando , in riding , casting darts , and undergoing all military duty . and as their service consisted in breaking their staves upon an enemy , and in casting their darts : so we exercise the practice of the former , in our triumphs at tilt ; and the spaniards the later , in their iocuo di cane . the pistolier , that will do somewhat to purpose , doth come up close to the other , & discharge his pistoll in his enemies neck , or under the corselet , about the flank or seat of a man ; and commonly misseth not . i have seen a device to use a musket on horse-back , which if it prove as serviceable as is by some conceived , will be of great advantage . chap. xxxi . the manner of imbattelling their armies . as caesar approached near unto pompey's camp , he observed his army to be imbattelled in this manner : there were in the left cornet two legions , which , in the beginning of these broils , were by order and decree of senate taken from caesar ; whereof one was called the first , and the other the third : and with them stood pompey . scipio had the middle squadron , with the legions he brought out of syria . the legion of cilicia , joyned with the spanish cohorts , which afranius brought with him , made the right cornet . these pompey held to be very strong . the rest of the troups were interlaced between the middle squadron and the cornets . all made one hundred and ten cohorts , which amounted to fifty five thousand men : besides two thousand old souldiers , and men of note , whom he had called out to that war , and dispersed them over all the army . the rest of the cohorts , which were seven , he had left in the camp , or disposed about the forts near adjoyning . the right corn●t was flanked with a river , that had high and cumbersome banks : and thereupon he put all his cavalry , together with the archers & slingers , in the left cornet . caesar , observing his former custome , placed the tenth legion in the right cornet , and the ninth in the left ; albeit they were very much weakened in the fights at dyrrachium : but to this he so joyned the eighth , that he seemed almost to make one of two , and commanded them to succour each other . he had in all about eighty cohorts , which made twenty two thousand men : two cohorts he left to keep the camp. he gave the left cornet to antonius , the right to pub. sylla , and the middle squadron to cn. domitius , and put him self opposite to pompey . and withall having well observed these things ( according as i have formerly declared ) fearing least the right cornet should be inclosed about with the multitude of the cavalry , he speedily drew six cohorts out of the third battell , and of them he made a fourth , to incounter the horsemen , and shewed them what he would have done ; admonishing withall , that the victory of that day consisted in the valour of those cohorts : commanding the third battell , and likewise the whole army , not to joyn battell without order from him ; which when he thought fit , he would give them notice of by an ensigne . and going about to incourage them to fight , according to the use of war , he put them in mind of his favours , and his carriage towards them from time to time ; and specially , that they themselves were witnesses , with what labour and means he had sought for peace , as well by treaty with vatinius , as also by employing a. clodius to scipio : and likewise how he had endeavoured at oricum with libo , that embassadours might be sent to treat of these things . neither was he willing at any time to misspend the souldiers blood , or to deprive the common-wealth of either of those armies . this speech being delivered , the souldiers both requiring and longing with an ardent desire to fight , he commanded the signe of battell to be given by a trumpet . observations . concerning the order used in disposing these armies , for the triall of this cause , it appeareth by the storie , that pompey set two legions in his left cornet , which are here named the first and the third . howbeit lucan saith , that those legions were the first and the fourth . — cornus tibi cura sinistri , lentule , cum prima , quae tum fuit optima bello , et quarta legione datur . — — the left cornets care , which the first legion , ( best in all that warre ) and fourth made up , o lentulus , was thine . the middle squadron was led by scipio , with the legions he brought out of syria , which were also two ; exspectabat cum scipione ex syria legiones duas , he exspected scipio out of syria with two legions , as it is in the second chapter of this book . in the right cornet was the cilician legion , with the cohorts that afranius brought out of spain : which amounting to the number of a legion , made that cornet equall to the rest . and so of these six legions , which were the strength and sinews of his army , he fashioned his battell into a middle squadron , and two cornets . his other forces , being young souldiers , he disposed in the distances , between the cornets and that middle squadron . frontinus speaking of this point , saith ; legiones secundum virtutem , firm●ssimas in medio , & in cornu locavit ; spacia his interposita tyronibus supplevit : he disposed his legions according to their goodness & worth : the stoutest he placed in the middle squadron and the cornets ; filling up the spaces betwixt these with his young souldiers . his number of men , by our text , was fifty five thousand ; but plutarch maketh them not above forty five thousand . caesar had not hall so many men , and yet made a triple battell ; but not so thick or deep with legions : for in the right cornet he put the tenth legion , and in the left the ninth and the eighth ; being both weak and far spent , by the former overthrows . of the other legions he maketh no mention : but it seemeth they filled up the distances between the cornets and the body of the army ; and were as flesh to those sinews and bones , which out of the prerogative of their valour , took the place of the cornets , and the middle bulk of the battell . and fearing least his right cornet should be encumvented by the multitude of their cavalry , he drew six cohorts out of his third or last battell , to make a fourth battell to oppose the cavalry : which got him the victory . for howsoever the text saith , singulas cohortes detraxit : yet plutarch saith plainly , that those cohorts he thus took were six , and amounted to three thousand men ; which riseth to the number of so many cohorts . and appian agreeing hereunto , saith , that his fourth battell consisted of three thousand men . frontinus likewise affirmeth , he took out six conorts , & tenuit in subsidio , sed dextro latere conversas in obliquum ; and kept them as a reserve , placing them off obliquely from the right cornet . whereunto that of lucan agreeth ; — tenet obliquas post signa cohortes . he plac'd these troups oblique behind the battell . which is thus to be understood ; that they turned their faces towards the left cornet of pompey's army , that they might be the readier to receive the cavalry coming on to inclose caesar's right wing ; as being sure of the other side , which was fenced with a river and a marish . touching caesar's speech to the souldiers , it seemed like that of themistocles at the battell of salamina : where xerxes made a long oration to encourage the persians , and lost the day ; themistocles spake but a few words to the greeks , and got the victory . howsoever , one thing is not to be omitted , that plutarch , and such others as have dipped their pens either in the sweat or in the blood of this battell , do all agree , that caesar had not above twenty two thousand men . chap. xxxii . the battell beginneth ; and caesar overcometh . there was one crastinus in caesar ' s army , called out to this war , who the year before had led the first company of the tenth legion , a man of singular valour ; who upon the signe of battell given , follow me , saith he , as many of you as were of my company ; and do that endeavour to your emperour , which you have alwaies been willing to perform . this is the onely battell remaining unfought : which being ended , he shall be restored to his dignity , and we to our liberty . and withall , looking towards caesar , i will , saith he , o emperour , so carry my self this day , that thou shalt give me thanks , either aliver or dead . and when he had thus spoken , he was the first that ran out of the right cornet : and about one hundred and twenty elected souldiers of the same centurie followed voluntarily after him . there was so much space left between both the battells , as might serve either army to meet upon the charge . but pompey had commanded his men to receive caesar's assault , and to undergo the shock of his army , without moving from the place wherein they stood ( and that by the advice of c. triarius ) to the end that the first running out and violence of the souldiers being broken , and the battel distended , they that stood perfect in their orders , might set upon them that were scattered and dispersed : hoping the piles would not fall so forceably upon the army standing still , as when they advanced forward to meet them ; and that it would fall out withall , that caesar's souldiers , having twice as far to run , would by that means be out of breath , and spent with wearinesse . which , in my opinion , was against all reason : for there is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man , which is inflamed with a desire to fight . neither should any commander represse or restrain the same , but rather increase it , and set it forward . nor was it in vain of ancient time ordained , that the trumpets should every where sound , and every man take up a shout but that they thought these things did both terrifie the enemy , and incite their own party . but our souldiers , upon the signe of battell , running out with their piles ready to be thrown , and perceiving that pompey's souldiers did not make out to meet them ( as men taught with long use , and exercised in former fights ) stopt their course of their own accord , and almost in the mid-way stood still ; that they might not come to blows upon the spending of their strength : and after a little respite of time , running on again , threw : their piles , and presently drew their swords , as caesar had commanded them . neither were pompey's souldiers wanting in this business ; for they received the piles which were cast at them , took the shock of the legions , kept their ranks , cast their piles , and betook them to their swords . at the same time , the cavalry , according as was commanded them , issued out from pompey's left cornet , and the whole multitude of archers thrust themselves out . whose assault our horsemen were not able to endure , but fell back a little from the place wherein they stood : whereby pompey's horsemen began to presse them with more eagerness , and to put themselves in squadrons , to inclose the army about . which caesar perceiving , gave the signe of advancing forward to the fourth battell , which he had made up of six cohorts ; who came with such a 〈◊〉 upon pompey's horsemen , that none of them were able to stand before them , but turning their backs , did not onely give place , but fled all as fast as they could to the highest hills : whereby the archers and slingers being left naked without succour , were all put to the sword . and with the same violence , those cohorts incompassed about the left cornet , notwithstanding any resistance that could be made by pompey's party , and charged them behind upon their backs . at the same time caesar commanded the third battell , which as yet stood still , and were not removed , to advance forward : by means of which fresh and sound men , relieving such as were faint and weary , as also that others did charge them behind upon their backs , pompey's party were able no longer to endure it , but all turned their backs and fled . neither was caesar deceived in his opinion , that the beginning of the victory would grow from those cohorts which he placed in the fourth battell , against the horsemen : according as he himself had openly spoken , in his incouragement to the souldiers . for by them first the cavalry was beaten , by them the archers and slingers were slain , by them pompey's battell was circumvented on the left cornet , and by their means they began to flie . as soon as pompey saw his cavalry beaten , and perceived the part wherein he most trusted , to be amused and affrighted , and distrusting the rest , he forthwith left the battell , and conveighed himself on horseback into the camp. and speaking to the centurions that had the watch at the praetorian gate with a loud voice , as all the souldiers might hear , he said , keep the camp , & defend it diligently , to prevent any hard casualty that may happen . in the mean while , i will go about to the other ports , to settle the guards of the camp. and having thus said , he went into the praetorium , distrusting the main point , and yet expecting the event . the first observation . pompey so carried himself in the course of this war , as he rather seemed a sufferer then a doer : never disposing his army for any attempt or on-set , but onely when he brake out of the place wherein he was besieged at dyrrachium . and accordingly he gave order , that in the main action & point of triall , his souldiers should suffer and sustain the assault , rather then otherwise . but whether he did well or no , hath since been in question . caesar utterly disliked it , as a thing contrary to reason . est quaedam ( saith he ) animi incitatio atque alacritas , naturaliter innata omnibus , quae stud●o pugnae incenditur ; hanc non reprimere , sed augere imperatores debent . there is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man , which is inflamed with a desire to fight . neither should any commander represse or restrain the same , but rather increase it , and set it forward . agreeable whereunto is that of cato the great ; that in cases of battell , and enemy is to be charged with all violence . and to that purpose it is requisite , to put the souldiers ( at some reasonable distance ) into a posture of vaunting and definance , with menaces and cries of terrour ; and then to spring forward in such manner , as may make them fall upon their enemies with greater furie : as champions or wrastlers , before they buckle , stretch out their limbs , and make their flourishes as may best serve to assure themselves , and discourage their adversaries ; according as we read of hercules and antaeus . ille cleonaei projecit terga leonis , antaeus liby●i : persud●t membra liquore hospes , olympiacae servato more palaestrae . ille parum ●idens pedibus contingere matrem , auxilium membris , calidas infudit arenas . the one throws by 's cleoncan lion's skin , the other 's libyan ; and ere they begin , the one anoints himself from top to toe , as the olympian gamesters use to do . not sure his foe would let his feet touch ground , himself with sand antaeus sprinkles round . howbeit , forasmuch as all men are not of one temper , but require severall fashions to tune their minds to the true note of a battel , we shall find severall nations to have severall usances in this point . the romans ( as appeareth by this of caesar ) were of ancient time accustomed to sound trumpets and hoboies , in all parts of the army , and to take up a great clamour and shout , whereby the souldiers ( in their understanding ) were incouraged , and the enemy affrighted . whereas , contrariwise , the greeks went alwaies with a close and silent mouth , as having more to do then to say to their enemies . and thucydides , writing of the lacedemonians , ( the flower of greece for matter of arms ) saith , that instead of trumpets and cornets to incite them , they used the sweet harmony of flutes , to moderate and qualify their passions , least they should be transported with unbridled impetuesity . it is reported , that marshall biron the father , seemed to dislike of our english march ( hearing it beaten by the drums ) as too slow , and of no encouragement : and yet it so fitteth our nation ( as sir roger williams then answered ) as we have divers times over-run all france with it . howsoever , the event of this battel is sufficient to disprove pompey's errour herein , and to make good what caesar commanded . the second observation . these six cohorts , which made the fourth battel , did so encounter pompey's cavalry , that they were not able to withstand them . it is said , that caesar gave them order not to sling their piles , as commonly they did , but to hold them in their hands like a pike or a javelin , and make only at the faces of those gallants , and men at arms on horseback . for the holding of them in their hands , i do not understand it , and cannot conceive how they could reach more then the next ranks unto them in that manner . but for making at the faces of the cavalry , florus saith that caesar , as he galloped up and down the ranks , was heard to let fall bloudy and bitter words , but very patheticall , and effectuall for a victory : as thus , souldier , cast right at the face : whereas pompey called to his men , to spare their fellow-citizens . eutropius , in his epitome of suetonius , affirmeth the same thing , both of the one and of the other : and lucan seemeth to averre the same , concerning that of caesar ; adversosque jubetferro contundere vultus . he bids them strike just at the enemies face . frontinus hath it thus ; c. caesar , cum in partibus pompeianis magna equitum romanorum esset manus , eaque armorum scientia milites conficeret , ora oculosque eorum gladiis peti jussit , & sic adversam faciem cedere coegit : pompey having in his army a great company of roman knights , who being well-skill'd at their weapons made an end of their enemies ; caesar commanded his men to make at their faces and eyes : and thereby compelled them to turn away their faces . the third observation . amongst these memorialls crastinus may not be forgotten , being the first man that began the battel ; whom plutarch calleth c. crassinius , and saith , that caesar seeing him in the morning as he came out of his tent , asked him what he thought of the successe of the battel . crastinus , stretching out his right hand unto him , cried out aloud , o caesar , thine is the victory ; and this day shalt thou commend me either alive or dead . and accordingly , he brake afterwards out of the ranks ; and running amongst the midst of his enemies , with many that followed him , made a great slaughter . at last one ran him into the mouth , that the swords point came out at his neck , and so slew him . by him , and others of like courage and worth , was caesar raised from the extremity of his wants , and the disgrace of his former losses , to the chiefest height of earthly glory : and herein might well assume unto himself , that which was formerly said of the people , magna populi romani fortuna , sed semper in malis major resurrexit ; great is the fortune of the people of rome ; but it still growes greater & increaseth by troubles : together with that of plutarch , res invicta romanorum arma , the roman arms are things invincible . lucan speaking of scaeva formerly mentioned , saith , he shewed a great deal of valour to get rome a lord. but upon crastinus he laieth a heavy doom . d●i tibi non mortem , quae cunctis poena paratur , sed sensum post fata tuae dent , crastine , morti , cujus torta manu commisit lancea bellum , primaque thessaliam romano sanguine tinxit . maist thou not only dy , which all men do ; but dy , and have thy senses after too . a lance thrown by thy hand the fight began . when with brave roman bloud thessalia ran . sabinvs and cotta chap. xxxiii . caesar presseth hard after the enemy , and taketh the camp. pompey's souldiers being thus forced to fly into their camp , caesar thinking it expedient to give them no time of respite , exhorted the army to use the benefit of fortune , and to assault the camp : who notwithstanding the extreme heat ( for the businesse was drawn out untill it was high noon ) were willing to undergo any labour , and to yield obedience to his commandments . the camp was industriously defended by the cohorts that had the guard thereof ; but much more stoutly by the thracians , and other succours of barbarous people . for such souldiers as were fled thither out of the battel , were so terrified in mind and spent with wearinesse , that most of them ( having laid aside their arms and military ensigns ) did rather think how they might best escape , then to defend the camp. neither could they which stood upon the rampter any longer endure the multitude of weapons ; but fainting with wounds , forsook the place , and presently fled into the high mountains adjoining unto the camp , being led thither by the centurions and tribunes of the souldiers . in the camp were found tables ready laid and prepared with linen , together with cupbords of plate furnished and set out , and their tents strewed with fresh herbs and rushes ; and that of lentulus and divers others with ivie , and many other superfluities , discovering their extreme luxury and assurance of victory . whereby it was easily to be conceived , that they nothing feared the event of that day , being so carefull of such unnecessary delights . and yet for all this , they upbraided caesar's patient and miserable army , with riot and excesse : to whom there were alwaies wanting such requisites as were expedient for their necessary uses . pompey , whenas our men were come within the camp , having got a horse , and cast away all ensigns of imperiall authority got out at the decumane gate , and made towards larissa as fast as his horse could carry him . neither did he stay there ; but with the same speed ( having got a few followers that escaped by flight ) posting night and day , came at length to the sea side with a troup of thirty horse , and there went aboard a ship of burthen : complaining that his opinion only deceived him ; being as it were betraied by such as began first to fly , from whom he hoped chiefly to have had the victory . observations . vvhereas it is said , that a dilatory course is very profitable and safe ; we are to understand it as a chief and main point in the duty of an embassadour , to temporize in things which are pressed hard upon him : as being accountable for words and time ; but no way charged with expeditions of war ; wherein protraction is oftentimes the interrupter of absolute victory , and the only supplanter of that which is desired . vincere scis hannibal , sed victoria uti nescis , thou knowest well enough how to get the victory , hannibal , but thou knowest not how to use it ; was a common by-word , and happened then well for the state of rome . but now it fell out otherwise ; having met with one that knew how to conquer , and how to follow victory to purpose . for notwithstanding the battel he had fought , and the advantage he had thereby got , might have seemed sufficient for one daies labour ; yet he would not let occasion passe , without taking the benefit that was then offered : and never ceased untill he had forced the camp , and overtaken those that escaped the battel : and so made victory sure unto him , by driving the nail home to the head . in regard whereof , he did not un●itly use for his word or motto , ( as they call it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by deferring nothing . chap. xxxiv . caesar besiegeth those that were escaped into the hills . caesar having got the camp , instantly required the souldiers not to look after pillage and booty , and let slip the means of ending the rest of their businesse . which after he had obtained , he began to inclose the hill about with works of fortification . they of pompey's party , distrusting the place , for that the hill had no water , left it at an instant . and all those that were partakers of that fortune , made towards larissa . which caesar observing , divided his forces , and commanded part of the legions to remain in pompey's camp , and part he sent back into his own : and leading four legions along with him , he took a nearer way to meet with them ; and having gone six miles , he imbattelled his forces . which they perceiving , betook themselves unto a high hill , under which ran a river . caesar perswaded the souldiers , albeit they were spent with continuall labour all that day , and that night was now at hand , yet they would not think it much to cut off the river from the hill by a fortification , to keep them from watering in the night . which work being perfected , they began by commissioners to treat of conditions of yielding themselves . some few of the senatours escaped in the night-time away by flight . caesar , as soon as it was day , caused them all to come down from the hill into the plain , and there to cast away their armes : which they performed without refusall ; and casting themselves upon the earth , their hands spred abroad , with shedding of many tears , desired mercy . caesar comforting them , commanded they should stand up : and having spoken somewhat touching his clemency , a little to case them of their fear , he gave them all their lives with safety ; commanding the souldiers not to hurt any of them , nor that they should want any thing that was theirs . these things being thus atchieved with diligence , he caused other legions to meet him from the camp , sending those he had with him to rest themselves ; and the same day came to larissa . in that battell he lost not above two hundred souldiers ; but of centurions , valiant men , he lost thirty . and crastinus fighting valiantly was slain ( of whom we formerly made mention ) with a sword thrust into the face . neither was that fals-which he said as he went to the battell : for caesar was perswaded , that cras●inus behaved himself admirably in that fight , and did deserve as well of him as a man possibly could . there were slain of pompey's army about fifteen thousand : howbeit there were of them that yielded themselves above twenty four thousand . for such cohorts as were in the forts , did likewise yield themselves to sylla : and many fled into the next towns and cities . of military ensignes there were brought out of the battell to caesar one hundred and fourscore , with nine eagles . l. domitius flying out of the camp into the mount , sainting for want of strength , was slain by the horsemen . observations . and thus we see the issue of that battell , and the victory which caesar obtained at as cheap a rate as could be imagined : for there were slain twenty three thousand of the enemy , and as many taken , by rendring themselves , with the losse of two hundred souldiers , and thirty centurions ; amongst whom was crastinus : whose death obliged caesar to make this honourable mention of his valour . but as it is observed by dionysius halicarnasseus , non deus quispiam se ducibus , pro salute omnium qui certamen ineunt , sponsorem sistit : nec ea condidione imperium accepimus , ut omnes homines devincamus , nullo ex nostris amisso . no god can promise a generall the safety of all his men : neither do we take commands upon that condition , to conquer all our enemies without the loss of a man. chap. xxxv . laelius attempteth to block in the haven at brundusium : and cassius fireth caesar's ships at messina . about the same time d. laelius came with his navy to brundusium ; and according as libo formerly did , took the iland in the mouth of the port. and in like manner vatinius , governour of brundusium , having furnished and sent out certain skiffs , inticed out laelius ships , and of them took a galley , with two lesser ships , that were further shot out into the straights of the port : and also had disposed his cavalry along the shore , to keep the mariners from fetching water . but laelius having the time of the year more favourable and fitter for sayling , supplied his army with water from corfu and dyrrachium : neither could he be beaten off his designe , nor be driven out of the port , or from the iland , either with the dishonour of the ships he lost , or with scarcity and want of all necessaries , untill he heard of the battell in thessalia . cicero besieged cassius departed from thence , and went to sulpitius fleet at vibone ; where our ships being brought to shore for fear of the like danger , he there did as he did before ; for finding the wind good , he sent in forty ships of burthen , furnished with matter to burn the navy . the fire having taken hold of both cornets of the fleet , five of them were burned down to the water . and as the flame began to be further carried with the wind , the souldiers of the old legions which were left for the defense of the shipping , and were of the number of them that were sick , did not indure the dishonour : but getting aboard of their own accord , put the ships from the shore ; and setting upon cassius fleet , took two gallies , in one of the which was cassius himself : but he being taken out with a skiff , fled away . and furthermore , they took two triremes . not long after certain news came of the battell in thessalia , so that pompey's party believed it : for before that time , it was thought to be but a thing given out by caesar's legates , and other of his friends . whereupon cassius departed with his navy , and left those places . observations . the branches of a tree do receive life from the stock , and the stock is maintained by the root , which being once cut asunder , there remaineth no life for stock or bough , leaf or branch . accordingly it happened with this large-spred party ; the root whereof was then in thessalia : and being broken asunder by the violence of caesar's forces , it booted not what laelius did at brundusium , or cassius either at messana , or vibone . for all the parts were overthrown with the body : and the fortune of the battell over-swaid other petty losses whatsoever ; being so powerfull in the opinion of the world , ut quo se fortuna , eodem etiam favor hominum inclinat , that what way soever fortune goes , the same way goes the favour of the people : or , as lucan saith , — rapimur , quo cuncha feruntur , we 're snatch'd that way that things are carried . chap. xxxvi . caesar pursueth pompey : who is slain in egypt . caesar setting all other things apart , thought it expedient for him to pursue pompey into what parts soever he should betake himself , least he should raise new forces , and renew the war again : and thereupon made forward every day , as far as his cavalry was able to go ; commanding one legion to follow after by lesser journeys . there was a publication made in pompey's name at amphipolis , that all the youth of that province , as well greeks as citizens of rome , should come to be inrolled for the war. but it is not possible to discover , whether pompey did it to take away all cause of suspicion , that he might the longer hide his purpose of flying away ; or whether he went about by new levies to keep macedonia , if no man pressed hard after him . howsoever , he himself lay at anchour there one night . and calling unto him his ancient hosts and friends , he took so much money of them as would defray his necessary charges : and understanding of caesar's coming , within a few daies he hoised sail and departed thence , arriving at mitylene , where he was kept two daies with foul weather ; and there renforcing his fleet with some gallies he took to him , he went into cilicia , and from thence to cyprus . there he understood , that by the generall consent of the antiochians , and such citizens of rome as were there residing , the citadell was already taken to keep him out : and that messengers were sent about , to those that were fled from his party into the bordering cities , forbidding them to come to antioch ; for if they did , they should hazard it with the danger of their heads . the like happened to l. lentulus , who the year before was consul , and to pub. lentulus , of consular dignity , and to some other at rhodes . for as many as fled thither after pompey , and came unto the iland , were neither received into the town nor into the haven ; but were commanded by messengers sent unto them , to depart from thence , and forced to weigh anchour against their will. and now the fame of caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the cities . whereupon pompey , leaving off his purpose of going into syria , having taken what money he found in bank , besides what he could borrow of his private friends , and putting abroad great store of brasse for the use of war ; with two thousand armed men ( which he had raised partly out of the towns , and partly had forced up amongst the merchants , and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business , he came to pelusium . there by chance was king ptolemy , a child within years , with great forces making war against his sister cleopatra ; whom a few months before , by means of his allies and friends he had thrust out of his kingdome : and cleopatra's camp was not far distant from his . pompey sent unto him , that in regard of ancient hospitality , and the amity he had with his father , he might be received into alexandria : and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means , being now fallen into misery and calamity . but they that were sent , having done their message , began to speak liberally to the kings sould●ers , and to exhort them , that they would stand to pompey , not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to . amongst them were many that had been pompey's souldiers , which gabinius had received out of his army in syria , and had brought them to alexandria ; and upon the ending of the war , had left them with ptolemy , the father of this child . these things being known , such as had the procuration of the kingdome in the minority of the boy , whether they were induced through fear of gaining the army , ( as afterwards they confessed ) whereby pompey might easily seize upon alexandria and egypt ; or whether despising his fortune ( as for the most part , in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies ; ) did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent , and willed him to come unto the king : but secretly plotting amongst themselves , sent achillas , a chief commander , and a man of singular audacity , together with l. septimius , tribune of the souldiers , to kill pompey . they giving him good words , and he himself also knowing septimius to have led a company under him in the war against the p●rats , went aboard a little bark with a few of his souldiers : and there was slain by achillas and septimius . in like manner l. lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the king , and killed in prison . the first observation . if it be now demanded , where was caesar's desire of peace ? and , why pursued he not a treaty of composition , at this time , when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse , and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished ? the answer is already made in the beginning of this ? commentary ; that there was but one time of making peace : & that was when both parties were equall ; which was now past , and caesar too far gone , to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement . the one was crept so high , and the other cast down so low , that they seemed not compatible in any medium , although it were to the saving of the empire . howbeit , it is not denied but that pompey gave great occasion of these wars . for seneca saith ; he had brought the commonwealth to that passe , that it could not longer stand , but by the benefit of servitude . and he that will look into the reasons of this confusion , shall find all those causae corrumpentes , or ruining causes , which are noted by aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a state , in the excesse of pompey's exorbitancy . for , having nothing in a mean , he held all his fortunes by the tenure of nimium ; and was overgrown , first , with too much honour , secondly , with too much wealth , thirdly , with too much power ; whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-citizens , and soblemished the beauty of that state , whose chiefest graces were in a suting equality . and adding to these the convulsions of fear , he made no difficulty to ingage rome in a bloudy war ; as having no other hope , but in the confusion of arms. it is said that at his arrivall at mitylene , he had much conference with cratippus , whom tully mentioneth in his offices : wherein , amongst other remonstrances , the philosopher made it plain , that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that state from the liberty of a commonwealth , to the condition of a just monarchy . and such it sell to caesars fortune , if there were any errous committed in the seizure , he may take the benefit of the generall pardon , exemplified by trebellius pollio , that no nation can shew a man that is altogether blamelesse . the second observation . concerning the state of aegypt , we are to note , that alexander the great being cut off by death , his captains laid hold upon such provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands : amongst whom one ptolemeus the son of lagus , a macedonian , seized upon aegypt , where he reigned years ; and of him were all his successours called by the name of ptolemy . this first ptolemy possest himself of egypt about the year of the world : which was years before pompey's overthrow . his son that succeeded by the name of ptolemy philadelphus , caused the bible to be translated out of hebrew into greek by interpreters , which are called the septuagint ; and made the famous library which was burned in these wars . the father of this young ptolemy , was the ninth in succession from the first , and at his death , made the people of rome tutors to his children . his eldest son and cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years ; but in the end fell to strife and wars , and were deeply ingaged therein when pompey arrived . but shortly after caesar so ordered the differences , that he set the crown upon cleopatra's head ; who held it peaceably , untill she came to play that tragicall part with antony : which being ended , the kingdome was then reduced to a province , under the obedience of the roman empire . concerning this miserable end of pompey , it is truly said of seneca , that death is alike to all : for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth , yet they all meet in the same end . and forasmuch as plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this catastrophe , it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof . when pompey heard news that king ptolemy was in the city of pelusium with his army , making war against his sister , he went thither , and sent a messenger before unto the king , to advertise him of his arrivall , and to intreat him to receive him . king ptolemy was then but a young man , insomuch that one photinus governed all the whole realm under him . he assembled a councell of the chiefest and wisest men of the court , who had such credit and authority as it pleased him to give them . they being assembled , he commanded every man in the kings name to say his mind , touching the receiving of pompey , whether the king should receive him or not . it was a miserable thing to see photinus , an eunuch of the kings , and theodotus of chio , an hired schoolmaster to teach the young king rhetorick , and achillas an aegyptian , to consult among themselves what they should do with pompey the great . these were the chiefest councellours of all his eunuchs , and of those that had brought him up . now did pompey ride at anchour upon the shore side , expecting the resolution of this councell : in the which the opinions were divers ; for some would not have him received , others consented that he should be received . but the rhetorician theodotus , to shew his eloquence , perswaded them that neither the one nor the other was to be accepted . for , quoth he , if we receive him , we shall have caesar our enemy , and pompey our lord ; and if we do deny him on the other side , pompey will blame us for refusing him , and caesar for not keeping of him : therefore this would be the best resolution , he told them , to send to kill him , for thereby they should win the good will of the one , and not fear the displeasure of the other . and some say moreover that he added this mock withall , a dead man bites not . they being determined of this among themselves , gave achillas commission to do it . he taking with him septimius ( who had charge aforetime under pompey ) and salvius , another centurion also , with three or four souldiers besides , they made towards pompey's gallies , about whom were at that time the chiefest of his train , to see what would become of this matter . but when they saw the likelihood of their entertainment , and that it was not in princely shew nor manner , nor nothing answerable to the hope which theophanes had put them in , seeing so few men come to them in a fisher-boat ; they began then to mistrust the small account that was made of them , and counselled pompey to return back , and to launch again into the sea , being out of the danger of the hurling of a dart. in the mean time the fisher-boat drew near , and septimius rose , and saluted pompey in the roman tongue , by the name of imperator , as much as sovereign captain : and achillas also spake to him in the greek tongue , and bade him come into his boat ; because that by the shore side there was a great deal of mud and sand banks , so that his galley should have no water to bring him in . at the very same time they saw afar off divers of the kings gallies , which were arming with all speed possible , and all the shore besides full of souldiers . thus , though pompey and his company would have altered their minds , they could not have told how to have escaped : and furthermore , shewing that they had mistrusted them , then they had given the murderer occasion to have executed his cruelty . so taking his leave of his wife cornelia , who lamented his death before his end , he commanded two centurions to go down before him into the aegyptians boat , and philip , one of his slaves infranchised , with another slaves , called scynes . when achillas reached out his hand to receive him into his boat , he turned him to his wife and son , and said these verses of sophocles unto them ; the man that into court comes free , must there in state of bondage be . these were the last words he spake unto his people , when he left his own gally and went into the aegyptians boat , the land being a great way off from his gally . when he saw never a man in the boat speak friendly unto him , beholding septimius , he said unto him ; me thinks , my friend , i should know thee , for that thou hast served with me heretofore . the other nodded with his head ; that it was true , but gave him no answer , nor shewed him any courtesy . pompey seeing that no man spake to him , took a little book he had in his hand , in which he had written an oration that he meant to make unto king ptolemy , and began to read it . when they came near to the shore , cornelia with her servants and friends about her , stood up in her ship , in great fear , to see what should become of pompey . so she hoped well , when she saw many of the kings people on the shore , coming towards pompey at his landing , as it were to receive and honour him . but even as pompey took philip his hand to arise more easily , septimius came first behind him , and thrust him through with his sword : next unto him also salvius and achillas drew out their swords in like manner . pompey then did no more but took up his gown with his hands , and hid his face , & manly abode the wounds they gave him , onely sighing a little . thus , being years old , he ended his life the next day after the day of his birth . they that rode at anchour in their ships , when they saw him murthered , gave such a fearfull cry , that it was heard to the shore : then weighing up their anchours with speed , they hoised sail and departed their way , having wind at will that blew a lusty gale . as soon as they had gotten the main sea , the aegyptians which prepared to row after them , when they saw they were past their reach , and unpossible to be overtaken , they let them go . then having stricken off pompey's head , they threw his body over-board , for a miserable spectacle to all those that were desirous to see him . philip , his enfranchised bond-man , remained ever by it , untill such time as the aegyptians had seen it their bellies full . then , having washed his body with salt water , & wrapped it up in an old shirt of his , because he had no other shift to lay it in , he sought upon the sands , & found at length a piece of an old fishers boat , enough to serve to burn his naked body with , but not all fully out . as he was busie gathering the broken pieces of this boat together , thither came unto him an old roman , who in his youth had served under pompey , and said unto him ; o friend , what art thou that preparest the funeralls of pompey the great ? philip answered that he was a bondman of his , infranchised . well , said he , thou shalt not have all this honour alone : i pray thee yet let me accompany thee in so devout a deed , that i may not altogether repent me to have dwelt so long in a strange country , where i have abidden such misery and trouble ; but that to recompence me withall , i may have this good hap , with mine own hands to touch pompey's body , and to help to burie the onely and most famous captain of the romans . the next day after , lucius lentulus ( not knowing what had passed ) coming out of cyprus , sailed by the shore side , and perceived a fire made for funeralls , & philip standing by it ; whom he knew not at the first . so he asked him , what is he that is dead , and buried there ? but straight fetching a great sigh , alas , said he , perhaps it is pompey the great . then he landed a little , and was straight taken and slain . this was the end of pompey the great . not long after caesar also came into aegypt , that was in great wars ; where pompey's head was presented unto him : but he turned his head aside and would not see it , and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murtherer . then taking his ring wherewith he sealed his letters , whereupon was graven a lyon holding a sword , he burst out a weeping . achillas and photinus he put to death . king ptolemy himself also being overthrown in battell by the river of nilus , vanished away , and was never heard of after . theodotus the rhetorician escaped caesar's hands , and wandered up and down aegypt in great misery , despised of every man. afterwards marcus brutus ( who slew caesar ) conquering asia , met with him by chance , and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise , at the length slew him . the ashes of pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife cornelia ; who buried them in a town of hers , by the city of alba. and having in this manner paid the tribute which the law of nature doth exact , the law of the twelve tables did free his sepulchre from any further disturbance ; ubi corpus demortui hominis condas , sacer esto , let that place be sacred , where the body of a dead man is buried . onely this may be added ; that as fabius was called maximus , scipio magnus , and pompey magnus , which titles they carried as marks of speciall nobleness , to raise them above the common worth of men : so their ends made them even with the lowest of the state. according to that of seneca ; intervallis distinguimur ; exitu aquamur : here we are distinguished by distances , but death makes us all equall . chap. xxxvii . prodigious accidents happening upon the battell in pharsalia . caesar cometh into egypt . caesar coming into asia , found t. ampius going about to take the money out of the temple of diana at ephesus : and for that cause to have called together all the senatours that were in the province , that he might use them as witnesses in the matter . but being interrupted by caesar's arrivall , he fled away . so that two severall times , the money was saved at ephesus by caesar's means . it was further found very certain , that in the temple of minerva at elis ( a just calculation of the time being taken ) the same day that caesar overthrew pompey , the image of victory , which stood before minerva , and looked towards her pourtraiture , did turn it self towards the portall and the temple-gate . and the same day likewise there was such a noise of an army twice heard at antioch in syria , and such sounding of trumpets , that the city ran in armes to keep the walls . the like happened at ptolemais . and likewise at pergamus , in the remote and hidden places of the temple , which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into which it is not lawfull for any man to enter but the priests , were bells heard to ring . besides at tralles , in the temple of victory ( where they had set up a statue to caesar ) there was shewed a palm-tree , which in those daies was grown from between the joynts of the stones , out of the pavement . caesar staying a few daies in asia , hearing that pompey was seen at cyprus , and conjecturing he went into aegypt , for the amitie and correspondency he had with that kingdome , besides other opportunities of the place ; he came to alexandria with two legions , one that he commanded to follow him out of thessaly , and another which he had called out of achaia , from fusius a legate , together with eight hundred horse , ten gallies of rhodes , and a few ships of asia . in these legions were not above three thousand two hundred men ; the rest were either wounded in the sights , or spent with travell , and the length of the journey . but caesar trusting to the fame of his great exploits , did not doubt to go with these weak forces , thinking every place would entertain him with safety . at alexandria he understood of pompey's death : and as he was going out of the ship , he heard a clamour of the sould●ers , which the king had left to keep the town , and saw a concourse of people gathered about him , because the bundle of rods was carried before him ; all the multitude crying out , that the kings authority was diminished . this tumult being appeased , there were often uproares and commotions of the people for every day after ; and many souldiers were slain in divers parts of the city . whereupon caesar gave order for other legions to be brought him out of asia , which he raised and inrolled of pompey's souldiers . he himself was sta●ed by the winds called etesiae , which are against them that sail from alexandria . in the mean time , forasmuch as he conceived that if the controversie between the king and his sister did appertain to the people of rome , then consequently to him , as consul ; and so much the rather it concerned his office , for that in his former consulship , there was a league made by the decree of senate with ptolemey the father : in regard hereof he signified that his pleasure was , that both the king and his sister cleopatra should dismisse their armies , and rather plead their cause before him , then to decide it by armes . there was at that time one photinus an eunuch , that had the administration of the kingdome during the minority of the child . he first began to complain among his friends , & to take it in scorn , that the king should be called out to plead his cause : and afterwards having gotten some assistance of the kings friends , he drew the army secretly from pelusium to alexandria , and made achillas ( formerly mentioned ) generall of all the forces ; inciting him forward as well by his own promises , as from the king , and instructing him by letters and messengers what he would have done . ptolemey the father , by his last w●ll and testament , had left for heirs the eldest of two sons , and likewise the eldest of two daughters : and for the confirmation thereof , had in the same will charged and required the people of rome by all the gods , & by the league he made at rome , to see this accomplished . for which purpose he sent a copy of his will to rome , to be kept in the treasury ; which by reason of the publick occasions , that admitted no such business for the present , were left with pompey : and the originall , signed and sealed up , was brought to alexandria . while caesar was handling these things , being very desirous to end these controversies by arbitrement , it was told him on a suddain , that the kings army and all the cavalry were come to caesar's forces were not such that he durst trust upon them , to hazard battell without the town ; onely it remained , that he kept himself in such places as were most fit and convenient for him within the town ▪ and to learn what achillas intended . howsoever , he commanded all the souldiers to arme ; and exhorted the king , that of those which were nearest unto him , and of greatest authority , he would send some to achillas , to know his meaning . dioscorides & serapion being deputed thereunto , having been both embassadours at rome , and in great place about ptolemey the father , they came to achillas : whom as soon as they were come into his presence , and before he would hear or understand what they would have , he commanded to be taken away and slain . of whom , one having received a wound , was carried away by his own people for dead : the other was slain out-right . whereupon caesar wrought to get the king into his own hands ; thinking that his name and title would prevail much amongst his people : as also to make it appear , that this war was rather moved by the private practice of some seditious thieves , then by order and commandment from the king. observations . the multiplicity of occasions and troubles which happen to such as have the ordering of any businesses of import , doth make that of plinie often remembred ; veteribus negot●●s nova accr●scunt , nec tamen priora peraguntur ; tot nexibus , tot quasi catenis , majus indies occupationum agmen extenditur : new businesses come in the neck of old , and yet the first are not dispatched : with so many tyes and chains as it were , is the troup of businesses every day made longer and longer . for albeit pompey had now spent his malice , and was no more to appear in armes against caesar : yet his hap was by slying , to draw him ( as it were by way of revenge ) into a place , where he was necessarily to be intangled in a dangerous war. to th●se prodigies here mentioned , may be added that of aulus gellius , that the same day the battell happened , there fell out a strange wonder at 〈◊〉 : where a certain priest called cornelius , of noble race and holy life , suddainly fell into an extasie , and said , he saw a great battell afar●e off , darts and piles she thick in the aire , some slying , and some pursuing , great slaughter , accompanied with many lamentable groans and cries : and in the end cried out , that caesar had got the victory . for which he was m●●ked for the present , but afterwards held in great admiration . plinie maketh the small increase of nilus to be a fore-teller of pompey's death ; minimumque pharsalico bello : veluti necem magni , prod●g●● quodam , slumine aversante : the least increase of nilus was at the time of the pharsalia●● battell : the very river prodigiously shewing ( as it were ) a detestation of the murther of the great pompey . chap. xxxviii . caesar landeth his forces , taketh pharus , and causeth photinus to be slain . the forces that were with achillas were neither for their number , or fashion of men , or use and experience in war , to be contemned . for he had twenty two thousand men in armes . these troups consisted of the gabinian souldiers : which were now grown into a custome of life and liberty of the aegyptians ; and having forgot the name and discipline of the people of rome , had there married wives , and most of them had children . to these were added such as were gathered from the thieves and robbers of syria , the province of cilicia , and other finitimate regions : besides many banished men , and others condemned to die , that fled thither . and for all our fugitives , there was ever a sure and certain receipt at alexandria , and a certain condition of life : for upon giving up of his name , he was presently inrolled a souldier . and if one chanced to be taken and apprehended by his master , he was presently rescued by the concourse of souldiers ; who being all in the same condition , did strive for him as for themselves . these required the kings friends to be slain ; these were accustomed to rob rich men of their goods to better their pay , to besiege the kings house , to expell some out of the kingdome , and to send for others home , according to an old custome and priviledge of the alexandrian army . there were besides two thousand horse , that had been of ancient continuance in many of the wars held at alexandria , and had brought back ptolemy the father , and restored him to his kingdome ; had slain bibulus two sons , and had made war with the aegyptians : and this use and knowledge they had of war. achillas trusting to these forces , and contemning the small number of caesar's troups , did take and possesse alexandria ; and further , assaulting that part of the town which caesar held with his men , did first of all endeavour to break into his house . but caesar having disposed the cohorts in the streets and waies , did bear out the assault . at the same time they sought likewise at the port , and it came at length to a very forcible incounter : for having drawn out their troups , the fight began to be ●ot in divers streets and lanes ; and the enemy ( in great troups ) went about to possesse themselves of the gallies , of which there were . found there , that were sent to serve pompey , and returned home again after the battell in thessalia . these were all triremes and quinqueremes , rigged , and ready to go to sea . besides these , there were twenty two , which were alwaies accustomed to be the best , for the defence of alexandria , and were all furnished with decks : which if they had taken , together with caesar's shipping , they would have had the haven and the sea at their command ; and by that means , hindered caesar from succours and provision of victuall . in regard whereof they fought hard on both sides ; achillas expecting victory , and our men for their safety . but caesar obtained his purpose : and because he was not able to keep so many severall things with so small forces , he set them all on fire , together with those that were in the road , and presently landed some souldiers at pharus ; which is a tower in an iland , of a great height , & built with strange workmanship , taking that name from the iland . this iland lieth over against alexandria , and so maketh it a haven . but former kings had inlarged it nine hundred paces in length , by raising great mounts in the sea : and by that means had brought it so near to the town , that they joyned them both together with a bridge . in this iland dwelt divers aegyptians , and made a village of the bignesse of a town : and what ships soever had fallen off their course , either by tempest or errour , were there robbed by those aegyptians . for by reason of the narrow entrance , no ships can come into the haven , but by the favour and leave of them that hold pharus . caesar being afraid of this , while the enemy was busie in fight , landed his souldiers , took the place , and there put a garrison . whereby he brought it to passe , that both corn and succours might safely come by sea to supply him : for he had sent to all the confining regions for aide . in other places of the town they so fought , that they gave over at length upon equall conditions : ( which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages ) and a few of each side being slain , caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him , & fortified them in the night . in this quarter of the town was contained a little part of the kings house ( wherein he himself , at his first arrivall , was appointed to lodge ) and a theatre joyned to the house , which was in stead of a castle , and had a passage to the port , and to other parts of road. the daies following he increased these fortifications , to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy , and thereby need not fight against his will. in the mean time , the younger daughter of king ptolemey hoping to obtain the crown now in question , found means to conveigh herself out of the kings house to achillas ; and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war. but presently there grew a controversy between them , who should command in chief ; which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers , either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills . while the enemy was busied in these things , photinus , the governour of the young king , & superintendent of the kingdome on caesar's party , sent messengers to achillas , exhorting him not to desist in the business , or to be discouraged . upon the discovering and apprehension of which messengers , caesar caused him to be slain . and these were the beginnings of the alexandrian war. observations . pharus is a little iland in the sea over against alexandria ; in the midst whereof , ptolemy philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height , all of white marble . it contained many stages , and had in the top many great lanterns , to keep light in the night , for a mark to such as were at sea. the architector ingraved thereupon this inscription ; sostrates g●●idius , the son of dexiphanes , to the gods conservatours , for the safety of navigatours . it was reckoned for one of the seven wonders of the world . the first whereof was the temple of diana at ephesus . the second was the sepulchre which artemisia , queen of caria , made for her husband mausolus , whose ashes she drank . the third was the colossus of the sunne at rhodes . the fourth was the walls of babylon . the fifth was the pyramides of aegypt . the sixth was the image of jupiter olympius at elis , which was made by phidias , and contained threescore cubites in height ; and was all of ivory , and pure gold. and the seventh was this pharus . finis . a continuation of the vvarres in gallia , beginning where caesar left , and deducing the history to the time of the civile warres . written by a. hirtius pansa . vvith some short observations thereupon . together with the manner of our modern training , or tactick practise . london , printed by roger daniel : . the eighth commentary of the vvarres in gallia , written by aulus hirtius . chap. i. the galles raise new troubles in divers places . caesar scattereth and wasteth the bituriges , and after that the carnutes . after that all gallia was subdued , forasmuch as caesar had rested no part of the former summer from warre , he was desirous to refiesh his souldiers after so great pains taken , the rest of the winter season ; when news was brought him that many states at the self-same time , did lay their heads together again about warre , and make conspiracies . whereof there was reported a very likely cause ; in that it was known to all the galles , that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place , as should be able to withstand the romans : neither if many states at once made war in divers places at one instant , could the army of the people of rome have sufficient , either of aid , or of time , or of men of warre to pursue all at once : and there ought not any state to refuse the lot of their misfortune , if by the respite thereof , the rest might set themselves at liberty . the which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the galles , caesar leaving m. antonius the quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons , went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of december from bibracte to his twelfth legion , which he had placed not farre from the borders of the hedui , in the countrey of the bituriges , and taketh thereunto the eleventh legion which was next unto it . leaving two cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages , he led the rest of his army into the most plentifull fields of the bituriges : the which being a large countrey and full of towns , could not be kept in aw with the garrisoning of one legion amongst them , but that they prepared for warre and made conspiracies . by the sudden coming of caesar , it came to passe ( which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad ) that such as were tilling the ground without fear , were surprised in the fields by our horsemen , before they could get them into the towns. for at that time , the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses , was by caesar's commandment forborn , lest they should either want forrage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the countrey , or else , that their enemies for fear of the fires , should convey themselves out of the way . after that many thousands of men had been taken , the bituriges being sore afraid , such of them as could escape out of the romans hands at their first coming , upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them , by reason of resorting as guests one to another , or of their mutuall agreement and partaking in the same devices , fled into the next cities : but all was in vain . for caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places , that he gave not any city leasure , to think of the safeguard of other folks rather then of themselves . through the which speed , he both kept his friends faithfull unto him , and put the wavering sort in such fear , that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace . the matter standing in this case , when the bituriges saw that through caesar's gentlenesse there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again , and that the next states had delivered him hostages , and were thereupon received to mercy , without further punishment : they themselves did in like wise . caesar , because his men had patiently endured so great travell in the winter dayes , through most cumbersome wayes , in intolerable cold weather , and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost , promised to give to his souldiers two hundred sesterces apiece , and to the captains apiece , in the name of a prey : & so sending his legions again into their wintering places , he himself returned to bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth . there as he was ministring of justice , the bituriges sent messengers unto him , desiring help against the carnutes , whom they complained to make warre upon them . upon the receit of this news , when he had not lain in garrison past eighteen dayes , he draweth the fourteenth and sixteenth legions out of garrison from the river arar , where he had placed them for the speedy purveiance of corn and victuall , as was shewed you in the last book : and with those two legions went to prosecute the carnutes . when our enemies heard of the coming of our army , the carnutes moved with the calamity of others , left their towns and villages that they dwelt in , which they had made upon the sudden with little cottages for necessities sake to keep off the winter ; ( for since they were conquered of late , they had lo●● many of their walled towns : ) and fled scattering abroad . caesar , forasmuch as he would not put his souldiers to the abiding of the unseasonable sharp storms which chiefly at that time fell , encamped himself within genabum , a town of the carnutes , and housed his souldiers partly in the buildings of the galles , and partly in such buildings as being unfinished they thatched in haste with the straw that was brought in to cover their tents and cabines . neverthelesse he sendeth abroad his horsemen and auxiliary footmen into all parts whither he heard his enemies resorted : and that was not in vain ; for commonly our men returned ever with a great booty . the carnutes being put to it with the hardnesse of the winter , and the terrour of the danger , being driven out of house and home , and not daring to stay any where any long time , the woods being not able to defend them from the bitternesse of the storms , were scattered abroad , and with the losse of a great part of them , dispersed into the next cities . chap. ii. the bellovaci and other states under the leading of corbeus and comius invade the suessiones : caesar marcheth against them . caesar at that hard time of the year , thinking it enough to disperse the powers that were assembling , to the intent no beginning of warre might spring up , and weighing how much it concerned him , to prevent any open warre from breaking out the beginning of the next summer ; he placed g. trebonius in garrison at genabum with those two legions that he had there about him : and forasmuch as he was by often messages certified from the men of rhemes , that the bellovaci ( who excelled all galles and the belgae also in military fame ) and the states adjoyning unto them , under the conduct of corbeus of beanvoys and comius of arras , levied men of warre , and assembled them into one place , to the intent with their whole power to invade the borders of the suessiones , which were appertaining to the men of rhemes ; thinking it stood not only upon his honour , but also tended to his own security for the future , to save his allies , which had deserved well of the commonweal , from displeasure and damage , he called the eleventh legion again out of garrison . moreover he wrote to c. fabius to bring the two legions that he had , into the confines of the suessiones ; and sent for one of those two legions that were with t. labienus . so according as his garrisons lay for the purpose , and as the slate of the warre required , to his own continuall trouble , he put sometimes one of his legions and sometimes another , to march from their quarters . with this power that he had assembled he went against the bellovaci : and encamping himself in their countrey , sent abroad his horsemen into all quarters to glean up some of them , by whose means he might learn what his enemies purposed to do . his horsemen doing their duty , brought word how few were found in the houses , and those not such as had stayed behind to till the ground , ( for they were purposely removed out of all places ) but such as had been sent back again to spie . of whom caesar enquiring in what place the forces of the bellovaci were , and what was their intent ; found that all the bellovaci were gathered together into one place : and that the ambiani , aulerci , caletes , velocasses , and attrebates had chosen a very high ground to encamp in , enclosed with a troublesome marish , and had conveyed all their stuff into woods that were farther off : of the which warre there were many noblemen that were ringleaders , but the multitude obeyed corbeus chiefly , because they understood that he hated most the name of the people of rome : and that comius of arras was a few dayes before gone to fetch aid of the germans , who were their next neighbours , and swarmed in multitude of people . he learned moreover at their hands , that the bellovaci by the consent of all the noblemen , at the earnest instance of the commons , were determined , if caesar came ( as it was said he would ) but with three legions , to offer him battell , lest afterward to more disadvantage and hinderance they should be compelled to encounter with his whole host : and if he brought a greater power with him , then to keep themselves still in the same ground that they had chosen , and by ambushes to keep the romans from forrage ( which by reason of the time of the year was scarce , and also lay scattering ) and from corn , and other victuals and things necessary for their army . the which things when caesar understood by the concurring report of many , considering how still of wisdome this project was , and how farre from the rashnesse that the barbarous people are wont to use , he determined to make the best advantage of all things , to the intent his enemies disdaining his small company , should make the more haste to come into the field . for he had three old practised legions , the seventh , eighth , and ninth , of singular valour and prowesse ; and the eleventh , which was of chosen young men of great hope and towardnesse , which having at that time received eight yeares wages , was notwithstanding look'd upon as not comparable to the other three either for standing , or for valour and courage . wherefore summoning an assembly , and there declaring all things that had been reported unto him , he confirmed the hearts of the common souldiers , if peradventure with the number of three legions he might draw out his enemies to fight with him in the field . he set his battel in this order : the seventh , eighth , and ninth legions went before the carriages , and the eleventh closed in the rere thereof ; the which notwithstanding was but small , as it is wont to be in such expeditions : and this he did , lest the enemies should find a greater number then they expected . by this means , in a square battel almost , he brought his host in sight of his enemies sooner then they looked for him . when the galles beheld these legions , so suddenly set in order , marching toward them apace , as it had been in a pitched field ( whereas it was reported to caesar that they intended to carry on their businesse with confident boldnesse , ) whether it were for the perill of the encounter , or the suddennesse of our coming , or that they looked to see what we intended to do , they set themselves in order of battel before their camp , and would not descend from the higher ground . albeit that caesar was desirous to have fought with them , yet wondering at the great number of his enemies , he pitched his camp directly over against theirs , on the other side of a valley , which was more in deepnesse downward , then in widenesse any way at the bottom . this camp he commanded to be fortified with a rampier of twelve foot , and an open gallery to be builded upon it according to the measure of the same height , and a double ditch to be made of fifteen foot apiece , with sides plumme down , and many turrets to be reared of three stories high , and to be joyned together with draw-bridges to let down at pleasure , the fronts whereof were fenced with grates of wicker ; to the intent the enemy might be repulsed with double rows of defendants : of which the one from the bridges , the more out of danger they were by reason of the height , so much the boldlier and the farther off might they send their darts ; the other the nearer they were placed to their enemy upon the rampier , so much the better should they be covered from the artillery that might fall down upon them : and over the gates he made high towers . this kind of fortification was to two good purposes : for by the greatnesse of his works and his pretence of fear , he hoped to put the barbarous galles into a great confidence ; and whensoever he should have occasion to send out farre for forrage or victuals , he saw that the camp might be defended with a small power , the strength of the fortifications was so great . in the mean while , parties on both sides would severall times go out and skirmish in the marish that was between our two camps : the which oftentimes either the galles and germans that were of our host would passe , and eagerly pursue their enemies ; or else in like manner our enemies passing over it , did send our men farther off . it happened in our daily forraging ( as there was no other shift , forasmuch as we were fain to fetch forrage at houses that stood scattering farre a sunder ) that our forrages being dissevered in disadvantageous places , were entrapped . the which thing as it was some losse to us of our beasts of carriage , and slaves , so it heightened the foolish courages of the barbarous galles : and that so much the more , because comius of arras ( who we said before was gone to fetch aid of the germans ) was returned with some horse ; of whom although there was not above the number of five hundred , yet the galles were puffed up at the coming of the germans . chap. iii. caesar strengthens himself with more forces . the men of rhemes worsted by the enemy , and they again by the germans on caesar's party . when caesar perceived how his enemies kept themselves many dayes together within their camp , which was fortified both with a marish and also with advantage of the ground , and that he could neither assault them without manifest perill , nor inclose the place where they were with any fortifications , without a greater army ; he directed his letters to trebonius , that he should with all haste possible send for the thirteenth legion which wintered amongst the bituriges , under t. sextius the legate , and so with three legions make long marches to come to him . in the mean season he sent out by turns the horsemen of rhemes and of the lingones and other states , of whom he had called forth a great number , to safe-conduct the forragers , and to withstand the suddain assaults of the enemy . this being done day by day , and our men taking now lesse heed , because it was an ordinary matter with them , ( which thing for the most part cometh to passe by daily custome ) the bellovaci with a band of chosen footmen , knowing the places where our horsemen daily kept their standings , laid ambushes in woody places : and the next day they sent thither their horsemen , first to draw cut our men into the danger of their ambushments , and then to assail them as they were enclosed . the lot of this ill luck lighted upon the men of rhemes , whose turn it was to perform the duty that day . for they , when they had espied the horsemen of their enemies upon the suddain , despising them because they werelesse in number , followed them over-greedily , and were enclosed by the footmen . whereby being disordered , they retired more hastily then horsemen are accustomed to do in battell , with the losse of vertisco the prince of their state , and captain of their horsemen . who being scarce able to sit upon a horse by reason of his age , would notwithstanding ( according to the custome of the galles ) neither seek to disburden himself of the captainship by excuse of his age , nor suffer the encounter to be fought without him . with this lucky battell , wherein they slew the prince and captain of the men of rhemes , the courages of our enemies were heightened and raised : and our men were taught by their own harm , to search the places better where they should keep their standings , and to follow their enemy more advisedly when he fled . in the mean while ceased not the daily skirmishes in the sight of both our camps , which were made at the foords and passages of the marish . in this kind of exercise , whenas the germans ( whom caesar had for the same purpose fetcht over the rhene , that they should fight intermingled with his horsemen in the battel , ) had all boldly passed the marish , and slaying a few that made resistance , followed eagerly upon the rest of the multitude ; not only they that were overthrown at hand or wounded aloof , but also they that were wont to succour afarre off , were so stricken with fear , that they ran away shamefully ; and never left flying from higher ground to higher , which they oftentimes lost , before they either recovered into their camp , or ( as some did for very shame ) fled farther off . with whose danger the rest of the host was so troubled , that it can scarcely be judged , whether good successe ( were it never so small ) would make them more arrogant , or a misfortune ( were it never so mean ) would make them more cowed and fearfull . chap. iiii. the galles discamp , and are pursued by caesar . the routing of part of them , and the death of corbeus . after they had linked many dayes in the same camp , when the captains of the bellovaci understood that c. trebonius , one of caesar's legates , was at hand with mo legions , fearing the like siege as was at alexia , they sent away in the night all such as by reason of yeares or otherwise wanted strength , and all such as wanted armour among them , and with them they sent away also their carriages . while they were setting forth this troubled and confused company , ( for the galles even when they go lightest , are wont to have a great multitude of carts following them ) day-light came upon them ; and therefore they set their men in battel-array in their camp , lest the romans should pursue , before the company of their carriages could get any thing forward . but caesar thought it not good to assail them that were ready to defend themselves , having so high a hill to climb up unto them ; and yet he thought to come so near them with his host , as that they might not depart out of the place where they were without danger , our men being hard at hand ready to fall upon them . therefore whereas he perceived that the troublesome marish parted camp from camp , ( the difficult passage whereof might hinder the speedy pursuit of our enemies ) and that the same ridge of the hill which went from the farther side of the marish almost to the camp of the enemies , was parted from their said camp with a small valley : he made bridges over the marish , and passing over his army , got quickly into the plain of the said ridge , the which on two sides was fortified with a steep descent . there embattelling his men , he came to the farthest end of the ridge : and ordered his battels in such a place , from whence with an engine artillery might be shot amongst the thickest of the enemies . the galles trusting to the advantage of the place , when they would neither have refused the encounter , if perchance the romans should have adventured up the hill against them , nor yet durst by little and little diminish their battel by severing themselves , lest when they had been out of array , they might hap to have been set upon , kept themselves in order of battel . whose wilfulnesse caesar perceiving , kept twenty cohorts in a readinesse , and pitching his tents in the same place , commanded his camp should be fortified . as soon as the works were finished , he set his legions in array before the rampier , and appointed the horsemen to their standings with their horses ready bridled . when the bellovaci saw the romans in a readinesse to pursue them , and that themselves could not without perill either lodge that night , or continue any longer in the same place where they were , they devised this shift to recover themselves . in the place where they were set together , ( for it is declared in caesar's former commentaries , how the galles are wont to sit down in the battel ) they received from hand to hand one of another bundles of straw and fagots , whereof there was great store in their camp , and cast it all on a heap before their battell , and in the later end of the day , at a watch-word that was given , they set it on fire all at one instant : by means whereof the continuall flame suddenly took away the sight of all their army from the romans : and therewithall the savage galles fled away as fast as their legs could bear them . albeit that caesar could not perceive the departing of his enemies , by reason of the flame that was betwixt them ; yet notwithstanding , forasmuch as he suspected it to be a deceit practised by them , that they might the safelier fly away ; he marched his footmen forward , and sent his ●orsemen to pursue them . howbeit for fear of treachery in the businesse , least perhaps his enemies should abide still in the same place , and only draw us forth into a ground of disadvantage , he went the slower pace . his horsemen fearing to venture into the smoke and thick flame ( and if any were so resolute as to enter it , they could scarce see the fore-parts of their own horses ) lest they should be intrapped , gave the bellovaci free liberty to recover themselves whither they would . thus our enemies by their flight , which was mixt with fear and subtilty , escaping without any losse , went but ten miles off , and encamped themselves in a very advantageous ground . from whence by laying ambushes both of horse and foot in divers places , they did the romans great displeasure as they went a forraging . after this had happened many and sundry times , caesar learned of a captive , that corbeus , captain of the bellovaci , had chosen out of his whole host , six thousand of the valiantest footmen , and a thousand horsemen , which he had laid in ambush in the same place whether ( for the plenty of provision and corn that was there ) he judged the romans would send to forrage . this being known , caesar bringeth forth more legions then usuall , and sendeth his horsemen before as he was wont to do , to safe-conduct his forragers . among them he mingleth for their assistance many light-armed footmen , and himself with his legions followeth as near as possibly he might . the enemies that were laid in ambush , having chosen a field for their purpose , not above a mile over every way , environed round about , either with cumbersome woods , or else a very deep river , beset it with their ambushment , as it had been with a toil . our men , forasmuch as they were privy to the design of their enemies beforehand , being ready both with heart and hand to fight , seeing their legions followed hard after them , would refuse no encounters but went rank by rank down into the said place . at whose coming , corbeus thinking an occasion of doing some good to be fallen into his hands , first discovereth himself with a small number , and giveth charge upon the next troups . our men stoutly withstand the brunt , & flock not many into one place at once ; which in skirmishes of horse is wont commonly to happen through fear , and their clustering together turneth to their own losse . they being thus engaged in small parties , and having a care still that their fellows should not be circumvented , the rest brake out of the woods while corbeus was fighting . then was the encounter hot and doubtfull . after it had continued indifferent a good space , by little and little came their footmen in array out of the woods , which compelled our horsemen to give back . but they were quickly relieved again by the light-armed footmen , which as was said were sent before our legions , who being intermixed among the horsemen fought stoutly . the encounter continued a good while doubtfull . but as the course of warre requires , they that had withstood the first brunt of them that lay in ambush for them , had thus much the advantage , that they received not unawares any foil at their hands . in the mean while our legions drew nearer , and divers messengers brought word both to our men and to our enemies at one and the same time , that the generall was at hand with his army in battel array . which thing being known , our horsemen trusting to the help of the cohorts , lay about them very eagerly , lest if they should have delayed the matter , they might have given the footmen part of the honour of the victory . upon this our enemies hearts began to fail ; and they sought to fly by severall wayes : but all was in vain . for by the disadvantage of the same places in which they would have inclosed the romans , were they themselves taken tardy and could not get out . notwithstanding , being vanquished and altogether out of heart , when they had lost the greatest part of their company , like men amazed they betook themselves to ●light ; and some made toward the woods , others toward the river , where being overtaken by our men that followed eagerly after them , they were all slain . in the mean time corbeus , whose heart could by no misfortune be daunted or overcome , never departed out of the battel , nor made toward the woods , neither could by the entreaty of our men be perswaded ●o yield himself : but fighting most valiantly , and hurting many of our men , he so farre exasperated the victours , that they could not forbear to throw their darts at him , and dispatch him . chap. v. the remainder of the galles submit themselves to caesar . comius in danger to be slain by treachery . the matter being brought to this passe , caesar pursuing his newly-got victory , forasmuch as he thought that his enemies being discouraged with so great a misfortune , would immediately upon the news thereof , forsake the place where they were encamped , which was said to be not above eight miles from the place where the slaughter was made ; although he saw it would be some trouble to him to passe the river , yet passed he his army , and marched toward them . but the bellovaci and the other states , upon the return of a few of their men , and those wounded , out of the chase , which had escaped the mischance by means of the woods , understanding by them their own great misfortune and misery by the death of corbeus , the losse of their horsemen , and the ●laughter of their stoutest footmen , and mistrusting that the romans would out of hand come upon them ; immediately called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet , and cried all with one voice , to send ambassadours and hostages to caesar . when comius of arras perceived that this motion would be entertained , he fled to those germans of whom he had borrowed assistance to the warre . the rest sent ambassadours presently unto caesar , desiring him to content himself with that punishment of his enemies , which if he might have laid upon them without battel in their chief prosperity , they were well assured that of his clemency and courtesy he would not have done it . the bellovaci said that their power was weakened by the losse of their horsemen , many thousands of their choicest footmen were cut off , scarce any escaping to bring tidings of the slaughter : yet notwithstanding their great misfortune , they had by that battel received this happinesse , that corbeus , the authour of the warre and raiser of the multitud● , was slain . for as long as he was alive , the senate could never bear so great sway in the city , as the rude and unskilfull commonalty . as the ambassadours were speaking these things , caesar put them in mind , that about the same time the last year , the bellovaci and other states of gallia raised warre , and that they above all others stood most stiffly in their opinion , and would not be reduced to obedience by the submission of the rest . he told them , he knew and understood it was an easie matter to lay the fault of their offence upon him that was dead . but he was sure that there was no man of so great power , that against the noblemens wills , the senate resisting him , and all good men withstanding him , could with a weak handfull of the commonalty , raise a warre , and go through with it . neverthelesse he was satisfied with the punishment which they had brought upon themselves . the night following , the ambassadours returned this answer to those that sent them , and forthwith they gave hostages . then also the ambassadours of other states , which waited to see what successe the bellovaci would have , came to caesar , giving hostages , and performing his commands ; only comius stood off , who durst ▪ not for fear trust his life into any mans hands . for the year before titus lab●enus perceiving how while caesar was ministring justice in the hither gallia , comius stirred up the states and made confederacies against caesar , thought he might without being accounted a faith●breaker , revenge his treacherous carriage . and thereupon , because be thought he would not at his sending for come into the camp , lest he should by such a message make him more cautious , he sent c. volusenus quadratus to murther him , under pretence of communing with him : and for the performance of the matter , he sent with him certain selected centurions for the purpose . when they came to conference , and that volusenus ( as it was agreed upon ) had caught comius by the right hand , one of the centurions , as if he had been moved at the strangenesse of the matter , gave comius a shrewd blow on the head with his sword ; howbeit he could not dispatch him , because his friends stept in and saved him . by and by was drawing of swords on both sides , and yet none of both parties were minded to fight , but to fly away : our men , because they believed that comius had had his deaths wound ; the galles , because perceiving the treachery , they feared there had been more behind then they saw . upon which businesse it is reported , that comius vowed he would never come in the fight of any roman . chap. vi. caesar disposeth his forces into severall parts of gallia , and himself wasteth the countrey of ambiorix . when caesar had subdued the nations that were most warlike , perceiving there was now no city that prepared warre , to stand against him , but that many to eschew the present yoke of the roman empire , left their towns and fled out of the fields , he determined to send his army abroad into divers quarters . m. a●tonius the quaestor with the eleventh legion he took to himself . c. fabius the legate with twenty five cohorts he sendeth into the farthest part of all gallia , because he heard say that certain states were there in arms , and that he thought c. caninius reb●lus the legate had not a sufficient strength of those two legions that were with him already . t. labienus he called unto him from the place where he was : and the twelfth legion which wintered under him , he sent into gallia togatu , to defend the towns that the romans had there peopled with their own citizens , lest any such harm should happen to them by invasion of the barbarous people , as had happened the summer before to the tergestini , who were surprised and spoiled of their goods by their suddain invasions . he himself set forward to waste and spoil the borders of ambi●rix ; who flying before him for fear from place to place , when he saw there was no hope to get him into his hands , he thought it was most for his honour , so to despoil his countrey of people , buildings and cattel , that his countreymen might so hate him ( if fortune reserved any countreymen for him ) that for the calamities he had brought upon his countrey , he might never have accesse thither again . after he had sent abroad his host into all parts of ambior●x his countrey , and wasted all places with slaughter , bu●ning and rapi●e ; having slain and taken prisoners a great number of men , he sent labienus with two legions among the tr●viri : whose countrey , by reason of the nearnesse thereof unto germany ▪ being daily inured to the warres , is not much unlike to the germans in rudenesse and savagenesse of life ; neither did they obey the commandments of caesar at any time longer then we had an army in their countrey to compell them . chap. vii . a new wa● raised in the territories of the pictones . c. fabius putteth to flight the forces of dumnacus : subdueth the carnutes and are●orici . in the mean season c. caninius the legate , understanding by the messengers and letters of duracius , ( who had continued alwayes firm to the friendship of the people of rome , ) that a great number of enemies were assembled in the borders of the pictones ; forasmuch as a part of that city had renounced their obedience , went to the town of lemovicum . when he came near the town , and understood by his prisoners , ●ow that dumnacus captain of the andes ; with many thousands of men had enclosed duracius ▪ and that lemovicum was besieged ; he durst not with his weak legions adventure upon his enemies , but pitched his camp in an advantageous ground . dumnacus hearing of the approach of caninius , turned all his power against the roman legions , determining to set upon them in their camp. after he had spent many dayes in the assault , and had lost many of his men , and yet could not break down any part of their fortifications , he returned again to besiege le●ovicum . at the same time , c. fabius receiveth many cities by composition , and assureth them with hostages ; and is advertised by caninius letters , of those things that were done among the pictones . upon the knowledge whereof , he setteth forth to rescue duracius . but dumnacus understanding of fabius coming ▪ forasmuch as he thought he should hazard the losing all ▪ if at once he should be compelled both to abide the romans his enemies without , and also to have an eye to and stand in fear of the town ▪ retired suddenly with all his forces from the place , and could not think himself to be sufficiently in safety , before he had passed his army over the river loire , which by reason of the greatnesse thereof , was to be passed by a bridge , and not otherwise . although fabius was not yet come within fight of his enemies , not had joyned with caninius , yet forasmuch as he was throughly informed by such as knew the coast of the countrey , he suspected that his enemies would take that way which they did . therefore he marcheth with his army to the said bridge where his enemies had passed , and commanded his horsemen to go no farther before the footmen , then that they might upon occasion re●i●e into the same camp without tiring their horses . our horse , a● was commanded them , overtook the host of dumnacus and set upon them ; and assaulting them flying and amazed , as they marched with their luggage at their backs , slew a great number and took a great prey : and so with good successe retired into their camp . the night following fabius sent his horsemen before , so provided , that they might encounter the enemy , and stay all the whole army untill he should overtake them . q. atius varus the commander of the horse , a man of sinlar courage and wisdome , having encouraged his men and overtaken the body of his enemies , disposed certain of his troups in places convenient , and with the rest of his horsemen gave charge upon his enemies . the cavalry of the enemy fought so much the more boldly , because their foot were ready to assist them , who being mingled through the whole army , as often as occasion was , did succour them against our men . the encounter was very sharp . for our men despising them whom they had vanquished the day before , and remembring that the legions followed at their heels , ashamed to give ground , and desirous to get the day before their coming , fought very valiantly against the footmen . on the other side , our enemies believing that no greater forces of ours were behind , according as they had seen the day before , thought a fair opportunity offered them to destroy our cavalry utterly . when they had fought a good while very eagerly , dumnacus made a battel to relieve his cavalry , when occasion should be . but on the suddain our enemies espied our legions coming up close together : at the sight of whom their horse were stricken into such a fear , and the foot so amazed , that breaking through their carriages , with great clamour and confusion they betook themselves every where to flight . then our cavalry , who a little before had their hands full , being heartened with joy of the victory , raised a great shout on all sides , and casting themselves amongst them as they fled , made slaughter of them as farre as their horses breaths would serve to pursue them , and their arms were able to strike them . insomuch that having slain above twelve thousand men , armed , and such as for fear had cast away their arms , they took all their carriages , none escaping . out of the which chase forasmuch as it was certainly known , that drapes the senon was escaped ( who when gallia first began to rebel , gathering to him men of desperate fortunes out of all places , setting bondmen at liberty , entertaining outlawes of all countries , and receiving high-way thieves , had cut off the carriages and victuals of the romans ) was going toward the province with five thousand men at the most , which he had rallied after the chase ; and that luterius of cahors joyned himself with him , who in the former commentary is said to have attempted an invasion of the province at the first insurrection of gallia ; caninius the legate with two legions pursued after them , lest some great dishonour might be received by those loose fellows terrifying and harrasing the province . c. fabius with the rest of the army went against the carnutes and the other states , whose power he knew to be crushed in the battel that was fought against dumnacus . for he doubted not , but he should find them more tractable to deal with , by reason of the late overthrow : whereas if he should give them time of respite , by the instigation of the said dumnacus , they might be raised again . fabius with marvellous good luck and speed brought those states to submission . for the carnutes , who had been oftentimes before ill-handled by us , yet would never listen to peace , now gave hostages , and came into subjection . and the rest of the states situate in the farthest parts of gallia , bordering upon the sea , which are called armoricae , following the example of the carnutes , at the coming of fabius with his legions amongst them , performed his commandments without delay . dumnacus thus driven out of his own countrey , wandring and lurking in corners alone , was compelled to betake himself to the uttermost countreys of all gallia . chap. viii . drapes and luterius seize upon vxellodunum . caninius pursueth them , overthroweth their forces , taketh drapes prisoner , and with fabius besiegeth vxellodunum . but drapes and luterius , when they understood that caninius approached with his army , perceiving they could not without manifest perill enter the bounds of the province , considering how the army pursued them , nor yet range abroad on thieving at their pleasure , stayed together in the countrey of the cadurci . there luterius ( who in times past while he was in prosperity , was able to sway greatly with his countreymen , and had gotten great estimation among the rude people , as one that was ever a beginner of new designes ) took with his own and drapes his forces , a town called uxellodunum , which had been formerly in his tuition , a place excellently well fortified by the naturall situation thereof , and caused the townsmen to joyn with him . to this town caninius forthwith came ; and perceiving that all parts of the same were fortified with craggy cliffes , insomuch that though no man were there to defend it , yet were it a ha●d matter for men in their armour to get up ; knowing also that the moveables of the townsmen were great , which if they should go about to carry privily away , they could not escape either our horsemen or footmen : he divided his cohorts into three parts , and made three camps upon a very high ground ; from which by degrees , as his army was able , he determined to draw a rampier and trench round about the town . the townsmen perceiving that , and remembring the miserable condition of alexia , feared the like siege . luterius especially , who had tasted the smart of that misfortune , advised them to lay for corn beforehand : whereupon they determined by generall consent , that leaving a part of the army for the defence of the town , luterius and drapes with the best-provided , should go forth to fetch in corn . this counsell being approved of , the next night drapes and luterius , leaving two thousand armed men behind them , drew the rest out of the town . after a few dayes being abroad , they brought in a great quantity of grain out of the countrey of the cadurci , who partly were willing to help them therewith , and partly durst not withstand their taking it , as not being able to make their part good against them . oftentimes also they would fly out in the night , and assault the castles of our camp . upon which consideration c. caninius stayed the making of fortifications round about the town , lest he should not be able to defend the circumvallation when it was finished , or else should be forced to set but weak watches in so many places at once . when they had gotten together a great quantity of grain , drapes and luterius took up their standings not above ten miles from the town , the better at times to convey it in ; and they parted the charge between them . drapes tarried behind with part of the army to keep the camp : luterius drave the beasts with their carriages toward the town : and setting guards there for his defence , about ten of the clock in the night purposed by narrow wayes through the woods , to convey the corn into the town . the watchmen of our camp hearing the noise of their feet , and the scouts which were sent out reporting what was a doing , caninius caused his cohorts to arm themselves quickly , and about break of day made attempt out of the next castles upon the forragers . who being frighted with the suddennesse of the mischief , fled to their guards . which as soon as our men perceived ▪ they flew more fiercely upon them , and suffered none to be taken alive . luterius fled from thence with a few , but returned not to his camp. after this good successe , caninius understood by his prisoners , that part of the army was behind in the camp with drapes , not above twelve miles off . which when he had learned by many to be truth , believing that one of the generals already put to flight , the remnant of the army being terrified , might easily be overthrown ; he thought it a great piece of happinesse , that none escaped from the slaughter into the camp , to carry tidings of the mishap to drapes . and forasmuch as he saw there was no danger in putting the matter to triall , he sent all his horsemen and the german footmen , swift and nimble fellows , before , to the camp of his enemies . one of his legions he left in his camp , and the other eased of all carriages , he took with him . when he came near his enemies , his scouts that he had sent before , brought word that ( as the custome of the barbarous nations commonly is ) they had abandoned the higher ground , & encamped themselves by the river side ; & that our horse and the germans had flown upon them suddenly ere they were aware , and charged them . upon the receit of this news , he hasted forward with his legion well armed and well appointed : and so the sign being given suddenly on all sides , the higher places were taken by our men . at the doing whereof , the germans and our cavalry seeing the ensigns of our legion , fought very stoutly : and by and by all our cohorts charged upon them round ; so that in the conclusion , they were all either slain , or prisoners , and a great booty taken . drapes himself was also taken in the same conflict . caninius having done his work successfully ▪ without almost any hurt at all to his souldiers ▪ returned to besiege the town : and having now destroyed his enemy without , for fear of whom he could not before divide his garrisons , nor environ the town with fortifications ; he commandeth the works to be carried on round about the town . the next day came thither c. fabius with his forces , and took another part of the town to besiege . chap. ix . caesar having punished guturvatus for the revolt of the carnutes , joyneth with caninius and fabius before vxellodunum . upon his depriving them of water the town yieldeth . caesar cutteth off their right hands . in the mean time , caesar left m. antonius the quaestor with fifteen cohorts among the bellovaci , to prevent any new confederacies among them for the future : and he himself visited the other states , charging them with mo hostages , and with comfortable words raising the fearfull hearts of them all . when he came amongst the carnutes , in whose countrey ( as caesar hath declared in his former commentary ) the warre first of all began , inasmuch as he perceived them to be chiefly afraid , as being conscious to themselves of their fault , to the intent he might the more speedily deliver the rest of the state from fear , he demanded guturvatus , the ring-leader of that mischief , and raiser of the rebellion , to be delivered unto him to be punished : who albeit he trusted not himself with his own countreymen , yet all men made so diligent search for him , that he was soon found out and brought to the camp. caesar , contrary to his own nature , was compelled to punish him whether he would or no , by the importunity of his souldiers , who imputed all the dangers and losses that they had sustained by this warre , unto guturvatus : insomuch that his body after it was in a manner whipped to death , was beheaded . while caesar●arried ●arried here , he was advertised by severall letters from caninius , what was done to drapes and luterius , and how the townsmen persevered in their resolution : the small number of whom although he despised , yet he deemed their wilfulnesse worthy of severe punishment ; lest they might give occasion to all gallia , to think that they wanted not strength , but constancy and resolution to withstand the romans ; or le●● by their example , other cities of gallia trusting to the advantage and strength of places , should attempt to recover their liberty : especially seeing he was sure that all the galles knew his commission lasted but one summer longer , which if they could hold out , they should need to fear no danger after . and therefore leaving q. calenus the legate behind with two legions to follow leasurely after him by easy marches , he himself with all his cavalry made haste to caninius . when caesar , contrary to all mens expectation , was come to uxellodunum , and saw the town environed with fortifications , perceiving that it was not for him to break up his siege on any condition , and learning moreover by runawayes that the town had great abundance of victuals : he assaied to cut of the water from his enemies . there was a river that ran through the bottom of the valley , which environed well-near all the hill whereon the town stood , from whence the descent was rough and steep on all sides . the nature of the place would not suffer this stream to be turned any other way . for it ran in such sort at the very foot of the hill , that there could be no ditch cut low enough to drain it . the townsmen had hard and very steep coming down to it , insomuch that if our men withstood them , they could not without wounds or danger of their lives , either come down to the river , or get up the steep hill again . which distresse of theirs caesar well knowing , placed archers and slingers , and other artillery also , against such places where the easiest coming down was , to keep the townsmen from the water of the river : who afterward came for water all to one place . for under the very walles of the town there gushed out a great spring of water , on that side where there was a space almost of three hundred foot not encompassed with the river . now whilst all the rest wished , and only caesar perceived , that this spring might be taken from the town , though not , without great damage ; he began to raise vines directly against it toward the hill , and to make mounts , with great labour and continuall fighting . for the townsmen came running down from the higher ground , and fought with our men at a distance without danger , wounding many of them that pressed up too forwardly . notwithstanding our men were nothing deterred from bringing forward their vines , endeavouring to overcome the crabbednesse of the place , with their labour and works . at the same time they drew privy mines to the head of the spring , which kind of work they might do without any danger or mistrust of their enemies . a mount was cast up six foot high , and thereupon was raised a tower of ten stories ; not such a one as might equall the height of the walles , ( for that was not possible to be done any way ) but such a one as might exceed the top of the spring . from which conveying darts with engines to the brim of the spring , so that the townsmen could not fetch water without danger , not only all sorts of cattel , but also a great number of men died for thirst . the townsmen greatly astonished hereat , filled barrels with grease , pitch , and shingles , and setting them on fire rolled them down upon our works , and at the same time also fought very desperately , with the perill of fighting to keep the romans from quenching the fire . suddenly there was a great flame in our works . for whatsoever was thrown down from that steep place , the same staying against the vines and rampier , took hold upon the things that stayed them . on the other side , our souldiers , albeit they were hindred both with the dangerousnesse of the encounter , and with the disadvantage of the place , yet they bare out all things with a stout courage . for the thing was done both in an eminent place , and also in the sight of our army : and a great cry was raised on both sides . so that every man as farre as he could , especially the most daring , ( to the intent his valour might the better be known and testified ) ventured himself upon the fire , & the weapons of his enemies . caesar when he saw many of his men wounded , commanded his cohorts to climbe up the hill on all sides of the town , and to raise a shout as if they purposed to scale the walles . wherewith the townsmen being frighted , forasmuch as they knew not what was doing in other places , called back their men from assaulting our works , and placed them upon the walls . so our men having respite from fighting , did quickly either quench the works that were on fire , or else cut them off from the rest . the townsmen stubbornly standing out , though they had lost a great part of their men by thirst , and continuing still unanimously resolved , at length the veins of the spring were cut off within the ground by mines , and turned another way : by means whereof the fountain of running water was presently dried up . which so daunted the hearts of the defendants , who believed it could not be done by the wit of man , but came to passe by the will of the gods ; that when they saw there was no other remedy , they yielded themselves . caesar being assured that his clemency was sufficiently known to all people , and therefore he needed not to fear that it would be imputed to the cruelty of his nature , if he dealt something harshly with them ; and besides that , considering with himself , that it might well be thought he little regarded the good successe of his counsells and undertakings , if by suffering such things unpunished , others should be encouraged to rebell in divers places : he thought it requisite to hold the rest in aw by the punishment of these . and therefore he cut off the hands of as many of them as were able to bear arms , and let them live still , that the punishment of such wicked men might be more manifest to the world . chap. x. drapes dieth , luterius brought to caesar . labienus good successe against the treviri . caesar after his expedition into aquitania , putteth his army into winter-quarters . drapes , whom i declared to have been taken by caninius , whether it were for vexation and grief that he was in bands , or for fear of more heavy punishment , fasted a few dayes from meat , and so starved . at the same time luterius , that escaped by flight from the battel ( as i shewed before ) fell into the hands of epasnactus the arvernian . for in often shifting from place to place , he was fain to venture himself upon the courtesy and civility of many , because he thought he could never continue any long time in one place without danger , his heart misgiving him how much he had deserved to have caesar his enemy . epasnactus the arvernian being a faithfull friend to the people of rome , as soon as he had gotten him into his hands , brought him without further delay bound unto caesar . in the mean time labienus warreth prosperously against the treviri : and having slain many both of the treviri and also of the germans , who were ready to assist any man against the romans , got the chief of them alive into his hands ; among whom was surus the heduan , a man of great valour and noble birth , who alone of the heduans had unto that day continued in arms against the people of rome . caesar knowing thereof , and forasmuch as he saw his affairs went well forward in all parts of gallia , weighing with himself how all celtica and belgica were the former summers conquered and subdued , and that he had never all this while visited aquitania , only he had made a kind of entrance into it by certain victories gotten by p. crassus : he marched thither with two legions , with intent to bestow the later part of the summer there . which thing ( as he had done all others before ) he dispatched quickly and luckily . for all the states of aquitania sent ambassadours unto him , and gave him hostages . after the accomplishment of these things , he went to narbone with his guard of horsemen , and sent his foot into their wintering-places by his legates . four legions he placed in belgium under m. antonius , c. trebonius , p. vatinius , and q. tullius , legates . two he quartered amongst the heduans , whom he knew to be of greatest authority in all gallia . two more he placed amongst the treviri , in the borders of the carnutes , to be a stay to all the countrey that lay upon the sea-coast . the other two he placed in the borders of the lemovici , not farre from the arverni : that so there might not be any part of gallia without an army . after he had tarried a few dayes in the province , and there speedily taken cognizance of all their courts , sitting upon publick controversies , and rewarded such as had deserved well , ( for he had a great desire to understand how every man had carried himself towards the commonweal during the generall rebellion of all gallia , which he had born out through the faithfulnesse & assistance of the said province ) as soon as he had dispatched these things , he returned to his legions into belgium , and wintered at nemetocenna . chap. xi . comius of arras overthrown in a battel of hrose by c. volusenus , submitteth to m. antonius , and receiveth pardon . while he was there , he understood that comius of arras had encountred with his cavalry . for antonius being come into his winter-quarters , and the city of arras concontinuing firmly loyall , comius , who after his wound that we spake of before , was wont still to be ready at hand to his countreymen at every stirre , to the intent that if they would begin any new rising , they should not want a head and a captain for the war ; as long as the city continued obedient to the romans , he with his horsemen maintained himself and his followers by thieving , for laying the wayes , he cut off many convoyes that were going with provision to the roman garrisons . c. volusenus quadratus , the generall of the horse , was appointed to winter in the same place with antonius : him did antonius send to pursue the horse of his enemies . volusenus , beside the singular valour that was in him , did also bear a great hatred toward comius , and for that cause was the more willing to execute the thing that was commanded him . wherefore placing divers ambushes , he oftentimes set upon comius horsemen , and put them to the worse . at last , when the contention grew more vehement , and that volusenus , desirous to cut off comius himself , followed him somewhat more eagerly with a small party , and comius on the other side fled the faster away , thereby to draw him farther from his company ; at length espying his advantage , comius suddenly cried out to all his men , that as they were true unto him they should stand to him , and not suffer the wound that was given him basely under colour of friendship , to be unrevenged : and therewithall turning his horse , he runneth from the rest of his company upon volusenus . all his horse followed , and because there were but a few of our men , they made them retreat , and pursued them . comius putting spurres to his horse , encountred the horse of quadratus , & with his spear thrust volusenus by great violence through the thigh . when our horse saw that their captain was wounded , they bestirred themselves , and turning again upon the enemy , put them back . many of the enemies by the violent charge of our men were beaten off and wounded : of whom some were overthrown in the chase , and some were taken prisoners . as comius escaped any farther mishap by the swiftnesse of his horse : so our generall being by him in this battel sore wounded , was carried into the camp in such a case , that it was not likely he should have lived . and comius , whether it were that he thought himself sufficiently revenged , or because he had lost a great part of his men , sent messengers to antonius , giving hostages , and assuring him that he would continue where it should please him to appoint , and do whatsoever he should command him . only one request he made , wherein he besought him to bear with his fearfulnesse , that he might not be forced to come in the sight of any roman . which request antonius judging to proceed out of a reall fear , and not without good cause , he pardoned him according to his desire , and received his hostages . chap. xii . while caesar is busie in quieting and ordering ●hings in gallia , and visiting some municipall towns in italy , his enemies conspire against him at rome . during the time that caesar wintered ●in belgium , his chief purpose was , to keep the states in amity , and to take away all hope and occasion of warre : for he intended nothing lesse , then the carriage of his businesse so , as he should be constrained to have warre at the time of his departure : lest when he should withdraw his army , he should leave any troubles behind , which all gallia could willingly engage in , so that it might be without present danger . and therefore by entreating the cities honourably , by rewarding the noblemen highly , by burdening the countrey with no new impositions , he easily kept all gallia , which now was tired out with so many unfortunate battels , in quiet and obedience . winter being over , caesar , contrary to his custome , hasteth into italy with as much expedition as might be , to treat with the municipall towns and colonies , and to commend unto them the suit of his quaestor m. antonius for the priesthood . for he made all the friends for him he could , both because the same antonius was his very dear friend , whom he had sent before to sue for that promotion , as also to oppose the factions and unreasonable proceedings of a few men , who by putting antonius beside his purpose , sought to disparage caesar now going out of his command . albeit he had tidings by the way before he came near italy , that antony was made augur , yet he thought he had as good reason as before , to visit the municipall towns and colonies , both to give them thanks for appearing in the businesse , and for their civility shewed in the behalf of antony ; as also to commend unto them his own case , touching the honour which he purposed to sue for the next year : and that the rather , because his adversaries proudly made their brag , that l. lentulus and c. marcellus were created consuls , to deprive caesar of all honour and authority ; and that the consulship was wrested from sergius galba , though he had more voices on his side , because he was a familiar friend of caesars , and had been engaged unto him as his legate . caesar at his coming among the municipall towns , was entertained with extraordinary affection and respect : that being his first coming from the warres in gallia . nothing was omitted that could be devised for the decking and adorning of their gates , wayes , and places where caesar should passe . all the people came forth with their children to meet him by the way ; sacrifices were every where offered ; the temples and market-places were hanged with clothes of tapestrie : so that a man would have thought by the expressions of joy , there had been some great triumph expected and provided for . so great costlinesse was among the richer sort , and such hearty expression among the meaner sort . when caesar had lightly passed through all the countreys of gallia togata , he returned with all speed to his army at nemetocenna , and calling all his legions out of their winter-quarters into the countrey of the treviri , he went thither , and there mustered them . t. labienus he made governour of gallia togata , thereby to get himself the more favour and furtherance in his suit for the consulship . he himself removed from one place to another , according as he found it necessary for health . and albeit he heard oftentimes that labienus was solicited strongly by his enemies , and was also advertised how it was carried on by a small faction at rome , to take away part of his army from him by a decree of the senate : yet notwithstanding he neither gave credit to any thing that was reported of labienus , nor would be drawn to do any thing contrary to the authority of the senate . for he believed that if the senatours might give their voices freely , he should easily obtain his purpose . for c. curio tribune of the people , who had taken upon him the defence of caesar's cause and dignity , had oftentimes propounded to the senate , that if the fear of caesar's army prejudiced any man , and seeing that the authority and power of pompey did not a little keep the courts in aw ; that both of them might lay down their arms and dismisse their armies : and so should the city be at liberty to use her own right as she pleased . this he not only propounded , but began to divide the senat about it : which the consuls and the friends of pompey commanded should not be done : and so ruling the matter as they listed , they departed . this was a great testimony of the whole senate , and agreeable to their former act . for marcellus the year before , opposing caesar's dignity , contrary to the law of pompey and crassus , and having put up a bill to the senate for the discharge of caesar before the time of his commission was expired ; when they had given their voices , marcellus , who sought all his honour by working spight against caesar , departed aside , and the senate fell all of them quite upon other matters . this did not at all daunt the spirits of caesar's enemies , but rather stirred them up to strengthen their party , and thereby to compell the senate to approve of that which they had determined . hereupon a decree was made , that cneius pompeius should send one legion , and caesar another , to the warre against the parthians . but it was easily discerned that both these legions were taken from caesar . for the first legion , which cneius pompeius had sent unto caesar levied in the province , he gave unto caesar as one of his own number . neverthelesse , albeit that no man need doubt but that caesar was spoiled at the pleasure of his enemies , yet he sent pompey his legion again : and of his own forces , he ordered the fifteenth legion which he had in the hither gallia , to be delivered to him according to the decree of the senate . in the room whereof he sent the thirteenth legion into italy , to ly in garrison in the same place from whence the fifteenth was drawn . then he distributed his army into winter-quarters . c. trebonius with four legions he placed in belgium : c. fabius with as many amongst the hedui . for this he thought would be the best way to keep gallia in most safety and quiet , if the belgae , who were the most valourous , and the hedui , who were of most authority , had forces quartered among them to keep them in obedience . this done , he took his journey into italy . when he came thither , he understood that the two legions which he had dismissed , which by the decree of the senate should have been employed in the parthian warre , were by c. marcellus the consul delivered to pompey , and kept still in italy . although by this dealing it was evident to all the world , what was intended against caesar , yet caesar determined to take all things patiently , as long as he had any hope left to decide the controversy rather by the law then by the sword . observations upon the eighth commentary of the vvarres in gallia . some attribute the so frequent revolts of the galles to their changeable and impatient humour , which cannot endure to be lorded over by strangers : and others , to the too great clemency of caesar . i grant that clemency apt to pardon emboldens to revolt ; for that we easily forget all benefits which do not intirely establish our liberty : but if cruelty causeth them lesse frequent , yet it renders them more dangerous ; for that when despair driveth men thereunto , and that the hope of safety resteth onely in voctory , the revolted become all valiant , obstinate , constant , and faithfull to the end ; which never falleth out where there is hope of the enemies clemency . we have here plentifull examples thereof . caesar in the greater part of the revolts of the galles hath often found great facilities to reduce them to his obedience , by reason of his clemency ; which hath been a powerfull means for him to make divisions amongst themselves , and to prevent obstinacy in their revolts : and if sometimes it hath so happened that he hath used severity , it hath been occasioned by fowl and unworthy acts ; as when the veneti under publick faith imprisoned the roman officers , which came to them to buy corn for the sustenance of the army . but i cannot excuse that of uxellodunum . on the contrary , the cruelties of the king of spain executed by the duke of alva , drove poor fishermen so into despair , that they have shaken off his insupportable yoke ; and with an admirable constancy have maintained and enriched themselves , and are grown so potent , as that they are able to resist him by land , and by sea take from him his treasure in the indies . caesar sheweth us also by his care and industry to get intelligence of the enemies proceedings , ( whether by taking prisoners in the field , or by having good spies ) the advantage which may be made thereof ; many of his successfull designs having been founded thereupon , there being great advantage in the attempting them ; for that he which ass●ileth hath more courage then he which is assailed , and alwayes believeth the assailant to be the stronger , not knowing what part he will assail , and ever jealous that he hath some secret intelligence . briefly , all that a well-exercised and well-disciplined army is able to do in such a case , is to defend it self ; but where are new-levied souldiers , fall out great disorders : which was the reason he took so much care to fortify his camp very strongly , to the end he might defend it and all his baggage with a few men , and might without danger execute many brave designes , being alwayes assured of his retreat . let us farther take view of the siege of uxellodunum : which caesar judging to be impregnable by ●orce , and knowing it to be well provided of corn , undertaketh by a great & dangerous labour to keep them from water , which was from a fountain without the town , from whence they were only supplied : which the besieged perceiving , having set fire on caesar's works , by a sally they hindred him from quenching it . caesar not being able to repulse them by reason of the advantage of the place , resolveth to make an assault upon the town ; which apprehension caused them to retreat . the manner of our modern training , or tactick practise . by clement edmonds , remembrancer of the city of london . forasmuch as my purpose was to make this task of observations as a parallel to our modern discipline , i did not think it fit to mingle the tactick practise of these times with the use of foregoing ages , but rather to shut up these discourses therewith , as the second line of this warlike parallel , which is thus drawn in the best fashion of modern art. in the knowledge of marshalling an army , there is nothing more especially to be regarded , then that from a confused company of men , having chosen the fittest for the wars , we should so place and digest a convenient number of them , that in marches , in incamping , in battels we may be able with a few well ordered to incounter a farre greater army in confusion , and to overthrow them . from hence aeneas did define the art of war , to be the knowledge of warlike motions . before this unexpert army shall be able to be moved in such fashion , it shall not be amisse to acquaint it with the most usuall terms , wherewith they shall be often commanded into diverse postures , as occasion shall be offered . for as in the art of fencing , no man shall be able to turn and wind his body for his best advantage to offend his enemy , or defend himself , unlesse first his master shall instruct him in the severall parts and postures thereof : so every souldier , or the whole troup as one body , or one souldier , shall never be readily instructed to transform or turn it self by divers motions into different forms , unlesse they first understand what is meant by fronts and flanks , by files and ranks , what by leaders and followers , by middlemen and bringers up . by this means each souldier understanding what the terme doth signifie , shall readily both apprehend and execute such commandments as the captain or officer shall direct him . a file is a certain number of men following singly one leader unto the depth of or , as they shall be commanded . the ancients have called this file seriem , ordinationem , or decuriam . it consisteth of leaders and followers , placed according to their worth and valour : and especially there ought to be regarded , the leader or decurio , the fifth , sixth , or middlemen , and the tenth and last called the bringer ▪ up or tergiductor . first therefore , every souldier being aptly fitted unto his severall armes according to his worth , age and stature , they are to be disposed into severall files , wherein every one is especially to acknowledge his leader or foremost man to be the authour of all his motions : & therefore duely attending what directions shall be commanded , each follower shall according to the motions of his leader or foremost man , order his own ; and is to be excused , if he attend the motions of his leader before he move himself . when many files are thus disposed together , all the leaders making one and the same front , and their followers observing likewise one and the same proportion of distance before , and after , and on each side ; these files thus joyned make one battallion , the front whereof is called a rank , and so likewise the second and third in depth , according to the number of men in each file . the first , second and third , and so forward in each file , are called sidemen , in respect of the same numbers in the next file . neither must every souldier onely regard the motions of his leader , but he must also diligently respect his sidemen , and such as shall be placed on his right and left hand , called his ranks : so that both in files and ranks he may alwaies be found in the same distance wherein he is commanded . it should be impertinent to the purpose to prescribe a certain number of souldiers unto these battallions , onely thus much for the proportion : that it ought never to exceed so much , but that it may easily upon any occasion be changed into such a form or fashion to fight , as may be thought fittest for the present . the length of this battallion is diversly tearmed amongst the latines , as frons , fac●●s , adstructio jugum , &c. but in our modern practise , most familiarly the front or rank . the breadth of the battallion , which is from the leader to the bringer-up , with the distance between all the followers , is said to be the length or depth of one file or flank . in the disposing of souldiers into files and ranks , besides their observing a right line in their places and standing , we must likewise especially respect the different worth and quality of the souldiers ; that every one according to his worth may be suted unto his proper place , and accordingly receive advancement , as the death of his leaders , and true value of his desert by his commander shall give occasion . first therefore there must be especiall choice made of the leaders of each file , or first front or ranks of the battallion , of the most expert , ablest , and best-armed men : because that as from them the rest are to receive directions of their after-motions ; so in them the greatest hope of the day doth consist . next unto the first it must be provided , that the bringers up or last rank , called tergiductores , be little inferiour , well experienced , wise and valiant , that they may both know when to reprehend their former ranks , and urge them forward , if they see them declining or yielding upon false occasions ; as also to be able upon any sudden alarm given in the rere , to turn faces about and make themselves a front for the best resistance . neither must it be neglected concerning the second and ninth ranks , that they also may be furnished with the next most sufficient men ; both because of their nearnesse unto danger , as also that if their leaders or bringers up shall either be slain , or disabled by wounds , they may presently succeed in their places and make them good . there is also a good decorum to be observed in the middlemen , or fifth and sixth ranks , both for the men themselves and their armes : that in our marches , when the middlemen or sixth ranks shall be called up to front with their leaders , they may in some sort and proportion answer their places ; as also when we double our front , by calling up middlemen to fight in a greater breadth , they may not be unsutable : but especially in marches , that they may be able to make the best resistance , when they shall become the flanks of the battallions . as these respects ought to be observed in ranks , so the files also are not without their different degrees of dignity . as the leader of the right-hand file is accounted to have the first place of honour in the battallion : for he doth not onely lead the rest in his own file , but he is the author and beginner of the motions of the whole battallion . the leader of the left-hand file hath the next place , because that he with the leader of the right-hand file do alwaies in their marching and imbattelling rectifie or rank the whole front of the battallion : and so consequently all the next of their files as they stand in order , even untill the middle , who are accounted the last in dignity . the battallion being thus disposed into files and ranks , and each file and rank according to his worth and experience rightly advanced : it followeth that there should be a just distance proportioned between either , that at all times upon all occasions , they might be found ready , and in comeliest fashion , either to offend their enemy , or defend themselves . these distances which every follower must observe in respect of his leader , and every leader and follower in respect of the sidemen , may be reduced unto three severall orders , as followeth . the first is called open order ; the distance whereof is twelve foot between every follower and his leader , or between every rank ; and six foot between them and the sidemen , or between every file . this order is commonly used upon marches when the enemy is known to be farre off , as also in private exercising of souldiers for their severall managing of their armes . it differeth somewhat from the ordinatus miles amongst the romans , who alwayes observed but four cubits in files and ranks . the second distance is called order , when we contract the battallion both in length and breadth , and gather the souldiers within a nearer scantling both in files and ranks , that is , by observing six feet in their files between the follower and leader , and three feet between the ranks or sidemen . this distance is used when we march toward an enemy near at hand , or in marches by reason of the opportunity of the place suspiciously dangerous . this is also near unto densatus ordo , but onely that that was but two cubits in both files and ranks . the third and last order , is when either we attend the enemy his present assault , or that we intend to charge him upon our securest and best distance ; when every follower standeth three feet , or his rapier length behind his leader , and a foot and a half from the sidemen or files ; or when every souldier occupieth but one foot and a half for his own station , joyning pouldron to pouldron , or target to target . this differeth from constipatus ordo , because that alloweth but one cubit for files and ranks , and this close order alloweth one cubit in the file , but two in the ranks . this distance doth agree also best with the length of our piles of or feet long . for it is thought fit oftentimes that the battallion consisting of ten ranks , there should not charge more at one time then the formost , so that the pikes of the fifth rank might be three foot over the formost shoulder ; and the other five ranks should in this close order , or nearer if it be possible , follow the other charging , with their pikes advanced , untill some occasion should require their charge . in the mean time they should perform their dutie , in keeping the five formost ranks from retiring , and besides adde strength unto the charge or shock . the manner of exercising of composed battallions , with their different motions . the files and ranks being thus understood , disposed and ordered , and all parts and members of the battallion being joyned in their just proportion and distance , able and fit to be altered upon any sodain occasion ( as if it were but one entire body ) into severall and divers postures , and to make resistance unto what forces soever shall oppugne the same : it might be thought needlesse to have made the disposition of the members so exact , unlesse by continuall practise and exercise they might be made nimble and ready , not onely to defend themselves and their whole body on all sides , but also to be able to offend whensoever they shall espie the least occasion of advantage . the terms of direction or command , which are commonly used in this modern discipline of martiall exercise , as they are not many , onely answering to the different postures which are required in the battallion ; so they are and must be short and perspicuously plain , that by this means being sodainly uttered , easily apprehended and understood , they may as speedily be put in execution by those which shall be commanded . first therefore , that the battallion may be commanded into some one fashion or posture , from whence it shall be fit to convert it self into all other , the captain or officer shall bid them stand in front . when every particular souldier composing himself after his foremost leader , standeth comely in file and rank , fronting unto some certain place , or to the captain , as shall be thought best for the present . in this and all other directions whatsoever , it shall be especially observed , that every follower attending what is commanded , mark his next leader , and accordingly move himself , as he shall see him move first . the battallion therefore thus fronting , if the enemy should suddenly either assault the right or left flank , it shall be commanded to turn faces to the right or left hand ; when every souldier observing his leader shall turn his face , and make his flank his front according to the direction . there is also a doubled motion or declination to the right or left hand , when every souldier observing his leader shall turn their bodies twice to the right or left hand , and by that means become turned with their faces where their backs were , as if they expected an enemy in the rere , or being to perform some other motion that may be offered : beginning this alteration from the right or left hand as shall be commanded . as every particular souldier in the troup is thus commanded at sometimes to turn his face to the right or left hand , or about , the battallion standing in order , that is , according to the distance before named ; so the whole battallion being reduced into their close order , is commanded to turn as one body to the right or left hand . it is performed thus : imagine the battallion stand first in order , it shall be commanded that they close their files to the right hand ; when the right file standing still , the rest turning their faces to the right hand , march into their close order and return as they were : next that they close their ranks from behind , when every follower marcheth forward to his leader unto his rapiers point as is said before . this done , ( the leader of the right file standing immoveable ) all the rest ( as the body of a ship or a great gate ) turn about that leader , as about the hinge or center , every one keeping the same distance and order wherein they were first placed , as if they were but one entire body . when the same battallion is to be restored into the same station wherein it was first , it is commanded ; faces about to the left hand , and march into your order from whence you were closed . then let your leaders or first ranks stand still , and the rest turning faces about , march ranks in order as before : then turn as you were , and you are restored . when the whole battallion being in their close order should turn about and make the rere the front , it is done by a double turning or declination , and commanded to wheel about , which is answerable to the former faces about or mutation . there is also another wheeling in this sort , when the front changeth the aspect thrice ; for as wheeling about maketh the front the rere , so this wheeleth from the right hand to the left , or contrariwise : which fashion is so seldome used , that we scarce afford it a name . in all such motions and alterations , it is most fit that all men perform their directions with their pikes advanced , being in that sort most easie to be commanded , as also lesse troublesome to their followers and leaders . countermarching files and ranks . there is also another means to prevent the enemy his assaulting us in the rere or flank , lest he should find our worst men least able to make resistance ; and this is performed by countermarching both files and ranks three divers wayes apiece . the first was used by the macedonians , after this fashion : first the leader turneth his face about towards the right or left hand , and so the next follower marching behind his leader turneth also , and so the third and fourth , untill the bringer up have carried himself out into a new place in the rere further from the enemy , as he was before next unto him . but this neither was nor is accounted safe or secure , because it doth somewhat resemble a flying or running away from the enemy , which might give him no small incouragement , and therefore it is not much in practise . only at some times , the bringers up marching throughout beyond the leaders , untill they possesse the same space before them which they did behind them , all turning their faces about , make their leaders to affront the enemy , who were before farthest from them . the lacedamonians used the contrary , as it were pursuing the enemy : the bringer up first being turned face about , and so the next marching before him , and so the third , untill the leader himself became also turned , and in the foremost front unto the enemy . which with us is somewhat otherwise , but yet both affronting , and as it were pursuing the enemy : because our leaders first begin this motion , and so countermarching through on the right or left hand , become in the front in a new space of ground , who were before in the rere . the third and last was invented by the persians , whom when the place or near approch of the enemy would not suffer to change their ground , they were wont to countermarch the front to the right or left hand : and being come unto the depth of the bringers up , to stand still untill the other half file had likewise marched forth , and fallen upon their leaders in every file . in all these it is especially commanded , to march still in the same distance , and by whole ranks , to prevent confusion , which ( especially the enemy at hand ) must needs be most dangerous , and therefore carefully to be avoided . in like sort the ranks may countermarch , when either the right wing would be strengthened by the left , or the left by the right , alwayes marching by whole files towards the right or left hand , according as they shall have the direction , either changing the ground , or upon the same ground , as in the former countermarches . there is used also another kind of strengthening both the front and flank when occasion shall be offered , viz : by doubling either files or ranks . and this , either by doubling the number of souldiers in the same files or ranks , keeping still the same breadth and depth of ground ; or else by doubling the ground , keeping the same number of souldiers . the files are doubled , when the second file shall insert it self into the first , the leader thereof putting himself a follower unto the leader of the first , and the next follower follower to the next in the first file , and so forwards . and likewise the fourth file inserting it self into the third , and the sixth into the fifth . and this is to be performed when the battallion standeth in his order . to double the place or depth , is when the same number of men shall put themselves out of their order into their open order , either by advancing forward , or by falling backwards , as they shall be commanded . the ranks are doubled two manner of wayes : either by inserting the second into the first to the right or left hand , as before in the files ; or else ( the enemy being at hand ) by joyning whole troups together to the right or left wing , according as occasion shall be offered : and this is held to be the safest when the enemy is near , to avoid confusion . it is performed either in the same ground , or by doubling the ground , when either we desire to exceed the front of our enemy his battallion , or to prevent lest we our selves be included . the terms to both are ; double your files or ranks to the right or left hand : and when you would have them return again into their proper places , it is commanded ; as you were . the ordinary directions which are especially given in these martial exercises are , first that no man in the time of exercising or marshalling shall be lowder then his officer : but every one attending to his place , when he is commanded , shall diligently hearken to such directions as shall be given . the captain in the front shall speak , and the sergeants in each flank shall give the word unto the lieutenant or ensigne in the rere : who as in his proper place , seeth all things executed accordingly as the captain shall command . it shall be unpossible to performe any thing herein , unlesse first every one do exactly observe his leader and his sideman : and to this purpose it is often commanded , keep your files , keep your ranks . of marches . in champains there needs no great labour to marshall particular troups for their after-marches : because they may march either by whole divisions , observing onely their course of indifferency , that every division may every third day have the vantgard ; or else in such form and fashion as the generall hath proposed for a day of battell , according as the danger of an expected enemy shall give occasion . but because all countries will not afford a champain for the marching of an army , and therefore not possible to march far with many troups in front , nor many files of any one troup or division , by reason of often straights , and passages betwixt hills , woods , or waters ; it is provided , though by long induction , the whole army shall be extended into a thin length and few files , yet the souldiers well disposed shall be as readily able to defend themselves and offend the enemy on their flanks ( from whence only in such streights the danger is imminent ) as if they were to affront an enemy with an entire battallion in a champain country . first therefore a division or battallion being ordered and drawn before the quarter , into one even front of just files , ten in depth ; the musketiers equally divided on the right and left slanks of the pikes , all standing in their order , that is to ●ay , six feet distant in files and ranks ; the captain carefully provideth , that the first , fifth , sixth and tenth ranks be alwayes well filled and furnished with his most able and best-armed souldiers . which done , he commandeth first the middlemen or half files to come a front with their leaders ; so that the division becometh but five in depth . next he commandeth to turn faces to the right or left hand , as direction shall be to march from that quarter : and so the whole division resteth ready in his fashion to march five in front , the one half of the musketiers in the vantguard and the other in the rere , the pikes in the battell , and both flanks well furnished with the ablest & best men to offend or defend , as there shall be occasion : that is to say , the right flanks with the first and fifth ranks , and the left with the sixth and tenth ranks . if occasion afterwards shall be given of a halt in a champain or before the quartering , the captain commandeth first unto all , ( they being first closed into their order ) faces as you were ; next unto the half files ; faces about , and march out , and fall again upon your files . by which means the division becometh again reduced into the same front and fashion from whence it was first transformed , ready to encounter an enemy , or to be drawn into the quarter . when pikes are to charge pikes in a champain , it useth to be performed two severall wayes . first the whole division being commanded into their close order , the five first ranks charging their pikes , every follower over his leaders shoulder directeth his pike as equally as he can , & the first rank shall have three feet of his pike over the formost shoulder . the other five ranks with their pikes advanced follow close up in the rere , either ready to second the formost , or to be employed in the rere as occasion shall be offered . otherwise and most usuall , when the whole depth of the files throughout the division shall charge together , all fast locked and united together , and therefore most able to make the strongest shock offensive or defensive : provided alwaies that none mingle their pikes in others files , but the whole file one in anothers shoulder . in charging with musketiers , it is observed no way convenient that there should be too many in a rank , or that the ranks should be too long . for the first rank is commanded to advance ten paces before the second , and then to discharge , and wheeling either to the right or left hand , falleth into the rere ; and so the second advancing to the same distance , dischargeth and wheeleth as before ; and likewise the third , and so forward as long as the officer shall be commanded . which shall not so well be performed the ranks being extraordinary long , because it will require so long a time to wheel from the front , that the second may succeed , unlesse by direction the rank may divide it self , the one half to the right hand and the other to the left in wheeling to the rere . in the retreat the whole ranks having turned their faces about , are to march three or four paces forward : their chief officer coming in the rere , first commandeth the last rank to make ready , and then to turn faces about & discharge , and wheel about to the head or front of the division : and being clearly passed , the next rank to perform as much : and so the rest in order . where the passages are narrow , and the division cannot come to charge in front , as between two waters or woods , the manner of charging is different : for there being five or ten files led in the induction , that file which flanketh the enemy dischargeth first onely , and the rest marching continually forwards , it standeth firm untill the last rank be passed , and then sleeveth it self on the left flank and makes ready ; and so the second file and the third , so long as the enemy shall continue , there being a continuall discharging by files as before by ranks . unlesse it be in the pases of ireland , meeting with an irregular enemy , where they use to intermingle their files of shot with pikes , that the one may be a defence for the other , when the enemy shall come up to the sword , as they use there very often . how directions are delivered in the warres . all directions in the wars have ever been delivered either by signes subject to the eye , by word of mouth , or the sound of a drumme , or some such warlike instrument . concerning those visible signes displayed unto the souldiers , the falling of mists , the raising of dust , showers of rain & snow , the beams of the sun , hilly , uneven and crooked passages , by long experience have found them to be most doubtfull and uncertain ; as also because , as it was a matter of great difficulty to invent different signes upon all sodain occasions ; so it is almost an impossibility , that the common souldier ( who oftentimes is found scarce capable of the understanding of plain words distinctly pronounced ) should both apprehend and understand sodainly , and execute directly the true sense and meaning of his commanders signes . the drum and trumpet are yet used . but because many different sounds are not easily distinguished in souldiers understanding , without some danger of confusion , we onely command by the inarticulate sounds , to arm , to march , to troup , to charge , and to retreat : with all which severall notes the souldier is so familiarly to be acquainted , that so soon as he hears them beaten , he may be ready sodainly to put them in execution , as if he heard his captain pronouncing as much . the directions by word of mouth are infinite , according to the different occasions which shall be offered ; yet alwayes with this caveat , that they be short , yet perspicuous , without all ambiguity , and plainly pronounced , first by the captain , then derived by the sergeants through the division or battallion . though infinite , yet the most usuall are these : to your armes : keep your files , keep your ranks : follow your leader : leaders look to your files : keep your distance : faces to your right hand : faces to your left hand : close your files : close your ranks : stand as you are : as you were : faces about to the right hand : wheel about to the right or left hand : double your ranks : double your files : leaders countermarch through to the right or left hand : leaders countermarch to the right or left hand and stand : middlemen come forth and fall upon your leaders . besides many fit terms commanded in managing particular armes , as pikes and muskets , which are omitted . and thus much touching the tactick practise of our modern wars : which i have the rather added , in regard that diverse souldiers , as unacquainted both with the manner and the value thereof , do think a heap of people unmartialled , to be as available for a great designe , as any other number distinguished in files and parts , and disposed for facile and easie motions , according to the powerfull circumstances of time and place . wherein , howsoever the practise of the turk and the hungarian may seem to give warrant to that opinion , yet the use of armes amongst the graecians and the romans , whose conquering armies are pregnant witnesses of the excellency of their militarie discipline , shall speak sufficiently for order and tactick motion , as most necessary parts in a well-ordered war. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a -e lib. . salu●● . de bello jogur . notes for div a -e suitzers . m●tron● . s●quara . curardum vi●in●s populis 〈…〉 in●●r 〈◊〉 ●opulos col . 〈◊〉 . caesar . * s●voyards the omission in the helvetian expedition . caesar . * rome . caesar . * so ne . 〈◊〉 . the manner of their watch . caesar . caesar . 〈…〉 places o● advantage in the romane wars . their manner of victualling . caesar . the manner of their imbattelling . by triple● a●ies . lib. . de bello civili . lib. . de bello civili . lib. . de militia romana . a phalanx d●●●ribed . caesar . speeches of incouragement before they gave battel lib. . de bello gallico . the roman pile described . lib. ● . de militia romans . lib. . salus● . the ensignes of the romans . the division of their day . caesar . langres . periculum 〈…〉 . caesar . caesar . caesar . tthe authority of the roman generals . liv. lib. . lib. . de bello civili . caesar . caesar . le doux . caesar . whether men have greater co●rage in their own or in a stra●gers country . caesar . footmen intermingled amongst horsemen . lib. . lib. . de ex●id . lib. . de bello africano . caesar . caesar . caesar . the use of lots . notes for div a -e caesar . caesar . a the countrey about b●auvois . b the countrey about so●ssons . c the people about tournay . d arras . e amiens . f vermandois . g tervenne . h liege . . in all . * la disne . caesar . a legion what it was . lib. . de vita romuli . liv. lib. . taci●us ● . hist . velites . hastati . principes . triarii . lib. 〈◊〉 lib. . de mil. rom. the use of this division . the distinction of their companies . manipuli . ordines . cohors . lib. . de re ●ust . a legion ranged in battell . the first order . de bello civili . prima cohor● . the benefit of this discipline . the benefit of small battalions , and the disadvantage of great squadrons . * bray in the county of re●ell . to take a town by surprise . a testudo described . lib. . lib. ● the necessity of good discovery . * now england . the order which is to be observed in discovery . slingers with their art and use . lib. ● . lib. . 〈◊〉 . quest . 〈◊〉 caesar . * no●on . caesar . * soyssons . agger or mount . towers or turrets described . caesar . the bellovaci taken to mercy . the ambiani yield up themselves . the nervii . * sambre near namur . the manner of the roman march . the two respects which caesar had in ordering a m●r●h . safety . conveniency . agmen quadratum . * lib. . de bel . gall. * . epist . lib . agmen longum . lib. . de bello gall. the use that may be made of this , in our modern wars . caesar . the descript on of the roman camp with all the parts belonging unto it . the lodging of the legions . quintana . principia . the tents of the tribunes . the space between the tents and the rampier . contubernium . the ditch and the rampier . agger . vallum . praetoria porta . portae decumana . portae principales . laeva dextra . castra aestiva . hiberna . the commodity of this incamping . the ceremonies which they used in their preparation to battel . caesar . and therefore i rather take it be something else then a word . the place and offices of 〈◊〉 primipile . the target described . lib. . cap. . caesar . lib. de militia ju. cae. * either doway or bolda● in brabant . caesar . circumvallatio . in the seventh commentary . aries , or the ram. cales . aries simplex . aries composita . to give notice of an alarme by fire . lib. . the punishments which the romans laid upon a conquered nation . caesar . of this suppli●●tion i ●ill speak in the latter end of the fourth book . notes for div a -e caesar . caesar . the force of novelty , turning the fortune of a battel . caesar . * savoyards . * le perche . * cornoaille in bretaigne . 〈◊〉 * vannes . the weaknesse of our judgement in●eg●●rd of the knowledge of 〈…〉 the authority of example . caesar . * lig●ris . the grounds of that reverent opinion which is held of embassadours . caesar . lendriguer . lisieux . nantes . auren be . le●●do●● . cities in little britain . * triers . caesar . the causes of the ebbing and flowing of the sea . spring●ides . the manner of their shipping . lib. . the manner of sea-sights . lib. . de bello civili . caesar . the force of industry * la perch● caesar . * roane . * eureux . the use which the romans made of a counterfeit fear . lib. . caesar . * evocati . evocati . lib. . de bello gall. caesar . sertorius . two meanes to atchieve victory and to over-master our enemies . tuba 〈◊〉 by war , and naamah by the floud . not to forgoe an advantage . the place where suspected forces are best bestowed in battel . caesar . lib. . avertimen . to secundo . lib. de bello gallico . caesar . * t●roane . * cl●ve and 〈◊〉 . notes for div a -e * those of zutphen . * of hassia . caesar . caesar . * geldres and cleve . salust . tacit. . annal. caesar . * liege . * co●o●ia agrippina . * wael . vincitur haud gratis jugulo qui provocat hostem . liv. lib. . liv. lib. . caesar . caesar . csar lib. de machin . caesar . caesar . caesar . * 〈…〉 monstr●ul . caesar . ans●er to the first objection . the answer to the second reason . the answer to the third reason . of the name imperator . . ann●l . phil. . lib. epist . . caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . lib. . ●a● cicero . notes for div a -e caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . lib. ● . plin. lib. caesar . caesar . tacit. . annal. caesar . * either cambray , amien● , or s. quintin . caesar . caesar . lib. . annal. ● . 〈◊〉 c●●sar . lib. caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . cambray . caesar . britany . franckfort . notes for div a -e caesar . polyb. lib. . thirteen pounds sterling , or thereabouts . horace . reinforcing of troups decayed . caesar . * part of the diocese of colen . a to ●rmy ▪ b 〈◊〉 . c 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 . exemplarie justice . upon extraordinary service , the souldier extraordinarily rewarded . lib. . civil . bell . caesar . the benefite and use of ●ouncel● and parliaments . the french are better horsemen then footman . not to mis-spend the time in unnecessary services . caesar . caesars opinion of allies and associates . chap. . caesar . com. . cap. . the duty of a generall 〈◊〉 battel . lib. . cap. . battel of newport . in the life of caesar . the use and benefit of a sho●t took up in a charge or assault . lib. . lib. . lib. . civil . lib. . lib. . cap. . in marius life . caesar . bridges . brancatio lib. . whether mens wits be sharper and readier th●n in former times . polyhymi . herodot . hist . ● . caesar . factions and parties . lib. . caesar . potestas vitae & necis england . druides . england . by reason of the curious and artificiall works . oxford & cambridge . caesar . the begining of the day diversly observed . plutarch caesar . their respect to matter of state. tibi summam rerum du dede●● , nobis obsequii gloria relata est : tacitus . caesar . whether a civill life do weaken a warlike disposition . caesar . fortune . plutarch in the life of sylla . in the life of alexander . plutarch in the life of sylla . celerity & expedition . plutarch in the life of pompey . veni , vidi , vici . lib. . bell . civil . lib. . bell . civil . caesar . plutarch in the life of sertorius . caesar . the benefit of open encounter . plutarch in the life of sertorius . caesar . ha●nibal . caesar . caesar . c●n●us . a cuneus described . caesar . nothing ought to be left to the hazard of fortune . caesar . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 . livie , lib . plutarch in the life of marcellus . plutarch in the life of cicero . ne quid resp . detrimenti capiat . gallia cisalpina & trans●lpina . caesar . * orleans . the 〈◊〉 hooboub . caesar . there ought to be a proportion of quality between a commander and his souldiers . mu●● mariani . such a master , such a servant . li●ie . caesar . to abuse an enemy by way of stratageme commendable in a commander . * ave●g●e . * la montagne de geneve . vit● caesaris . plut. crassus . caesar . clermont in auvergne caesar went alwayes provided of four things . plutarch in the life of 〈◊〉 . comment . . comment . ● . caesar . the means which the romans used to weaken an enemy . caesar . * ville 〈◊〉 en la franche conte . * or●●●ns . * noyon . it is a hard 〈…〉 following a business , to hit that course which may most advantage it . lib. . plutarch in the life of fabius . servus a 〈◊〉 . polit. . ili●d . . caesar . patience in a souldier excelleth valour . liv. lib. . plut. crassus . boteras di principe . caesar . the advantage of the place doth countervail the absence of the generall . caesar . horace . whether severitie o● clemency do more avail in governing a multitude . caesar . the use and practice of ancient time in besieging and defending towns . the manner of fortification in use in these dayes . fortification defined . circular forts . triangular forts . quadrangle forts . five-sided and six-sided fortresses . forts in a plain level . advantages . disadvantages . forts upon a hill . advantages . disadvantages . the hands of all forts . caesar . whether there need not as many men to defend a town , as to besiege it . the defence of a town consisteth in four points . the eye of the master feedeth the horse . caesar . the galles in the beginning are more then men , and in the end less then women . a generall must not put necessitie upon an enemy . revolters are in the condition both of an enemy and of an offendor . caesar . a great commander must have a great courage . homo quadratus . plutarch paulus aemilia plutarch . it is dangerous to be the author of a counsel in a state. holinshead . ut felicitas rerum gestarum exercitus benevolentiam imperatoribus : ita res adversae odia conciliant . lib. . bel . civ . caesar . archery . * things considerable ▪ touching archery . in the time of henry the fiften the english bow-men did commonly shoot an arrow of a yard long besides the head . it is not so profitable to intermingle bow-men with other sorts of weapons , as to put them all into one body . * at the battell of cressie the black prince leading the vauward , had the archers standing in the manner of a hearse . holinshed . the archerie worketh two effects . . galling the enemy . plut. crassus . . disorder . the battell of cressie . the battell of agincourt . harquebuse and musket . how far a wing of shot prevaileth . how farre a sleeve of archers is available against an enemy . genesis . . caesar . non minor est virtus , quam quae●●re , p●●ta tuer● . caesar . the means which caesar used to passe over the river elaver . demptis quartis quibusque cohortibus . caesar . gratia oneri , ultio in quaestu habetur . seneca . a multitude is easily abused by false suggestions . phaedo platonis . caesar . evocati , who they were . caesar . ore ill act begetteth another . the poorer sort of people do embrace all means of innovation . salust in the conspiracy of catiline . caesar . it is an easier matter to begin a work , then to quit it again with r●edit . livie . some services are res occasionis , non praelii . caesar . it is honourable for souldiers to keep their directions . institution of cyrus . ●●●sar . caesar . reparation of honour , what it is , plutarch in the life of marcellus . lib. . bel , civil . post pugna● dyrrachianam caesar neque satis militibus perterritis confidebat , spatiumque interponendum ad recrcandos animos putabat . caesar . the change which the revolt of the hedui made in gallia . caesar , he that will do things well , must vary with the time . plutarch in the life of fabius . caesar . necessary for a generall to understand the purposes of the enem holinshetd , henry 〈◊〉 . the fittest age of life for a generall . plutarch in the life of sectorius . hist . . plutarch in the life of marius . caesar . three chief meanes to win men to favour a matter . . favour or friendship . . authoritie . . money . caesar . whether the cavalrie or infanterie be of greater importance and use in a warre . footmen fitter ●o more services then horsemen . the main stroke in a day of battell is given by the footmen . the use of horsemen . the dictator forbidden the use of a horse in the warres : and why . caesar . one event is not so certain for the approving of a cause , as when it is seconded with another of like condition . caesar . justus lipsius mistaken . 〈◊〉 , lib. . dial. . caesar . what number of men are a competent proportion for any service . plutarch in the life of marius . plutarch in the life of paulus aemilius . caesar . how long a commander may hold out in a siege . ag●i● . lib. . 〈◊〉 . civ . caesar . one army would have one general . et gravis in geminum caput amphisibaena . tacit●s . caesar . a little is enough to save a longing . caesar . plutarch in the life of caesar . plutarch in the life of paulus aemilius . notes for div a -e caesar . a p●tes aquilas , & pil● minantia p●●s bella ge●i pla●u●e ●ull●s habitura triumph●s . luc. lib. . b arm● civilia neque parati , neque haberi , per bon●s artes possun● . tac. . an. c amicus socrates , amicus , pl●to : m●g●s amica veritas . aristo . . ethic. pom. mag. constantine was ●o jealous thereof , that he published an edict , that the honour of all victori●s should be attributed to him , although they were atchieved . leagues off . d fonte cadit medico , parvisque impellitur undis puni●eas rubicon , & gallica ●●rtus limes ab aus●niis disterminat 〈◊〉 colonis . lucan . lib. . e facta tribus dominis communis roma — pompe●o caesari & crasso . a nam sola futuri crassus erat belli m●●dius mor — b nulla sancta societas , nec fides regni . ennius . nec querquam jam ferre potest , caesarve priorem , po●peiusve parem — luc. lib. . c ardua res haec est , opibus non tradere mores . martial . d saepe majori fortunae locum fecit injuria . seneca epist . . the tribunes of the people . what kind of commonwealth was this of rome . a libe●tatis originem inde magis , quia annuum consulare imperium factum est , quam quod diminutum q●icquam sit e●●egia potestate , numores . liv. lib. . b his legibus dissolutum est imperium consulare . &c. liv. lib. . c lictor . d vi●tor . cyneas interrogatus à pyr●ho qualis roma asset ; respondit , regum urbem sibi videri . just . lib. . faction in a councel , is an enemy to the publick good . e nam male cuncta minist●●t impetus , & stimulat non rato privati odii pertinaci● in publicum e●itium . tac. . hist . atheniensis senator jurabat se praecipue populo consulturum . demost conc . naearc . . philipp . arist . . polit . . sueton , in vita julii caesaris . tacit. . annal. tacit. . annal. plutarch . caesac . pompeius ut primum ●empab . ●ggressus est , non quemquam animo pa●em 〈◊〉 vell●ias pater ●ul . ne quid respub , detrimenti capiat . consecuti sunt dies co●●iales , per quos senatus haberi non poterat . cic. l. frat●i . ut gratia oneri , sic ultio in quaestu habetur , tac. suprema lex salus reipub . lib. . plutarch in the life of cicero . . philip. cons●lious totam rempub . commendendam censco , ●isque permittendum ut rempub . defendant , provideantque nequid detrimenti respub . accipiat . fabius . . de fastis . fab. max. lentulus . scipio . marcellus . m. anton. cassi●s . piso . to know the number of citizens . their age . de fast . halicarnasseus , lib. . go●●fred ad l. aetatem . ● . d● cens . their calling . majorum primus quisquis fuit ille tuorum , aut pastor ●uit , aut illud quod dicere nol● . their ability . * florus l. ● . cap. . gell. lib. . cap. . aetis . poly. lib. . l. roscius . pompey having a charge of an army , could not enter into the city , prohibited by divers laws . faust . sulla . rex juba , socius & ●●micus . gallia and syria were two consulary provinces . q●o●um nemo stultior est qúam l. domitius . cic. ad atticum . paludati exeunt . the use of ceremonies . forma dat nomen & esse . arist . nimia nec minima ▪ civitatis legibus conservatis , salva quoque populi dominatio . aesch. in c●esiphont . the manner of disposing of the provinces and governments . sortiri provincias , comp●rare provincias . lib. . the manner of their setting forward to their governments . vota nuncupa●● . voti reus . macrob. li. . cap. . saturn . paludati . ●ib . . de 〈◊〉 lat. valerius , li. . cap. . raptores orbis , postquam cunctis v●stantibus defuere terrae , & m●re scrutantur : quos nec oriens nec occidens sa●●averit . tac. * neminem esse regem solitum & amicum a senatu populoque rom. appellati , nisi qui optime de repmeritus esset , lib. . decad . . sequenti dic &c. lib. . dec . . lib . de bel . gal. et ( pe appellandorum regum rex juba , socius & amicus . municipes , lib. . cap. . lib. . municipium . 〈…〉 . c●●ites tabulae . livie lib. . livie lib. . livie lib. . cives originarii . polyder . virg. . philip. seneca . de benefac . cap. . herod . lib. . an quisquam amplissimus galliae , cum insimo cive romano comparandus est ? cicero pro m. font. de cipite ci●is nisi per maximū commicia . tum , ollo●que quos censores in partibus populi locassint , ne ferunto . cic. . de legib . bellorum o socii , qui mille pericula mortis mecum , ait , experti , decia o jam vin●tis anno , &c. luc. lib. . whereof lex agraria was the chiefest . plutarch saith , he had then but foot , and horse on that side the alpes : which amounteth to the just number of a legion . cic. . ossicio . nihil justius quam propulsare injuriam . xenophon cyropaed . lib. . justitiae primum 〈◊〉 est ne cui q●is no●eat . cic. lib. ● . de officiis . qui non defendit nec o●sistit si pote● injuriae , 〈…〉 in vitio , qu●m si parentes , ●ut amicos , aut patriam , aut so●ios deserat . cic. lib. . offi . opulentis civitatibus venenum seditio , magna imperia mortalia reddidit . liv. lib. . non exercitus neque thesauri praesidia regri sunt , verum amici . salust . in bello jugurth . * lib. de amicitia . ut quisque maxime opibus , principatu , & potestate excellit , ita amicis maxime indiget . arist . etn. . rimini . l. caesar . capua . cicero , lib. . ad atticum , epist . . saith , that this answer was made at thian●m , in the territories of l●vour , the of january . plutarch in vita caesaris . multa videri volumus velle , sed no 〈◊〉 . seneca , epist . . let it lie upon the dice . bonum est dum adhuc stit navis in portu , praecavere tempestatem faturam ; & non eo tempore , quo in medi●s , irrue●is procellas , trepidare . joseph . de bello jud. l. . magis terrorem incu●● , ●t invadere vo●enti prior occurras , quam ut te repugnaturum significes . thucyd. lib. . — arma tenenti omnia dat , qui-justae negat — lucan , lib. . caesar . half a legion , being about men . pisaurum , pesarò ital. fanum . ancona . tignium . auximum , actius varus . picenum . l. pupius . pesarò ital. plut. anto. fanò ital. ancona . decuriones . lib. ● . cap. . lib. ● . d● bell . gall. caesar . sanctiore aerario . capua . ●ex juli● . picenum . cingulum . asculum . ulcil ▪ hirus . camerinum . domtius aenobarb . corfinium . albania . marsia . pelignia . . men . sempre è congiunto in un medesimo ●ugget . to i'insolentia con la timiditá . lib. . de officiis . aerarium . plutarch . in vita publicolae . aerarium populus romanus in ●de saturni habuit , festus . libri elephantini . signa ex●● aerario prompta feruntur ad dictatorem liv. lib. . lib. . cap. . aurum vicesimarium . lib. . pro roscio . and therefore ●h●y were called , bustuari● , a bustis . sil. ita● . lemnisc● . spectatum s●tis & don●tum jam ●ude . hor. the romans never used these gladiators in any u●ilitary service , but only in civile wars . a● deforme insuper auxilium , 〈◊〉 millia gladiatorum : sed per civilia arma severis ducibus usurpatu● . tac. hist . . lucan . lib. . p●rare , & quaerere 〈◊〉 : tueri diffi●ilius , liv●e lib. . caesar . . men , or thereabout . * tormenta . sulmo . du●es rebus afflict is 〈◊〉 de industria simulant . seneca ad p●ly . lentulus spinther . collegium ponti●●um . duumvir● . latius pat●t ossiciorum qu●m juris regula . stultitiae videtur , alienam rem suo periculo curare . salust . de b●llo jugurth . salust . de bello jug●rth . collegium pontisicum . pl●ta●●h in th● life of nu●a . cap. de instituti . lib. . cap. . lib. . epist . ad q● . ●ratrem . epist . . in l. . §. l. pater silium . §. lib. . acome●● the great turk . 〈◊〉 bassa , n●iler , or pare● of nailes . bustangi bassa , gardener . caput autem est in omni procuratione 〈◊〉 , & muneris publici , ut avaritiae pellatur etiam minima suspicio . nulla autem re , conciliare facilius bene . volentiam multitudinis 〈…〉 qui 〈◊〉 praesunt , quam abstinentia & contin●ntia . cicero . a cic. lib. offici . imperatores muneribus hi●ntes , hostibus s●nt perutiles . appian . de bell . hispan . cic. cato major . plutarch . in vita romuli . senatus . lib. . celeres or equites : ordo equestris . plebs , or populus . senatores minorum gentium . patres conscripti . sueton. . sueton. . corfinium . strabo , lib. . caesar . luceria . caesar besieged pompey at brundusium , the day of ●ebruary 〈◊〉 cond . . pompey's son married 〈…〉 daughter . praefectus fab●ûm . lib. . cap. . plutarch in the life of cicero . lib. . cap. . epist . ad 〈◊〉 lib. ● . epist . . 〈…〉 . . 〈…〉 . livie lib. . dec. . caesar . 〈◊〉 vallum . plutarch in 〈◊〉 of pompey . cicer. epist . ad atticum . caesar . bailiff● . plutarch in the life of pompey . europa prima & prae ●antissima mundi pars , app●●n . europa 〈◊〉 victoris omnium gentium populi , longeque terrarum pulcherrima . plin. lib. . c. . caesar . l. metellus . faelicitatis & modera●ienis divid●●● 〈◊〉 . denur●●●● pompeio pro hostibus s● habiturum qui reipub . d●fuissert ; ipse medios & neutrius partis , suorum sibi numero futuros pronunciavit . suetonius . ci●●●o . epist . ad at●icum . plutarch . lucan . appian . horus . * non nisi per nostrum vobis percussa patebant templ● latus , nullasque feres , sine s●nguine sacro , sparsa● , raptor , opes . lucan . lib. dignum ●e caes●ris ita , nu●●us h●nor faciet● idem ●odem . caesar . * by this gallias , is understood some place near to marseilles . august●● dunum vetustissima post massiliam bonarum artiu●●edes , tacit. . annal. strabo lib. . c●●que alii famae populi terrore paverent , phocais in dubiis ausa est servare juventu● non graia levitate ●idem , signataque jura , et causas , non fata sequi . — lucan . l. . horace . caesar . afranius . petreius . varro . * saitus castalonensis . * guadiana . iure pari rector , castris afranius illis , ac petreius erat — lucan . l. . * nos celtis geni●i , & ex iberis . martial . lib. . * a valiant people , descended from lacedemor ; of whom sil. ital. saith , d●mnatum vivere paci . lib. ethic. . p●ereius & afranius had men , or thereabouts caes●r . rablais saith , that the creditor wisheth all good 〈◊〉 his debt●●● . laelius . lucan . l. uni 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 mus . quicquid fieri potest , qu●si futurum cogit●mus . senec. epist . . spain-citerior , & ulterior . exterior , & interior . lib. . anno ) v. c. . livie . lib. . in libro d● mirandis auscultatioribus . caesar . pron● tum caesar olympo , in noctem subiti ●ircumdedit agmina fossa , du● primae praestant 〈◊〉 , host ●mque sfellit . luc. l. . luc. l. . lib. . cap. . caesar . et victor subducto marte pependit . lucan . lib. omnis laus virtutis in actione consistit . arist . eth. lib. . cap. . the use of running . miles in media pace decurrit , sine ullo hoste , & supervacuo labore ●aff●tur , ut sufficere necessario possit . seneca epist . . * lib. . medici leviter aegrotantes , leviter curant : gravioribus autem morbis , periculosis curationes & ancipires adhibere coguntur . cic. lib. . de officiis . iliad . . the parts of a legion . antesignani . lib. . lib. . lib. . caesar . cinga rapidus magis quam magnus . sunt quaedam in quibus non adversus hominus certamen est , sed cum ipsis rebus : quas superare perdiffi●●e est . xenoph. lib. . de inst . cyri. diligentia in omnibus rebus pl●rimum valet . bladders used by the spaniards , ●●●aimming over rivers . lib. . cap. . caesar . jam co●e● semper magnorum pr●ma malorum , saeva fames aderat : nulloque obsessus ab hoste miles ege● , toto cens● non prodigus emit exiguam c●re●em . ● luc●n . l. . * prim●m 〈◊〉 salix m●d facto 〈◊〉 parvam texitur in 〈…〉 , vectoris 〈…〉 l●●●n . l. . rutheni . s●lvuntur stavi long● statione rutheni . lucan . l. . stympha●●dae . iliad . lib. . iliad . lib. . an ill chance cometh not alone . necessit●s fortiter ●e●re docet , consu●tudo facile . s●n. de 〈◊〉 . cap. . lib. . corracles . caesar . sea-fight . caesar ▪ osca . calaguris . octogesa . ilerda . lib. . osca . victri● . lib. ● . calaguris . lib. . cap. suetonius in augusto . cohors calaguritanorum . ad euse●il c●ronicon . celtiberia . lib. ▪ lib. . c. lib. . c. . sil. ital. lib. . lib. . cap. ● caesar . three of the clock in the afternoon . vasa conclamari . hannibal per● su●eriora p●di vad● exercitum tradu●●s , elephantos in ordinem opposuit ad impetum fluminis fustinendū . livie . ac n●quid s●co●is 〈…〉 majoris aquae — lu●an . l. . in the same 〈◊〉 e●phrates was divided first by semiramis , and afterward by alexander . * herodot . 〈◊〉 herod . iust . lib. . c●p . * at ol●unt campo g●minae 〈…〉 rupes , valle 〈…〉 lucan . lib. . it● sine ullo ordine , 〈◊〉 , rap●umque ●uga conv●●●ite . bellum , et faciem pugnae , vultusquo in●●rte mi●aces . lucan . lib. ● nocturna prael●a esse vit●nda , quod perterritus miles in civili dissensione , timori magis quam religion● consulere consu●●●●it ; at ●u●em multum per se pudorem , omnium oculis 〈◊〉 . neque in victoria decue , nec in foga flagitium . tacit. hist . 〈…〉 . histor ▪ otatio . ● . philip. caesar . signes of 〈◊〉 in the enemy . et qu●mvis nullo 〈◊〉 sanguin● miles . quae 〈…〉 . lucan . lib. . hospitis ille 〈…〉 , vocat ill● pr●pinqui● admon●● hunc studi●s con●ors 〈…〉 nec romanus er●t qui n●n●gnovera hostem . lucan . lib. . 〈◊〉 e●●m tibi major i●●●vis aenuthiis fortuna f●it . &c ▪ lucan . * non minus est impe●atoris , co●si●●● superare , quam gladio . caesar . comment . . de ●el . gal. * teren●ius in funu●●● . naturae 〈…〉 : & humanitat●● legem violat , qui ultra victoriam 〈…〉 . indulget ni●●tas . 〈◊〉 , lib. . cap. . ingens victoriae 〈…〉 bellanti . tacit. in 〈◊〉 . caes●r . junctos an plexibus 〈◊〉 separat , & multo disturb●● 〈…〉 pacem , luc. 〈…〉 , quae m●do complex● f●verunt pectora 〈◊〉 luc ▪ lib. . hoc siquid●m solo civilis crimine belli dux causae 〈…〉 . luc. lib. . anno 〈◊〉 . cond . . * null●m 〈…〉 potest . lib. . lib. . cap. . lib. . o●●●c . m. popilius . lib. . cap. . lib. . histor . caesar . incidit in scyllam , cupiens vitare charybdim . c●sar . hora octava , signo d●to . tela tene jam miles , ait , serrumque ruenti subtrahe , non ullo constet mihi sanguine bellum . vincitur haud gratis jugulo qui provocat hostem . lucan . l. ▪ it is hard catching ha●es with unwilling hounds . * caeteris mortalibus in co●stant consilia quid sibi conducere putent ; principum diversa sors est , quibas praecipua rerum ad famam dirigenda . tacit. * l' universale de gli huomini si pasc● , cosi di quello che paie , come di quello che è anzi ●molte volte si muovono piu per ●e cose c●e paiono , che per quell● che sono . lib. . sop. tit. liv. cap. . omnis a●r aquilae penetrabilis . their manner of imbattelling . lib. . de militia romana . caesar . at n●nc sola mi●i est orandae causa salutis ▪ dignum donanda , caesar , 〈◊〉 credere vita . multa , quae nostra causa nunquam faceremus , facimus caus● amicorum . cicero laeli●s . qui vincuntur victam habent linguam . plut. bellum ita s●scipiatur , ut nihil aliud nisi pax quaesita videatur . cic. lib. . de offici . c●sar . varus fluvius . hoc pe●imus , victos ne tecum vincere cogas . luc. rerum ab eventu , facta notanda putes . lib. . civil . notes for div a -e c●sar . * porticu● . * agger . testudo . artillery derived from arcu● and telum . lib. . c. . lib. . hist . balistae petrariae . lib. . c. . and of mangonellum , a batterer or breaker , cometh our english word mangle . caesar ▪ messin● ▪ tholose . arles . q●od maxime volun● , id facile credunt . virgil. lib. aeneid . caesar . dio cassius nihil tam capax fortuitorum quam mare . tacit. , annal. * king of algiers in the time of soliman . caesar . discipulus prioris posterior dies . aulus gellius . c●sar . i●er●es cum infulis . vestitus , ut t●git corpus , it● de●●git animum . aeneid . * the fire and the aire . macrob. lib. saturnal . ca ▪ . * graeca side omnia 〈◊〉 . ‖ oratio pro ●lacc● . † aequalis est ut ●●rumque dignit●s , nisi prae●●ns necessitas unius conditionem nobi●● rem effi●i●t . tum enim is praeferendus , quem ●raesen●i● magis exigun● , si●●t valent : & vale●s statue●un● 〈◊〉 civilious 〈◊〉 c. de offic . vicar . ut in civilibus causis vicarii comitibus milltum anteserrentur , in militaribus negotiis comites vicariis . * en los casos raros un solo exemplo , haze experiencia , a●to . peres . macro . lib. . s●tur . cap. . quintus cur. lib. . caesar . est ita natu●a compara 〈◊〉 , ut 〈…〉 , sup●a quam di●i possi● , 〈◊〉 , si vide●nt ●●rum eventus virtuti non responde●● . paus . in messe . volu●tas ad laborem propensa , cuncta vincere & supera●e 〈◊〉 . polyaenus . iliad . . nihil tam arduum , quod animi fortitudine supera●i non possit . appi●n . de bello hispanico . vegetius . caesar . qui 〈◊〉 operam obtinebat . festus a●nienus . lib. xli . josephus a ▪ costa hath observed , that the sea hath no part above one thousand leagues from the land . hispalis . sevill . caesar . ilipa italica . iamb●●ch . cap. . cicero lib. . de officiis . ilipa italica . tarraco . aliter julia victrix . lib. . cap. . corduba . lib. . de legibus . livie . lib. : . philip. caesar . vetere panico . ultimum & durissimum telum , necessitas . omnium maxime miserabile , claudi obsidione . egesippus . in maxima fort●m , 〈◊〉 licentia est . s●lust . servare propri●m est excellentis fortunae . seneca de clement . lib. . caesar . — qua se bagrada● lentus agit siccae sulcator arenae . luc. lib. . eleganti oratione , capiunt●r auditores : 〈◊〉 enim oratio vel lapidem 〈◊〉 posset . epict ar●ian , lib. . ●●p . . * lib. . lib. . c. . lib. . c. . nimis confidens inca●tus est . ioseph lib. cap. . de bello judaico . sil. ital. seneca trag. caesar . nulla ●ides pietasque viris qui castra sequ●●ur , venalesqu● manus : ibi fas , ubi maxima me●ces . lucan . livie lib. . fides ●u●damentum societatis humanae : perfidia vero ejusdem pestis . plato , l. . de legibus . the spartanes called all cowards tresantas . * plutarch . plus in metuendo est mali , quam in illo ipso quod timetur . cic. ad torquatum . * plutarch . turbant homines , non res : sed quas de rebus hibent opiniones . epict. enchirid . caesar . tam boni quam mali eventus causae vulgo in imperatores referri solent . dio hali●ar . lib. . confilium dare , eorum quae inter homines divinissimum . omni orationi oratio aequalis opponitur . se●● . philos . varian● semper dan● otia ment●m . luc. lib. . * lib. cyrop . duces nullo loco , nisi quantum necessitas cogit , se committere fortunae debent . lib. . * ad summam rerum pertinet , cogitare magis quid agendum quam quid loquendum ; facil● 〈◊〉 , explicatis consiliis , accommod●r● rebus verba . liv. ● . caesar ▪ nemo iis ad mi●us esse potest , à quibus malum aliquod expectat . demost● . * capitis diminutione . diminutus capite appellatur , qui civitate mutatus est , aut ex samlia in aliam adoptatus : & qui liber alteri mancipio datus est : & qui in hostium potestate venit : & cui aqua ignique inte●dictum . liv. in summo . imperatore quatuor hae virtutes inesse debe●t : scientia rei militaris , virtu● , authori●as , felicitas , cicero pro leg● manilia . aulus g●ll. lib. . c. . com. . bell , gall. tom. . lib. . lib. . civil . bel . lib. . muli mariani . sobrietas , quasi sine ebrietate . h●mer . iliad . . eloquentia princi●●bus maxime ornamento est . cic. . de 〈◊〉 . lib. . famil . ●pist . caesar . loco sapientiae est , alienam stu●titiam operiti . caesar . * callicratides cum lacedae ●oniorum dux fuisset b●llo peloponnesiaco , mult●que egregi● fecisset , vertit ad extremum omnia . cleombrotus , temere cum epaminonda co●●●igens , laced aemoniorum opes ●orrueru●t . videmus ipsi quo●idie , manus inji●ientibus fatis , hebeca●i sensus hominum & obtundi . amm. marcellin . solis incredulis noxia res incredulitas . philo de vit . mos● . hebe●iores quam acutiores ut plurimum melius rempub . admi●istrant . thucydides rebus secu●dis maxime deus implorand●s . lib. . cyropaed . felicitatis & moderationis dividuum contubernium . sen. — quem blanda futuris deceptura malis , belli fortu●a rece●it . luc. lib. . imprudentium fiducia est , fortunam sibi spondere . seneca de beneficiis . incauta semper nimia praesamptio & sui negligens . eg●sip . lib. . de instit . cyri. caesar . thucyd. lib. . caesar . — ●aetis h●nc n●mine rebus ciescendi posuere modum — lucan . eodem ubi laserunt , navigia forbentur : seneca epist . . non est in b●llo bis pecca●e . plu●a●ch . nullo contectus curio busto . luc. homer . iliad . . notes for div a -e caesar . lib. . de comitiis . lib. . anno 〈◊〉 . . liv. lib. . liv. lib. . * four gallons and a half . plin. l. . cap. . * lib. . lib. . offic . nec enim 〈◊〉 vehementius rempub . conti●t quam sides . lib. . offic . in the life of julius caesar . lib. . lib. . . offic. vetus urbi foenebre malum , & seditionum discordiarumque crebe●rima causa . annal. : tull . offic . pecuniae qu●ren●●● ratio naturae consentanea omnibus est , à fructibus & animalibus . de repub . lib. . cap. . caesar . gen latinae feriae . lib. de antiquit. rom. lib. . cap. appian . lib. . caesar . iliad . . metam . iust . lib. . herodot . lib. . trebell . pol sigism . ba●in musc●● . quod fonestias quam ●xo●i●m levamentum 〈◊〉 tac. l. . annal. vix praesenti custedia manere illaesa conjugi● , ●odem . iudg. . anno . caesar . qui sapiunt , bellum absolvunt celeriter ; pace fru●ntur quam possant d●utissime . appian . leges à victoribus 〈…〉 a victis . lib. . 〈◊〉 in aeq●abi itate , mot●m in inaequalitate s●mper constit●im●s . in tim●o . caesar . timendum ne sub pacis nomine involutum bellum . cicero , 〈◊〉 . . poedus pacis . foedus commercil . foedus mutu● aux●lii . . reg. . in ve●rem . the publication of their se●ul●r pla●es was cri●d in these words ; convenice ad iudos sp●ctand●s , quos n●q●e spectavit quisquam , nec spect●tutus est . sue●on . in claudio . nolente● amicum c●pere difficile . xenoph. de factis & dict . socrat. caesar . frustra sapit , qui sibi non sapit . aeneid . ● . lib. . successum fortuna , experientiam laus sequitur . va●r● , ex gellio . salust . caesar . * rostra . omnia 〈◊〉 facilias quam 〈…〉 de mechani●is . livie lib. . plutarch . caesar . incertae sunt res bellicae . thucyd. caesar . aeneid . . homer . iliad . 〈◊〉 lib. . de bello gallico . uladislaus . audaces fortuna iuvat . virtus omnia potest . virtute faciendum est , quicquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum . plutarch . metam●● . nunquam ita quilquam bene subducta ratione ad vitam fait quin res , aetas , usus , sen 〈◊〉 aliquid 〈…〉 t●ren . 〈◊〉 multi homines , pau●i vi●i . herod . lib. . 〈◊〉 saith , that the romans 〈◊〉 the siege of ve●ente , being out of humane hope , turned their eies to fate , and the hope they had in destiny . caesar . caesar . a hill , separating syria from cilicia . columnaria osti●●● . propter aurum & argentum nunquam pacem facit ferrum . lib. . epist . . ferrum omnis artis instrumentum . aurum & atgentum mortis mancipia . epictetus . capitatio . ostiaria . columnariae . ad atticum . epist . . in the pa●pacy of sixt. quin●us . fiscus reipub . lien ; quod eo c●escente , artus reliqui tabescunt . sext. aurelius victor in parae●et . de offic. plutarch . bella sustentantu● pecuni●rum 〈◊〉 dion 〈…〉 . . ann. l. . caesar . quae libera appellabatur . * lep●nto . in macedonia , quae velint sibi candida nasci , ad halia●monem ducere ; quae ●ugra & 〈◊〉 , ad axium . caesar . caesar . * biremes . 〈◊〉 hostium discessiones semper suspectas habere . cap. . cyropaed . caesar . 〈…〉 petram . lucan . actus activorum in patientis sunt dispositione . arist . metaph. caesar . ex sub●●actis & cen . conibus . contemprares est homo , nisi supra humana se ●rexit . 〈◊〉 ratione i 〈…〉 i●● . caesar . caesar . pl●ta●ch . lib. . c. . labor militiae assidua fr●ga itatis con●●●tudine factlior est . iustin . cy●us contented with bread and water . xenophon . aequalem oportet semper esse imperatoris animum : m●tari enim pro terum varie●atibus , mentis instabilis argumentum efficitur . agap●tus . unus homo nobis cunctando restitute rem . enn. lib. . de cyropaed . there is a great part of the history in this place omitted . caesar . al●ae sunt legati par●es , atque imperatoris ●vocati . millibus ducentis aeris . prin●ipilus . solon . plat. ● . de 〈◊〉 livi● lib. . lib. . in vita cae●●is . in repub . multo praestat beneficii q●●m ma●●ficii immemorem esse : bonus , segnior ●it ubi negligas ; m●●as improbior . sal. iug●r . caesar . et mor●u spoliare nemus , lethumq●e minantes , vellere a● ignotis dubias radicibus ●erbas . si bonam dederitis , fidam & perpetu●m ; 〈…〉 diutur●●m . li● . lib. . 〈◊〉 est quod non exp●gnet pert●n●●x opera , & intenta & diligens cura . senec. lib. . epist . . plin. lib. . cap. . caesar . poenam semper an●e oculos versari putent qui peccaverunt . cic. ●n ●rat . 〈◊〉 milone . lib. . cy●op . caesar . arma alienasse grave ●rim●n est , & ●a poe●a de●ertioni ex●quatur , utique si tota alien●vit . lib. . § de re militari . vir virtute ex mi●s , aliqu●ndo fortuna , semper●a imo maximus . caesar . * e●itius . sapiens non semper it● uno gradu , 〈…〉 . herodot . 〈◊〉 omnia expensa , omnia feruntur accep●a●● & in tota ratiore mortalium , s●la utt●●que paginam facit . plin. lib. . cap. . caesar . humana●um rerum ●●●culus est , qui ro●atus semper ●osdem fortunatos esse non sinit . herodot . lib. . habet has vices conditio mortalium , ut adv●rsi ex secundis , secunda ex adversis nascantur . p●in . in paneg. herodot . lib. . l●●vento è spesso judice non imperito delle cose . guic● . lib. . caesar . the philosoph●● c●ator was wont to say , that 〈…〉 occasion of an ill 〈◊〉 ▪ is a great comfort in any 〈◊〉 of adv●●sity . pla● in c●ns . apo. 〈…〉 . prae ●orum del●cta 〈◊〉 non ac●●piunt . ve●●t . lib. . cap. . finem dolendi , qui consilio non fecerit , tempore invenit . 〈◊〉 . epist . . lib. . livie . . livie . . lib. . de bello civili . front. lib. . cap. . caesar . lib. . de milit. ro. cap. . lib. . cap. caesar . human●tum actionum fel● itas infeli 〈…〉 rerum particulis , quae multae sunt & varie . sed ex eventis judi intu● . dionys . hal. lib. . caesar . after three of the clock in the afternoon . lib. . obsidio ejus urbis quam cito capere velis , & utgenda & premenda . lib. . de instit . cyri. bello lex acquirendi justissima . dionys . 〈◊〉 . in exper . legat . polyb. lib. caesar . comineus . in orat . pro pla●●o . virtus felicitatis mensura , non fo●tuna . dio. h●licarn . lib. . caesar . prima egregiorum ducum sapientia victoriam si●e periculo comparare . polyae . lib. stratag . lib. . lib. . excid . . offic. 〈◊〉 in manibus vestris quantus sit caesar habetis . lucan . lib. . lib. . cap. singulas cohortes detraxit . lib. . cap. . caesar . plutarch . lucan . lib. . homer . iliad . . lib. . cap. . lib. . lib. . cap. . in the life of pompey . florus . lib. . infelix ▪ quanta dominum virtute para●●● caesar . utilis & tuta res dilato . dionys . halicar . lib. . non commitruntur reg●●is trire●es , aut loca , aut legiones , aut arces ; sed verba & tempora . demost . de falsa legatione . . labor in n●gotio , . fortitudo in periculo , . indu●tria in agendo , . celeritas in consiciendo , were caesars properties . caesar . interd●● majores copiae sternuntur à minoribus . 〈…〉 lib. . lib. . caesar . pompeius trogus . lib. . lib. . caesar . pomp●ius 〈…〉 esse non po●et , risi beneficio servitutis . . de 〈◊〉 , . polit. nil nimium cupito , was writ in golden letters at delphos . justum bellum esse iis , quibus nisi in armis spes nulla est . machiav . nusquana g●ntium r●peritur , qui possit penibus approbart . mors omnium par est per quae venit diversi sunt , id in quod defini●unam est . epist . homines sicut pomi , a●t matura cadu●t aut 〈◊〉 . plut. in vi●a rompeii . mors naturae lex est . mors tribu●um officiumque mortalium . sene●● natural . quaest . ● . fabius dictus maximus , scipio magnus . polyaenus , lib. . epist . . this tha●● f●lloweth , seemeth of another stile . the prie●ts of egypt said , that whensoever the axe and the bundle of rods came into alexandria , the power of their kings should presently ▪ case : according as it was written in a columne of gold , at memphis . lib. . ep. . lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . notes for div a -e a file . the leader . battallion . a rank or front. sidemen . the number of souldiers in a battallion un●●rtain . the length . breadth o● depth . dignities in places to be observed . the first rank . the bringers up or tergiductores or ▪ last rank . the second and ninth ranks . the fifth and sixth ranks . files . the right-hand file . the left-hand file . distances between files and ranks . open order . order . close orde● , pouldron to pouldron . the manner of c●arging with five ranks . stand in front . in arrectostate . faces to the right or left hand . declinate in hastam vel in scutum . faces about to the right or left hand duplicat● declinatio or mutatio . wheel to the right or left hand . conversio in hastam vel scutum . as you were . revolutio . reversio . wheel about . inflexio militum . reflex●o . files . from the rere 〈◊〉 . ●volutio macedonica from the front through . laconica evolutio . from the front and stand . cho●ica evolutio . countermarching of ranks . the doubling of files to the right or left hand . by men . duplicare altitudinem . by ground . doubling of ranks by inserting , or adding new troups . duplicare longitudinem . silence to be kept . in a champain . in streights or narrow passages . how to 〈◊〉 a division for such a ma●ch . to reduce them 〈◊〉 in into the●r first front . the manner of cha●ging pikes with pikes . five ranks onely . by the whole depth . to charge with musketiers . there must not be too many in a rank . in the retreat . the manner of charging by ●iles in narrow passages . in the pases of ireland . by signes . by drum or trumpet . by word of mouth . the most usual ▪ directing terms in exercising a ba●●allion or division . a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse minister of gods vvord at shaston, in summerset-shiere to a friend in london, august . . prowse, anthony, b. or . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse minister of gods vvord at shaston, in summerset-shiere to a friend in london, august . . prowse, anthony, b. or . sheet ([ ] p.) printed for e.p., london : [ ] publication date from wing. respecting military operations in somerset-shire. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military maneuvers -- great britain -- early works to . somerset (england) -- history -- early works to . great britain -- history -- civil war, - -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse, minister of gods vvord at shaston, in summerset-shiere to a friend in london, august . . prowse, anthony c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent from mr. anthony provvse , minister of gods vvord at shaston , in summerset-shiere to a friend in london , august . . sir , i have often receiv'd newes from you i doe now exchange , the newes is past with us , this weeke you have heard i beleeve how marquesse hartford came this weeke to summerset for the array , it began on munday last at vvells , the place of the rendevous , there came . troopers bravely horst from the lord pawlet , lord digby , lord cottington , sir john strell , sir r●lph hopton , and other knights and gentlemen in that county , and others for that service , and at the first tooke away all the ammunition that the troopes brought with them . on thursday last the troopers rangeing from place to place , to bring in all companies that might assemble to annoy them , meet with . souldiers comming from bridgewaters side with colonell pine , the parliement man , and were surprised by lunsford , who by an ambush slew two of the company , hurt . more , and routed that company , and tooke their armes , and the captaine preston tooke quarter , and was brought to wells ; but this friday there are above . well appointed men assembled on mendipp for king and parliament , and have taken the hill adjoyning to wells , where they have planted their cannons , and have the towne at command , and there are . more speedy to come , and comming from all parts of sommersetshiere : glouc. wilts , devon . and wales , insomuch that the marquesse with all his royallists the chiefe of those parts are now in feares , and this day are endeavouring to get away , and wee all beleeve they will steale away in the night , for they are threatned to be brought to the parliament , what i write you i have from sure hands , who were present at this . if you meete sir vvalter earle suddenly , i pray you acquaint him with what i write dated shaston . august . a. prowse . london , printed for e. p. a proclamation, indemnifying deserters, who shall return to their majesties service. scotland. privy council. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). b wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proclamation, indemnifying deserters, who shall return to their majesties service. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign ( - : william and mary) sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : . caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the fifth day of aprile. and of our reign the fourth year . signed: gilb. eliot, cls sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -- legal status, laws, etc. -- scotland -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , indemnifying deserters , who shall return to their majesties service . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith : to macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting . forasmuch as , we understand that a great many souldiers of the forces presently under our pay , and in our service within this our antient kingdom and abroad , have deserted their colours , and do skulk and hide themselves in obscure places , being afraid to return to our service , out of dread of that justly deserved punishment due to deserters , by the severity of military laws : for remeid whereof , and that all souldiers who have deserted as said is , may be inexcusable and receive chat condign punishment due to deserters by the military laws , in case they shall not give punctual obedience to this present proclamation . therefore , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby peremptorily require and command , all souldiers within this our antient kingdom , who have been in our service , and under our pay , in any of the regiments , troops , or companies now in our service , within this our antient kingdom , or forth thereof , ( who have not left the same upon a pass granted to them , by their captain or other superior officer , ) to return to our service , and present themselves to the commander in chief , or any commissionat officer of our forces within our said kingdom . and we with ad ice foresaid , pardon and indemnifie them and every one of them , who shall return and present themselves in manner foresaid , within two moneths after the date hereof , certifying all such who shall not return and accept , and take the benefit of this our gracious indemnity within the space foresaid , they shall be treated as deserters , when , and wherever they shall be seised on without mercy . and we with advice foresaid , require and command all magistrats and ministers of the law within this realm , to concur with , and be assisting to the officers of our forces , and such as shall be imployed by them , in seising and securing the persons of all such deserters ( in manner specified in the former proclamations , ) as shall not accept of the benefit of this indemnity , within the space above-written . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the whole head-burghs within this kingdom , and there by open proclamation , make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the fifth day of aprile . and of our reign the fourth year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplementum signeti . gilb . eliot , cls sti. concilii . god save king william and queen mary , edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , . a treatise of the art of war dedicated to the kings most excellent majesty / and written by the right honourable roger, earl of orrery. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a treatise of the art of war dedicated to the kings most excellent majesty / and written by the right honourable roger, earl of orrery. orrery, roger boyle, earl of, - . [ ], p., folded leaves of plates : ill., port. printed by t.n. for henry herringman ..., in the savoy : . first ed. cf. nuc pre- . errata: p. [ ]. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈◊〉 ii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a. d●… blois . sculp . a treatise of the art of war : dedicated to the kings most excellent majesty . and written by the right honourable roger earl of orrery . in the savoy : printed by t. n. for henry herringman at the anchor in the lower walk of the new exchange . m. dc . lxxvii . to the king : sir , the ultimate and onely legitimate end of war is , or at least ought to be , among christians , the obtaining of a good and lasting peace . and the sole right in your majesties dominions , of making war and peace , being one undoubted prerogative of your imperial crown , i believ'd a treatise of the art of war , written by one who has the happiness to be born your subject ; ought , sir , to be dedicated onely to you ; yet i durst not presume to do it , before i had most humbly beg'd and obtain'd your majesties leave , to lay it at your feet . i have , sir , in the short introduction to this treatise , lamented that none of our english generals , whom i know of , ( except the noble sir francis vere ) hath left to posterity , his own observations in war : when not onely , no nation ( as i believe ) hath excell'd them in military conduct , in success , and in valor ; but also when they had the illustrious examples of divers great captains , inviting them to do it , who , in many ages past , and possibly in all succeeding ones , will be at least as much esteemed and celebrated for their commentaries , as for their victories ; since all who more desire to merit the title of commanders , than only to bear the name , will more instructively read the commentaries or memorials of one famous general , written by himself ; than all the relations of battels , victories , and conquests , written by the ordinary historians : for they tell us chiefly but the events of wars , rarely the true methods , the arts , and the industries , by which they have been managed ; when the knowledge of these , is exceedingly more useful , than the knowledge of those . i therefore most heartily wish , that the present age , and the future , may owe to your majesty the preserving them henceforth from the like unhappiness , by your expresly ordering all such us hereafter shall have the honor to command your fleets or armies , to present you constantly in writing , and under their hands , a particular account of all their most important actings , of their observations in the war , and the motives which induced them at any time to do as they did . such memorials , in my humble opinion , would be of eminent advantage , to all those of the present times , to whom your majesty would vouchsafe to communicate them ; and to all those which in the future should enjoy the benefit of perusing them . it would more than probably , make all your majesties chief commanders the more circumspect in forming their final results , when they should know , that so great and exact a iudge of reason , as your majesty is , would still examine and weigh the validity of them . for though it is too usually said by some , and believed by others , that success does cover all the faults and errors in war ▪ yet doubtless the wiser portion of mankind , had much rather owe their victories to their good conduct , than to ( what is termed , by the world ) their good fortune ; nay , had rather be less successful , by stedily pursuing the dictates of right reason , than be more victorious , by declining them at any time ; since wise councels are still within the power of wise men ; but success is not . and if i might presume to acquaint your majesty , with my humble belief on this subject , i durst say , that no profession in the world , is more built on true reason , and sound iudgment , than the military is ; for both those are essentially requisite , to generals , and the chief officers under them . as some manifestation of this truth , i shall particularize but one instance , and that shall be in battels ; which are the most glorious , and commonly the most important acts of war ; wherein usually the moments to obtain the victory are so few , that while an unconsummated reasoning is considering , the opportunity of acquiring it , is vanished . so that even the romans themselves ; who were so jealous of what they call'd their liberty , as though they dreaded to intrust the supreme power in one , yet they were never under exigencies indeed , but they chose a dictator ; as is evident in the cases of quintus cincinnatus , furius camillus , fabius maximus , and divers others ; necessity making them practice , what reason could not induce them to confess . nor did the grecians owe their famous victory at marathon , to their having ten generals ; but to their generals having that reason , which the state of athens wanted ; the placing of the absolute power in miltiades . all which seems , sir , to evidence , that the management of war is practically acknowledged to be best placed in one , if that one is blest with the highest humane prerogative of well-reasoning ; and therefore illustrates , that a good general ought to have a perfect and clear understanding , else he will be too apt to imitate what others have done , merely because they did it . nor have i ever known or read of any famous captain , who was not also a person of strong iudgment , and blest with great presence of mind , on all emergencies . yet we too often see , and i wish we may never feel , the fatal effects of it ; that in war , as in most other things , though of the nearest and highest concernment to us , we take upon trust , and with an implicite belief , whatever we are taught by those , under whom we learn our first rudiments . whereas if we would undergo the duty , ( i had almost said enjoy the delight ) solidly to examine the true reason of things , and then only embrace and practise what after such inquiry , we were convinced was the very best ; we should be less magisterially imposed upon by others , and be more satisfied in what we our selves undertook . i think , sir , no rational and considering man was ever convinced , merely by anothers saying , the imperialists or the french , or any other nation , do thus , and thus , in the wars , unless withall he is acquainted and satisfied , with the reasons why they do it ; for reason , not custom singly , is what considering men will only follow , and the chearfullest attempts are animated from first convincing of the iudgment . i know , sir , the art of war has been in many ages , alter'd , cultivated , and heighten'd ; yet no monarch , state , or general , though never so absolute , did ever make any considerable alterations in the military methods of his countrey , but reason was produced , or at least pretended , to authorize them. whatever conduces most to bring all things to be weighed in that ballance , is what i would promote ; i have , sir , much reverence for old customs , but much more for reason ; so that had i had the misfortune to have been born and educated in spain , yet i am confident i should not now have been for arming the cavalry with lances , or for charging the ordnance , in a sea-fight , over-deck . if reason will not make men change irrational customs , losses will ; which are the usual converters of all those , on whom ratiocination at first does not operate . i have designed this whole treatise shall consist of two tomes , partly because it will be too voluminous in one , but chiefly to know if the first may have the honor and happiness , to be acceptable to your majesty ; since the onely rule i have set up to my self , of liking or disliking any thing i do , is , as your majesty shall approve or disapprove it . i have prepared the chief materials for the remaining tome , in which is to be contained the greatest , the most useful , and the most intricate parts of the art of war. if this now publish'd shall be blest with your majesties favor , i shall have therein the highest encouragement , to proceed ; but if it is not , i shall have more reason to apologize for having written so much , than to do it for writing no more . i was not induced to undertake this vvork , at the importunity of many friends ; nor by the flattery of divers others , who endeavor'd to persuade me it might be of some use to your majesties subjects ; nor yet to evidence , ( when your majesty had as much above my desert , as expectation , rais'd me by your letters patents , to be the major general of your majesties army in ireland , ) i had not intirely neglected to study the duties and knowledge of the military art , ( though possibly this last might have been no unpardonable design ) but the chief ends which induced me to compose this treatise , were two : the first was , that to perform the vvork well , was highly desirable ; and i would provoke others to do , what , i acknowledge , i am only able to attempt . the second was , that as from the first time i had the blessing to know your majesty , and the high honor to be employ'd by you , ( which having been both at one and the same time , i might be proud of it with more reason , than i could be condemn'd for being so ) i paid my healthful time to your service ; so now i would humbly endeavor to evidence to your majesty , and to all others , that i dedicate my sickly time to the same duty , whereby all the parts of my life , will appear devoted to your service , which cannot be more the debt , than to discharge it acceptably , is and will be , to the last moment of my life , the utmost endeavor , and the highest satisfaction of , may it please your most sacred majesty ; your majesties most humble , most obedient , and most intirely devoted subject and servant , orrery . the titles of the several chapters , with the pages where they begin and end. the choice and educating of the soldiery begins page ends page the arming of the soldiery the disciplining of the soldiery the ordering of garisons the marching of an army the camping of an army within a li●… or 〈◊〉 the chapter of battels ●… ●… licensed , novemb. . . roger l'estrange errata . page . line . for peaceable , read peaceably . page . line the last save one , for embrain●…g , read embracing . page . line . for made , read makes . page . line . for all , read ill . page . line . & . for iavelet , read iavelin . page . line . for fo , read for . ibid. line . for iüry , read iury. ibid. line . for of theire , read other . page . line the last , for then to , read and not . page . line . blot out of . ibid. line . add of after day . page . line . for will , read would . ibid. line . for front , read fight . page . line . after day , add of . page . line . blot out made . page . line . for he , read him . page . line . for division , read divisions . page . line . for do , read does . page . line the last , blot out as , after prove . page . line . for they , read their . page . line . & . for parrepett , read parrapets . page . line . for would , read will. page . line . after it , read is . page . line . for on , read in . pag . line . for their , read the. page . line . for open , read open'd . page . line . for ot , read on . page . line . for surprised , read surprisal . ibid. line . for parropett , read parrapett . page . line . for is , read are . page . line . after discover , point it with a semicolon ; page . line . after not , read so . page . line . & . for expediti●… , read expedition●…y . page . line . after another , blot out for . page . line . for a●… , read and. ibid. line . for dersues , read derives . page line . for retrenchments , read intrenchments . page . line . for breadth , read length . page . line . for , read . page . line last , for , read . page . line . for as , read are . page . line . for sett , read sell. page . line . for favour'd , read indulged . page . line . for on , read in . page . line . for continents , read continent . page . line . for ottomen , read ottoman . page . line . for or , read or . page . line . for francis the first , read charles the ninth . page . line . for iüry , read iury. page . line . for that , read the. page . line . & . for hostatii , read hastati . ibid. line . & . for principi , read principes . page . line . for easie , read easier . ibid. line . after in , add a. page . line . for if , read of . page . line the last save 〈◊〉 . for economies , read oeconomies . page . line . for , read . page . line . for lines , read line . ibid. line . for squadron , read squadrons . page . line . for faces , read paces . page . line . after may be , read thereby . page . line . for follow , read following . page . line the last , for estimable , read esteemable . a treatise of the art of war . though no one nation in the world , hath acquir'd more glory by arms , than the english hath done ; yet i never saw , or indeed so much as credibly heard of , an entire treatise of the art of war , written in our language . whether those who were ablest to compose it , esteem'd it unadvisable to have the secrets of that fatal , but necessary art , prostituted as it were , by being made common to all : or whether they did present what they writ , to their kings onely ; who , if martially inclined , kept them as secrets , unfit to be communicated ; or if peaceable , neglected , and buried them in crowds of other useless writings : or whether in those former warlike dayes , that needsul science was so universally known by great commanders , that every one in particular , esteemed it needless to write an express treatise , of what was known to all in general ; or whether that great profession by daily experiments , did so improve , and heighten , as what in one war , was worthy to be known ; in the next war was so much better cultivated , and refin'd , as render'd it as impossible to set down standing rules , and maxims , for making war , as to take the utmost height of one , who is still growing : or whether the great commanders of those ages , differ'd in opinion , as to the methods , and principles of war , and therefore would write no set treatise on that subject , lest thereby they should raise a war of the pen. but from whatsoever cause or causes it proceeded , ( which is above my skill to determine ) yet doubtless their silence therein , is to be lamented . for we are thereby depriv'd of the experience of our ancestors , for many ages ; and experience is not only the greatest , but the truest teacher ; even as much as the practice , surpasseth the bare theory . it is very worthy of observation , though the present way of fighting , and of arming our soldiery , be very different from what was practis'd by the greeks , and romans , who were in their times , the great masters of the military art ; yet the famousest captains of the latter , and the present age , take the ancients , but especially iulius caesar , for their example , in all the noblest and best principles of war , whose commentaries are not enough to be extoll'd , both for the modesty , and policy of them . and 't is to the experience of those famous nations , that we owe most of that discipline , which now , on our own tryals , we have judged worthiest to be observed and imitated . for though the use of all fire-arms , and of cannon , were intirely unknown to them , which has much alter'd the manner of making war : and though they fought with their files exceeding deep , which we with much reason have alter'd ; yet as to the main , we owe to them most of our knowledge : and the difference seems little more , than between old-fashion'd plate , hammer'd into new ; where though the form is chang'd , yet the substance remains . when i mention an intire treatise of the art of war , i intend thereby , the method of choosing , of the soldiery . arming , educating , and disciplining , the well ordering of garisons , wayes of marching an army . how to camp within a line , or without any , quarter in villages , attack or defend quarters , give battel , or to avoid it . besiege , approach , assault , and by breach , of cannon , or mine , to carry , or defend towns and fortresses , with all the appendages which belong to those several branches of the military art. which generals , include many important particulars , worthy the knowledge of every one , who takes upon himself the profession of a soldier . for though the name of a soldier is common ; yet it is rare , to find the thing itself . i have therefore , by way of essay , thought fit to set down what i have learnt by reading , by discourse , and by my own experience ; having had the honour and misfortune to have been an officer and commander for above four and thirty years ; much of which time i did not act by the example of others , but by weighing the reasons by which others did , or pretended to act ; embraincg what on examination i found rational , and rejecting what others did , only because they were taught it . for reason ought to be prefer'd before customs , which are not founded on it ; ever submitting my opinions to all such , who oppose them by stronger arguments than those i have built mine upon ; for i much more desire to follow what is the best , than that others should follow me , if my maxims are not such . whatever else this essay may produce , yet i hope this one good may be caused by it , even that of inviting some abler person to undertake the work ; whereby if mine should not prove advantageous , yet it may produce what will be so ; and effect that by another , which it wanted strength to perform of itself . of the choice and educating of the soldiery . we are not so careful either in the education of our youth for the war , or in the choice of men to be soldiers , as the ancients were . the greeks had publick masters or teachers , not only to instruct their youth in the use of arms , but also publick schools for that end : the teachers they called tactici , the schools gymnasia ; and it was even a reproach and ignominy to any , who had not learnt to handle his arms , in those gymnasia's erected and endowed for that end. nay , some have with reason believed , that while their youth were training up in those schools , they were fed , and lodged , as if they had been actually on duty in the field ; which doubtless was a method worthy of praise , and imitation : for thereby not only in an instant they were able to form an army of a soldiery expert in the use of their arms , but also to have it consist of men accustomed to the dyet and incommodities of war : for without the latter , the former would have been of little and short benefit ; since to know how to use arms , and not to have bodies inured to hardships , would have been very little significant , if not destructive . but we , when we raise men , compose our soldiery of volunteers , and prest men , both generally unexpert in the use of arms , and unaccustomed to the hardships of war ; whereby , if suddenly after their being listed , they should be led on service , they would be expos'd to defeats , and the countries they are to defend , to ruine . his majesty that now reigns , has done more towards the redress of this great evil , than all his predecessors , having , by act of parliament , setled the militia in the cities , and countries , whereby many are instructed in the use of their arms : but this yet is far short of what the greeks did practise ; for our trained bands , especially in the countries , rarely meet to exercise , and then return at night , where they feed well , and lie warm : whereas the greeks had schools constantly to teach their youth , to fit them for war , before they were called to it ; and were also accustomed to the fare and lodgings of soldiers , the last of which our trained bands are too much strangers unto . besides , to be taught to handle arms , and to endure hardship during youth , makes men more dext'rous in the former , and more robust as to the latter , than middle-aged men can be , who at those years , do but begin to learn. to which i must add , that our volunteers generally ( except such young gentlemen as honour , desire of knowledge , and hope of preferment call to the war ) consist of such , as go to it , because they have not wherewithall to subsist in peace ; and indeed are but too frequently debauched , idle persons , who having lived in excess and laziness , are the less capable to undergo the life of soldiers . and as to those which are prest , they have still a hankering to return , are commonly grumbling that they have been prest ; and not minding to become soldiers , are not studious to learn a profession , which they never intend to practise . the turks , who possess the empire of greece , in imitation perhaps of the grecians gymnasia's , erected in constantinople , in the time of amurath the first , their colledge of ianizaries , composed of the strongest and activest tribute children of the christians ; whom they sent first into asia , and distributed amongst the turkish husbandmen there , to teach them the language , and to inure their bodies to toyle and hardship ; then they were brought to their colledge at constantinople , where those youths were taught the exercise of arms , and continued in hardships , whereby they became the pillar of that warlike monarchy . for though they have several other orders of soldiery , as the asapi , timariots , spahi's , &c. yet the ianizaries are the soul of their armies , and the guards of their sultans ; for from their childhood they are chosen , and bred up to all the functions and difficulties of war , which made them so expert and considerable : and though during the reigns of the last sultans , they have been very mutinous , and have by their insurrections often hazarded that monarchy , as appears by their having murthered sultan achmat , deposed mustapha , set up morat in the throne , and pretorian like , have cast down , and set up their emperors as they pleased ; yet this proceeded not from their institution , but from the corruptions of it : for while their sultans lead them to the wars , none were more daring against an enemy , nor more obedient to discipline , than they : but from the death of selymus the second , since when , their emperors as it were began to mew themselves up in their seraglio●…s , and that the ianizaries ( that is the main body of them , for still parties of them were in their armies ) were thereby setled inhabitants of constantinople , they became effeminate , lazy , and consequently mutinous ; for they not only addicted themselves to trade , but also to wine , and lastly to marry ; which were against the rules of their primary institution , and probably they may be thereby , the cause of the subversion of that empire , as they were of the growth of it , while they were kept to their first discipline and institutions . the mamelukes too , which were so long masters of syria and egypt , were like the ianizaries train'd up from their youth to arms , and hardship . and though their empire were sorely shaken by the great tamerlane , and finally subverted by selymus the second , yet they were ruin'd only by numbers , not by courage ; for neither of those great conquerors could have selected out of their vast armies , a body of men no more numerous than the mamelukes , which could have vanquish'd them ; so great is the strength which is built on armies trained up from their youth to wars , and after kept under a strict military discipline . by these gymnasia's it was , that the greeks had such excellent forces , that though they had but little territories , and those cantonized , and often divided by interests , and jealousies ; yet they long defended their liberty against the persians , and others , who were exceedingly their superiors in all things , but true military discipline , which clearly evidences the excellency and virtue of it . but yet by reason the province of greece ( if i may so call it ) consisted of so many little sovereignties , and republicks , they were indeed but only fit to defend themselves , not to increase their dominions ; which they never did considerably , till by art , and force , first by philip , then by his son alexander the great , they were in a measure incorporated ; and then the world saw how a handful of greeks , did by their discipline , conquer most of asia , and in a short time , subverted that mighty persian empire , more likely to have given the law to europe , than to have received it , from so small a part and people of it . i do not find that the romans had such publick teachers , and schools , to fit their youth for arms , as the greeks had . but yet they were exceeding curious in the choice of their soldiers , some instances whereof i shall enumerate . romulus the first founder of rome , when the city began to be populous , divided the whole people of it , into military orders ; every embodied number of them , consisted at first of three thousand foot , and three hundred horse , which they called legion ; that is , chosen . and after the conjunction of the sabins with the romans , the legions were doubled , and consisted of six thousand chosen foot , and six hundred horse ; but since then , the numbers of a legion have often varied , and been less . tullus hostilius the third roman king , divided the roman people into five distinct classes or tribes ; the richest were obliged to arm , and mount themselves , and wholly compos'd their cavalry ; the three next remaining classes , serv'd for their infantry ; the fifth class , as consisting of the poorer , and ancienter people , were exempt from war , and were left at home to get children , and follow manufacture and husbandry ; their infantry , according to their abilities , and ages , were distinguish'd thus , into velites , hastati , principes , and triarii , who were all armed according as by the institution of their several orders , had been at first established . all these tribes being rendezvous'd without arms , the tribunes compos'd the velites of such as were the very youngest , and poorest of the said three tribes ; the hastati were compos'd of the better sort of the poorest , and youngest ; the principes were compos'd of the most vigorous , and active remaining ; and the triarii , of the gravest and elder sort of the said tribes . but in effect i find that the roman infantry only consisted of three distinct bodies , viz. the hastati , principes , and triarii ; for the velites rarely , if ever , were a distinct body ; but both in the embattellings and camp●…ngs , ( as shall be hereafter more particularly set down ) they were mixt with the other three . it is true , some ancient authors mention other classes of the roman infantry , as tironi rorarii , and accensi , which i take to be all a younger sort of soldiery , onely employ'd ( as most commonly the velites were ) in loose parties , to use missil weapons , and gaul an enemy ; but were never a body that fought in formed battalions , or with a firm foot . after the expulsion of the tarquins , and in them of the roman kings , they chose annually two consuls , which consuls chose the four and twenty military tribunes , which were in each consular army ; but afterwards the people themselves would often choose them ; all the four first classes of the people , but such as were in the field , were annually called by the consuls to the capitol , or else to the field of mars ; and whoever fail'd to appear , was rigorously punish'd . the romans obliged none to be soldiers but from the age of seventeen , to the age of five and forty ; and to encourage all their people to turn soldiers , none could be admitted to any civil magistracy in rome , that had not serv'd ten years compleat in the wars ; nor any under the age of twenty seven years , was capable of a civil office : and every one was obliged ( of the twenty eight years during which he was tyed to the wars if the state required it ) actually to have served fifteen years ; so that when they came to the age of forty five years , and had served fifteen years thereof in war , they were no longer obliged to bear arms , unless it were for the guarding and defence of the city , and then were usually called emeriti . it was also a standing rule among them , that none could attain to the dignity of one of the four and twenty military tribunes , that had not actually served at least five years in the wars ; and this favour also , was only extended to the first fourteen of them who were chosen out of the four and twenty ; and for the remaining ten , none could be elected , that had not served eleven years in the infantry , or fifteen years in the cavalry ; which proves how much more the romans esteem'd the foot-service , than the horse . four legions alwayes compos'd a consular army , and commonly they had two such armies annually ; this was the primitive institution . and though through the exigency of their affairs , they had often more than eight legions at once entertained , yet the rest were distributed to , and commanded by their pretors , proconsuls , and other chiefs . when hannibal was in italy , they had at once twenty three legions on foot ; and iulius caesar had ten legions at once in the wars against the gaules : but this was when the vigor of the laws declined , or the very being of their commonwealth was at stake . of the four legions which compos'd a consular army , two of them were alwayes of the allies , and they were chosen just as those in rome had been ; only the allies , as the need required , were bound to send the double number of horse ; because their countries being much larger than the city territories , were abler to furnish the army with horse . before they proceeded to the election of soldiers , they divided the four and twenty military tribunes , to the four legions , in this manner : of the fourteen youngest tribunes , they appointed four of them to the first legion ; three , to the second ; four , to the third ; and three , to the fourth : and of the ten ancientest tribunes , they appointed two , for the first legion ; three , for the second ; two , for the third ; and three , for the fourth : by which , every legion had six military tribunes , and in every legion the younger , and elder tribunes were dispersed . the four and twenty tribunes thus chosen and appointed , they drew the tribes by lots ; out of the first ; they chose four soldiers of the equallest goodness they could ; out of which four , the six tribunes of the first legion chose one , the six tribunes of the second legion chose one , the six tribunes of the third legion one , and the six tribunes of the fourth legion had the remaining one . after this , they chose other four soldiers as equally good as they could , out of the first tribe ; and then the tribunes of the second legion , chose one first ; the tribunes of the third , chose next ; the fourth , next ; and the first , had the one soldier remaining : and thus they did alternatively , till the legions were composed out of all the tribes , so that the first legion had no advantage in the choice of its soldiers over the other three ; but though this was a tedious way of choosing , yet it was a very impartial one , and proves they stuck at no trouble , when it was to do equally to all . after the foot soldiers were chosen , the censors chose the cavalry . the choice of the private soldiers being thus made , the tribunes of every legion made every soldier , one by one , swear to obey , and do all that should be commanded him by his superiors ; which was perform'd , by every mans raising his right hand , and holding the thumb of it upright . the tribunes then divided every order of the soldiers into centuries , and cohorts ; out of every one of which , they made two elections , each of ten men ; the first election as the most honourable , assisted at general councils of war , and were in effect what the captains are in our times ; those of the second , were in the nature of lieutenants ; and though those of both the said elections , were called centurions , yet the former were called , first centurions , those of the last , second centurions . after this , the said centurions chose their vexillarii , who were in the nature of the ensigns of our times , but there were two of them to every cohort . then they made choice of twenty tergiductors , who were those that ordered the rear of the cohorts , whereby they had to every cohort , two chiefs in the head , and two in the rear , besides their vexillarii . a roman legion was usually divided into five orders ; the infantry made four , viz. the velites , hastati , principes , and triari , the cavalry one ; every one of these four orders of foot were divided into ten companies , those of the infantry were called centuries , cohorts , or manniples , those of the cavalry turmae . every one of the three first orders of the infantry consisted of twelve hundred soldiers , which were divided into ten companies , every one of which consisted of one hundred and twenty soldiers . the fourth order , that of the triari consisted but of six hundred soldiers , which made ten companies , each of sixty soldiers . the horse of a roman legion were but three hundred , which made ten troops , each of thirty , so that usually a roman legion consisted of four thousand two hundred foot , and three hundred horse , divided into forty companies , and ten troops . they have , as i said before , often varied in their number , but this has most usually been the quantity of soldiers , foot , and horse , which composed a roman legion . the military tribunes , commanded their legions by turns , two at a time , for two months together , and so alternately it went round . there is great variety of opinions amongst ancient authors about the names of centuries , cohorts , and manniples . but 't is thought they were but several appellations of the same thing , though in some places of titus livie , one may find a distinction from the cohorts to the centuries , and from the centuries to the manniples ; which many think did proceed from the legions being sometimes increased to six thousand , nay to seven thousand men , and therefore such subdivisions have been made . we are left much in the dark , as to the choice of the soldiery amongst the greeks , whether it be by reason that the times in which they were most famous , be remote ; or that the language is not so generally understood as the latin ; or that the romans having conquer'd them , supprest all traces of their methods therein ; yet their gymnasia's , and their tactici , evidence enough they were sufficiently careful in that important particular ; for none can expect to have a good orchard , who has his trees out of a bad nursery . t is worthy observation , that we seldom or never read , that the greeks , or the romans , prest soldiers for the wars , which is a thing so frequent in most countries , in our times , and possibly most in england , of any kingdom ; i cannot fancy that this does intirely proceed from their being more martially inclined than the english were , and are ; who ( without flattery to my countreymen ) i think are as little apt to fear , as much daring in danger , and as ambitious of honour , as either the greeks or romans were , when they flourished most . nay , i durst hold all i am worth , ( were the wager lawful ) that if a thousand men which have never us'd arms , ( or a greater or lesser number ) were taken from the plow , or from any mechanical employment , out of any country in the world , and the like number of english , both newly arm'd , equally officer'd , and were immediately to fight , that the english would be victorious ; which i attribute chiefly to three things : the first is , to those noble principles of freedom , under which , by our monarchs laws , they are born and bred up . secondly , to their substantial diet , than which , none of the common sort of people in the world have so good . thirdly , to the exercises they use on holy-dayes , and at wakes , and fairs , especially their wrestling , which makes them strong , and active . i mention not a fourth , which the noble sir walter rawleigh takes cognizance of , that we have a midling sort of people , viz. the yeoman , and his children , which are not so low as the peasant , nor so high as the lesser sort of gentry ; and are in effect an order of men , which generally have compos'd our better sort of foot soldiers , and which few parts of the world besides england are acquainted with ; i say i mention not these , because i limit what i speak of , only to the plowmen , and those of handicrafts , which usually are below the rank of the yeomen , and their sons . and if our commonest sort be such , what may not ( in a degree of proportion ) be infer'd , and believ'd , as to our yeomanry , our gentry , and nobility ? to which i shall only add , that i very seldom saw the english soldiers flinch , if their officers were good ; nor did i ever see english men when routed , if they flung not away , or lost their arms , but they would rally again , and again , and fight as heartily as ever ; which can hardly with truth be said of many other nations , if of any ; this last particular , was observed by that great captain sir francis vere , at the battel of newport ; where the english , under his conduct , by the appointment of the prince of orange , did endure the heat of that dayes action , and , under god , chiefly obtained the victory for the states of the united provinces ; but to purchase it , were often disorder'd , and routed : yet sir francis vere would still ask , had they lost , or flung away their arms ? and being answer'd , no : he said , then i 'll warrant you , i 'll make them fight again ; and did so , so often , till the spanish army was intirely defeated . i beg the readers pardon , if the affection i have for the truth , and for the honour of my countreymen , has led me into this short digression ; out of which i will hasten , to consider , since the romans , and greeks , were no more warlike than we , and yet prest not their people to the war , why we press ours ; some of the reasons seem to me to be these . first , the romans needed not to press , because by their laws , all from seventeen , to forty five years of age , were to be inlisted ; so that in effect , war was , as it were , their vocation . secondly , none was capable of civil employment in their commonwealth , that had not served ten years in their armies ; nor any capable to be of the first fourteen military tribunes , that had not five years served in the field ; nor of the last ten military tribunes , that had not served eleven years in the foot-service , or fifteen years in the horse-service ; which were incentives that more prest their peoples minds , than our press-masters do the bodies . thirdly , since war was the onely ladder by which their people could climb to civil authority , or military power , they needed not pressing . fourthly , the art of exactly fortifying places , was little known , and less practised in those times , whereby national quarrels were decided by battel , and one gain'd , did usually , as the consequence thereof , carry an intire province or kingdom ; in the over-running of which , their soldiery got ten times more than their pay , by the pillage ; which has not only often enriched the conquerors , but their posterities also ; besides , being brought up from their childhood to arms , and but alas , how few of them are for soldiers . but were all of them for that use , yet the plaister would be much too narrow for the sore ; and would be rather a sign of the thing , than the thing itself . but yet i must say , that his majesty king charles the second , has out-done therein , not only all his royal predecessors , but even all the greeks and romans , forasmuch as concerns the english soldiery of ireland ; since he has not only given lands to the maimed and superannuated , but to all the rest , and to their posterities for ever : and though the major part of the forces which reduced ireland , did perform that service , and conquer'd those lands , under usurpers , and during his majesties absence ; yet he most royally confirm'd , or more truly , bestowed the forfeited lands , after his return , on them , and their heirs for ever . nor can the statutes , and patents , more firmly entail those lands on them , and their children , than i assure my self , he has entail'd , and will entail loyalty and gratitude in their hearts ; for they may as soon forget they have estates , as him , from whose generosity they have received them ; whereby what they are , will still mind them of what they ought to be . i shall conclude this first discourse , touching the choice and education of the soldiery , by a short review of what the ancients did therein ; what we do ; and offer some particulars to consideration , what possibly may be fit to be added . the greeks had publick schools , and publick teachers , to instruct their youth in the use of arms , and to breed them to the sufferances of war , ere they made it . in imitation whereof , we have our trayned-band , and in some cities our artillery yards , or grounds . these teach our men the use of arms , and several figures to fight in , and so far 't is very good ; but then it does not accustom them to hardship , which is one of the first , if not the very first requisite to a good soldier . but whatever they do in the cities , yet i doubt they rarely meet in the countries ; whereby those places which are likeliest to afford most soldiers in time of war , ( for the countries have more people than the cities ) and those that are generally most inured to hardship , ( for the peasant labours more , and eats , and lodges worse , than the citizen ) are the least train'd to arms. and therefore if the several commission'd and non-commission'd officers of every troop and company of the militia , were strictly ordered on holy-dayes , to exercise those of their neighborhood which are of their troop or company , and if the private soldiers fail'd to come , or the officer neglected his duty when they came , if deputy lieutenants were impower'd to punish such as were faulty therein , it might probably be of good use , especially if the counties allow'd some little encouragement to such officers ; or if such of the soldiery as fail'd , were to contribute something to the officer , who did appear , and teach those who came . but above all , if at least twice a year , the several militia regiments , were to rendezvous , and to hutt , for four or five dayes together ; and during that time , were to perform all the functions of war , as if they were incamped near an enemy ; it would in all likelihood be of excellent benefit in time of rebellion , or invasion . in which campings , i would have them make their hutts in the form of streets , and piatza's ; and in just as little room , as if they were to make a line about the camp ; which would teach them what to do , and make them expert therein , against the need were real . in which campings also , i would have all excess , or debauchery , both strictly prohibited , and severely punish'd , if practised ; for debauchery in armies is the high-way to ruine , since those obey best , that are most sober . during these campings , such time as was not employed in handling arms , exercising , marching in several forms of battel , and skirmishing , i would have employed in jumping , running , but most of all , in wrestling , to make their bodies the more active , and strong , and to hinder them from all ill employments : but above all , i would recommend wrestling ; for whoever thinks himself the strongest , and activest of body , will strive to come closest to his enemy ; and if he be so , will the sooner overcome him ; whereby in fight , none will doubt those will charge the homest , who find they are strongest , at the grapple . lastly , if to these before-mentioned particulars , there were at such half yearly campings little medals with ribons , or such other small rewards , for every one of those who should be judged best at the use of the pike , or musket , or at shooting at marks , or at running , jumping , or wrestling , ( to the best at which last , the medal should be still of double value , as that exercise which ought most to be encouraged ) i believe it would so incite every individual person , that the generality could not but be highly improved , and the emulation those little rewards could not but ingender , would questionless produce desirable effects . besides the great concourse of the nobility , gentry , and unlisted commonalty , which curiosity , or some other motives would draw to see these campings , and exercisings , would be an additional incentive to all the militia to appear , not only in their best garbs ; but also to be more expert in the several performances , during their camping . i leave it to the judgment of all men , whether the benefit to the whole kingdom , would not much outweigh the charge , and trouble ; if this method , or something like it , were constantly observed : in which case , what is here set down in generals , and roughly , might then be more minutely ordered , and polished , and many needful things added ; for the wit of man cannot in the theory find out so much , as in the practice will be discovered . the ancients , especially the romans , had the choice of all their people from seventeen , to forty five years of age . we , in imitation , have the choice of such whom the laws exempt not from pressing , from sixteen , to sixty years of age , out of them to form our soldiery ; i think youths but sixteen years of age , are of the youngest to be led on actual service , though not to be trained to arms , and hardships : and few men , when sixty years old , are fit for the wars , especially if then they but begin to be soldiers ; so that methinks the romans therein , began later , and ended earlier than we do , with much reason ; which therefore i could wish were altered by us , and that none before he were past seventeen , and none after he was fifty , should ever be pressed to be soldiers . i would allow five years longer to our men who are to be soldiers , to continue such , than the romans allowed to theirs ; because our climate is not so scorching as theirs , and therefore the radical moisture which is as it were the sap , and makes the vigor of our men , lasts longer in our temperate climate , than in their hotter . besides , most men when arrived at fifty , begin to participate of those infirmities , which render them unfit for the actions , and sufferings of the lives of private soldiers . the military tribunes chose out of every tribe ( every one alternatively ) those who were to compose their legions . but alas ! 't is not our officers which choose our soldiers , but our press-masters generally do it for them ; whereby 't is no wonder if often our regiments and troops have so many in them , unfit to be soldiers ; since too commonly these press-masters , press those who are abler to buy themselves off , than able to make fit soldiers to serve their king and countrey ; besides , how often are they actuated to spare the fit for favor , and to send the unfit for revenge , or some other as bad motive . the tribunes were likely to choose well , because they chose for themselves ; and if they chose ill , they thereby expos'd their honours , and their lives . the press-masters with us , choose for our tribunes , or colonels ; and are likely to choose all , because few do it conscientiously , and most do it out of sinister considerations . the tribunes , if they chose ill soldiers , were to lead them . but the press-masters , if they choose ill men , are only to be rid of them , and may gain much by it . 't were therefore very highly to be wish'd , that the press-masters had some few and written rules given them whom to press ; and if they broke them , that they might be severely punish'd for it : amongst which rules possibly these might be fit to be exprest , viz. to press none that were not past seventeen : to press none past fifty : to press onely the younger , the stronger , the activer sort , and if possibly not to press the married ; at least not to press any of them , till on tryal , 't were evident the unmarried were not sufficient to form the forces ; since the married are generally too much incumbred to follow the war with that intentness of mind , which the profession does require , as appears by what st paul sayes , no man that warreth , intangleth himself with the affairs of this life , that he may please him who hath chosen him to be a soldier . the ancients , and the romans most particularly , had not only the advantage of us in the choice of their private soldiers , but also in the choice of their officers ; for every higher order of them , choose the next ; and so in sequence , the second choose the third order ; and the third , the fourth , till all were chosen ; whereas in the generality , all our inferior field officers , and commissioned officers , are put upon our colonels ; whereby perhaps they may have good officers , but the tribunes were certain to have them , if it were not their own faults . and 't is worth marking , how gradually the romans proceeded therein . first the people ( that is the state ) chose the two consuls , the two consuls chose the four and twenty military tribunes to each army ; the four and twenty military tribunes , chose the twenty first and second centurions , that is , their captains and lieutenants : then the centurions chose their twenty vexillarii or ensigns , and those , their twenty tergiductors ; whereby if the tribunes chose well , 't was likely they would also have all the rest well chosen . i do not find they had inferior field officers , such as our lieutenant colonels and majors , unless the tribunes out of function did that duty : nor do i find that they had any officers in the nature of our serjeants , and corporals : nor that they had officers who were immediately to take care of , and command in the flanks of their battalions ; which being very deep , ought doubtless to have been the more taken care of : but to supply this , every cohort had two centurions in the front , two tergiductors in the rear , and two vexillarii or ensigns ; whereby having to every company as it were six commissioned officers , they might appoint two of them for the flanks , where they were needed more than in the front and rear ; for their files being four and twenty deep , a cohort could be but of five in a rank . the roman officers had also a greater tye and obligation on their soldiery , than we have on ours ; for they had the solemn oath , or military sacrament , of every private soldier to be obedient to his superior officers . in some imitation of which , our soldiers take the oath of allegiance , and supremacy ; but those have references to the king , not to the officers ; which to supply , we have articles and ordinances of war , whereby several crimes are punishable by death , as abandoning , and running from their colours ; mutinous words , and actions ; drawing his sword against , or striking his superior officer , &c. these indeed render him liable to punishment if he disobeys , but there is no previous obligation on him to obey his superiour . we indeed punish , if soldiers do amiss ; but we have no solemn promise , much less oath , that they will obey their superiors in all their commands , for his majesties service : but they had previous oaths of obedience , and punish'd subsequently all failers ; whereby they had double , and better tyes , than we have . the romans also excelled us in this important particular , that none could be a military tribune , ( which had most favor ) who had not actually served in the wars five years : and none that had least favor , could be a tribune , who had not served eleven years in the wars amongst the foot , or fifteen years amongst the horse ; whereby none could be a chief officer , before he had been a long time a soldier ; as judging him unfit to command , who had not first learnt to obey . whereas we have often many made officers , that never were so much as private soldiers ; and are set to teach others that art , which they , over whom they are placed , are too often abler to teach them ; which is dangerous to the sovereign , and often begets contempt of the superior , amongst the inferior , and is a mischief worthy of redress ; at least , that none might be field officers , that had not been before a captain or lieutenant ; and none a colonel , that had not been first a field officer , unless where a person of great quality and interest was made colonel , whose influence might supply the defect of his unskilfulness ; and in such cases , great care ought to be had , to fit him with an experienced lieutenant colonel , and major ; for that world is the best , when places seek men , and not when men seek places . the romans also were very prudent in the distribution of their tribunes in their legions , which they did with so much care , that whereas the first legion of a consular army had four tribunes which might have served in the wars but five years , yet it had two , which had served eleven , or fifteen years ; and the second legion had three that had served five years , and three that had served eleven or fifteen years : and so in course for the remaining two legions , whereby they still , as near as might be , distributed equally the most knowing , and experienced tribunes , in every legion . whereas i have often seen many regiments , where most part of the officers , and most of the soldiers , have served as long in the wars , the one as the other ; that is , neither ever saw the wars : but i have seen it thrive accordingly . lastly , not to tire the reader with too many particulars in this one head : the romans established certain and competent provision for their maimed and superannuated soldiers , which we do not ; and what they did , invited their soldiers to great and daring actions : but what we omit , deters many of ours from attempting them . but then i must say , their trade was war , and i thank god ours is not ; but yet in proportion to what they did , if we did write after their copy for so much as is requisite for us , it might be an action of more prudence , than cost . and since war is not our profession , we ought , in my humble opinion , to make use of the best means to avoid being engaged in it ; and the best way to prevent a war , is , that our neighbors may see we are in a good condition to make it . the arming of the soldiery . the greeks were certainly at first more usefully armed than the romans , both as to their infantry and cavalry : for besides those arms offensive and defensive , which were common to both , as the sword , the darts , the shields , the slings , &c. the greeks had long pikes , which i find not the romans had , and which are the very best offensive arms either to charge , or to defend , and of excellent use against horse . for defensive arms they had the target , and the shield , and the back breast pott and tases , &c. nay , some had their horses armed , which they called barded . the roman cavalry were at first pitifully armed for offence , or defence , till from the greeks they learned to use the curass , the shield , and the javelet . i have often admired they would not also follow the example of the greeks , in arming some of their foot , with long pikes . the ordinary arms of the roman velites were a murrion , a rondach , a sword , and some darts ; their archers and slingers were called extraordinaries , and were auxiliaries . the hastati had targets four-foot high , head-pieces , and little plates of iron to cover their hearts . the richest of them had intire curasses , they wore their swords hanging on their right sides , and those swords were short , broad , two edged , and well pointed ; and every one of them besides had two darts . the principes , and the triarii , had the like arms , both offensive , and defensive ; only the triarii , instead of two darts , had two javelets . the allies of the romans , as well foot , as horse , were alike armed , and disciplined , as the romans , whereby 't is apparent how use makes all things easie ; for neither the greeks , nor the romans , had stronger , or more vigorous bodies than we ; and yet their foot marched in armor in hot climates with large targets , heavy swords , and carried also two missile weapons ; whereas our soldiers think the pike or the musket ( often without swords , alwayes without armor ) to be a load , which only proceeds from our relaxing the military discipline ; which is not only a reproach to us , but also a great prejudice . i think we are much more usefully armed , than the greeks or romans anciently were ; and , in my poor opinion , we only want for our infantry the target , to be excellently armed . the five offensive arms in use amongst us , are the sword , the pike , the musket , the pistol , and the carrabine . fo●… i look on the lance , as now wholly laid by , and i think , with reason ; for the lance does little , unless it be by the force of the horses course , or carreer , and even then , only the front is useful ; so that their best order to fight in , seems to be to charge a rank at a time which yet can hardly resist squadrons of horse , especially if riders be in armor : but if the lanceers fight in squadrons also , 't is much more likely they should discompose themselves , than hurt those they fight against ; which are such apparent inconveniencies , as have made me admire , that king henry iv of france , most justly surnam'd the great , alexander ferneze prince of parma , and charles of lorrain duke of mayen , three the greatest captains of the latter age ; nay , it may be of any age , would often lament , that lances were then throwing aside , as dav●…la in his excellent history of the civil wars of france , does observe , with this addition , that henry the great , and all his chief commanders , more apprehended those thousand lanceers , led by count egmont , at the battel of iury , than double the number of any of the leagues of their cavalry . our foot soldiers generally are two thirds shot , and one third pikes , which i have often lamented ; for methinks the pikes should be at least half , especially in his majesties dominions in which are few strong places , and consequently battels , and fightings in the field , are more common than sieges ; and , without dispute , the pike is the usefullest weapon for the foot : and a good stand of them , assisted by shot if the angles be well guarded , are not easily broken by horse and shot united . the swissers , generally , and justly , esteemed excellent foot , have more pikes , than shot ; which , possibly , as much as their valor , discipline , and the strength of their bodies , has contributed to their glory . 't was to their pikes they owed that famous retreat they made , when in the hollow of their battalion , they carried king charles the ninth of france , and almost all that family royal , from meanx to paris , though 't were a champion countrey , though they had no cavalry to assist them ; and though lewis prince of conde , gaspar de coligni the then admiral of france , andelott , and the greatest horse commanders of that age , often charged them in front , rear , and flanks ; yet with the heads of their pikes , they forced their way , though all the hopes of the hugonot lords , depended on that dayes action . i had also an experiment of the goodness of pikes in the year . when in the last battel we had in ireland , i had the honour to command the english forces against the irish , and though we fought in an open countrey , and though we had routed ( after a smart resistance ) all the horse of their left wing , and above a thousand of their musketeers , which composed the left battalion of their foot , yet about twelve hundred pikes of the enemy , without any shot with them , advanced boldly , and charged our squadrons of horse so home , after their horse and shot of that wing were routed , that we had more wounded , and kill'd , in that charge , than in the whole fight besides : so that had they guarded their angles , when we charged them round , they had done us much more mischief , if not recovered the day ; but by the angles we broke in , and afterwards the resistance was but small , nor indeed could it be otherwise . but what need i say more of the usefulness of the pike , above the musket , than that all persons of quality who put themselves voluntarily , or otherwise into the infantry , carry the pike ; which they would not do , unless it had adjudgedly the honour to be the noblest weapon , since the bravest choose , and fight with it : and therefore i must again say , i wish our companies consisted of fewer shot , and of more pikes ; for besides the excellency of that weapon , it is not only alwayes in a readiness for service , but needs no ammunition to make it do execution ; both which cannot be said of the musket , which is often unfixt , requires alwayes powder , bullet , and match , and in windy or wet weather , often disappoints the service , especially if it be the match-lock , and then to fire-lock muskets . maurice prince of orange ( a famous captain ) was exceedingly desirous to introduce the target among the infantry ; and having , for his own satisfaction , made many tryals of the great usefulness of it , experimentally found , that targets , though very flippent ones , have not only resisted the push of the pikes , but also , that half the number of targetteers , have entred into the ranks of double their number of pikes , without targets , and have routed them ; but he being only general to the states of the united provinces , and not a sovereign monarch , and absolute , durst not make so great an alteration , fearing the reproach of some evil success ; which , whatever might have been the cause of the defeat , would have been attributed to that of innovation ; for states oftner judge of the merit of their general , by his successes , than by his reasons . and henry duke of rohan , whom i had the honour to know in the year . a little before he dyed of his wounds received in alsatia , and who yielded to none of his age , in the military art , was also exceeding desirous to introduce the target amongst the infantry : he propos'd to have the principal body of the infantry to consist of pikemen , and to each battalion of pikes , he would have had a small separated party of a hundred , or an hundred and twenty targeteers in the flanks , when the battalions were ready to join , which ( to use his own words ) would produce a marvellous effect , in a day battel . these targetters he would have had composed of the volunteers , who are generally of the bravest , and who , unless they made a body apart , he thinks would be apt enough to beget animosities , by disputing where their proper stations should be assigned them . i think they might also be of very good use , in assaulting , and defending of breaches , especially if they were of proof against small shot : some of which sort i have seen , and yet they were not very cumbersom ; for they might be used on the left arm , by men of ordinary strength . i must , before i proceed any further , mind the great carelesness of those , who furnish pikes to the companies out of the stores , and those officers who receive them ; for 't is but too common amongst us , to have in one regiment pikes of several lengths , and only arm'd at the points with lozange heads , whereas sixteen foot and a half ought to be the general length and standard of all the pikes , as 't is among the switzers ; which if the staff be made of feason'd ash , is not heavy for any ordinary man , and less heavy to pikemen , who are usually the properest , and strongest men in our companies . if our pikes were all of sixteen foot and a half long , besides the decency of that uniformity , the advantages will be great ; for at sixteen foot and a half distance , they of the first rank , will keep off , or gall the enemies horse , and few ordinary ammunition pistols do certain execution much farther off ; the second and third rank of the pikes ( being so long ) will also effectually serve to keep off the enemies horse , should the first rank be killed , or disordered ; nay , the fourth and fifth ranks of the pikes will not be useless : for allowing but three foot distance between every rank when battalions front , as the first rank will keep the enemies horse off , at sixteen foot and a half ; so the second rank will keep them off , at thirteen foot and a half ; the third rank at ten foot and a half ; the fourth rank at seven foot and a half ; and the fifth rank at four foot and a half : whereby an enemies cavalry will have as it were five ranks at once to break , ere they can make their impression , which therefore will be no easie task to perform , especially the last ranks of pikes being ready to supply those of the first five ranks , who shall fall by wounds , or death . the pikes arm'd at the points with lozange heads , if the cheeks , or sides of the pikes are not armed with thin plates of iron four foot deep , are very apt to be broken off near the heads , if the push be vigorous , and the resistance considerable : nor is this all ; for unless the pikes be armed with those thin iron plates , they are easily cut off with sharp swords , for the pike , especially toward the end , is carried tapering , to poise it the better , and thereby renders it the more flippent for those who use it ; so that the slenderer part of the pike , if unarm'd , is the more liable to be cut off , it being there nearest the enemy ; whereas if the pikes were armed with those thin plates , and four foot deep , no cutting swords ( which are alwayes of the shortest ) could destroy the pikes , since that part of the staff of the pike which is unarmed , would be out of the reach of the horsemans sharp cutting sword : i remember we once carried a fort by storm , because the enemies pikes had not those plates , whereby the heads of them were cut off . i therefore am very desirous , that all our pikes may be sixteen foot and a half long , the staves to be of seasoned ash , which are strong , and light ; and that from the iron heads of the pikes , there may be thin iron plates for four foot deep . lozange heads i like well , both because they are sharp to enter , and when entred , broad to wound with . i would seriously recommend the arming of our pikemen , with back , breast , pott , and tases ; for since the pikes ought to make the principal battalion , and indeed the solid strength of the infantry of an army in a day battel , i would have them armed accordingly ; for 't is under their battalion that the routed must rally , and 't is by the points of their weapons , that the most obstructed passages to victory must be opened ; they are still to be as it were the fortress of the field , and are not like the horse , and shot , which move every way , and follow the execution after the enemy is broken ; but being still to advance slowly with the colours , and under their forrest , to cover all misadventures , they ought to be substantially armed defensively , to answer those ends effectually . some historians tell us , that when the emperor charles the fifth , ( that great captain ) was to give battel near vienna , to sultan solyman the magnificent , the christian emperor had one stand of eighty thousand pikes , many of them carried by reformado officers , and by the flower of the christian nobility , and gentry ; in which battalion , under god , he had repos'd his greatest confidence ; and which the turks did so apprehend , that after all the noise of a decisive battel , the mahometans retreated , though they had double the number of the christians , and above one hundred and fifty thousand horse . it is both a grief , and a shame , to see how few pikemen , in most of our ordinary companies , have swords by their sides , and the musketeers seldom any ; when a man looks not like a soldier , without a sword ; and 't is the sword which does the chiefest execution , either in the battel , or after the routing of an enemy : the greeks and romans made it ignominious for a soldier to lose his sword , even in fight ; i wish we would make it the like for a soldier to go to fight without his sword , or indeed so much as to see a soldier without his sword. i offer to consideration , that all companies , when first inlisted , ought to be completely armed at the princes charge ; and ever afterward , to be kept completely armed at the soldiers charge , unless in actual fight his arms be broken ; in which case , the kings arsenals should furnish them . but whatever captain of a company , or inferiour commissioned officer , allow'd his soldier to appear on duty without his complete arms , or ever to stir without his sword in the streets of his garison , or in the camp , if he punisht not the soldier , should be punishable for it himself : and if any soldier broke his sword , or other arms , by his own negligence , or default , the chief officer of the company should not only punish him for it , but forthwith supply him , to be defaulked out of the soldiers growing pay ; whereby these three advantages would be gained , that the soldiers would be more careful of their arms ; that they would never be unarmed ; and that the king would be at no unnecessary charge in emptying his arsenals for them . as to the musket , and what is useful to it , i find many things in my poor judgment worthy consideration and redress : as first , that all our muskets be of one bore , or at most of two sorts of certain bores ; the bigger for the stronger , the lesser for the weaker bodies : for want of this , i have seen much hazard undergone ; for generally our musket shot is of one certain size , and the bores of muskets are of various sizes , whereby having been once engaged in a fight , which by reason of the many inclosures in which we fought , the musketeers were to be supplied with more shot than they carried in their pouches , and barrels of musket bullets being opened , few of the shot in them would fit the muskets , but were a size too large , whereby we had like to have been worsted ; for the soldiers were forced to gnaw off much of the lead , others to cut their bullets ; in which much time was lost , the bullets flew a less way , and more uncertainly ; and , which was worse , so many pauses , animated the enemy , by making him think our courages cooled . if there be two sizes of muskets , and shot , on both ends of the barrels , which hold the shot , should be written lesser , and bigger , that in the hurry of a fight there might be no mistake , but that bullets be distributed according to the bores of the muskets . i would also propound , that in all field engagements , especially in those where we intend not to cheapen an enemy , but to fall on merrily , that the musketeers would load their muskets only with five or six pistol bullets , which will do great execution , especially fired near , and then to fall in at club musket ; i have experimented this , and found it attended with great success . i would recommend the fire-lock musket above the match-lock musket , for several reasons ; some of which i shall mention . first , it is exceedingly more ready ; for with the fire-lock you have only to cock , and you are prepared to shoot ; but with your match-lock , you have several motions , the least of which is as long a performing , as but that one of the other , and oftentimes much more hazardous ; besides , if you fire not the match-lock musket as soon as you have blown your match , ( which often , especially in hedge fights , and in sieges , you cannot do ) you must a second time blow your match , or the ashes it gathers , hinders it from firing . secondly , the match is very dangerous , either where bandeleers are used , or where soldiers run hastily in fight to the budge-barrel , to refill their bandeleers ; i have often seen sad instances thereof . thirdly , marching in the nights , to avoid an enemy , or to surprize one , or to assault a fortress , the matches often discover you , and informs the enemy where you are ; whereby you suffer much , and he obtains much . fourthly , in wet weather , the pan of the musket being made wide open for awhile , the rain often deads the powder , and the match too ; and in windy weather , blows away the powder , ere the match can touch the pan : nay , often in very high winds , i have seen the sparks blown from the match , fire the musket ere the soldier meant it ; and either thereby lose his shot , or wound or kill some one before him . whereas in the fire-lock the motion is so sudden , that what makes the cock fall on the hammer , strikes the fire , and opens the pan at once . lastly , to omit many other reasons , the quantity of match used in an army , does much add to the baggage ; and being of a very dry quality , naturally draws the moisture of the air , which makes it relax , and consequently less fit , though carried in close wagons : but if you march without waggons , the match is the more expos'd ; and without being dried again in ovens , is but of half the use which otherwise it would be of : and which is full as bad , the skeans you give the corporals , and the links you give the private soldiers , ( of which near an enemy , or on the ordinary guard duty , they must never be unfurnished ) if they lodge in hutts or tents , or if they keep guard in the open field , ( as most often it happens ) all the match for instant service is too often render'd uncertain , or useless ; nothing of all which can be said of the flint , but much of it to the contrary . and then the soldiers generally wearing their links of match near the bottom of the belt on which their bandeleers are fastened , in wet weather , generally spoil the match they have ; and if they are to fight on a sudden , and in the rain , you lose the use of your small shot , which is sometimes of irreparable prejudice . i am also on long experience an enemy to the use of bandeleers , but a great approver of boxes of cartridges ; for then , but by biting off the bottom of the cartridge , you charge your musket for service with one ramming . i would have these cartridge boxes of tin , as the carabines use them , because they are not so apt to break as the wooden ones are , and do not in wet weather , or lying in the tents , relax . besides , i have often seen much prejudice in the use of bandeleers , which being worn in the belts for them , above the soldiers coats , are often apt to take fire , especially if the match-lock musket be used ; and when they take fire , they commonly wound , and often kill he that wears them , and those near him : for likely if one bandeleer take fire , all the rest do in that collar ; they often tangle those which use them on service , when they have fired , and are falling off by the flanks of the files of the intervals , to get into the rear to charge again . to which i shall add , that in secret attempts in the night , their ratling often discovers the design , and enables the enemy to prevent it . and in the day time , on service , especially if the weather be windy ; their ratling also , too frequently hinders the soldiers from hearing , and consequently obeying the officers word of command , which must be fatal when it happens ; whereas the cartridge boxes exempt those who use them from all these dangers and prejudices ; they enable the soldiers on service , to fire more expeditiously ; they are also usually worn about the waste of the soldier , the skirts of whose doublet and his coat , doubly defend them from all rain that does not pierce both ; and being worn close to his body , the heat thereof keeps the powder dryer , and therefore more fit to be fired on service . besides all this , whoever loads his musket with cartridges , is sure the bullet will not drop out , though he takes his aim under breast high , for the paper of the cartridge keeps it in ; whereas those soldiers which on service take their bullets out of their mouths , ( which is the nimblest way ) or out of their pouches , which is slow , seldom put any paper , tow , or grass , to ram the bullet in ; whereby if they fire above breast high , the bullet passes over the head of the enemy ; and if they aim low , the bullet drops out ere the musket is fired ; and 't is to this that i attribute the little execution i have seen musketeers do in time of fight , though they fired at great battalions , and those also reasonable near . it might also do well , if the soldiers tyed their links of match about their middle , and under their coats , and doublets , instead of tying them to their bandeleer belt , or collar ; for by that means , the match would be kept dryer , and fitter for service , in time of action . as to the arming of the cavalry both for offence and defence , i am of opinion , the arms we use , are as good as any , viz. the swords , pistols , and carabines : and if in the front of our squadrons , we had some blunderbushes , they might be of good use in fight . i acknowledge i would have every private trooper have his sword , or long tuck , his case of pistols , and carabine ; and for defence , his back , breast and pott ; at least , i would have the front and flanks of every troop in such armor : for besides the terror it gives to an enemy in his doublet , to fight with men of iron , and the encouragement it gives our own men ; none knows what proof the armor is of : and 't is most certain , that in combat , as well as pursuit , the sword does most execution ; and no armor is less than sword proof : i therefore earnestly wish , that the officers , the troopers , and the pikemen , were bound under severe penalties , to fight in armor , and constantly to march in armor ; which piece of discipline , if it were revived by strict commands , and if broken punish'd exemplarily , i am confident the advantages would be considerable ; nor do i much value what our young gallants say , that in their doublets they will charge as far as any in their armor ; since to that i answer : first , it may spring as much from laziness , as courage : but secondly , a wise commander ought to have more care of his soldiers safeties , than they will have of their own ; and ought not to let his men expose themselves , but where there is need ; and then to use the best means he can for their safety , as well as their success ; since the business is not who dares go to be kill'd , but who dares venture his life on the best terms to obtain the victory ; and if men will go on boldly without armor , 't is likelier they will charge the bravelier with armor ; since their bodies by it , have the greater defence ; and by accustoming themselves to wear iron , it will become habitual to them . if i might follow my own opinion , i would have every regiment of horse consist of seven troops , six whereof should be armed with back , breast and pott ; and for offence , should have swords or tucks , with pistols and carabines ; and the seventh troop should be of firelocks , or dragoons , whose duty should be to guard the quarter of the regiment ; to secure passes with celerity ; to force passes possest by the enemy ; to assist the horse when they fight in enclosed countries ; and in battels , to alight ; and marching up in the outermost flank of the regiment , should in two ranks , the first kneeling , the second standing , a little before the squadrons charged , fire upon the enemy , their guns loaden with pistol bullets , which i have sometimes practised , and found it attended with great success ; every tenth man while the rest were on such service , was to hold the horses of those who were thus employed ; and if the enemy were routed , they were all to mount again , and to follow the execution : but if the enemy routed us , they were to shelter themselves behind the next squadrons of our horse which were entire , or the next battalion of our foot ; and when rallied , to serve as they should be commanded by the chief officer of that squadron , or battalion , under the countenance of which , they should rally . i know the french , spaniards , and other nations , have had distinct troops of carabines ; but , in my poor opinion , carabines are best in the troopers hands who are armed , and have pistols ; especially if every regiment of horse has one troop of firelocks , or dragoons ; and i have ground to believe , that dragoons thus annexed to the horse , are much better than they are , when regimented entire , and by themselves : first , because they are constantly with the horse , and being in effect a part of their body , are alwayes the more careful of them , the more ready to serve with them , and the more concern'd for them . secondly , being under the command of the field officers , and captains of horse , they are more obedient to them , than if they belonged to other colonels , and were only a commanded party to answer a present need . thirdly , the horse commande●…s , when the dragoons belong to their own regiments , are more careful of them , and will not needlesly harass them by extraordinary and unequal duty ; which when they have their assistance but on emergent occasions i have often seen them do . fourthly , the horse officers knowing all their dragoons by name , and they knowing particularly all the horse officers , they are the more likely to fight chearfully for them , or not to escape unpunished if they be remiss ; for every one being known , none can escape by ignorance ; the contrary to which is often experimented in commanded parties , when the officers are unknown to the soldiers , and the soldiers to the officers . lastly , to omit many other particulars , some have observed , that as the dragoons are commonly the briskest , and daringst of the private soldiers , so they are also the least sober ; and 't is likelier to wean them from that fault , when they are but a seventh part of the regiments , than when they are an entire regiment , and all birds of one feather : and the troopers being generally a more civilized , orderly people , than the dragoons ; 't is probable that the major part by much of the regiment , should win the minor by good example ; than that the minor by much , should seduce the major part . to conclude this head of my essay , i will only add , it is not sufficient to make good rules , unless the prince or general see them punctually obey'd , or severely punish'd , if broken . for besides the evil which attends the omitting of what is good , the contempt of authority is of fatal consequence in all humane affairs , and most of all in military ; where , though what is commanded might have been indifferent it self , yet it ceases to be so , when it is commanded ; and if a soldier of himself may break one rule of the generals unpunish'd , he may believe thereby , that he may as well break any , nay , all the rest ; for the stamp of authority is alike on all ; of which when a private person , or many private men make themselves the judges , they bid defiance to all discipline ; without which no society can subsist , and military ones the least of any : in one word , it were much better that good rules were not made , than if made , that they should not be observed , and the breakers of them 'scape unpunish'd . the disciplining of the soldiery . i shall not under this head amuse my self to speak of the handling of arms ; nor of the several postures and motions taught the soldiers ; nor of the divers wayes of exercising of a troop , or company ; since we have in our own language so many printed books on that subject . and i am also the less curious in doing it , because though there be many fine things taught in those particulars , which are graceful to the sight , and make soldiers the more ready ; yet when we come in earnest to fight , few of them are practised , but to keep their ranks even and close , their files right ; to fire nimbly , and but breast high ; to charge boldly with the pikes , and through with the horse ; to be watchful of the word of command from the officer ; exactly obedient to it , to keep silence ; and when the parties are numerous enough to compose battalions , and squadrons , to observe in going to the charge the just wideness of the intervals for the reserves , or second line to relieve the first line : but if there must be any error therein , to be sure the interval ground be rather inlarged , than streightned . for 't is better the reserves should have too much room to march up to the front , than too little , since the latter will render them almost useless . but before i come to treat of that part of disciplining the soldiery , which consists in drawing them up into battalions , and squadrons , which i intend to discourse of when i come to treat of battels ; i shall crave leave to offer some considerations on what we generally observe , and seldom or never alter whatever the occasion requires . and that is , the drawing up our shot , and pike , six deep ; and our horse , three deep . and this i should not presume to do , had not i been emboldened to it by some experiments of my own , which god did bless with success : for when i found my self over-winged by the enemy , they drawing up their foot six deep , and their horse three deep ; i judged it best for me to fight my foot four deep , and my horse two deep ; whereby i added one third of more hands to the front , and breadth , of my battalions , and squadrons . for i was fully satisfied , that it was likelier i should be worsted by the enemy , if he fell into my flanks and rear , holding me also to equal play in the front , than if four ranks of my foot should be broken , or two ranks of my horse , that the third rank of the horse , and the fifth and sixth ranks of my foot , should recover all again ; for i had often seen battalions and squadrons defeated , by being overwinged : but i never saw the last rank of the horse , and the two last ranks of the foot , restore the field , when the four first ranks of the foot , and the two first ranks of the horse were routed . for commonly if the two first ranks of the horse are routed , they themselves ( for they still are broken inward ) rout the third rank ; and though the like cannot truly be said of the foot in all points , yet in a great measure it usually follows . but i must confess , that he who makes such an alteration in military discipline , ( unless he be a sovereign prince , or have sufficient orders to do it ) ought to resolve , his success only must apologize for it ; that is , to be victorious , or be kill'd . i should therefore humbly desire , that fighting no deeper than four for the foot , and two for the horse , where the ground is fit , might well be considered ; and then let true reason give the rule . for my own part , i will ingeniously acknowledge , that after having as throughly weighed all the arguments for and against it , as my weak judgment could suggest to me , i would , without hesitation , ( if it were left to my own election ) fight my foot and horse no deeper than four , and two , in any case where the ground would admit me to extend my battalions and squadrons to the full . for if i fight against equal numbers , and equally good soldiers to my own , 't is more likely falling into their flanks , and as much into their rear also , as i overwing them the depth of a file in each flank , that i shall rout them ; then it is , that before i perform that , they shall have pierced through my four ranks , since rank to rank of equally good soldiers , and equal in number , will more probably hold longer play one with the other , than soldiers equally good , can defend themselves at once , if briskly charged in front , flanks , and rear ; and since the flanks and rear of foot them selves , fight with great disadvantage against those who charge them there all at once ; but when horse are charged in the flanks , and in the rear , 't is next of kin to a miracle , if they 'scape being broken : for the troopers in the ranks when they go to charge , are as close as the riders knees can endure it ; and therefore 't is impossible for the flanks to do any thing , or the last rank to face about , and consequently they must have their backs expos'd to the shot , and swords of their enemy . the foot indeed will easily face about ; but then if the depth of files be the advantage , i have it who charge every where four deep , and they every way defend , but three deep at the most . if this way of fighting will afford me solid , and great advantages , against an enemy equal to me in the goodness and number of his soldiers ; i do not think it can be denied , but if i fight against fewer , or worse men than mine , but greater , and more certain benefits will result from it . the chief objection to this way of fighting that i know of , is , as to the musketeers , who being but four deep , and advancing firing , the first rank cannot have loaded their muskets again , by that time the fourth rank has done firing ; so that there will be an intermission of shooting . to that i answer , let the musketeers charge their muskets with such cartridges as i have mentioned , and the first rank will be as soon ready if you are but four deep , as the first rank will be if you are six deep , loading with bandeleers , especially if i use the fire-lock , and the enemy the match-lock . besides , you will still have a rank to fire till you fall in , if you begin to fire but at a short distance ; which i would do to choose , if i were six deep . lastly , were both these denied , which yet i must say i have on experiment found to be true , and a demonstration is the strongest proof . it is not enough to say , one method hath such objections to it , which the other hath not ; but all objections to both methods are to be examined ; and that rule is to be observed , which on the whole matter has the least : for how few things in the world would be entertained as best , if only such were so , against which , no objection could be made . the first of the ancients which i have read of , who found it much more advantageous when the ground allowed it , rather to extend the ranks , than deepen the files , was that great captain cyrus , in his famous battel against cressus , king of lydia ; for cyrus finding himself over numbred , took off half the depth of his files , and added them to his front , whereby he won the victory by overwinging cressus . as the drawing up the infantry but four deep , and the cavalry but two deep , where the ground will allow it , has great advantages in fight , over those who draw up the foot six deep , and the horse three deep , so it has in marching ; for the shallower the files are in the several divisions , the shorter the army or regiment must be in their long march ; which is a great ease to the soldiers in and towards the rear of the army , or regiment : for i have often seen , but am not philosopher enough to give the reason of it , that let but men march in their long march even in a bare champion country ; and though the van move very slowly , yet the rear must trot to keep the same distance they were at , at their first beginning to march ; and if it be thus but in men , what must it be in , or men . besides , the less long your army is in their marching order , the sooner the rear of it will be come up , to incamp , or to go to quarters , and the baggage and train also ; nor is it less beneficial , if an army during its march has the head , or the rear of it assaulted , or both at once ; to have the division come more expeditiously to the fight , which it has , by making the ranks of the division broader , and the files shallower . the ordinary discipline we observe in drawing up a foot regiment of ten companies in battalia , ( which 't is well if they make nine hundred effective men in rank and file ) is either in one battalion , ( which is seldom practised , but when the army is very great ) or in two or three battalions , which are the more usual wayes , and i think the more rational . for the greater your battalions are of foot , or squadrons of horse , the more unwieldy they are ; and not only the likelier to be disordered , but the harder to be rallied into their due form again ; whereas when battalions , or squadrons , are of a competent number , those inconveniencies are avoided ; and yet if need require , two may join and make one big one ; but still the same officers to command each battalion , as if they were divided , though really they are united ; whereby they keep the activeness of small battalions , and when they please , the strength of great ones by their union . and men are readilier brought into order after being broken , or discomposed , when a chief commander assisted by his inferior commissioned officers , do act separately among a few , than when but one , though proportionately assisted , acts singly in chief over many . a regiment of horse also which usually consists of six troops , is formed into two squadrons , each of three troops ; or into three squadrons , each of two troops ; i am for the forming it generally into the most squadrons , for the same reasons i mentioned before : besides , great battalions of foot are more allowable , than great squadrons of horse ; not only because men on foot take up less room to turn in , than men on horseback do ; but also because men only , are better commanded than men and horses can be ; especially in the hurry of a fight , where the shouts of the soldiers , the noise of the shooting , and the drums , and the fluttering of the colours , make often the boldest horses of private troopers disorderly enough ; and likewise because the foot are the solid steddy body of the army , especially the pikes , and are not to follow the execution , which is the proper duty of the horse ; and therefore the foot may consist of the larger battalions . to which i shall add , that a regiment of five hundred horse , consisting of six troops , having three troops united into one squadron , will make upwards of eighty one private troopers in every rank , when the horse are drawn up three deep ; and if in two troops in a squadron , three deep will make in a rank : and i have seen old troopers find it difficult enough to march in one squadron a small space of ground in exact order , forty a-breast , though the ground be plain ; but if it be any wayes incumbred , or uneven , 't is more hard to do it . and then if your horse be drawn up but two deep , each squadron , though but of one troop , will be forty one in a rank , which is broad enough ; for the broader the rank is , the more difficult it is to march it orderly ; so that i am more desirous to form the horse of an army into many and less squadrons , than into few , and great ones ; for the reasons before exprest . i had in this place begun to set down the several sorts of discipline which are practised in drawing up a regiment of foot in one , two , or three battalions , where the colours should flie , how many divisions of pikes and shot there ought to be , and where to be drawn up , and of how many files each should consist of , ( according to our discipline of having our foot consist one third of pikes , and two thirds of shot ) where are the proper places of the field officers , and commissioned officers , according to the several forms of battalions the regiment is to be drawn up in , and many other particularities of this head ; but since there are printed books also in english on this subject , i shall refer the curious , and the unknowing therein , to those books , and only apply my self to such things as i have not seen , or heard , hath hitherto been treated of in our language ; and i also do this the rather , because under the head of the essay which shall treat of fighting a battel , i shall discourse of forming battalions and squadrons more particularly . and though possibly i might without any impropriety under the title of disciplining , insert all the several functions in war. yet i shall divide them into many distinct heads , for the ease of the reader ; who commonly is better pleased to peruse many short discourses , than one very long one ; and every one , having a distinct title , is more readily turn'd unto , and found out . the ordering of garisons . having already discours'd of the choosing and educating of the soldiery , of the arming , and of the disciplining of them , i shall now write of the regulating of garisons , which seems to me to be the next head in course to be treated of . the well-ordering of them , is the hopefullest way to preserve them ; and the preservation of them , is the preservation of a kingdom . how many armies have been ruin'd , or broken , before garisons resolutely defended , and according to the exact rules of the military art ? and how many garisons have been lost , or surprized , for want of due care in those entrusted to keep them , whereby whole countries have been subdued as the consequence of one neglect ? especially if the garison taken , be either the chief arsenal of the countrey , or lie on some navigable river , or sea-port , whereby the entrance into a kingdom , is facilitated to an enemy ; and into which he durst not have adventur'd , while he left at his back so important a place . i shall therefore on this head , set down first , the usual practice in appointing and distributing the guards . secondly , the custom in going the grand round . thirdly , the common manner of giving the word . for the ordinary course in all three , i suppose ( submitting it still to better judgments ) may be unsafe , and very hazardous . therefore where i have had the honour to command in chief , i have altered the usual form , and i believe with good reason , else i am sure i would not have done it . but i am certain the methods i have observed therein , have still succeeded well ; and by the other methods , i have known great losses have followed . the usual way is , that the regiments , or companies , or parties of soldiers , which are next to mount the guard , and to relieve those on duty , being drawn up at the parade , the chief officer who is to command the watch , or the town major , distributes the companies , or soldiers , to the main-guard , the ports , and bie-guards , as he thinks fit , which i would not allow for these following reasons . if an officer who commands the watch , or the town major , be false , corrupted , or corruptable , you thereby expose the garison to be lost , and those in it , destroy'd ; since leaving it to him to appoint all the guards , he may send those of his confederacy to such corps deguards as may let in the enemy , or join with conspirators within the walls . and though it is generally presum'd , that an officer fit to command the watch , or a town major , will not be a traytor , yet many experiences have evidenc'd the contrary ; and in war especially , we ought not to relie on what an inferior officer will not do , but on what he cannot do . therefore i would never leave that trust to a subordinate officer , but expect and require the governor to discharge it in person ; yet if sickness , or other invincible impediment hindred him from doing it himself , i would then have him appoint the guards to be drawn by lots ; and this as well when an enemy is not near , as when he is . for if only on the vicinity of the enemy you do it , you let the inhabitants and soldiery of the place too evidently see , you suspect your own garison are not all right , which may be of ill consequence ; but if you practise it alwayes , that will pass for discipline , which otherwise will be judged suspition . besides , if this method be the best in case of danger , it will be also the best constantly ; for in time of war , especially in garisons where there are many inhabitants , who can know when danger and treachery is at hand ; and therefore that rule which is best when it is near , is best alwayes . therefore i esteem the way i propose is the most eligible , because it is the safest ; for unless the governor himself be false , ( in which case what can preserve a garison ) or unless the lot drawn , places the conspirators in those very guards and posts where they would choose to be , ( which would prove as rare accidents indeed ) the fortress will be freed from the fatal effects of internal conspirations . a second thing which i object against , is , that usually at the parade , the quarter-masters , and serjeants , receive the word in a ring , from the governor , captain of the watch , or the town major , and so being whisper'd from ear to ear , returns to him who gives it ; whereby if any mistake be in the word , it is rectified before it is distributed ; which as to the modus is good , but as to the time of distributing and giving of the word , is dangerous ; for commonly the word is given at the parade , when the relievers come to relieve those on duty , which usually is in the day-time , and before the ports of the garison are shut , whereby any quarter-master , serjeant , or superior officer , may communicate it to the enemy abroad , or to conspirators within ; which may be of sad consequence . for prevention of which , i would never give the watch-word , till just as the tap-too is gone about : and when it beats , all the quarter-masters and serjeants should from the governor receive the word , and immediately distribute it . it is also too usual in great garisons to have the word given in writing for a week to come , to the officer who is nightly to distribute it ; which i am utterly against : for should he be false , or negligent , or let it accidentally fall out of his pocket ; or should he be overlook'd when he reads it ; or should he have any false servant about him who might by night steal it out of his pocket , copy , and then put it up again , it might more than hazard all ; so that in my poor opinion , the word should only be known and given out every night , just when it ought to be distributed , for that is safe , the other way very hazardous . a third thing which i humbly offer to be mended , is the use in going the grand round , which as it is generally practised , is what i have often lamented , and admire that garisons have not frequently been betray'd thereby . the custom is , that a field officer , if the garison be numerous , or at least a commission'd officer , takes a guard of soldiers with him , and so attended , goes to the grand round at any hour he will , after tap-too ; when he comes to any port , or bie-guard , the centinel of it challenges him , he answers , the grand round ; the centry then calls the chief officer on that guard , who comes out , and draws out his guard ; the officer that goes the grand round , receives the word from the officer of that guard , and sees if the guard be full and vigilant ; but from all rounds , except the grand round , the officer of the guard does not give the word , but receives it . this being the usal form , were it not but too easie a thing for any conspirators in the garison , especially if a commission officer in it , were of the number , to get three or four files of men with him , and go as the grand round , before the true grand round does go , whereby those conspirators will not only learn the word , but also see how strong and vigilant all the guards are of the garison , ( except the main guard ) and if they find any weak , or negligent , especially in the ports , or on the bastions , they may surprize , cut them off , and let in the enemy with whom they are in consort . to prevent which mischief , i did still observe these two rules where i was governor ; when i gave the watch-word , i also named the officer which that night i had ordered to go the grand round , which was carried to all the officers of the garison , whereby if any traytor took upon him to go the grand round , every guard might know he was a counterfeit , and by securing , or killing him , prevent the mischief ; and because in very great garisons it might so happen , that every officer was not known at first to all the officers of it , and also that the officer who i gave out in orders should go the grand round , might by some accident be disabled to do it . i gave a particular word for the grand round , and ordered when ever the grand round went , and was challeng'd by any guard , the officer of that guard , should not give him the word , nor admit him with the soldiers that accompanied him within his guard , until he had first given the guard officer the word of the grand round , which every night was given out with the watch-word ; and the grand round word being first given to the officer of the guard , by the grand round officer , then the guard officer gave him the watch-word , and not before . hereby no body could walk the grand round deceitfully , for without the grand round word , he could not be received as the grand round , nor come within any guard , nor receive the watch-word from any officer of the guard. the three chief ends of the grand round are , first , that some prime officer , might see if the guards and centinels of them be posted , and set out , as appointed . secondly , if they are vigilant in their duty , and the number of the guards full ; for which reason , the officer who goes the grand round , ought to know of how many officers , non-commission'd officers , and private soldiers , every individual guard is to consist ; that if he finds any wanting , he may acquaint the governor with it , that the faulty may be punish'd ; and if any numbers on any guard be wanting of what they ought to be , immediately to supply them from the main guard. thirdly , that no guard knowing when that prime officer will go his grand round , all the guards may be the more vigilant , and full ; for i have known when grand rounds have gone early in the night , or at a set hour , the guards would be watchful , and full , till the grand round had gone , and then officers would go off themselves , and connive at some of the soldiers doing the like ; which evidenc'd they more feared to be punish'd by their governor , than to be surprized by their enemy ; but unless they doing exactly their duty , proceeds from an apprehension of both , it is a great fault ; and if not alwayes severely punish'd , may too probably be the loss of the garison . having thus offered to consideration these three particulars , and propounded the remedy to them , i shall now proceed to those general rules which seem indispensibly requisite to be observed in all well regulated garisons . one standing maxim is , that the several guards which are to do the constant duty , be alwayes so advisedly , and cautiously posted , and distributed ; and the centinels of every guard , so set out round the whole garison , that it shall be impossible , if the guards and centinels do their duty , for an enemy from without , or conspirators within , to attack you without timely notice ; in doing whereof , much will depend upon the discretion of the governor , and his subalterne officers . in calm , and moon-shine nights , i would set out my centinels thinner , and at a greater distance ; but in dark and tempestuous nights , i would set them thicker , and have double centries ; for in wet and windy nights , a centinels musket on his discovery of an enemy , may not go off ; and in that case , if there be but a fingle centry , he will run off , and give the alarm ; whereby if the enemy plants a scaling ladder by reason of the centinels absence , he may uninterruptedly do it : whereas if there be double centinels , and both their muskets should fail of firing , one of them may run off to the guard , call for , and send help , and without noise have in a readiness the guard to fall unexpectedly on the assaulters , while the centinel that stayes , may hinder a scaling ladder to be fix'd on the parropet , or town wall ; for the ladder being long , and the height from the bottom of the graft , to the top of the parropet considerable ; one , at that height , will with his hand turn off a ladder more easily , than as many as can come to handle a ladder at the bottom , can raise it to the top . i knew a very important garison , between france and italy , enter'd by the enemy in a windy , dark , and stormy night , there being but one centinel in a place , whose musket failing , he ran off to cry , arm , arm , whereby the enemy clap'd up their ladder where the centry had stood , and enter'd , before any came to oppose them ; but they were beaten out at last , almost miraculously . when the guards and centries day and night are well posted , and disposed of about the outward circumference of the whole garison ; the next care ought to be , to look well to all within ; and to be the more circumspect if you have the least reason to doubt the inhabitants are false to you ; therefore the governor ought to have patroles constantly moving all night , and guards in all piazza's , or open places where conspirators may imbody , and place centries in every street , and good guards on his magazines , or arsenals , which ought alwayes to be kept in several places , lest by casualty , or treachery , one of them should take fire , the garison might remain unfurnished for necessaries for its defence , and thereby become exposed . nor is it amiss for a governor , if he suspects conspiracy amongst the inhabitants , seemingly to use with harshness one , or more faithful officers , who may thereby , by secretly consorting with ill affected inhabitants , insinuate themselves into their cabals , turn them from dangerous designs , and discover privately and frequently all they do to the governor ; and if he has ground to suspect the fidelity of any of his own companies , 't is requisite that he should have secretly in every troop , and company , two of it at least , who for good rewards , would be covertly his intelligencers ; and for making them the more usefully such , he must allow them to talk at the highest with the discontented at their private meetings , or on their guards . but when he has gained two or more in every company , he ought not to let any one of them know , who are his other intelligencers , for many good reasons ; some of which are , that it augments a diligent spies care , when he believes he only is relied upon for advertisements ; by comparing what they severally inform the governor of , he may the clearlier know if their intelligence be true , whereas if they act in conjunction , they may frame informations to get the greater rewards ; which if but one does , the other will detect it ; when they are in concert they will be often whispering , and thereby either discover what they are , or give the rest of the soldiers jealousie , which will render them the less useful ; these intelligencers the governor must often use in publick , roughlier than any other soldiers , that the rest of their comrades may be the less doubtful of them . the often sending of rounds , and counter-rounds , to visit the guards , and centinels , must never be omitted ; and a vigilant governor ought to go them frequently himself , and all officers are to be strictly required by him , to give constant account to him , from time to time , of whatever they observe in the garison ; that accordingly he may take his measures on such informations . he ought also frequently in person to visit throughly his arcenal and magazine of victuals , both which he must alwayes keep plentifully , and well furnished , and in good order . in the first he must see the arms well fixed , and kept dry , as also the carriages of the ordnance which are not planted , and exposed to the weather , must once in six months be new pitched , or painted with oyl colours , whereby a little charge may still preserve them . every barrel of powder ought once a month at least , to be turn'd topsie turvy in the cask ; for if it be not , all the salt-peeter will work to the bottom , and leave the upper part of the powder in the cask weak and clotty ; the powder also ought to be aired once a year in the sun , and such barrels as need it , ought to be refreshed and reanimated . the match must be kept in great dry fat 's , and on boarded floors , lest it relax , and become useless ; and where any moisture may have gotten to it , it must be baked in ovens to recover it . the magazine of victuals , which as the arsenal for arms ought to be kept in two distinct places to prevent accidents , or treachery ; must carefully and often be visited by the governor in person who is not to relie therein , upon the honesty and care of the best commissaries ; the wheat in them must be laid thin , and often turn'd , else it will heat , and be loathed by the soldiery , who when on most danger and duty , ( as in time of a siege ) ought not to have their staff of life nauseous unto them . bisket , butter , cheese , and oatmeal , if carefully look'd unto , would be better relish'd , and keep longer than most flesh or fish salted , and are commonly in sieges better liked by the soldiery ; for they carry their bread , butter and cheese with them to their guards , those being dress'd to their hands without their labour to cook it , or to get fire to do it ; and make them less thirsty by much , than powdered , or dryed flesh , or fish. the oatmeal also boiled in their quarters , is a great refreshment to them , and very grateful , whether they be sick or well . as a governor ought always to have his magazines plentifully furnished , so he ought to take great care that before any sort of provisions in them decay , to sell them off , and buy fresh ; but still to have as much of the fresh brought in , before the decaying ones are taken out of the store-houses ; for else an enemy who has a design on the garison , may employ a correspondent in it , to buy off the decaying provisions , and promise a supply of fresh ones ; but when he has gotten the old , he may fail of bringing in the new , which may be the loss of the place ; wherefore the governor ought still to make the change by little and little , to prevent that fraud and ruine . he ought also to take constant care that none of his garison be insolent , or so much as disrespectful to the civil magistrates , or inhabitants ; for if those which are employ'd to protect them , become their tyrants , it makes them in sieges , or dangers , apt to conspire to change their masters ; at least it makes them unready to assist , or supply the garison , since the service of fear is alwayes paid with reluctancy , but that of love with chearfulness . and every one that lives at ease in a garison , makes it his delight , as well as it his interest , to contribute what he can to preserve it . the sacred scripture teacheth us , that a city which is divided , cannot stand . a governor need not be at much , or constant trouble , to bring this one essential thing to pass ; for two or three smart examples imposed on the faulty , will deter the rest from committing the like offences ; for the soldiery seldom repeat those crimes , which they know their chief commander does distaste , and will certainly punish . and as on the one side , the military power must be respectful to the civil , so the civil authority ought to be kind to the soldiery ; 't is very rare where the former is constantly practised , that the latter is omitted ; but 't is rare indeed where the garison is churlish , to find the magistrates obliging . the inhabitants of towns are commonly a sort of people , who are gain'd by the good usage of those who have the power to treat them ill ; but are soon lost to those , who being paid to protect them , do notwithstanding abuse them : the harmony between the gown , and the sword , is absolutely necessary ; and may with facility be attain'd , by the good conduct and discretion of the chiefs of both parties . i have had the honour to be the governor of several garisons , and by punishing irremittably the least rudeness of the soldiery , to the inhabitants , i never desired any thing of these , for those , that was denied me . another chief care of a governor , is , often to visit the works , and outworks of a garison , and speedily to repair the least decayes in them ; for delayes therein , are unsafe to the garison , and chargeable to the prince ; since what at first would mend a breach substantially , will in time be of great expence to do it ; since decayes in fortifications , are like interest money , they eat into the purse day and night , till the principle be paid ; and it may be too late to mend fortifications , when an enemy comes to attack them . he ought also to cause the guard-houses and centry-houses to be kept in good repair , and cleanly , alwayes making those who are relieved , to deliver them up such to the relievers . on every guard , i would still have a competent proportion of powder , match , and bullet , under lock , and key , at such a distance from the fire in the guard house , as may not endanger the powder . and the relieved officer , from time to time , should , before he quits the guard , shew the relieving officer that the ammunition that he receiv'd when he mounted the guard , is not prejudic'd or diminished , and then give him up the key of it , that he may practise the like rule towards the officer who is next to succeed him . the lodging in this manner of a barrel of powder , or more , with match , and ball proportionable , in every guard , is very requisite ; for in case of any sudden danger , it will be too late to send for a supply to the arcenals ; and if all the guards send thither at once , it may be unsafe ; whereas leaving a quantity on every guard as is before set down , it is there ready on the place when it is needful , and cannot be spoil'd , or imbezled , but it must be known by whom ; and the officer who commands the guard , if such a miscarriage happens , ought to be answerable for it out of his own pay , with such further punishments for his neglect , or worse , as a court marshal shall think fit to judge , or inflict . the centry-houses i mention , ought to be placed at every point of a bastion ; at the shoulders of every bastion , and equal and competent distances along the curtain , and where there are any cavaliers on the height of them , because of their commanding prospect ; i know many are against centry-houses , alledging , that the centinels in them being dry , and warm , are the apter to sleep , and the unlikelier to hear any noise , three sides of the four of the house , being usually closed . but on the other hand , in wet , stormy , or very sharp nights , unless soldiers have some shelter , they too usually fall sick ; besides , i would never allow a seat in a centry-house , and it is not probable that a man will fall asleep standing upright ; especially , when he knows if he be found asleep by the round , or those who relieve him he is to dye for it nor would i have the three sides of the centry-house shut up , as is usual ; but wooden windows to the three sides , whereby the centry need but to have one , or at most , two of those windows shut , so as he may the easier hear any noise ; nor ought he to keep in it , but on exceeding sharp , or wet weather ; for as a governor is to exact all necessary duties from his soldiers , so he should not require needless ones ; especially such as will endanger their healths , and consequently their lives . a governor ought of course , weekly at least , to hold court marshals in his garison ; whereby the soldiers are more deter'd from committing offences , knowing how soon and certainly they must be punish'd if they do . i would allow every company of the garison annually one barrel of powder , with match and ball proportionable ; and every troop one barrel of pistol powder , and the like of ball , for their guards exercising and solemnities ; and they should have no more , unless commanded on service : for if they are not stinted in such allowance , they will be still craving , and prodigal . the often exercising of the soldiers of a garison in the fields , under the works , or in piazza's , ( if large enough ) is very requisite ; and when they are drawn on duty , out of the works , those in the works must be doubly diligent : nor is it amiss on the guards at night , and in the day , for the officers on those guards , to exercise those soldiers there , and teach them more readily to handle their arms , especially if any among them be new men . however such exercising on guards , keeps them waking , and is instructive , and also deters conspirators from hoping to surprize those , who are both alwayes awake and improving their time the better to serve their prince . it is one great part of the duty of a vigilant governor in case any fire happen in his garison , or any great tumult arise among the people , immediately to shut up all the ports of the garison , to draw all the soldiers of it into arms , and with expedition to distribute them to the most advantageous places , as piazza's , market-places , the meeting of several streets , &c. and on no terms to let any of the garison soldiers quit their colours , and lay down their arms to quench the fire , without express orders for it ; since if those rules be not punctually observed , an enemy who has a design upon the place , may set some houses on fire , or raise tumults , to engage the garison to suppress both ; and while they are confusedly doing it , he may with the more facility cut them off : but when the ports are shut , and well man'd , the guards on duty , all the garison in arms , and most advantageously distributed , and none to stir from their stations without express order from the governor , or the chief officers of them ; his hopes to prevail by such attempts will be so small , as he will hardly make any , or if he do , probably be disappointed . it is the duty of a governor also to have an hospital in his government with competent officers , attendants , and other conveniences for the sick and wounded , as a physitian , an apothecary , a chyrurgion , with his mates , a cook , and under-cook , women , attendants , and laundresses ; for cleanliness does almost as much contribute to health , as the skill and medicaments of the artists . there ought also to be a conscientious careful overseer of the whole hospital , who must be very watchful that all employ'd in it , discharge sufficiently their duties of their respective functions ; and who is to give the governor constant notice of their several behaviours , that the diligent may be encouraged , and the remiss punish'd and remov'd , with new and fit ones chosen in their places . for besides the just charity of such care , who can expect the soldiery shall frankly hazard themselves , if due provision be not made for the wounded and sick , so that it is as much the interest , as the duty of a governor , to provide such an hospital for his garison ; he must also take care in time of plague , or infectious diseases , that the soldiers have separate places , and accommodations and assistances requisite . a town major in a large garison is very useful and necessary , for he is in effect the second eyes of the governor ; he must see the ports shut and open every night and mornning , bringing the keyes to the governor every night , and receive them from him every morning , and not leave them on the main guard , as is the too usual custom . before the opening of the gates , he is to send thorow the wicket some trusty soldiers , with an officer , to visit all places near the ports where an enemy may be conceal'd ; and after being fully satisfied there is none , then to open the gates , and not before , since many garisons have been surprized for want of this necessary precaution . the town major is also both day and night to visit the guards and centinels ; to be prying into all companies and places from whence danger may probably arise , and to inform the governor diligently of all that passes . he is likewise to mind the well quartering of the soldiers when their quarters are distributed by the civil magistrates ; to see the guards be duly furnish'd with fire and candle ; and when any of the soldiers are sick or wounded , to have them carried to the hospital or pesthouse , for which end he must daily visit those places , and report to the governor what he finds amiss ; for the officers of those houses will be the more careful , being under such strict and frequent inspection . he is likewise to cause the guard houses and centry-houses to be kept clean , and in good repair ; and where any breaches or decayes are in the fortifications , or outworks , to give the governor timely notice , and to have them speedily and effectually repair'd . he is also to see the gibbets , and wooden horse , for the punishment of the soldiers , erected and kept fit for the execution , when any by a court marshal are adjudged , and have a guard on the place during the time of execution . he must take most particular care where the graft of the fortification is a mote , every great frost to have the ice well broken each night , the neglect whereof has lost many important garisons . one other indispensible duty of his , is , to give the governor constant and true notice of all strangers which come to the garison by land , or water ; what their qualities are , what their number is , and their inns or private houses where they lodge from time to time . for which end , both the governor and chief magistrate must under a strict penalty , require every housekeeper every night , immediately after the ports are lock'd , to send constantly to the town major , a particular account of every stranger who lodges in the garison , in whose houses respectively they do it , with their christian and sirnames , how long they intend to continue in the garison , what arms they travel with ; and if any number of persons arrive of whom a grounded suspition may be entertained , then the town major is to appoint some persons whom he may fully trust , to insinuate themselves into their company if they can ; at least to observe diligently their deportment , and who comes to them , and to whom they send ; that by examining their carriage , and those they converse with , the governor being duly informed by the town major , may act accordingly for the safety of the place . in the best regulated garisons where any arrive who are not throughly known to be friends , if they travel with fire-arms , they are made to leave them at the gate they enter at , receiving a ticket for them from the officer there , who is to re-deliver them , when the strangers go out of the garison ; or when they are well known , bring them to the owners at the inns where they lie . a careful governor ought not , unless upon very urgent occasions indeed , and having first secured himself against all probabilities of a surprize , to open his gates after they are once shut , till the usual hour of opening them ; but if any packets come from the prince , the general , or any superior officers , or of important intelligence , he is to receive them by cords , to which the packet may be tyed , and for which end , a post is to be planted ot the outside of the graft , to which a cord is to be fastned , that reaches to the gate , by which cord , a line being also at the end of the said post , the packet may be drawn into the garison . over every port of the garison , there ought constantly to be a centinel , and near him two bells , the one much bigger than the other ; on the larger bell , he is from time to time to strike one stroke for every horseman he shall see coming to that gate , and on the lesser bell one stroke for every man on foot he sees coming to that gate , whereby the guard of that port being advertised constantly of the numbers of men on horseback , or on foot which are coming , may be the more in readiness according to the numbers that are arriving ; and may shut the gates , if they be so numerous as to give suspition . in great and considerable garisons which are ordered as they ought to be , i have seen on the bridge which goes over the graft , three draw-bridges , most have two , that when a wagon or cart comes , and hath passed the first draw-bridge , those who have the guard of that bridge , draw it up , and stop the cart or wagon , till they have throughly searched whether there be any men , arms , or ammunition in it , and while that is doing , the draw-bridge next the gate is drawn up ; but if only merchandize be found in them , then they let them pass . two rules are still to be observ'd in this particular . the first is , that when several carts come loaded to a gate , the guard admits but one at a time to pass upon the bridge , or through the gate , all the rest being to be stop'd on the outside of the graft , till the first be searched , and have passed over the bridge and through the gate into the street ; then the rest are to pass , one by one , in like manner . the second is , that whoever commands the guard in the gate of a garison , must on no pretence whatever admit a cart , or wayn , or passengers , to stop upon a draw-bridge , or in the port , or under the percullis of it ; for want of this care , amiens was surpriz'd by porto-carrero , who had so well adjusted his design , that under the place where the percullis was to fall , he stop'd his loaded cart , and by an artifice let the horses go on which till then had drawn it ; whereby when the percullis was let fall , the loaded cart kept it supported on it self , by which means his soldiers got in , having before sent some of them cloath'd like peasants , who , as if it had been by accident , drop'd in the guard-place a bag of nuts and apples , which while the soldiers of it were scrambling for , porto carrero's disguis'd men kill'd them at their pleasure , and being suddenly and briskly seconded by his horse and foot , which lay ready for that end , amiens was surpriz'd , and cost king henry the fourth of france , justly sirnamed the great , much time , treasure and blood , to recover it again . the like care also must be taken in the thorough examining and searching all ships and vessels which come within the walls of garisons ; for want of that care , breda was surpriz'd in our memories . i think it very advisable on the flanks of every bastion , to have the cannon of it , which is next the curtain , still loaden with chain-shot , and so pointed , as when it is fired , the chain-shot may cut off all the ladders , which on an intended surprised by scallado , may be fastned with iron crooks to the top of the parropet of the curtain . the city of geneva was once preserved by this caution , for it will be too late , to point cannon justly in the night , when the enemies ladders are once placed ; therefore i would have it done before there be need , and that will be useful when there is . wherever ordnance are planted in a garison , there must still be a centinel upon every piece , whose duty is to let none , except the officers of the garison , and the ordnance , to come so near it , as to touch it ; for want of this care , cannons have been often spiked and clogged , and garisons thereby have been surprized ; nay , i have known , by the pouring in of a certain corroding liquor , either at the touch-hole , or at the muzle of the cannon , if her britch be sunk ; a cannon so eaten into , that when she came to be fired , she split , and kill'd some of those whom she should have defended against the enemy . i learnt how to make this corroding liquor from an expert artist , but esteem it unfit to make the receipt of it publick . i have seen in some garisons , plates of iron fastned with padlocks , both to cover the muzles and touch-holes of cannons , which possibly were to preserve their ordnance from the effects of that devouring water . those who have the charge of the ordnance of a garison , ought often with their worm , to draw out the loading of a cannon , both to put in new if the powder in the cartruce be wet , or if the shot or bags of bullets be stolen out ; for if any intend you foul play , though they steal out the loading of the ordnance , yet they will fill the bottom of the cilinder of it , with something that shall be to the height of the loading ; and therefore the trial by the rammer only , may be fallacious ; but by drawing out the charge , you cannot be deceived ; i knew a garison surprized by such an art of the enemy , and such a negligence of our own . in great garisons i have seen guards kept constantly from the opening to the shutting of the gates , at the further end of the bridge over the graft , which is much the safest way , if the garison be numerous enough to admit of it ; for this out-guard examined all comers and goers , before they came to that bridge , whereby much of the danger of a surprisal was avoided . the having double vaulted arsenals , especially for preserving the powder against accidental or design'd fires , or the execution by the shells of mortar-pieces , are very requisite ; and if possibly , to have mills for making gun-powder within the garison ; since nothing better does keep an enemy far off , than freely shooting against him ; and the best furnish'd arsenals will be too soon exhausted , if all be spent constantly upon the main stock , and that be not recruited from within . these being some of the most essential things for the well-ordering of garisons , i shall defer the enumerating of the rest , till i come to that chapter which treats of sieges . the marching of an army . in the marching of an army , there are many important particulars worthy to be throughly known , and diligently observed : whether i marched in a friends , or enemies countrey ; whether i believed the enemy near , or far off , i would still observe the like order , and have the same care ; for a general may be mistaken in his intelligence , or intelligencers ; nay , may think those are friends , which want but an advantageous opportunity to declare themselves foes ; and therefore all imaginable caution ought to be observed in all times and places , because war is a profession of so ticklish a nature , that 't is rare for any chief commander to be capable of erring twice in any essentials , and therefore he ought to be the more vigilant not to do it once . but were there nothing else as a motive to it , but the keeping up exactly the military discipline , yet for that reason singly , i would constantly do it . these following particulars i would therefore recommend to consideration and practice , having my self constantly , since i knew any thing of the profession , punctually observed them , and found the good of doing it . all the regiments should in course take their turns , to be in the van , rear , and other parts of the body of the army ; for where there is equality of duty , there must be also universal satisfaction therein ; the generals regiment the first day are still to have the van of all , so daily every regiment to have its turn according to its priority , being a general officers ; or antiquity , being a colonels . the regiments of horse and foot that are at night to have the guard of the camp , or quarter , is still allowed to have the van. first , since they are to have the duty at night , they ought to have the place of greatest ease in the dayes march , which doubtless the van is . secondly , being to watch at night , they ought to be the earliest on the ground where the army is to camp , o●… quarter , the better to view it , and for the placing of their centinels , and guards ; and for the chief officer to order where his patrouils and parties which scowre the countrey , may most usefully move for the safety of the whole . thirdly , such of the van as are not employed in those functions , having first of all ( which must be still indispensibly done ) set out their out-centinels in those places from whence they may clearliest and farthest discover their several guards , ( for these are the eyes as it were of the camp ) are to draw up into squadrons and battalions ready to fight , if need require it , till the whole army be encamped or quartered ; and upon no consideration whatever , to exempt the regiments of the van , horse and foot , from that duty ; since the hopefullest time for an enemy to fall into a camp , especially not entrenched , ( as ours alas seldom , or rather indeed never are ) is just as the camp is beginning to settle ; for men then are commonly weary , or busied in pitching their tents , or making their hutts if they have not tents , or in getting fuel , dressing their meat , providing of forage , looking after their baggage , and a hundred other little , but necessary employments to the oeconomy of soldiers ; and therefore this nick of time being busily employed by all who have not the guard , those who have it , must be in their turns the more vigilant for all the rest . fourthly , those who have the van , ought to be the earliest on the ground to camp or quarter in , because if there be any woods , mountains , or other covert places , at any reasonable distance from the ground to camp in , they ought to have those places thoroughly searched ere it be dark , for then it may be too late to do it ; i have known sad defeats given to forces for want of these essential circumspections . i will not trouble the reader with many other reasons for it , since it is a thing made evident enough by what has been already said , if it be not so of it self . if it be possible , i would every morning before the army marches , draw it up in battalia ; if that will take up too much time , or the ground permits it not , i would draw up as much of the army as i could into gross bodies , or rather than fail into many lesser , as the place and time would allow me , the more to accustom the soldiers to march in body , and also to be the more ready to resist an enemy should he attempt me ; for the best opportunity of doing it next to that of an armies lodging , is to do it as it dislodges . out of the van regiments of horse and foot , i would still draw out a forlorn hope of horse and foot , who under careful officers should march a good distance before the van , and should carefully search , and discover all covert places , fit to conceal an enemy , whether right forward , or on either flank , and send speedy notice of what they discover to the general , and other general officers , that they may give timely orders thereon . it is in my own poor opinion very fit a new word should be given to all the commissioned , and non-commissioned officers , and a field mark to the private soldiers , every morning just as the army is ready to march ; for if there be no need of both , it does no harm ; if there be , it does much good , especially if an army , or any part of it , be suddenly attacked during its march ; for on such sudden occasions , it may be too late to do either ; and then the field word being given to all the commissioned and non-commissioned officers , it may by them , in an insant , if there be occasion , be communicated to the private soldiers . i know it is usual , that the regiments of horse and foot which are to have the guard at night , have the van of the horse , and of the foot , during the dayes march . but i offer it to consideration , whether that practice may not with reason be altered ; i have sometimes done it , and found good effects by it . for i have made the horse and foot which were to have the guard the succeeding night , lead the van of the army all the dayes march , and not as is the usual custom , given those horse which were to have the guard at night , the van of the horse ; and those foot which were to have the guard with them , the van of the foot ; but made both the horse and foot which were to have the guard , march in one body in the van of all the rest of the army ; for i could not see any one inconvenience by it , but i found it had many advantages , especially if the army were numerous , or the countrey through which we marched was inclosed , or full of passes ; since if the army were great , and the wayes narrow , or full of bad steps , it would usually take up two miles distance from the van of the horse , to the van of the foot , whereby if the regiment or regiments of foot which were to have the guard at night , marched but in the van of the foot , they would be long ere they came to the ground where they were that night to do the duty ; and consequently , might probably fail of those advantages , which by early coming they would have had . in the next place , if the countrey have narrow wayes , or many passes , all the horse which march in the van of the army , if assaulted by the enemies foot , might be too much exposed , while the foot are coming up from the van of the foot , to relieve them ; whereas if the regiments of horse and foot which are to have the guard , march together in the van of all , the foot are as it were at hand , to shelter the horse of the van. lastly , there may be some bridge , cause-wayes , or passes to be secured , for the better marching of the army , which possibly the enemy when he finds which way you move , may attempt to seize upon ; and though your horse should get thither before them , yet if you have not foot or dragoons to justifie it , the enemy will quickly beat you from it , especially if he has ordnance . probably also your march may lie thorow woods , or copses , or moorish grounds , where the van of the horse may suffer much , unless the foot be with them ; and because the horse are useless in woods , copses , and deep moorish grounds , if your enemy understands his work , he will in such places fall on your horse with his foot , and do it with safety to his men , and certainty of success , unless you have foot ready to hold his foot play , till the rest of the army comes up . when ever i marched with horse and foot thorough woods , copses , or deep moorish grounds , i still sent out wings of shot to the right and left hand , above a musket shot from the road , in which i marched my horse , the better to shelter them . these are some of the many advantages which follow from having the horse and foot which are to be on the guard at night , to march all the day in a body in the van of all ; but as to the inconveniences of doing it , i leave it to those to set them down , who have found , or shall find them out , for i am therein to seek . the having of many good guides , and to distribute them well , and on their informations diligently compared , to resolve on the way to march , are very requisite things , especially if you march to attack an enemy in the night ; i say , many good guides , and well distributed ; for want of both which , i have known some great designs not only fail , but those who were to attempt them , run great hazard , and suffer the loss of many men : for if you have but one guide , or two guides at most , that are taken up in the countrey , they may be corrupted , or give you the slip , unless you be very careful ; and if they be the first , or do the last , not only you lose your design , but may also lose your selves ; therefore i would always if i could , never have less than three guides , one with the forlorn , one in the van of the army , and one with the general , who may have many things to ask him , and to be informed of by him , during the march , which it might well be impossible for him to have inquired into , till he saw the countrey through which he marches ; but if you have but two guides , or but one , and that you are not on certain grounds secure of his , or their honesty , you must be more careful to keep him safe , lest if he or they should escape , the prejudice and danger be great . i earnestly recommended the ordering the daily marches of any army , in such manner , as alwayes to come early to the place you will camp , or quarter in ; but in a most especial manner indeed , if the enemy be near you , or that you march in a countrey that belongs to the enemy , or is better inclined to him than to you , or is at best , a doubtful countrey ; for so many mischiefs and inconveniences have hapned , and may happen thereby , that nothing but down-right and meer necessity , should ever make me do otherwise . i shall enumerate a few , that by the pattern one may judge of the piece . your horse generally are by late coming to quarters , unprovided of forage , and one dayes march with the succeeding nights fasting and duty , does cast them down , more than six dayes ease , and good feeding , will raise them again . if they ramble out of the camp to seek it , 't is ten to one , it being in the dark , they fail of it ; and if any enemy be near , twenty to one he fails not to cut them off . your men generally will want firing , both for the dressing of their meat , and for the guards ; the hindmost and straglers having no guides , usually lose their way ; and if the countrey be false , or the enemy near , themselves also . the confusion will be great in every regiments finding , and taking down his baggage in the night ; but if you have not tents , and must hutt , or lie open , 't is more than odds , you do the latter . the danger of overthrowing the cannon or wagons in the dark , which may also happen in such places , as it may stop the whole march of that part of the army which is hindermost , as i have known it sometimes do , and thereby expose both the van and the rear to be cut off , by being divided , and in the dark . lastly , not any longer to attempt to make that evident , which is in it self but too plain ; if , when you are incamped , or quartered , and are in the night assaulted by your enemy on all parts , though having well viewed the ground , and disposed of your men in case of a real attack , it be difficult and uneasie enough to make a fitting defence ; judge what it must be , when to the brisk attack on all sides from an enemy without , is added , the confusion and disorder within the camp. and if your enemy understands his business , he will never fail of making his attempt that night in which you come late , and consequently tired and disordered , into your camp , especially when it has no line about it . to prevent therefore this fatal mischief of coming late to quarter , i would practise three things indispensibly . the first is , to be moving very early . the second is , to send the carpenters of the train , and most of the pioneers with the van , to mend bridges that need it ; to support and prop such , as without those helps shall be judged insufficient to bear the wagons , ammuninition , and cannon . and when there are any bad steps for the horse , or train , to mend them against the army comes up . and when the wayes are narrow , to leave those wayes , if it be possible , only for the cannon and baggage , and to make several large gaps to the right and left hand of the highwayes , for the troops to march in the fields . thirdly , whenever the ground allows it , to march in battalia ; and if all the army cannot , yet at least that the horse and foot march in as large squadrons and battalions as the countrey will admit ; which will not only hasten your march by shortning the length of your army , but also habituate your soldiers to march orderly in bodies , against there is need . yet if all these precautions do not accelerate your intended dayes march , as that you apparently see you cannot come early enough to your intended place to camp or quarter in , ( for many such accidents may happen ) then i would much rather camp short of the station i intended , in the first convenient ground i found , for fire , water , and fo●…age , ( which three must still be minded ) than expose my men to all the fatal mischiefs and inconveniences of a late incamping , or quartering . if i am to camp or quarter at night in an enemies countrey , or a doubtful one , or that an enemy be near , i would strictly observe these two following particulars . first , that none should know the ground i intend to camp , or quarter in at night , but the chief officers . secondly , that if my guide or guides be not of my army , or men thorowly known to me , and trusted by me ; i would let him or them , speak with none , after i concluded they might guess at the way i intended to march ; and consequently near what place i intended to camp , or quarter in , and to have them in safe custody all the march . i would allow no soldiers , during the march , to straggle , much less to stay behind , unless on meer necessity , and by his officers leave ; and this i would firmly observe , whether i marched through a friend , or enemies countrey , not only to keep up that excellent part of military discipline , but also to preserve my men from receiving or doing the country any harm ; since soldiers but too generally are apt to do amiss , when they have the power to do it , especially if not under the eye of their officers . and i have known countries which being ill us'd by the soldiers of their own party , but well by those of the enemy , have therefore been friends to their foes , and enemies to their friends , who in effect made themselves their enemies , for the people of the countrey judge chiefly by their senses . as the van has a forlorn of horse and foot , so the rear should have a rear-guard of horse and foot , to be composed out of such as were the precedent night on duty , and i would still send out small parties of horse on the wings to discover : by this method the van , rear , and flanks , cannot be attacked , without having timely notice to put themselves into order to resist an enemy . as to the baggage , i know 't is too usually practised for the convenience of the regiments , to have the baggage of every regiment , march in the rear of the regiment , which i think very unfit , especially if an army marches in an enclosed countrey , or where there are woods , copses , moorish grounds , rivers , bridges , or passes ; since the baggage so placed , must hinder the regiments from coming up expeditious to oppose the enemy , and second such as may be assaulted in the van , or rear , whereby the ruine of the army may probably ensue . iulius caesar when he marched , especially in an enemies countrey that was enclosed , or cumbersom to move in , by reason of woods , copses , bridges , &c. made all his legions march in a body , and in the rear of them disposed of his baggage , leaving only for their guard some new raised men. this did well , where he was sure the enemy could only attempt him in the van , but not knowing where he will make his impression ; yet being certain he is likeliest to make it , where he will find least resistance , and where he may do most mischief , in my opinion 't is best to have the baggage , as also the cannon , and ammunition , march in the centre of the foot , where they are likeliest to be safe from all attempts ; and if the attack be in the van , or rear , or both , half the army will be free from the incumbrances of the carriages , and will be ready to make head where the need requires . the romans were so exact in the order of their marches , as that every morning at the first sounding of the trumpet , every one took down his tent , and began to make up his baggage ; at the second sounding , every one loaded his baggage ; and at the third sounding , the legions moved out of their quarters , and put themselves in the form and order they were that day to march in : but none were to take down their tents , till the consul and military tribunes had first took down theirs ; whether for the greater respect , or because their tents and baggage being larger than the rest , they should be the first at work , and thereby have their baggage as ready to march at the third sound of the trumpet , as the private soldiers : for commanders who give rules to all the rest , ought to be the most exact themselves in observing them ; since if they break their own orders , they encourage others to lose their reverence to them ; and example operates more than precepts ; for most men see better than they understand ; as when among clergymen , vicious livers , are good preachers , many think they themselves do not believe what they seem to inculcate , since they practise contrary to what they teach . therefore it seems to me exceeding requisite , that whatever rules are made in an army by a general , he , and his servants , ought most punctually to observe them ; for else with what justice can he punish in another for the breach of the same orders which he himself does violate ? but when the soldiery finds the general keeps strictly the rules he gives , they do the more inviolably observe them also ; for they conclude , since he will not therein indulge to himself , he will not do it to others . and they implicitely believe such orders are good and necessary , because he that gave , is so punctual an observer of them . in imitation of the roman discipline when the army or forces were to march , i observed these following rules , where i had the honour to command in chief . soon after the reveill was beaten , i caused all the troopers and wagoners , or men that tended the baggage , to take up their horses and oxen , and to make ready to load . at the sounding to saddle , all began to take down their tents , and to load . at the sounding to horse , all the troopers did mount , and the foot soldiers draw into arms under their colours . when the trumpets sounded to the standard , all the soldiery marched out of the ground they quartered , or camped on , into the field or fields appointed to draw up in , and there were formed into as many and large squadrons and battalions as the time and ground would admit , still those forces of horse and foot having the right which were to have the van all day , and the guard at night , all the ordnance , wagons and baggage being drawn up on one side by themselves , ready to fall into the centre of the foot , as the army or forces marched off . those which had had the guard the preceding night being drawn up in battalia , till the army fell into their marching order , and till the ground was cleared ; and then they brought up the rear all that day , and commanded out a rear-guard of horse and foot during that dayes march , who were still to bring up all sick or lame soldiers who could not keep pace with the body . and where any was unable to go , to carry him behind a trooper till he came to the camp , and then to deliver him to his captain ; also to seize upon and secure all straglers , and to give them to the provost marshal , that they might be punish'd . if i march'd through a countrey which had narrow cause-wayes , bridges , rivers or passes , i made those forces which were on those cause-wayes , bridges , and passes , double the quickness of their march , till they were gotten out , or over them ; and then immediately draw up on the right or left hand , as the ground would permit , till all the rest were got over , in case i suspected the enemy was near , or watched my motion . if i did not apprehend an enemy , then i made only every regiment of horse and foot draw up when they had passed over those straights , till the intire regiment were got over , and then to continue their march ; the like i practised over any fordable rivers . but still when the stream was rapid , or above knee-deep , i made the strongest horse , by turns , in files stand firm in the river on the upper and lower sides of the ford , that the foot might pass the safelier between them , the upper files breaking much the rapidness of the stream ; and the lower catching up those foot soldiers who might be cast down by the violence of the current , by which means many foot soldiers lives have been saved . i did also order the horse in the van of all , when they had gotten over the ford , to send out small parties to discover , while the rest of the army were marching over the fords , or bridges ; and if the countrey were enclosed , or hilly , to be the more diligent and expeditious in such searchings and discovery : for an enemy cannot wish for a greater advantage , than to fall upon an army which is separated by a ford , bridge , or such narrow passage , since then they are his at a cheap price , therefore great and constant circumspection must be observed in all such cases , and all the forces , as fast as they get over , must be in a posture to fight , in formed squadrons and battalions , while the rest are getting over . it ought also to be the constant care in a chief commander , especially marching through an enemies countrey , or when an enemy is near , often to make short halts , that the army may not march disorderly , and that it may be as short in its long march as possible ; for 't is better to make short and sure dayes marches , than long ones and hazardous . 't is impossible to give one certain and standing rule , for the most advantageous and safe way of marching an army ; for the form must vary according to the country you march in , and the enemy you have to do with . if i suspect he means to assault me during my march in my front , rear or flanks , i must fortifie those several parts accordingly . if he be an enemy not strong enough to give me battel , and will only by his horse and dragoons possess the passes and bridges , and fords , to obstruct and retard my march , i would then have some ordnance , with their necessaries , march with the foot which are in the van of all , the better and sooner to drive him from his defences ; and i would march my army in two or three several bodies divers wayes , which the french call columes , but we , and i think more properly , lines ; yet still no farther distant the one from the other , than to be ready speedily to unite , if the need require ; and at evening , all to camp in one field , or quarter it conveniently , whereby the whole would move the more expeditiously , safely , and at ease ; and the enemy would be the less encouraged to defend a bridge , ford , or narrow pass , against one of the three lines ; since while he is doing that , one , or both the others , may encompass him , and cut off his retreat . there are several other cases which must be provided against , as the emergencies happen , by the care , knowledge , and foresight of the commander in chief ; for which no positive rules can be set down , but the orders must be given on the place , and proportionably to the ground , the enemy , and the occasion . in an enemies or doubtful countrey especially , i would still have a general officer , with the quartermaster general attended upon by the quartermasters of the respective regiments of foot , and troops of horse , and train to be on the ground to camp on at night , some convenient space of time before the van of the army comes up , both to view the ground thorowly , to take all the advantages of it , and to appoint the several places for the guards , for the general officers , the regiments , and train to incamp in ; that against the army comes up , every one may know where to pitch his tent : for which end , the several quartermasters should near the first avenue of the camp , attend , and be ready to shew their men respectively as they come up , where the ground is , and how much is allowed them to lodge in ; that all may go readily , and without confusion , to their several stations ; and that there may be no dispute , those should be staked or marked out , else too often quarrels or animosities do arise on those occasions . and if an enemy be near , i would have the several regiments draw up within the camp , or near it , till the rear be ready to enter into it , to be the fitter to resist if assaulted , or to relieve the rear if fallen upon ; and only admit some of every regiment to employ themselves in pitching the tents of the rest , and the other requisite actions , whereby all may be in a forwardness to lodge , when safely they may do it . the roman discipline in this particular was thus : when their army approached near the place where they were to encamp , the tribunes and centurions appointed for that work , advanced before all the rest , diligently to view and consider the scituation of the place ; and having chosen the ground , in the first place the consuls or generals quarter of the camp was marked with a white flag or streamer , and the boundaries of it were at the same time set out . then the several quarters of the tribunes were also appointed , and then those of the several legions , all with distinct flags or streamers of several colours , only the tribunes were red . then every legion as well of the allies , as of the romans , had their portion of ground assigned and mark'd out for drawing the line about the camp , which was forthwith done , many hands making light work ; and all were expert in it , by constant practice : for they never alter'd the measures , nor the form of their camps , being never allow'd to camp in the fields , but in camps intrench'd , though it were but for one nights quarter , so safe and excellent was their military discipline , which , in my humble opinion , the closer we keep our selves unto , in most things , the greater advantage and security we shall thereby enjoy . i shall close up this section , by only adding to it , that an army but of foot , though they march in a rank ; and of horse , though they march in a rank , having as slender baggage as men can march with , and having but a train of cannon , with an equipage to them for shooting but a hundred shot round , takes up in their long march , near foot in length , which is five measured miles , and three fifths of a mile ; so that so small an army taking up in length near half a dayes march , you thereby see how exceeding necessary it is for an army that is to march , to be moving early , and to march as often as they can in battalia , or in great formed squadrons and battalions , and in three lines , or two , if possible , to shorten the length of your army , and to draw up often as soon , as they are got over causewayes , fords , bridges , rivers , &c. lest if attaqued during their march , the enemy cut them off by parts , the distance from van to rear being so great , though your army be so small . lastly , if you make long marches , especially in enclosed countries , or full of passes , judge how probable 't is , if you have a knowing active enemy , that you may be defeated , unless you be very vigilant , and have constantly small parties abroad to discover at a good distance , and to give timely notice , that accordingly you may be ready to oppose him ; and therefore to march in several lines by several wayes , yet still , as i said before , near enough to join , or relieve one another , seems very requisite ; as also where there is but one way over narrow passes , if possible , by your train carpenters , and pioneers , to make more . i mention nothing how to defend your selves , if attacked , in a pass , or narrow , or moorish wayes , though much , and many things may be said on that subject ; because i take it to be the duty of a good commander , to avoid by his foresight and care , the possibility of being engaged in so great a difficulty ; for if it be run into , 't is hard , if possible , well to extricate ones self out of it ; and were all that which has been experimented in those fatal cases , set down , yet still the remedy will chiefly depend on the quality of the place , and of the enemy you have to deal with , and on that essential part of a chief commander , which is called , presence of mind , which must actuate him according to the ground , the enemy possesses , or he himself is so unhappily engaged in . only this in general is undoubtedly true , in such an affair , that quickness and courage in designing and acting , are essential ; but still the best way is not to fall into such traps , which are easilier avoided , than got out of , when you are in . of camping an army within a line or intrenchment . there are three sorts of camps , the temporary camp , which is for a night , or some short space . the standing camp , whereby countries are kept in subjection , which have been conquer'd , or in which armies are lodged for some time , either to avoid being necessitated to fight , till they saw a fitting time , or for some other great design . and the besieging camp , of which latter i intend to discourse in that chapter which concerns sieges , it seeming to be best reserved till then . and now only to speak of such a camp with a line or intrenchment about it , as is of extent and capacity sufficient to lodge an army within it , both for the accommodation of your own soldiers , and resisting the enemy , if he assaults you . the camping of an army within a line or intrenchment , is attended with so many solid advantages , and the neglect of it accompanied with so many dangers and inconveniences , that by as much as the roman discipline , which constantly obliged their armies to lodge tho' but for one night in intrenched camps , is to be praised ; by so much the neglect of it ought to be avoided : i shall enumerate some of the most material benefits , which are inseparable from the doing it ; in which , by the rule of contraries , the mischiefs of omitting it , may be the clearlier and more convincingly inferr'd . first , such an intrenchment of an army keeps it safe , and frees it from those dangers which it is alwayes exposed unto , by quartering in open towns and villages , where if your enemy be awake , he will every night endanger the carrying or beating up of some quarter of it , which by its being lodged in a body , and within a line , it is exempted from , since to assault an army so retrenched , is so daring an act , and so dangerous , that we hear of few who undertake it , and of much fewer who are successful in it . secondly , it eases the army from keeping many and great guards , since a few serves the turn for all , when all are at hand , in case of the enemies attempt ; whereas if they are quartered , dispersed in villages , and without a line , every quarter must do almost as great , and as hard duty for its own security , as if the army were well encamped would suffice for the whole . but above all , it eases and secures the cavalry , which if quartered in open places , must be mounted the most part of every night . thirdly , your army is better than within a strong town ; for there you are mingled with inhabitants , ( some of which are too likely to be spies for your enemy ) but usually are corrupters of that excellent discipline of which sobriety is a chief ingredient ; both which great evils are not only avoided in camps , but from them also you may go secretly , and with what numbers of soldiers you please , on all great designs , and leave your train , baggage , and sickmen , &c. secure , during your absence . fourthly , in an intrenched camp , none can compel you to fight but when you please , and woe be to that army which by an enemy is made to fight against its will. lastly , ( to omit many other material advantages ) an intrenched camp , by reason of the open air , the healthiness of its scituation , which alwayes must be minded , and the cleanness which may , and ought to be kept in it , is exceedingly less subject to infection and sickness , than villages are , insomuch that some great captains have concluded , an army will be likelier preserved , and kept sound and untainted three months in a well seated and regulated camp , than three weeks in the ordinary villages and countrey towns. all which seems to prove , that one of the most necessary and beneficial parts of the military art , is to know how to incamp well , and constantly to practice it nor could i ever hear of any objection against it , which did not relish chiefly of laziness ; for such as disuse it , take for their pretence , the over-harassing of the soldiers , and consequently often casting them thereby into sicknesses ; when , on the contrary , idleness does oftner produce the last , and the former , by practice , will soon be overcome ; for no mens bodies are usually so sound , and continue long so , as the daily labourers . for as to the charge of buying pickaxes , shovels , spades , and wheelbarrows , &c. and the horses , or oxen , carts , or wagons to carry them in , it is insignificant if weighed with the real advantages an army derives from the good employing of them ; and as to the labour , it ought to be without wages , since none do it , but those who find their own safety , and ease of duty by it ; and since we make the soldiers carry their arms for their defence , and their knapsacks for their food , which all do willingly , because 't is rational , and they are accustomed to it ; so it being as reasonable that men should sleep safe , and keep fewer and less guards with security ; if what conduced thereunto were made habitual to them , they would as contentedly undergo it . if one should say that the roman private soldiers were better than ours are , and fitter for war , we should take it as an affront ; and yet 't is evident , that in this laborious , and advantageous part of war , they excell'd us ; we should either not deny it by our words , or contradict it by our actions . at least if we would do no more , i could wish we did but so much , as when ever we camp , though but for a night , we would at the angles of those great inclosures we lodge in , raise little bastions , or flankers of earth , and sod ; and where the sides of such inclosures were longer than a musket would carry point blank , make little ravelins or redoubts to clear them , it would be a great safety to the camp , and would ease the duty of the guards , who would not need to be so many , or so strong ; and if you came to camp in an open place , only but raise little bastions , or small redoubts round the ground you camp on in a musquet shot the one from the other ; and instead of a line , draw carts , wagons , and carriages between the several redoubts , ( leaving avenues ) which is done in a little time , and with much ease ; for those redoubts need not be above parapet-high , and the grafts of them no broader nor deeper than the earth rais'd out of them will suffice to fill between your sod-work , which faces and lines the redoubts ; nor need they be larger within , than will serve to contain men apiece ; but if you incamp for some time , 't will be worth the pains of making a graft , and a line , and enlarging and heightning your flankers . these little labours would be exceeding useful and safe , and would so accustom the soldiers to work for their own safety and ease , that in time of necessity , they would be the fitter and abler to undergo , and answer it . i do not find that the greeks ever tyed themselves to make the line about their camps equal or regular , but drew them according to the benefit and advantages of the ground . the romans seldom or never varied the form and figure of their camp , but alwayes made their rampards higher , and the graft broader , and deeper , according to the apprehension they had of the enemy . i think it is not amiss here to set down the form of a roman camp , for there are many particulars in it worthy the imitation , and some things which our late experience has with much reason alter'd , and amended . the line and rampard , which consisted of four equal sides , was equally distributed to be raised by the two roman legions , and to the two legions of their allies , who without intermission perfected it , which was their first work ; and 't is probable when they camped but for one night in a place , and fear'd not to be attacked , they made the line but low , and the graft but broad and deep enough to fill earth enough between the facing and lining of it ; i observe they did not use sods commonly , if at all , for those works ; but they drove double rows of stakes of a sufficient thickness and length into the earth , leaving so much of the length above ground , as the heighth of their work was to be of ; then wattled them like our hurdles , and raised them by degrees , as they fill'd them with the earth rising out of the graft . this way was expeditious enough if they incamped still in places , where they were certain to find those materials ; and where they wanted them , i suppose they made use of sods to face and line their ram pards with , as the moderns do : but their way of stakingand wattling , having many iron crows , or other like tools to make holes for their stakes , ( if the materials were ready ) was more quick than ours ; for our way requires much time both to pare the sods , and to ram the earth and the tayles of the sods , sufficiently ; and without both , the work is very apt to belly , and then to slide , which also it will very often do , if the earth have not time to settle , and that cannot be allowed when men come to the place of camping but for one night ; whereas when the rampard is faced and lined with strong stakes , and good wattles , the work cannot slide , till either the stakes , or wattles rott , and that they will not do in many months ; neither is there need , to ram the earth , for it being firmly shut up , on both sides , it will settle of it self , without endangering the sliding of the rampard ; and 't is in this manner that we do in sandy and gravelly grounds , secure our lines of circumvallations , which proves it is firmer than sod work can be . between the inside of the rampard , and the outside of the outwardmost tents , there was an open place or street of feet in breadth , which was continued all along the four equal sides of the camp , and this was the place to draw up the soldiers in , who were to defend the line , and for their cavalry to scour it , which in my poor opinion was too narrow to answer both services ; and if it were only to draw up the foot in , they lost the benefit of their horse , which experience has taught us , in such occasions , is of singular use ; for whatever foot scale , or storm a line , must enter it in great confusion and disorder , and can very hardly indeed resist small squadrons of horse , who are ready to receive them , and charge them all along the inside of the line . the four orders of their infantry , the velites , the hastati , the principes , and the triarii , under the names only of the three latter , ( for they divided and mingled the velites among them ) were thus ordered , ten cohorts of the hastati , which at sixscore in a cohort made men , had velites join'd with them , and made one body of men. the like number of velites were joined to ten cohorts , of the principes . but in regard the cohorts of the triarii consisted but of sixty men each ; ten cohorts of those made but men , and therefore the velites join'd to them were but , both which made a body but of men. the romans allowed ten foot of ground square , to lodge two foot soldiers with their necessaries , so that foot in breadth , and in length , was sufficient to lodge foot soldiers , whereby ten cohorts of the hastati , when the velites were joined to them , ( which made but men in all ) were lodg'd at large in that compass , and had enough to spare for their baggage . the like quantity of ground served to lodge ten cohorts , of principes when their velites were joined to them . but only half as much ground was allow'd to ten cohorts of the triarii , and to the velites joined to them , because they were half less in number . to the cavalry , they allow'd for every horse feet of ground square , and for turmae foot in breadth , and foot in length . to the allies they allowed the like proportion of ground to camp in , which they allow'd to the roman legions . but because the consul had alwayes a fifth part of the foot of the legions of the allies , and one third part of their horse for his guard , they lessen'd the allowance of ground where the allies incamped , and added as much elsewhere in the place where the guards were quarter'd . the lodgment of the cavalry , and infantry only , was separated by five streets , every one of foot in breadth , at in length ; which streets were divided by a cross street in the midst , which they called quintania . at the head of this lodgment of the cavalry and infantry , there was a large street of foot in breadth , which went quite cross the whole camp , beyond which street was the lodgment of the tribunes , opposite to the two roman legions ; but opposite to the two legions of the allies , was the lodgment of their prefects , but the lodgment of the tribunes was in the middle , and those of the prefects of the allies , were on the right and left hand of the tribunes . to every one of these lodgments , was allow'd foot of ground square , which with the intervals between each lodgment , took up the breadth of the whole camp to the street of foot wide , which went round next the inside the line of the camp. beyond the tents of the tribunes and prefects , was another street of about foot broad , and beyond it was the consuls lodgment , which had allow'd for it foot square , and was call'd the pretorian ; which was still in the midst of that line , and had on the right and left hand two great spaces of ground ; the one for the questor , who was the treasurer ; the other for the market , on all sides whereof , but on that side where the tribunes and prefects lodged , were the lodgments of the horse , and the foot which the consuls drew out of the legions of the allies , and were as it were their guard ; with room for the volunteers , and lodgments for some extraordinary horse and foot which might repair to the camp : all which compos'd a perfect square , and beyond which square , was the foot street , which went along the four sides of the camp. and this was a standing rule among the romans , that their infantry was alwayes lodged the nearest to every side of the line , or intrenchment of the camp , as those which were still to defend it , and shelter the cavalry , which always were placed in the midst of the lodgments . when a consular army consisted of more than four legions , they were lodged still in the same order , but then the figure of the camp was a long square in proportion to the additional forces which were to be contained in it ; and when both the consular armies were united , they took up the ground of two such perfect squares . every side of the camp had but one gate ; that which was next to the consuls lodgment , was called pretorian , extraordinary ; the other three were called principal , quintania , and decumen ; but where they were placed , i find not . nor in what place of the camp was lodged , nor how much ground was allow'd , the two lieutenants of the consul , ( one for each roman legion ) nor for the prefect of the camp , ( who was the chief for administring justice ) nor for their victuals , arms , cloaths , and engines of war , or their carriages . but 't is probable that the gates were in the midst of every side of the line ; that the lieutenants were quarter'd near the consul ; that the questor had the larger scope of ground allow'd him , because under his care , was the money , the victuals , the arms , the cloaths , and the military engines . but this we find , that the tents of the romans , to the time of iulius caesar , were all made of the skins of beasts . there seem to be two considerable defects in the roman camping . the first is , what was observed already , that the distance between the outwardmost streets of hutts , and the rampard , or line , was not broad enough for the horse , and foot , which were to defend and scour it , especially the files of their foot being so exceeding deep . the second is , that their market-place could be but small , being within the intrenchment of the camp , which was also very incommodious , if not dangerous ; and might with much more advantage and safety have been kept without the camp , in some open place near it , and under the command of it , whereby none of the countrey who brought their goods to be sold , needed to enter into the camp to spy , or set it on fire , or to surprize it ; and keeping the market out of the camp , the camp would thereby have been kept the cleaner , and less crouded , and consequently more wholsome . besides , so many soldiers as were quarter'd in the camp , of a consular army , could hardly , if possible , buy in a day , what the market afforded , because the place it was kept in was so small , and the few streets to it , so narrow . sextus iulius frontinius in his th book of stratagems , sayes , that till the romans had vanquish'd pyrrhus king of the epirots , they never used a line about their camp , but lay in the open fields ; but having found that princes army intrench'd , they liked it so well , as that ever afterwards they practised it themselves . the modern way of camping , which i have seen , within a line , or intrenchment , is as followeth . by retrenchments , i do not only mean the line cast up about the whole circuit of the camp , but also all sort of works by which the camp is invironed , and shut up , as redoubts , bastions , ravelins , forts , tennailes , hornworks , crownworks , and all other sorts , which flank and defend the outside of the line , and such of them as are closed , the infide of the line , as forts and redoubts do . the ordinary line cast up , to inviron a temporary camp , is about six foot high , and three foot broad at the top , which is in effect but a parapett , or breast-work . . the basis or breadth of the bottom from the outside of the out-sod , to the inside of the inward-sod , about seven foot. . the sloping , battering , or talud exterior , about two foot and an half . . of the inside but one foot. . the exterior height of the line five foot. . the interior height of it six foot. . the breadth of the foot bank , or banquet , three foot. . the height of it , one foot and an half . . the breadth of the ditch , or graft , eight foot. . the battering , or talud exterior and interior of the ditch , four foot. . the depth of the graft , five foot. . the breadth of the bottom of the graft , four foot. . the lisiere , or distance between the first outwardmost sod , and the brink of the graft , two foot. these are the ordinary dimensions of the line and ditch of a camp intrench'd ; but if the necessity require it , the one may be raised higher and of greater thickness , and the other made deeper and broader , accordingly . 't is to be observed as a standing rule , that at the distance of every musket-shot point blank , a flanker must be made , either a redoubt or a ravelin , or bastion , &c. and at every angle where the line turns , a bastion or fort , they being the fittest works to secure the said angle , and to command the lines on both sides . and those flanker works are commonly more high , and thick , and the ditch of them more broad , and deep , than the lines are ; for they are the defence of those lines , since without them , when the enemy came to the ditch , they could not be offended considerably . the raising of this line , and these flankers , is to be equally distributed between the regiments of foot which are not in guard ; for those which are to watch , and fight for all the rest , till they come up ; and the horse regiments are exempted usually from these works , being to provide forage for their horses , and to scout , but they are to make their own hutts themselves , to fetch in forage , and to scour the countrey . the work therefore of intrenching the camp , is to be equally divided among all the foot regiments , every regiment taking according to its number of men , his equal proportion of the whole ; every division of each regiment relieving by turns , the other divisions of it . as if a regiment consist of effective private soldiers , must be at work for one hour , and the other must at the hours end relieve them ; and so by spells , till the work be done , which must never be given off till it be finished . every soldiers ought to have one commission'd officer , one serjeant , and one corporal , to supervise those soldiers , and see that they lose no time , nor do their work carelesly . some must be employ'd to cut sods ; others to carry them to the work , either in wheel , or handbarrows ; some must be appointed to lay them , others to ram them , and cut , or pare them with a broad spade ; some must break up the earth of the ditch , others with shovels must cast it up within the sod work ; always filling the earth between the sod , as fast as the sod work rises ; and some must cut , and bring frith to mingle with the earth , which is cast up betwixt the exterior and interior facing of sods , which will hinder the earth from sliding . some generals allow half the regiments which are off the guard , to be making the hutts for themselves , and for those which work at the line , that thereby when they have done the line , they may have their hutts ready to rest in ; and that their comrades may provide for them , their straw , and their suppers . this may well be allow'd in two cases : the first , where the army is so numerous , and well provided , that half the soldiers of it may suddenly compleat the line . secondly , where you are certain no enemy can assault you , while your line is a making . but where you are not certain of both these , especially of the latter , all other advantages must yield to that of the general safety . whatever utensils , as spades , shovels , pickaxes , wheel-barrows , handbarrows , &c. are the kings , and only lent to the soldiers to make the works ; the commissary of those stores is to give them by tail , to the commission'd officer , who first supervises the soldiers who are to work , who is to give his receipt for them , as the officer who relieves him in that duty , must do the like to him who is relieved ; and the officer of the last relief of all , is to go with the soldiers who are to carry them , and deliver them up by tail to the commissary , who is thereupon to deliver up the first officers receipt , which the last officer is to send or carry to him that night ; else the kings utensils would be imbezel'd to his damage , and that of the service . as to the hutting and camping of the regiments , when the line is finished , these rules may be observed . all along the four sides of the line , i would still leave the space of foot , for the drawing up the soldiers which are to defend the line , in case it be attacqued , and for small parties of horse to scour it , in case it be entred . a foot company is to be lodged as follows , supposing it to consist of men ; which will also serve for a general rule for the lodgment of one regiment , or regiments , if the army to be camp'd consist of so many . the ground to lodge men in , within an intrench'd camp , is foot in length , and foot in breadth ; out of which foot in length , foot in length , and in breadth , is taken for the lodgment of the captain , between which lodgment , and the first of the soldiers hutts or tents , a void space is left , of foot in length , and the breadth is to be the very same of the whole companies when they have hutted , viz. foot. from this void space of foot , the soldiers begin their street , or line of hutts in manner following : there is left for them foot in length intire , and in breadth ; the in breadth is to be divided into three equal parts ; the middlemost , is to be the lane , in the two outward two thirds ; the two files of hutts are to be made , and the lane of foot is to be left between them ; and no man must dare to enlarge or lessen his hutt above foot from out to out , lest he thereby subvert the whole order of camping ; the length of every hutt is to be at most foot , and are to be in one hutt . i lay incamp'd several years , and all in tents ; the troopers and foot soldiers had trench-tents , not so large as these sort of hutts , yet i allow'd every six foot soldiers but one trench-tent , and every three troopers but one trench-tent , ( because of their saddles and furniture ) and with this allowance , they were satisfied . behind the last hutts of these two files of hutts , there is a void space of foot in length , and the breadth is that of the lane , and the two files of hutts beyond which said void place , the suttlers , and victuallers , have their hutts , which are foot long ; and their hutts for their drink , and for their dressing their meat , is also foot long ; and this void space of foot between the soldiers last hutts , and the hutts of the victuallers and suttlers , is left , because by continual dressing meat for the soldiers , the hutts of the victuallers are apt to take fire , and this vacuity , in case they do take fire , is convenient for people to quench it , before it can take hold of the soldiers hutts ; in none of which , on any pretence , fire is to be allow'd . so the whole foot in length for the lodgment of one company , is thus employed . foot for the captains lodgment . for the street between it , and the foremost hutts of the soldiers . foot for the soldiers hutts . for the void space between their hutts , and the victuallers hutts . foot for the victuallers hutts , and foot for the kitchins and cellars of the victuallers and suttlers . in all foot in length . the doors of the soldiers hutts do all open into the lane , and the right-hand file of the hutts , open just opposite to the left-hand file of the hutts . only the foremost hutt of each file of the hutts have their doors to open towards the foot street between them and the captains lodgment ; of which two hutts , one is for the lieutenant , and the other for the ensign . and the two last hutts of the file of hutts , have their doors to open towards the foot street between them , and the victuallers and suttlers , in which two hutts the two serjeants are lodged and the victuallers and suttlers hutts are open towards the hutts of the soldiers , that the soldiers may come to them in a direct line . this may be the lodgment of an intire company of men , with their officers , and suttlers , and victuallers . but if a foot company consist of soldiers , then the lodgment of that company shall consist of the three files of hutts ; and if it consist of soldiers , then it shall have four files of hutts , and three lanes , and so more or less , as the company is in number . but every hutt , and every i ane , is to continue the same for its dimension ; and only the breadth of the ground for the lodgment of it , is inlarg'd , but never the length of foot alter'd ; else it would unavoidably disorder the lanes or streets of the whole camp , which will be regular , while the length of every lodgment is equal ; so that a company which consists of men , has foot in breadth added to it , foot for the file of hutts , and foot for the lane ; but the breadth of the captains lodgment in the front , and the suttlers and victuallers in the rear , are still to be as broad as the whole breadth of the hutts and lanes , to make the long square of the whole lodgment equal in the lines , and in the sides of it . this is to be also observed , that between every five or six hutts , a space of about three foot is to be left , to hinder the fire , if by any accident it should take in any of their hutts , which commonly are thatch'd ; but the victuallers hutts ought alwayes to be cover'd with sods , or the hydes or skins of the beasts they kill , which are not so liable to take fire . in ancient times they used tents instead of hutts , for then the way of making war was in the field , and armies were daily in motion ; and in such cases , straw , rushes , or flags , to cover , and wood to make stakes and roofs were not alwayes at hand , nor to frame the roofs easie ; but now that for the most part war is made in the besieging of strong places , or in standing camps , both officers and soldiers use to hutt , which is more warm , and more lasting than tents ; however , in the pitching of tents , where they are used , the like order may be observed , as is set down for hutts . i shall now proceed to shew how a foot regiment is to be lodged , in an intrenched camp. if a regiment consist of , , , , , or companies , the regiment is to be divided into two equal parts , and every company of it is to be lodg'd as the company of , or , or are ; ( as is newly before set down ) and if there be an odd company , let it be lodg'd in the files of hutts of the right-hand division ; if the companies be unequal in number , it matters not for the length of foot being constantly observed , the breadth only varies according to the greatness or smallness of the company ; but the long square must still be observed , for the preserving the regularity of the camping throughout the whole army . when the regiment is divided into two parts , there must be constantly allow'd foot in length for the lodgment of the intire regiment , but as to the breadth of the lodgment , it varies according to the quantity of the companies ; alwayes keeping this standing rule , as is before exprest , ( viz. ) that foot in length of the said , is to be kept intire for the hutts of the lieutenant , ensign , serjeants , and private soldiers with their corporals , and every company of men is to have foot in breadth for their two files of hutts , and the lane between them of eight foot wide . the rest of the foot , viz. foot is to be thus divided , foot for the lodgment of the colonel , and each of the captains ( which takes up the whole breadth of the lodgment of the regiment ) foot for the street between their lodgment and the hutts in file , foot for the street between the lower end of the soldiers hutts , and the victuallers , foot for the length of the victuallers hutts , and the other foot for the victuallers kitchins and cellars , which extend the whole breadth of the intire lodgment of the regiment . between the two divisions of the regiment , there is to be left a space of ground of foot in breadth , throughout the whole foot in length , and foot more for two lanes of foot broad , each lane for a passage between the two inwardmost files of hutts , of each of the two divisions of the regiment ; whereby an intire regiment consisting of companies , each company , together with the lodgments of the commissioned officers , staff-officers , non-commission'd officers , suttlers , victuallers , and for their baggage , shall contain foot in length , and foot in breadth ; that is , reckoning the length from the front of the colonels and captains lodgments , to the rear of the victuallers and suttlers hutts , and the breath is the wideness of all the spaces between the said length , else it would be incongruous to say the length was foot , and the breadth foot ; which therefore i thus explain , that the criticks may not except against the expression : for the length in such incampings of a regiment , is to be taken from the depth of the files of the hutts ; and so from the lodgment of one company of men which has foot in length , and but in breadth , the depth of the file of hutts is still called the length of the lodgment , though by the addition of the other nine companies of the regiment , the breadth is more than the length of the lodgment . besides , the length being still a standard for the whole lodgment , that the lanes or streets of it may be kept regular , and the breadth accidental and variant , it having regard to the numbers of the companies ; that space which is from the front of the officers lodgment , to the rear of the victuallers kitchins , is still called the length of the whole lodgment , whatever the breadth may be . this length and breadth then so explain'd of the entire lodgment of a regiment of men divided into companies , may be distributed as follows : the front of the lodgment of the whole regiment is to be taken up with the lodgment of the colonel , and that of the captains ; the colonel is to be in the middle , and five captains lodgments on the right hand , and five on the left hand , ( reckoning the captain lieutenants for one of the captains ) the lodgment of every captain is to be foot in length , and foot in breadth ; the colonels , in regard of his dignity and greatest baggage , is to have foot in breadth , yet but in length ; thereby to keep the street between the said officers lodgments , and the first of the files of the hutts equally broad ; between every captains lodgment , as also between their lodgments , and the colonels , is to be left a lane of foot wide , which continues during the foot of the length of every of the said lodgments . the colonels lodgment , and every particular lodgment of each captain , is invironed with an intrenchment five foot high , the graff four foot deep , and four foot broad , within which is the captains hutt , the hutt for his stable , and the hutt for his kitchin , and the remaining void places of his lodgment are for his hay , wood , &c. the like for the colonels lodgment according to its dimensions . the front therefore of the colonels , and captains lodgments , with the lane of foot wide between each lodgment , takes up in breadth foot : that is , the colonel in the midst foot , the five captains on each hand of his lodgment , that is , ten times foot , in all foot ; then the five lanes of foot wide each of them , that is , five times foot on the right hand of the colonels lodgment , and five times foot on the left hand of it , in all foot ; so that foot , and ten times foot , and ten times foot , make in all the before mentioned , which is the intire breadth of the lodgments of such a regiment . every captain is to have his lodgment in the front of his company , which with the two files of hutts , and the foot lane between them , makes foot in breadth , which is the breadth of every captains lodgment . the beforementioned space of foot wide , and foot long , which is to be left between the two beforemention'd divisions of the regiment , is to be thus employ'd : ( viz. ) one hundred foot in length thereof is to be divided for the further accommodation of the lieutenant colonel , and the major , who being persons of greater quality , and consequently having more retinue than the captains , and yet being in the front of the regiments lodgment , allow'd no more ground than the captains , are to be supplied with more in proportion to their need out of the said foot in length , and foot in breadth , of the space of ground between the said two divisions of the regiment , and the residue of the said foot in length , and in breadth , is for the chaplain , the marshal , the chyrurgion , and other staff-officers of the regiment ; but the remaining foot in length , and foot in breadth of the said space between the two divisions of the regiment , is to be for the wagons , carts , &c. of the colonel and his officers . the ground foot long on each side of the two divisions of the regiment , is to be employed for the two files of hutts , and the lane foot wide between , which is for every of the companies , each of which is but to have foot in breadth , for their two files of hutts , and the said lane , and but foot deep . the two streets between the soldiers hutts , and the captains lodgment in the front , and the soldiers hutts , and the victuallers hutts in the rear , are each to be foot wide in the clear , and their length is the whole breadth of the lodgment of the regiment , viz. foot . behind the last of these two streets , are the suttlers and victuallers hutts , cellars and kitchins , both which take up foot of the length of the foot , including the two foot space between their hutts , and their kitchins , and cellars . every company is to have the door or opening of every hutt towards the lane , which is common to the said two files of hutts . in the street foot wide , which is between the colonels and captains lodgments , and the front hutts of the soldiers , are usually erected three poles , or long stakes of the figure of a door-case or gallows , against which the pikes of the company are to be set on both sides ; for the hutts of the ensigns and private soldiers which trail pikes , are not long enough to contain them ; these are usually placed or foot within the street over against the opening of the lane between the hutts . there are also four stakes , or small posts , with a rail between every two stakes , which are to lay the soldiers muskets upon ; the square made by those four posts is about foot long , foot broad , and foot high ; but if the weather be wet , the soldiers keep their muskets in their hutts . these squares to lay their muskets on , are on each side of the door-cases where their pikes are placed , and are or foot within the street , but are over against the front hutts , as the pikes are over against the mouth of the foot lane ; the colours whether furl'd , or flying , are pitch'd in an even line , between where the pikes and muskets are rested . the ichnographie of a company , and then of a regiment of men , and so for larger or smaller regiments so lodged , is in the following figure number , and for the clearer understanding thereof the scenographie of it is in the figure number . and because troops of horse , and regiments of horse , are often lodged in intrench'd camps , i have thought fit to set down how the officers of a troop of horsemen , and the troopers of it , and of a regiment of those troops , each of horse are to be lodged , which will shew how larger horse regiments are to be incamped . the ichnographie of a reg t of six companys consisting every one men , in their lodgments fig first abon the lodgem t of the intire regem t. of men . a g b c one of y e cap ns . lodgm t s . a d b 〈◊〉 the files of hutts for y e cap ns company w th . the street between them x the foot broad street between the cap tns . lodgem t s and the first files of the hutts of the sold rs y the foot street between the sold rs . hutts and the suttlers b d i k the foot for the victuallers and suttlers hutts and kitchins z the colenells lodgem t s z z the intervall between the divisions of the regim t. in w ch . first foot thereof w ch . fronts towar●… the colon lls . lodgem t is the l t colon ll . addiconall lodgem t w th . the staff officers of the reg t. and the last foot thereof for the carriages and baggage of the regim t. place this foll : go the scenographie of a regiment of foote consistin●… of six companies every one of men . fig : place this foll : go this in the first place is a standing rule , that the cavalry in intrench'd camps is never to be mingled with the infantry , but are to have their lodgments distinct , else many incommodities would too probably happen . therefore for the lodgment of a troop of horse , i would observe this rule . the length of the lodgment of it should be still foot , as that of the foot is ; but the troop should have in breadth foot , whereas the company had but foot , within which space of foot long , and broad , the captain , lieutenant , cornet , quartermaster , the three corporals , the two trumpets , and all the troopers , with their horses , forage , and victuallers , are to rest contented . this quantity of ground is to be divided as follows : in the front of the said long square shall be the lodgment of the captain , which shall take up foot of the length of the foot , and foot in breadth , which is to be the whole breadth of the intire troops lodgment . twenty foot more of the foot in length , shall be allowed for the street between the captains lodgment , and the first hutts and stalls of the troopers , and of their horses , foot more out of the length of the foot , shall be wholly for the troopers hutts , and their horses , stalls , or stables . there are to be ( as in the lodging of the foot ) no more than two files of hutts for the men , and two files of stalls for the horses . the street between the files of hutts for the troopers , is to be foot wide , and foot long . at the end of which foot , is to be left foot more out of the said foot length , for a street from the rear of the hutts , to the victuallers hutts and cellars , which street is to be foot in length , being the breadth of the whole troops lodgments , the remaining foot of the said in length , is to be for the victuallers , and suttlers hutts , kitchins , and cellars , as 't is in the lodgment of a regiment of foot. the foot street foot long , being taken out of the foot wideness of the whole lodgment for the troopers , the foot wideness of each side of the street , is to be disposed as followeth : ten foot of the breadth of the foot on each hand of the troopers street , and foot of the length of it is for every troopers hutt , which lodges troopers in the two files of hutts on both sides the street of foot wide . the lieutenant and cornet of the troop are to lodge in the front of the two files of hutts , which are to lodge the troopers , the quartermasters and the corporals are in the rear of the said two files of hutts , which fronts against the suttlers and victuallers hutts . five foot more of the said in breadth , is to be for a lane on each side the whole length of the foot , between the troopers hutts , and the horses stalls ; and the remaining foot , in breadth of each side , is to be for the horses hutts or stalls , every horse having , as his rider , foot of the said length , and foot of the said breadth ; the troopers accommodation is larger , because of his armour and furniture . the hutts for the horses are to be left open behind , and before , and only shut up on the two sides , but cover'd over head to defend them from the rain , great cold , and great heat . every horses head is to stand towards his riders hutt , that he may the better and the oftener have his eye on his horse . they make little mangers of canvas for their horse to eat their hay , chopped straw , and oats in , which are supported by little stakes at the corners . between every or hutts of the troopers file , they usually leave a space of or foot , for the troopers to pass from their street , to their horses hutts . this may be the manner of lodging a troop in an intrenched camp. and then the like measures and methods may be observed for the lodgment of a regiment of horse consisting of three troops , or more , as has been mentioned for a regiment of ten companies , or more , or less , which for brevity i will not enumerate , but set down in the map figure ( ) the ichnographie of a troop of , and the ichnographie of a 〈◊〉 of three troops in their lodgm t s . euery one consis●…●…f troopers with their horses fig : d. abef the whole contents of the regim t. of horse of troops containing in all men a 〈◊〉 b i the files of hutts and files of stalls for horses for one troop 〈◊〉 th . the street between them x the captains lodgement y the street between the captains lodgem t s . and the files of the troopers hutts and the stalls for their horses z the street between the files of the troopers hutts and the victualers and suttlers hutts and sellars b c t n the suttlers foot for their hutts kitchins and sellars place this foll : the scenographie of a regement of horse 〈◊〉 of three troopes , every one of . fig : y e th . place this foll : ●… regiment of horse ; and in the map figure ( ) the scenographie of it , for the rendring it more easily intelligible and practicable ; only on the right hand of the regiment , i shew in the scenographie map , how the horses stalls are to be before the horses are in them . to which i shall only add , that whereas the space between the divisions of a regiment of foot , is but foot , i would have it for a regiment of horse of , double as wide , that is , foot ; within which breadth , and foot long , foot towards the front of the lodgment , ( as in the foot regiment ) shall be employed for the better accommodation of the field-officers , and staff-officers of the regiment ; and the other foot long towards the rear , for the carriages , &c. of the regiment : and by making the said space between the said two divisions , foot wide , you will by consequence make the colonels lodgment , which is between the lodgments of the six captains , foot wide , but still but foot long , wherein his own hutt , his kitchin , stable , and other needful accommodations , may be the better placed . the lodgment of a regiment of horse consisting of three troops , takes up in length foot , and in breadth foot of ground , the scenographie of such a regiments camping i only present , because the page could well contain no more . but in a regiment of six troops , every one of , i would leave the interval before mention'd between the two divisions for the reasons before set down , and the like rule may be observ'd proportionately for larger regiments of horse . and lastly , still 't is to be observed , that whereas the present computation is but for a troop , and for a foot company each of men , if they be , or to each , the breadth must be inlarged accordingly , ( but never the length ) and where a troop or company is , there must be two streets , and three files of hutts ; and where it is , three streets , and four files of hutts , and the like for the stalls of horses . the before mentioned methods were usually and a long time observed by those generals who regularly incamped their regiments and armies . but as in all other arts , so in war , alterations are made sometimes , ( i wish i could say alwayes ) to the improving of it effectively . but sometimes the capriciousness of a general , otherwhile the affectation of having the honour to him and his nation of altering old forms , produces those changes which only should be the effect of clear ratiocination on experiments . i will therefore shew what change has been made , in the incamping of regiments within these last years , and then the alledged reasons for the doing of it . the foot in length still remained as a standard in all incampings of a troop , company , regiment of horse , or regiment of foot , for the lodgment the breadth varied according to the numbers which were to be lodged , but the foot wideness for the streets , and distance between gross lodgment and gross lodgment , has been often alter'd , and sometimes all , or many of the streets , enlarged to foot , but seldom , if ever , has exceeded . the old way of lodgment was , as i have set down . the new way is thus : the colonels lodgment is foot in length in the forepart of the interval , between the two divisions of the regiment , the hinder part of that interval being foot in length , is for the wagons , and other carriages of the regiment , foot of the foot in length is all that is allow'd for the hutts of the soldiers , from the rear of which hutts , was foot of a street left , and then in the whole breadth of the lodgment is the lieutenant colonels , majors , and captains lodgment of the regiment , beyond which was foot left for another street , beyond which was the foot for the victuallers , and suttlers hutts , kitchins and cellars ; in the front of the lodgment , as the door-cases , and squares to place the pikes , and muskets of the soldiers , between which , the colours were to be placed , either flying or furl'd ; and nothing else was between the front of the files of the soldiers hutts , but the foot vacuity to the line which inviron'd the whole camp. i know that the usual breadth of that vacuity , properly called the alarum place , is but foot wide , whereof foot for the parapet ; but i should recommend the breadth to be foot ( for the labour is not much more in the whole circumvallation ) the alarum place then would be larger , for all needs both for the horse and the foot , the camp the more airy ; and the more spacious the alarum place is , the unlikelier to be miry ; but where any part is miry , it ought to be well gravel'd or pitch'd with stone as streets are ; in the front hutts , the lieutenant and ensign were lodged ; in the rear hutts , the serjeants and corporals ; the lodgment of the chaplain , the quartermaster , and the chyrurgion of the regiment , were in the interval of the foot between the two divisions of the field officers , and captains lodgments , and are equal in length , and depth to them ; only they had but foot wideness of that interval for their three lodgments , the provost martial of the regiment had his lodgment in the foot interval between the two divisions of the hutts of the suttlers and victuallers , in an equal line with them , as is demonstrated in the figure number , which is the ichnographie of such incamping , with the alphabetical table of reference thereto belonging . the reasons of this change are : i. the soldiers upon any present necessity , could not so expeditiously draw out into the alarum place , because of the narrowness of the passages between the colonels , field officers , and captains lodgments . ii. because not only the colours , pikes and muskets were somewhat cover'd from the sight by the field officers and captains lodgment , which by this method are fully exposed to the view , and make a handsom and formidable shew , but also they are readier to be handled by the soldiers , and they to draw up in a moment to defend the line . iii. to prevent , or immediately to punish the insolence of the soldiers upon the suttlers , and the suttlers imposing ill food , or hard rates on the victuals and drink they set to the soldiers , which it was believed would be more hopefully hinder'd , or more expeditiously redrest , when the field officers and captains lodgments , were between the soldiers hutts and the victuallers , than when only the serjeants and corporals were nearest to do it . iv. the foot wide street between the field officers and captains lodgments , and the hutts of the victuallers , was judged most convenient , because a foot street , the whole wideness of the regiments lodgment , was thought too narrow for the great resort of wagons , carts and carriages which were daily brought to furnish the suttlers and victuallers , and in which street the soldiers usually stood which were to buy their necessaries of them . in the observing this newer way of incamping , these four inconveniencies seem to attend it . . the lieutenant colonel and the major have thereby no further accommodation as to their lodgment , than the captains , though their baggage and equipage is usually greater ; unless the number of their companies do make or files of hutts requisite for the soldiers , in which case only the breadth of the field officers lodgments was proportionately inlarged . fig : 〈◊〉 th . a the colon lls lodgem t foot broad & foot long b the s t colon lls lodgem t foot broad & foot long c the majors lodgem t foot broad & foot long d the provost marshalls lodgem t foot long & foot broad e the captains lodgem t s foot long & foot broad f the cherurgeons lodgem t foot long and foot broad g the quarterm & lodgem t foot long and foot broad h the chaplains lodgem t foot long and foot broad i the ●…acuity for the carriage &c foot long & foot wide k the suttlers and pictuallers hutts foot long and wide according to the company they belong to l the street between the offic s lodgem t s and the suttlers and victuallers foot wide m the street between the officers lodgem s and the files of hutts foot wide n the files of hutts for y e souldiers foot long foot wide o the lanes between the 〈◊〉 hutts foot wide from p to q are the places for y e pikes and muskets the square ones whereof are for y e musket place this foll . . all the field officers , except the colonel , and all the captains , are almost in the very rear of the lodgment , and consequently farthest from the line and alarum place , where they ought to be the very first . . there is no breast-work between the line of circumvallation , and the very colours and arms of the regiment , so that should the line by surprize be entred by the enemy , he may the more easily act his ends . . twenty foot in the length of the for the private soldiers hutts , is cut off , which may streighten them too much . whereas in the old manner of incamping , there seems to be these advantages . first , the colonel , lieutenant colonel , major , and all the captains , are at the head of the lodgment , and nearest the alarum place , and the line , where they ought in time of need to be the very first ; as well to give the requisite orders to the guards in function , as to act in their own persons ; and also the more to hasten the soldiers to them , which they are the more apt to do , when they know their chief officers are on the place to take notice who is most diligent ; and to dispose of them to the best advantage of the service , as fast as ever they come . secondly , the field officers and captains are nearer the colonel , to receive and obey his orders , in time of sudden need . thirdly , the accommodation for the lieutenant colonel and major is certainly larger , though their companies in number should be but equal to the captains . fourthly , the private soldiers , corporals and ensigns , and lieutenants , have foot more in length for their hutts . fifthly , the regiments lodgment is open in the front of it , which also being next the alarum place , where all men generally walk and pass their time , the colours and arms of the regiment are the more exposed to prejudice , and imbezling . sixthly , the whole lodgment of the regiment is shut up by the old way of incamping , and the lodgment of the colonel , field officers , and captains , being every one inviron'd with a breast-work , it makes , as it were , a retrenchment within the line of circumvallation , and renders it the more defensible , as also it more certainly covers and secures the colours , pikes , and muskets , by their having the colonels , field officers and captains lodgment , between them and the alarum place ; for none can come but within the regiments intrench'd lodgment , to imbezel or prejudice them . as to the narrow passages between the field officers and captains lodgment next the alarum place , it needs be no narrower than the lane between the files of the soldiers hutts , and if they will pass the one , they may as well pass the other , nay , better do it ; for the utmost length of those narrow passages , is but , and the utmost length of the lane is foot . i have thus shew'd the forms of the ancienter and newer way of incamping a regiment , and what advantages and disadvantages seem to attend them , and so leave it to the judgment of those who shall command in chief , to elect which form ( all things consider'd ) they most approve . before i conclude what is to be observed in the incamping of a regiment , i shall set down these two following particulars . . when that regiment is to be quartered in one division , which has also often been done , ( especially when incampings are but for a very little time ) the more to shorten the work of intrenching the whole army , the usual manner of the lodgment of the companies of it , is thus : the colonels company is quartered on the right hand , the lieutenant colonels on the left , the majors next the colonels , the eldest captains next to him , and so all the rest of the captains by their seniorities in order , from the right hand . . if the regiment be quartered in two divisions , which is the usual practice , then the lieutenant colonels company quarters on the right hand of the second division , and the serjeant majors company on the left hand of the first division ; the eldest captains next the colonels , the second on the left hand of the second division , the third next the eldest , the fourth next the lieutenant colonels , the fifth next the third , the sixth next the fourth in the second division , and so all the rest of the captains according to this order . this is the usual method , but in the ichnographie in the newer way of incamping a regiment , i have placed the lieutenant colonel and his companies lodgment , to close the right flank of the right hand division , and the majors , to close the left flank of the left hand division ; whereby the colonel is in the centre of the lodgment , the lieutenant colonel on the right flank of the regiment , and the major on the left ; which seems to be the best form of distributing the lodgments of the three field officers , and in my poor opinion , will sooner and better answer the service on a sudden ; for by the new form of incamping , all the field officers , and captains of the regiment , being lodged in the rear of the lodgment , are consequently farthest from the alarum place , and line of circumvallation ; and can hasten to it with their soldiers , but through lanes foot broad , where but men at most can pass a-breast ; and therefore i offer to consideration the lodgment of the lieutenant colonels and majors with their companies , to be on the right and left flanks of the regiment ; for all gross lodgments are to be divided the one from the other , by streets at least foot wide ; through which street on either flank of the regiments lodgments , the two field officers of it , may readily march their men up to the alarum place about a-breast , when as by their own and their companies being lodged the usual way ( the lieutenant colonel on the right hand of the second division , and the major on the left hand of the first ) they and their companies have but foot passage to that place of action ; where 't is to be wish'd , they were still the very first , and well follow'd . but since this is not according to the practised form , i only propound it to consideration with some of the reasons which makes me do it . having thus shewed the several wayes of incamping a regiment , i shall now proceed to shew how an army may be incamped within a line or intrenchment , with the several gross lodgments for the general , the general officers , train of artillery , carriages , the regiments of horse and foot , and all other gross lodgments and requisites belonging to an army . only i would first recommend to consideration , that the lodgment for the powder , fireworks , and other combustible things , be at one of the angles next the alarum places ; because two parts of four of that ground , is not near other lodgments , and in which , if fire should take by accident , or design , ( unless the wind blows maliciously ) they may the better avoid the danger of it . i would still have the powder , and fireworks , in the general of the artilleries own lodgment , and in a redoubt apart cover'd with hair-cloth , or sod ; where his own eye , and the immediate care of his own officers may prevent , or remedy much mischief . i would also recommend that the lodgments for the cannon , and wagons of the train , might be next to one of the sides of the alarum place , that the bringing them in , and drawing them out , on any occasion , may be with less incumbrance to the rest of the camp ; which will follow , if the foot wideness of the alarum place , and not the foot streets , be made the passage to their lodgments . when the ground for incamping is pitch'd upon , the usual way to put the doing of it in practice , is , that the quartermaster general , and the officers belonging to him , or who are to receive their orders from him , together with the engineer general , and his assistants , do forthwith meet , and on fine pasteboard draw several parallel lines by a small scale , at foot distance , ( for that is the standing measure of the length of every gross lodgment ) and then besides the said foot parallel lines , to draw other parallel lines of or foot asunder for the streets , between the first line of the gross lodgments , and the second line of them ; and so in sequence till they have lodgment lines , and street lines for all the army to be incamped ; then calculating what breadth every lodgment is to consist of , according to the exact numbers of every regiment , both as to the quantity of the companies and troops ; and as to the true number of every troop and company , to divide the said parallel lines at foot distance , into the due breadth of every regiments lodgment respectively , and so of all other gross lodgments ; and to write in the square for the lodgment , the name of the gross lodgment , or of the regiments , with the number of feet allow'd in breadth to every lodgment , and an alphabetical letter in it , to which reference is to be made . this being done , to cut off of the pasteboard every lodgment , and then to turn them to and fro , until you have adjusted them on a large sheet of paper , into a long square , with the streets between every line of the lodgments , which are to be at least foot wide , the whole breadth of the armies incamping , and then the other streets of the like wideness , where it may be between every gross lodgment , and gross lodgment , the length of the armies incamping , and observing these following rules : first , that the four outsides of the whole incamping which are next to the alarum places , be in even lines ; for else your alarum places would not be or foot wide ( as you like best ) in the clear ; which must regularly be observed , both for the decency , and the usefulness . secondly , that from the proper front of the whole incamping , there be but one line of lodgments between the alarum place , and the generals own lodgment . thirdly , that from the alarum place next the front of the generals own lodgment , even till you come at it , there be a piazza , or space of foot wide , and on each side of his own lodgment a street of foot wide , the whole length of his lodgment , for the more state and honour , and for the officers and others to walk in , who resort unto him for business , or out of respect and duty ; and for his guards to draw up in , in case of danger from the enemy , or tumult within the camp. fourthly , the lodgments for the general officers , and for strangers and volunteers of quality , are usually to be in the same line of the generals own lodgment , and on the right and left hand of it , that they may be the nearer on all sudden occasions to be advised with , and to receive his orders ; but the general of the artilleries lodgment to be at one of the angles of the whole incamping , which is probably farthest from , and the unlikeliest to be attacked by the enemy , for the reasons before exprest . lastly , whereas the unequal numbers of regiments , and the various breadth of other gross lodgments renders it impossible to make the intire camping of the army on the four sides of it , an exact long square , if the breadth of every street between gross lodgment , and gross lodgment , be kept to foot , therefore they may be inlarged or shortned to a breadth sufficient to answer the making of the four outsides of the general incamping in right lines , which last must never be omitted . these are the usual rules , and in this manner are adjusted your several pasteboard gross lodgments , with the piazza , and all their streets , on a sheet of large paper ; to which with some mouth glew , they may be fasten'd , so that you may be certain if it be exactly done in the tent or chamber , it will be exactly done in the field ; due care being taken . but though the way of preparing the camping of an army , on pasteboard , and drawing parallel lines for gross lodgments , and for streets , is the most usual , and generally practised , yet i must own , i have found it so very tedious , and uncertain , that it put me upon finding out another , which whether it be in it self more expeditious , and exact , or whether my being byassed towards a method i lighted upon , and have often practised , made me more approve of it i will not determine , but shall submit it to those whose judgments i more value than my own . and first i shall say that what render'd the pasteboard method tedious , and intricate , was , that since the standard of the parallel lines for streets , was foot in wideness , as well between gross and gross lodgment , as between line and line of lodgments , i found it , after many tryals , unpracticable , and was forced to make many calculations . for 't is impossible where almost every gross lodgment differs in the breadth , if the street between every gross lodgment be foot , that ever you can keep your second , third , fourth , fifth , and sixth line of lodgment ( if your incamping must consist of so many lines ) equal in extent with the first ; which still must be done , else your long square in the whole incamping cannot be kept , nor consequently , the exact breadth of the four alarum places , on the four sides which are round the camp ; which would be both uniform and very incommodious . and if the streets between gross and gross lodgment , be more , or less , than foot wide ( which 't is impossible to avoid ) then your paralled street lines of foot wideness , are useless ; and you must calculate the wideness of the streets between most gross and gross lodgments , and fling away your pasteboard parallel street lines . this is what on tryal will be found true , and it made me for my own ease endeavour to find out a better method ; which to my satisfaction i did , and i shall set it down , as follows . suppose i am to incamp within a line , an army which consists of regiments of foot , every one of them of different numbers , but make in all men ; and of seven regiments of horse , every one of them of different numbers , but make in all horse ; and that i have besides other gross lodgments to be within my general incamping viz. the generals , three other general officers , the general of the ordnances , the strangers , the piazza before the generals own lodgment , the sick , the magazine , the market-place , the train , and the wagons and carriages . the ichnographie of which is in the ensuing map figure vi. the first thing i do , is to calculate the breadth of every one of all these gross lodgments , viz. the regiments , and the lodgments , that are not for regiments , but general officers , &c. every one of which lodgments i mark with alphabetical letters , to which i have reference ; and to every regiments lodgment i set down with it the number of troops and companies , how many soldiers every one consists of , and what is the exact breadth of every such lodgment , for the length is still foot . secondly , having sum'd up all their breadths , i allow ( by way of estimate ) foot wideness for every street between every gross and gross lodgment ; and foot wideness for every street between every line of lodgments , or foot wideness for the street , between every line of lodgments ; ( as i would do , if my army be great , and my camp be intended for a long time : ) if my whole incamping be to consist of six lines of lodgments , then there must be five streets the whole breadth of the incamping of or foot wide ; all which wideness of streets , between gross and gross lodgment , and between line and line of lodgments , i add to the breadth of the gross lodgments , which i sum up all together , and divide by six ; which is the number of lines of lodgments i intend to make ; and the quotient shews me the breadth of every line of lodgments . as for example . i find the breadth of all the lodgments for my regiments of foot , and regiments of horse , to take up foot. i find my other gross lodgments ( reckoning the piazza for one ) takes up in breadth foot , my five streets between line and line of lodgments , take up at foot to each street , foot ; and my streets between my gross lodgments at foot breadth for each street , takes foot ; all these sum'd together , makes foot ; which being divided by six , the quotient is , which may be the breadth of every of my six lines of lodgments ; but in regard i leave foot street on each side of the generals own lodgment , and a wide street between the next generals officers lodgment on the right and left hand of the generals , and a very wide street on each side of the magazine , where all the army are to attend in course , to take out their provisions , ( as is evident in the said map ) i make still my first line of lodgment less in extent by some feet , than it need to be , because i may thereby make the streets in the other line of lodgments wider between some gross and gross lodgment , which otherwise i could not well do ; for the breadth of the first line of lodgments , gives the rule to the five subsequent lines , which must be exactly of the like extent with it . therefore though i might make every line foot in extent , yet for the foregoing reasons i make the said first line of less extent . i begin the first of my six lines of lodgments on the proper front of the whole incamping , which usually is that which fronts towards the enemies countrey , or where he is likeliest to attack you ; and i begin that line , first from the midst of it with the piazza , which is still to be foot in breadth , and to be before the generals own lodgment , which i alwayes place in the second line of lodgments ; i then lodge on the right hand of the said piazza , the regiment of foot r. ( which may be the generals regiment of guards ) and contains foot companies , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot . then on the left hand of the said piazza , i lodge the regiment of foot p. which contains companies , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot . then i leave a street on the right hand of regiment r. of foot wide , and on the left hand of the regiment p. of foot wide , and on the right of the foot street , and on the right of regiment r. i lodge the foot regiment o. which consists of companies , every one of men , and takes up in breadth foot ; and on the left , of the left-hand street of foot , i lodge the regiment of foot q. which contains companies , each of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot ; so that the piazza of foot in the centre , the regiments r. and o. on the right hand with the street of foot between them , and the regiment p. and q. on the left hand of the piazza , with the foot street between them , make up in breadth for the first line of lodgments foot , which being foot less in extent , than it might be i six upon ; and neither more or less feet must be in every of the remaining five lines of lodgments . the second line of lodgments , as all others , i begin in the middle of it , for by doing so , and then fixing lodgments on the right and left hand of the said middle lodgment , i know what is left for the two outwardmost lodgments of that line , which else i should not be able exactly to do ; and when i know that , i accordingly proportion the regiments that are the outwardmost of the line and the streets breadth next to them . as for example . i begin the second line of lodgments with the generals own , which is in the midst of it , and is foot in breadth , ( for the length of foot for every lodgment whatever is still the same ) then i allow alwayes foot street on each side of the generals own lodgment , which with the foot piazza before it , makes room for his guards to draw up , and for all comers and goers to walk in , till they are dispatch'd , which is for use as well as state . on the right hand of the generals lodgment , and of the street foot wide , i place the lodgment of the first general officer b. b. which i allow to be foot in breadth , and on the left side of the generals lodgment , and the street foot wide , i place the second general officers lodgment c. c. for which i allow foot in breadth ; then on the right of the lodgment b. b i leave a street foot wide , and on the right of that foot street , i place another general officers lodgment marked d. d. of foot in breadth ; and on the left of the lodgment c. c i leave a street foot wide , and on the left of that street , i place the lodgment e. e. of foot wideness , for strangers , and volunteers of quality ; the two streets foot wide apiece between b b. and d. d. and c. c. and e. e. being between three general officers lodgments , and that of the strangers of quality is for honour to them , and for the larger space for the attendance of those who belong unto them , or come for business , or respect , to wait on them . i then find the generals own lodgment foot , the two streets of foot in breadth on each side of it foot , the four other lodgments for three general officers , and the strangers , with the foot street between the two first general officers lodgments , amount in all in extent to foot , so that i have but foot for the lodgment of two foot regiments ( which must be alwayes at the ends of every line of lodgments , ) and for the streets between lodgment d. d. on the right hand , and e. e. on the left hand , i therefore place the foot regiment a. consisting of eight companies , every one of men , which takes up in breadth foot on the right of the lodgment d. d. and the foot regiment b. consisting of nine companies , every one of soldiers , which takes up in breadth foot on the left hand of the lodgment e. e. and i find i have foot left besides ; which i divide into two streets , each of foot wide , and all those seven lodgments , with the six streets between them , make up in all in wideness , foot , which is the just breadth of the front line of lodgments , and shuts up my second line of lodgments , at both ends whereof i have a foot regiment lodged , which always on ht to be in every line of lodgments , except in that of the general of the ordnance , and where the wagons are placed ; for the two ends of every line of lodgments being next the alarum place , must still have foot lodged there , to be at hand to defend the line and fortifications which shuts up , and flanks the whole incamping . i begin my third line as the first and second from the midst , or centre of it ; first i lodge there the regiment of horse z. which consists of troops , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot ; on the right of regiment z. i leave a street of foot wide , and on the right of that street i place the regiment of horse y. which consists of nine troops , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot ; then on the left hand of regiment z , i leave also a street of foot wide , and on the left of that street i lodge the regiment of horse x. which consists of eight troops , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot . i then find that the three regiments of horse z. y. x. with the street foot wide between the regiment z. and regiment y. and between regiment z. and regiment x. with the street foot wide between them , takes up in breadth foot ; whereby i have left to complete that third line of lodgments but foot , within which i must lodge two foot regiments , with their streets between regiment y. on the right , and regiment x. on the left , i do therefore on the right hand end of the third line of lodgments , place the foot regiment d. consisting of companies , every one of foot soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot ; and on the left hand end of the line , the foot regiment e. consisting of companies , every one of soldiers , which takes up in breadth foot ; and i find foot left , which i divide into two streets , each of foot wideness , and all these five lodgments with the four streets between , are foot wide , which is the due extent of the third line . i then proceed to the fourth line of lodgments , and begin at , or near the midst or centre of it , when i cannot exactly do it there , with the lodgment l. l. which is the place for the market , and contains foot in wideness , i then leave a street foot wide on the right of l. l. and place the regiment of horse w. which consists of seven troops , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot ; then i leave a street of foot wide on the left of l. l. and place on the left of that street , the regiment of horse v. which consists of six troops , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot . then i place in the right of the regiment of horse w. the regiment of foot n. which consists of companies , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot , with a street of foot wide between the regiment of foot n. and the regiment of horse w. which shuts up the right end of the fourth line of lodgments , and then on the left of the horse regiment v. i leave a street of foot wide , and place the lodgment g. g. which is foot wide , for the sick ; when this is done , i find i have left to close the left end of the said fourth line of lodgment , but foot , i therefore lodge at the left end of that fourth line the foot regiment m. which consists of companies , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot , and so rests foot for the wideness of the street between lodgment g. g. and foot regiment m. all which six lodgments with the five streets between them , takes up in breadth foot , which is exactly the due breadth of the fourth line of lodgments . i then proceed to the th line of lodgments , and begin about the middle , where i cannot exactly do it at the middle with the lodgment k. k. which is the magazine for the victuals , and contains in breadth foot , on the right i leave a street foot wide , and on the right of that street , i place the regiment of horse s. which consists of four troops , every one of which is soldiers , the breadth whereof is foot ; and on the left of the lodgment k. k. i leave a street of foot wide , and on the left of that street i place the horse regiment t. consisting of five troops , every one of soldiers , and contains in breadth foot ; so that all my cavalry i place in the midst of the general incamping , that the infantry may be still lodged nearest the alarum places , and works ; then on the right of the regiment i leave a street of foot wide , and on the right of that street i place the foot regiment i ; which consists of eight companies , every one of soldiers , and takes in breadth foot ; all which four lodgments with the three streets between them , i find takes up in breadth foot , whereby i have left to my fifth line of lodgments but foot , and therefore proportion the two remaining gross lodgments , with the streets between them , accordingly . to complete that line of lodgments , i leave therefore on the right of the regiment i. a foot street , and at the right of it i place the lodgment i. i. which is for the wagons and carriages , which takes up foot in breadth , and shuts up the right end of my th line of lodgments , where i choose to place the carriages , because 't is next the alarum place , that those bulky carriages may never come within the foot streets , lest it might incommodate all the lodgments in them . then on the left of the regiment t. i leave a street of foot wide , and on the left of it i lodge the regiment of foot l , which consists of companies , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot , which shuts up the left end of my th line of lodgments , all which six gross lodgments placed in it , with the five streets between , takes up in breadth foot , which is the exact breadth of that line . i then proceed to my sixth , and last line of lodgments , in which i must place the seven remaining gross lodgments , of my lodgments , and i begin in the midst of it , by placing the foot regiment h. which consists of companies , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot ; on the right of the regiment h. i leave a street foot wide , and on the right of that street i lodge the foot regiment k. consisting of nine companies , every one of soldiers , which takes up in breadth foot , and on the left of regiment h. i leave a street of foot wide , and on the left of that street i lodge the regiment of foot g. which consists of companies , every one of soldiers , and takes in breadth foot ; then on the right of the regiment k. i leave a street of foot wide , and on the right thereof i place the lodgment h. h. which is for the artillery , and contains in breadth foot ; then in the left of the regiment g. i leave a street foot wide , and on the left of it i place the foot regiment f. which consists of companies , every one of soldiers , which takes in breadth foot ; all which five lodgments , with the four streets between them , take up foot in breadth ; so that there remains but foot , to complete the th line of lodgments , and i have two gross lodgments to place in it with the streets , between them one of those gross lodgments , is the general of the ordnances f. f. which takes in breadth foot ; with which i close the left end of my th line , for the reasons formerly mention'd ; and the other gross lodgment is the foot regiment c. which consists of companies , every one of soldiers , and takes up in breadth foot ; so that i have but foot left for the two streets between lodgment h. h. and f. f. and lodgment f. and c. which therefore i divide equally into two forty foot wide streets ; all which seven lodgments , with the six streets between them , take up in breadth foot , which is the exact breadth that my th and last line of lodgments ought to consist of ; so that your intire camping of an army which has such gross lodgments , and contains foot , horse , with all the lodgments for the general , general officers train , wagons , piazza , for strangers , for the sick , for the magazine , and for the market-place , takes up in breadth foot , and in depth foot. as i place a lodgment in any line of lodgments , i strike it out of the list of lodgments , that thereby i may see what is placed , and what is to be placed ; else it would bring things into disorder . when i have resolved what the extent of the first line of lodgments shall be ( which must be alwayes less wide , than it might be ( for the reasons beforementioned ) then i see how many gross lodgments may be in every line of lodgments , and how much in all is left for the streets between gross and gross lodgment , and proportion the breadth of my streets accordingly ; but i never have any such street less than foot wide . all this i draw up first without a scale , but set down the breadth of every lodgment in the lodgment , and the breadth of every street between lodgment and lodgment ; and when i have thus roughly done all my lines of lodgments and their streets , and find every line of lodgments punctually answer the breadth of the first line of lodgments , then i do it exactly by a scale , which is finish'd in an hour , and then cutting them out in pasteboard , or paper-royal , i write in the square of every lodgment , what lodgments are in every line of lodgments , what wideness of streets is between every lodgment in every line , and what lodgment or vacuity on the right , and left hand , is next to every lodgment , in every line of lodgments ; and then by mouth-glew , or pasting , i fix them in a sheet of paper , which makes the map or figure of the whole incamping ; and may forthwith be unpasted , or unglew'd by the quartermaster general , and distributed accordingly ; or which is much better , he may keep the said map , and give to every lodgment in paper the quantity of feet in breadth that it is to have , in what line of lodgments it is to be in , and in what part of it ; who , or what is on the right , and left hand of it , and the wideness of the street on each hand of it , whereby when every lodgment is thus particularly set down , there can hardly be any error in the laying it out , unless by gross negligence , or wilfulness ; either of which must never 'scape unpunish'd in those who are guilty of it . this is one of the wayes i usually practise . another way is thus , which i think is briefer , and as certain i cast up the whole breadth of all the lodgments and streets as before , and divide it by six , because i resolve to have six lines of lodgments ; then i resolve my first line of lodgments shall be of less extent than it may be , for the reasons before set down . then i find i may place the piazza of foot wide , and the four largest regiments of foot r. o. p. q. in the front line , which four regiments with the piazza i find take up in extent but foot , and then i have but foot left , which i divide into two streets of foot each , between regiment r. and o. on the right of the piazza ; and between p. and q. on the left hand of it , and all those five lodgments , with the two streets , take up in extent foot ; which being foot less than i might make the first line of lodgments to consist of , i fix on it and write it down . in the second line of lodgment , where i always place the generals lodgment in the centre , ( that the piazza on the first line , may be before it ) and the other three general officers , and the strangers , and unregimented voluntiers of quality , and two regiments of foot , one to close each end of that line , i find those seven lodgments take up in breadth foot , viz. lodgment a. a. foot , lodgment b. b. foot , lodgment c. c. foot , lodgment d. d. foot , lodgment e. e. foot , lodgment of the foot regiment a. foot , lodgment of the foot regiment b. foot ; and then i have left to complete my second line of lodgments but foot , which are for the six streets , between the said seven lodgments ; i therefore give thereof foot street on each side of the generals lodgment , and foot street between the four other lodgments , all which making but foot , i add to the streets between the two lodgments of the next chief general officers on the right hand of the generals street of foot , foot , and on the left hand of the general officers and the strangers lodgments , next the foot street of the generals own lodgment , foot more , which makes those two streets foot wide each , and compleats the extent of my second line of lodgments foot. i find the three regiments of horse z. y. x in the third line of lodgments , and the foot regiment d. to close it at the right end , and the foot regiment e. to close it at the left end , take up , in breadth , foot , viz. regiment of horse z. foot ; regiment of horse y. foot ; regiment of horse x. foot ; regiment of foot d. foot ; regiment of foot e. foot ; so that there remains but foot for the four streets between the said five lodgments , which at foot to a street is but foot ; therefore i add the foot remaining to the street between the regiment of horse y. and the regiment of foot d. and between the regiment of horse x. and the regiment of foot e. which two streets being foot wide each of them , makes my third line of lodgment also exactly foot in extent . i find in my th line of lodgments i must place six gross lodgments , and therefore choose those to consist of the lodgments for the regiments of horse v. and w. and between them near the midst of the line , the market-place l. l. for the equal coming to it from all parts , ( alwayes observing where the number of lodgments , in a line are even , to begin as near the midst of it as i can ; since i cannot in such case begin at the very midst , which i may still do where the number of lodgments are odd : ) the second lodgment on the left from the market-place , is g. g. for the sick ; i then close my th line at the right end , with the foot regiment n. and at the left end with the foot regiment m. all which lodgments take up in breadth foot , viz. regiment of foot m. foot ; lodgment for the sick g. g. foot ; lodgment for the regiment of horse v. foot ; market-place foot ; lodgment for the regiment of horse w. foot , and lodgment for the regiment of foot n. foot ; so that i have left for the five streets between the said six lodgments , but foot , which i divide thus ; foot to every of the three innermost streets , and but foot to the two outwardmost streets : all which makes up the exact number of foot , which is the due extent of the th line of lodgments . i find then that i have gross lodgments to be placed in my remaining th and th lines of lodgments , to compleat the gross lodgments in the whole . i therefore place in the th line these six gross lodgments , near the midst of it the magazine of victuals k. k. on the right of the magazine , the regiment of horse s. on the left of it , the regiment of horse t ; on the right of the horse regiment s. the foot regiment i. and then on the right of that regiment , to close my line on the right hand of the lodgment i. i. for the wagons , carts , &c. ( for the reason beforementioned ) then on the left hand of the horse regiment t. i close the line on that hand , with the foot regiment l. all which six gross lodgments take up in breadth foot , viz. regiment of foot l. foot ; regiment of horse t. , k. k. place for the magazine of victuals , foot , regiment of horse s. foot , regiment of foot i. foot , place for the wagons , carts , &c. foot ; so that there remains foot to be divided into five streets , between the said six gross lodgments ; i therefore allow foot to each of the two streets on the right of the magazine for victuals , and foot for the one street on the left hand of the said magazine between the regiment of horse t. and the regiment of foot l. which closes the left end of the line , and i allow foot for each of the streets on the right and left of the said magazine k. k. because of the constant resort of the carriages to it , and of the crowd of the soldiery which come to receive provisions for man and horse-meat ; as also that if fire should happen , the more hands may come to quench it : all which six lodgments , and the five streets between them , make up in all foot in breadth , which is the due extent of my th line of lodgments . in my sixth and last line i must place seven gross lodgments , viz. in the midst of it the regiment of foot h. the three other lodgments on the right of regiment h. i place the foot regiment k. next to it the lodgment h. h. for the artillery , and next to it the lodgment f. f. for the general of the artillery , the powder , and the fireworks , with which i close the right end of that line ( for the reasons before set down ) and then on the left of the foot regiment h. i place the other three gross lodgments , that of the foot regiment g. next on the left of regiment h. next on the left of regiment g. the foot regiment f. and next on the left of it the foot regiment c. with which i close the line on the left end : all which seven gross lodgments take up in all foot , viz. regiment of foot c. . regiment of foot f. foot , regiment of foot g. foot. regiment of foot h. . regiment of foot k. . lodgment for the artillery h. h. foot , lodgment for the general of the ordnance , powder , and fireworks f. f. foot ; so that there remains but foot for the six treets , between the said seven gross lodgments , which i thus divide ; foot to each street on the right and left of regiment of foot h. foot for each street , between regiment k. and lodgment h. h. and between regiment g. and regiment f. and foot for each street between lodgment h h. and regiment f. f. and between foot regiment f. and foot regiment c. all which makes foot , which is the due extent of my sixth and last line of lodgments , and exactly compleats the long square of the intire lodgment of the gross lodgments . either of these two ways before set down may be practised , but i still find the latter more expeditious , and therefore make oftnest use of it . though the figure number vi. does consist of six lines of lodgments , yet according to the nature , advantage , or disadvantages of the ground your standing camp is to be in ; you may make your camp consist of more or fewer lines , as you find it most advantageous . as for example . if i am limited to a certain ground for my standing camp , by reason that it is to command some beneficial pass , or that it is to bridle a considerable city , or town , where your enemy has his arcenals , magazines , or bridges , over some navigable river ; and that by so placing my standing camp before his army is rendezvouz'd in or near that city or town , i may make it of little use to him as to his invading the countrey i am to defend ; for if i am posted so near it , as that he cannot imbattle his army but under the reach of my artillery , or march his squadrons and battalions over his bridges , but so as i may attack as many of them as i think fit , and which are come over , while the rest are on the other side , or marching to those which are got over ; i say , if in these two cases , or in other the like cases , i am limited to a set proportion of ground to incamp in , i will make the length and depth of my lines of lodgments accordingly : as for instance , if by making my standing camp to consist but of four lines of lodgments , i thereby get some eminences of ground within my camp , which if i made it consist of five or six lines , i should be necessitated to leave out , and consequently must secure such heighths , by making forts on the top of them , and lines about the foot of them , which will be a prejudice to me if done ; and by the enemies possessing them , a disadvantage to me if not done , i would make the number of my lodgment lines but four ; and on the other side , if the ground for my standing camp be such , that if i should make but four or five lines of lodgments , i should thereby inclose within my camp , or border upon it , some moorish lands , i would make it consist of or lines of lodgments , to avoid that mischief . these two instances will evidence no standing rule can be given of how many lines of lodgments the setled incamping shall consist ; for that must still depend upon the judgment of the general , and nature of the ground ; wherefore the romans manner of making their standing camps alwayes an exact square , and the usual modern way of making it a long square , may neither of them be alwayes the best . after the ground for the standing camp is resolved on , and that in pasteboard or double paper , the lodgments are agreed upon with how many lines of lodgments deep the whole shall consist of , it is the duty of the quartermaster general , and of the engineer general , to wait on the general with it , who approving of it , the quartermaster general with his assistants , and the quartermasters of every foot regiment , and of every troop of horse , with those appointed to take care of the lodgments , for the general officers , the train , the strangers , the sick , and the market-place ( if you will have it within the intrenchment ) are to receive from him respectively , their number of foot in breadth , ( for the length never alters ) which every one of their lodgments is to consist of , and also in what line of lodgments , and who is , or what is next on their right , or left hand , to be lodged or left void , with the breadth of the street on each side of the lodgment , when it varies from the usual wideness of foot , and then the four angles of the whole camp , and afterwards of every lodgment are to be staked out , with the streets , which are to run the whole breadth of the camp , as also between gross lodgment and gross lodgment ; after which , every gross lodgment is to be gone upon , by those appointed to work on the hutts , and the breast-work , which is to inviron every gross lodgment , yet so as no hands must be diverted , of the foot regiments from intrenching the whole army , for that of all things , must be the very first gone about , and finished ; then the engineer general leaving the or foot wideness for the alarum place , round the whole incamping , is to shew the general in paper , his project for fortifying the camp , with the several sorts of works which are to defend it , and flank the line ; alwayes having the largest bastions , or forts , on the four angles of the whole intrenchment , and the most capacious works on the rising'st grounds , to plant the most ordnance on , the better to command the fields without the camp , and with graffs and rampards , the deeper and the broader , to those larger works ; all things being seen by the general , and agreed unto by him , the engineer general with his assistants , is immediately to put them in practice . and first he is to stake out the alarum place , which is to be the or foot in wideness , between the circumvallation line , and the lodgments of the whole camp ; then to stake out the four lines of the whole circumvallation of it , erecting long poles with streamers on them , at the four right angles of them ; then to turn up one sod all along the said lines , for the better direction of those , who are to raise the parapet , the whole length of it ; leaving the gaps which are to be at the entrance or gorge of every work or bastion , which is to flank and defend it . next to stake out and mark the fortifications , which are to secure the camp , with their graffs , and the distance between the undermost inward sods of the parapet , and rampards , and the outwardmost nearest the graff ; then he is to sum up how many feet invirons the whole line , which shuts up the camp , together with the several works which are to defend it round ; afterwards he is to cast up how much in proportion to the just number of the whole infantry of the army , every regiment is to do of all those works and lines , and to appoint every one of them the part they are to perform , which he is afterwards to stake out to their officers , that every regiment may know its proper task , and where it begins and ends , and then they are without delay to fall to their work , and never cease till it be finished . this apportionating to every regiment of foot , its equal share of the whole work , is done by the rule of three , and when thereby the exact share of regiment a. is found , the like must be done as to every other regiment , till all of them be gone thorow . in what is already exprest , i take it for granted , that the works to flank the line as well as the line it self , are only in effect parapets , and that may serve for a short time of incamping , or when you are certain the enemies army cannot attack yours ; but if it be for a standing camp , and in which you will secure your self against his attempts ; then all your works which flank your line , ought to be fill'd with earth , to the heighth you judge needful , and from that heighth to erect your parapets , which may be cannon-proof , with portholes , or with great cannon gabions well fill'd with earth , or skite gates thorow the flanks and faces of the said works ; and in such cases , the usual method is to have your pioneers or hired soldiers , or both , to do those extraordinary labours ; and this must be resolved upon at your first incamping ; since it will be too late to go upon it afterwards , because when your bastions and other works , to defend the line , are only thin parapets , made foot high , both the casting the earth over those parapets , to fill the vacuities will be of hard labour , and also the sod work too weak to keep in the burden of new earth , which by the great weight of it may belly and slide , and all works which have rampards , ought to have the earth fill'd , but as the sod-work rises , both that the casting in of the earth may be the easilier done , and that it may have the more time to settle as the work rises . besides if your intire line , and the work which scours it , is only to be six foot high , and but six foot thick at the bottom , and three at the top , the sod-work which faces and lines it , is usually but one sod thick , which is sufficient to keep in the earth between , giving it so much battering ; but if you come to fill the vacuities of your flanking works with earth , then you ought to lay double , sometimes treble rows of sods , and those well ram'd , to face and line your works ; also good store of frith must be mingled amongst the earth , which fills the vacuities ; both which will bind it so , as it shall not be apt to slide . this caution i esteem'd not amiss to set down . the ichnographie of an army incamp'd , is in the following figure number vi. with a table annexed , as also a prospect , how a line may be fortified , and secured . when the whole circumvallation of the camp is intirely finished , for that must be the first work of all , the general safety depending on it , the general of the ordnance , and his officers , and others belonging to the train of artillery , must mount their cannon or field-pieces , on the several works which are to command the countrey about the camp , and to defend the line which invirons it ; and to have them loaden with round or case-shot , and a sufficient quantity of ball and powder , and number of gunners and matrosses , constantly to attend the service . if your camp be designed for a standing one , and that you apprehend an enemy will straiten you in it , because you are too weak to give him battel ; then i would also raise some cavaleers , or mounts of earth , of a reasonable heighth , and plant the longest ordnance on them , the more to command the fields ; the●…e cavaleers i would raise on the most advantageous places in the bullwarks , at the angles , and in the works which inviron the whole camp. whil'st these things are doing , the quartermaster general and his officers , ought to distribute to the general officers , and those of the train , as also to the colonels of horse , foot , and dragoons , &c. the quantities , dimensions and places , where their several lodgments respectively are to be ; the boundaries or outmost lines of every one , being forthwith to be staked out ; at the four angles of every gross lodgment respectively , and on those stakes , small streamers of taffaty , or other slight stuff , are to be placed ; and of the colour of the respective regiments , or general officers , to the end that all of every lodgment , by those small streamers may know , where they are to lodge , and how much ground is allotted for it ; then the quartermasters of the regiments , and of the troops , with those appointed for the lodgment of the general , and others , unregimented officers , are immediately to fall to work , in dividing their lodgments , and in making their hutts and stalls , the qu●…rtermasters of troops with their corporals , and the se●…geants of foot with their corporals , are to see the 〈◊〉 and stalls finish'd , for the lod●…ments of their respect 〈◊〉 troops and companies , and the due regularity in hutt●…g or pitching their tents , punctually observed ; according   feet a foot regim t of comp. euery one men bredth of its lodgm t b foot regim t of such companyes breadth — c foot regim t of such comp. breadth — d foot regim t of such comp. breadth — e foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — f foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — g foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — h foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — souldiers breadth of lodgm t s . — foot 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of comp. euery one men bredth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — 〈◊〉 foot reg t. of such comp. breadth — soldiers of these reg t s . breadth of the lodgm t. — foot 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of troopes each men bredth — 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of such troops breadth — 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of such troops breadth — 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of such troops breadth — 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of such troops breadth — 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of such troops breadth — 〈◊〉 horse reg t. of such troops breadth — ●…orse breadth of the lodgem t s . — foot 〈◊〉 generalls owne lodgm t. breadth — 〈◊〉 one officer generall lodgm t. breadth — 〈◊〉 one other generall officer lodgm t breadth — 〈◊〉 one other gen ll . officer lodgm t breadth — 〈◊〉 strangers lodgment breadth — 〈◊〉 generall of y e ordance lodgm t breadth — 〈◊〉 lodgm t for y e sick breadth — 〈◊〉 lodgem t for y e artilerye breadth — 〈◊〉 lodgem t s for y e waggons carts &c breadth — 〈◊〉 lodgem t for y e magazine of victuall breadth — 〈◊〉 place for y e markett breadth — 〈◊〉 piazza before y e generalls lodgm t breadth — ●…tall of y e breadth of these lodgements — foot ●…e numbers which are sett down in the ●…uerall lodgem t s are the numbers of feet ●…ontained in y e breadth of each lodgem t figure six this is the lodgement of an ar●…y in six lines of lodgements the whole consisting regimt s. of horse which make in all ●…●…n and reg t s . of ●…oote which make in all the generalls lodgement 〈◊〉 o●…ers gen ll . gen ll of the ordnance traine waggons piazza lodgem t s . for strangers , for the sick 〈◊〉 ●…gazines and market place place this foll : ●… to the beforementioned rules , and that no time be lost . the romans in hot weather , made the soldiers by turns , to sprinkle well with water all those streets round their line , as also the piazza , other streets , and void places , where the officers and soldiers use to walk all the day long ; and if something like this were done in camps , it would be of good use . the distributing the guards , the word , and going the rounds , i would recommend to have observed in the camp , as in the garison ; only if you suspect to be assaulted in your camp , you must have parties of horse , day and night ; especially in the night , beating the wayes , and scouring the countrey on all sides , that you may have timely notice for your defence ; and if you believe your enemy will attempt you in the night , it would be adviseable to have great piles of wood , and fagots , a convenient distance without your line , to set them on fire when your enemy is ready to begin his work , the better to see how effectively to bestow your small and great shot , amongst them ; and still in case of alarums or assaults , those regiments must be led to defend that part of the line , which they are the nearest unto , the like for the horse ; and every regiment must know the portion of the line , which they are to make good before there be need , lest then it may be too late . there seems to be ten particulars which ought ( if they be attainable ) to be minded , in incamping an army in a standing camp. i. that the camp be setled in a safe place , that is to say , that no heighths or eminent grounds be so near it , as that an enemy seizing on them on a sudden , may both by seeing into your camp , or planting his cannon and mortar-pieces on those heighths , annoy , and disturb it . ii. if it be possible , that it be seated on a navigable river ; for by the benefit thereof , the expences of bringing victuals , ammunition , and forage , will be cheap and expeditious , but otherwise dear and slow , if all be brought on the axel-tree , or backs of beasts ; for whatever is so brought , the bringers ( when it is for sale ) so heighten the price , as the poor soldiers are hardly able to buy what they need . but if you cannot camp near a navigable river , you must never omit to have your standing camp by a river ; for the dung of the horses , and the stanch of the butcheries , will else hazard the infecting the very air of the camp ; besides water must still be at hand for the soldiers , the horses , and the beasts of draught , to drink ; and if water can be brought about the graff of your standing camp , or a great part of it , it will thereby become the more safe and defensible . i would still have the butchers quarter , near the brink of the river , that they may with the less pains rid their quarters of all the filth , which else will soon be nauseous in them . iii. great care must be taken , that no woods or large coppices , be too near your camp , lest your enemy lodging in them , may from thence too safely annoy you , and accommodate himself . iv. a flat champaign ground is the most eligible to incamp in , because in such a scituation , the enemy may be discover'd , and seen afar off , the cannon of your camp will be the more useful to you , and prejudicial to him ; and when you find your opportunity , you may the sooner , and the more easily draw out your army , and put them in battalia to fight . v. a standing camp , though it be best posted in a plain , yet there must be no moorish or wet ground in it , for the vapors which will thence incessantly arise , may soon infect your army . vi. great and strict inquiry must be made , whether the plain your standing camp is to be in , cannot be overflow'd by the river near it , if great rains should happen ; and your own engineers must diligently view , if your enemy , ( in case he be the stronger ) by making great dams below your camp , cannot force the river to overflow it , though the greatest rains will not do it ; as also , whether your enemy being in effect the powerfuller in the field , may not turn the river , from above your camp into it , in which cases , if floods , if dams below , or turning of the river above , may drown your camp , such a scituation must not be made use of . vii . in scituating of a standing camp , you are to elect a place , near to which you may have good grazing for your horses , and cattle ; grounds proper for medow , ( which usually are near a river ) and wood and coppice , both for fuel , and making your hutts . viii . if the river adjoining be navigable , or not alwayes fordable , bridges of boats must be cast over it , else you will be soon streightned by your enemy , and probably he will raise mounts and batteries on the other side the river , which shall play into your camp , and exceedingly annoy it , if not force you to abandon it , and in disorder too , whereby he will have too fair an opportunity to defeat you ; therefore before your bridges of boats are cast over the river , you must immediately provide to secure them against they are cast over , by raising forts , and lines between the forts , in which you may draw up safely your battalions and squadrons , and likewise furnish those forts with good artillery , and man them alwayes sufficiently . also a competent distance above your standing camp , you must have a boom or cable under water , or chain ready to draw across the river , and cover and well defend them at both ends , together with boats well mann'd , thereby to defeat any design of your enemies , by floating engines he may make , to destroy the bridges of boats. ix . the standing camp must not be too scant , nor too large , but duly proportionate to the army , train , and baggage , you are to lodge in it ; and all the wayes unto it , you must with your best industry secure , and what you cannot secure , you must spoil and make them useless to your enemy . x. lastly , if there be any eminencies of ground near your standing camp , and yet without your line that invirons it , you must secure those heighths , not only by making redoubts or forts on the tops of them , but also by making a line , if you have men enough to do it , round about the foot of those heighths ; and you must make cover'd wayes from your camp to those redoubts , or forts , the more safely to relieve them , in case your enemy vigorously should attack them ; nor is it amiss to have mines under them , to blow them up , should your enemy enter them ; whereby he will be the more endamaged if they enter , or the more deterr'd from entring . all coppices and woods which are at too much distance to be secured by a line , ought to be cut down or burnt , to prevent those advantages , which else in many wayes , your enemy will draw from them . in making your line , you may have sometimes unequal grounds , through which you run it , some being high , and some low ; on the heighths of a standing camp , ( which are natural cavaleers ) i would still make forts , and plant my longest cannon on them . where the ground is sandy , or gravelly , or for any cause apt to slide , i would not depend on the facing of sods , but drive poles into the ground , wattle between them , and fling the earth which arises out of your graft , between the outwardmost and innermost wattlings . where the ground is moorish on the verge of your line , and is sometimes , in dry seasons , passable by horse or foot , i would with pallisadoes and stockades , secure it ; or by many join'd turnspikes , or chevaleers de freze , and without these i would , during the whole length of the moorish grounds , at a competent distance , cut two or three broad and deep ditches , which will fill themselves with water , and thereby discourage your enemy to attack you in the weakest part of your line , or if he did assault you there , much incommodate him , and render it almost impossible for him to make use of his horse in the attempt ; i have also known in such cases , several lines of deep and pretty large holes without , but near your line , made at unequal distances , and cover'd with slight hurdles , with a little earth strew'd over them , both to intangle an assaulting enemy if he know it not , or discourage him if he knows , or has cause to suspect it ; for it were temerity with foot only , to enter the line of an inviron'd camp , where horse , and foot , and cannon , are ready to welcome them ; and by the immediately beforemention'd methods , it will be difficult , if possible , for him in case his foot enter , to have them seconded by his cavalry , without which they are much likelier to be driven out , than to be successful . i would likewise for the better defence of those feebler parts of your line , erect batteries and redoubts within it , the better to defend them , and to rake your enemy , should he enter . there are several cares indispensably incumbent on a commander in chief , who posts himself in an intrenched standing camp , i shall enumerate some . i. to have a countrey behind his standing camp , to supply it constantly , and at reasonable rates , with victuals , forage , and all other necessaries , and to preserve it , both from the incursions of the enemy , and from the insultings or injury of his own army . ii. to secure throughly those towns , forts , or fortresses , nearest to his camp , and in which he lodges his magazines , which are to supply him , when the countrey cannot , or will not do it longer ; and therefore he ought alwayes , before his enemies are near , ( whereby they may awe the countrey from supplying him , or the people of it may make that the pretence ) to get into those places , with great diligence , all the victuals and forage he can ; and from thence to furnish himself , with what his camp cannot contain , or cannot be laid up dry in it ; but still to have as much provision within the line of his camp , as possibly he can , for there 't is safest and at hand ; for bisket , cheese , butter , meal , and such like meats , may be long kept in good condition , in little room , and are ready for food without cookery ; if the countrey be not perfectly well affected to the general , he ought to take hostages from it , to supply the victuals , forage , and other necessaries , at the rates , times and quantities , which shall be agreed upon ; these hostages , if well chosen , and diligently kept within the camp , will make the countrey punctual in performing , and be a sufficient answer to make those of it , who would starve the camp , or the enemy , ( who else might frighten them from supplying it ) that they dare not but obey , because their hostages else will suffer . as the chief commander of such a standing camp , must make his agreement on equal terms with the countrey , for his sustenance out of it , and see to their punctual performance of it , so he must as punctually pay the country , according to his contract , since fear and gain , are usually the most operative motives with the people , to make good all agreements . iii. the convoys of horse and foot , which are to secure those who must supply your camp , must never omit their duties , in punctually meeting , rather before than after the hour , and in carefully conveying , what is brought to the camp , and must be strong in proportion to the need ; for should such parties fail of meeting the countrey , at the set time and place , it might discompose all your affairs , discourage the bringers of necessaries , and give them but too much cause to fail , by your example ; or should the convoys by being weak or negligent , be defeated by the enemy , or the disaffected of the countrey , you would not only lose that one supply , but too probably , deter the countrey from coming with another . iv. the major general , and commissary general of the horse , must make all the regiments of horse and foot , do equal and proportionate duty , according to their numbers , in going on such convoys ; for which end they ought to keep exact and written lists , of all the parties they send on such employments , from time to time ; and inform the general of them ; else if by favor any be exempted , or favor'd , the duty will be the heavier , and the discontents the higher . v. if the places in which the standing magazines are setled , which must supply the camp , be at a great distance from it , or may have the wayes infested by the enemy , forts ought to be erected , and well mann'd at competent distances , the one from the other ; into which should any of your convoys be unexpectedly fallen upon , they may shelter themselves , and what they convoy , till relieved from the camp ; for all such attempts from the enemy , are sudden , and by surprize , and they dare not stay to force such a fort , lest they draw the camp upon them ; besides when every two or three miles there are such forts , erected in the fittest places , they do not only make the convoys march the more securely , and discourage your enemy from attempting them , but also the countrey people without convoys are the more invited to bring their provisions for your sustenance . vi. if i foresaw , my enemy would endeavor to straiten my standing camp , by possessing the countrey about it , i would immediately burn and drive whatever i could not secure , in my magazines , or within my line , the sooner to necessitate him to dislodge ; so that no two particulars are more carefully and speedily to be perform'd , than to secure your own victuals and forage , and to destroy all that your enemy will otherwise be master of ; and doubtless the first and most important duty of a general , is to provide food and ammunition for his army ; for men can live and fight without pay , but can do neither without food and ammunition ; and he who intrenches well his camp , and hath food the longest , must in time have the better of that war , without fighting , though his enemy be his superior in strength ; gaspar de coligny , admiral of france , and who in military knowledge has been exceeded by few , if by any captains in past ages , would often say , war is a great monster , which begins to be form'd by the belly , meaning that food ought to be the very first care of a general for his army . a standing camp thus situated , fortified , and provided for , may truly be said to be in a good posture ; but in regard all these desirable particulars beforemention'd , are not usually to be compassed in all places ; whatever is defective by nature , must be supplied by art and industry . there are several orders for the well regulating a camp within it self , which ought to be given , punctually observed , and the breakers of them indispensibly punish'd . i. that all cursing , swearing , lying , stealing , drawing a sword , and quarrelling , be exemplarily punish'd , both in those who are the guilty , and in those who knowing it , do not detect it ; for which end , daily court martials ought to be held , that the faulty may as soon suffer as their offences are proved ; that the officers and soldiers daily come to the service of god , at the times the several chaplains of the regiments are appointed to officiate ; for without the blessing of almighty god , how can any so much as hope to prosper : yet alas how debauch'd are the generality of the soldiery , who hourly , as it were , carrying their lives in their hands , ought , most of all men , to be prepared for death ; yet they , of all other vocations , are too frequently the least fitted for it ; and though god himself does at all times , and on all persons , forbid wickedness , yet he repeatedly does it to the soldiery , in the xxiii . chapter of deuteronomy , and the th verse , viz. when the host goeth forth against thine enemies , then keep thee from every wicked thing . if we own god to be our general , which who dares deny he is , since he is pleas'd to call himself the lord of hosts , we ought to obey his commands , and punish those who break them , else we shall be found to be more obedient to a general , than to our god. ii. that the camp be kept exceeding clean , which is not only decent , but healthy . that none of the soldiers do their easements within it , but in some convenient places , at least foot without it , as the martials of every regiment shall appoint , either in the river or brook , or in some pits to be digged by every regiment for that end . that the troopers , every morning and evening , be made carry out of the line , all the dung of their horses . that the butchers do the like as to all the filth in their shambles , and be made kill their beeves , sheep , &c. out of the camp , and that all dung and filth be buried ; and that the suttlers and victuallers , keep their cellars and kitchins sweet , and that the latter be still cover'd with sods , or raw hides , for fear of fire . iii. no man , without express leave of his officer , is to go further than cannon-shot out of the camp ; nor lie out of the camp , under a most severe penalty . iv. that none be admitted who are suttlers or victuallers , to entertain soldiers at night , after the warning-piece is gone off ; nor in the morning , until the reveille be beaten . v. that none be admitted suttlers or victuallers , but by the martial general , who is with his under-officers to take care , that no bad meat or drink be sold to the soldiers , or good sold at unreasonable rates ; that he set the price on all the camp provisions , which are daily sold , and are not supplied out of the magazine ; nor must any thing be sold amongst the private soldiery , but by his or his officers licence ; and by sound of drum , to prevent the sale of stol'n goods , to detect the thieves , and to hinder many other mischiefs . many such and other orders are given in standing camps and leaguers , according to the wisdom of the general , the discipline of the army , or the present condition of the countrey . i have the longer and more particularly , insisted on this part of the art of war , of intrench'd incampings , because it is what in england we have not been much accustomed unto , and therefore are generally the less knowing in it ; for i have seen eminent commanders there , when they came with armies for the war of ireland , so great strangers to the rules of it , as their camps appeared to me to be like fairs ; and some of them , not only have ingeniously acknowledged to me , they were to seek in that great part of war , but condescended to inform themselves from me , what i could tell them on that subject , choosing rather to confess their ignorance , that they might mend it , than to continue under it ; though i heartily wished them a better instructer . i also have been convinced by reading the greek and roman histories , that they ow'd as much of their conquests , to their well incamping , as to their other excellent military discipline , and their valor ; it would be almost endless to enumerate , what kingdoms and provinces they kept in obedience , by their standing camps ; and how often they stop'd the invasions of torrents of barbarous nations ( as they were pleas'd to term them ) by the same proceeding ; and having first wearied out their enemies , by such safe and beneficial delayes , then on some great advantages , they would give them battel , and defeat them ; none of which they could have effected , or rationally have attempted , but by their thoroughly knowing how to incamp advantageously , by constantly practising it , and by a timely providing of food , and forage . i have likewise observed these few last years , that the french , who have not only many eminent commanders , if not the most of any one nation , and daily improve the art of making war , have begun to revive , and with great benefit to themselves , this almost obsolete part of it ; for i take the prince of conde , to be one of the famousest captains , that any age hath produced ; and i observed when the prince of orange , the imperialists , under the count de souches , and the flemish forces , were united ; the prince of conde who was sent to oppose them , would not give them battel , but incamped himself advantageously on the french frontiers ; so that they justly apprehended to enter them , and leave him at their backs , whereby he kept them long at a bay , and when he found his opportunity , gave them at seneff so considerable a blow , as the french from having been on the defensive , they became afterwards the assaulters , and closed that campagne , by taking some of their enemies garisons . the mareschal de turenne also , who was sent general to the war in germany , and who in the military art had hardly a superior , having there to do with the count de montecuculi , who , i believe , has not been excell'd by any captain in any age , would still by intrench'd incampings , when the germans were the strongest , preserve himself and army , by spinning out the time , and cover those territories and places he had won , while he had been the most powerful ; and to me it seems a thing very worthy observation , that after by the mareschal de turenne's being kill'd , when the french king sent the prince of conde from the army in flanders , to command his army in germany , he did also by intrench'd incampings , weather that storm ; which in it self was so threatning , not only by the sudden loss of so great a captain , but also by the germans being led by the count de montecuculi , and the present duke of lorrain , two persons as considerable as the very forces they lead ; i say it seems to me very worthy of observation , that two such justly celebrated commanders , as the prince of conde , and monsieur turenne , should observe the very same methods , in managing the same war ; whereas usually when one general succeeds another , in heading the same army , and ordering the same war , the last comer judges it a kind of diminution to his own skill , to tread in the very paths of his predecessors ; but the prince of conde not doing so , thereby , in my poor opinion , renders three things evident : i. that he truly judged himself so justly secure in his own reputation , as it could receive no diminution , in following the steps of the dead general ; especially he having done the like before , and successfully in flanders . ii. that a wise and great captain , will rather by his actings , confirm that course to be best , ( if it be so in it self ) by imitating his predecessor , than try new methods of war , whereby out of but a meer hope to do the like thing , by a different way , he may hazard his reputation , his army , and the countrey he is to cover and protect . iii. what two such generals have practised , ( all circumstances consider'd ) is to me an evincement , that by camps intrenched and well posted , a countrey may be best secured , an invading enemy may be best resisted ; and in time , all advantages being taken in the nick , may be defeated , or made retire as the french king manages his wars on the german side , by his captains , and makes it oftner defensive there , than invasive ; so on the flanders side , he makes it generally offensive , and leads his armies himself , which is the solidest way to be successful ; some few of the many reasons why i believe it is the very best way for a king to lead his own armies , i shall here set down : i. it evidences he has a genius to the wars , else he would not himself be at the head of his own armies ; and that makes the nobility and gentry of his kingdom warlike , since all subjects of quality , generally addict themselves to what they find their prince is most inclined . ii. no prince is likely to be so well served , or is so well served , as he who with his own eyes , sees who are active or remiss in their duties ; to reward the first , and punish the last . iii. how many opportunities to be victorious are lost , by a generals sending for , and staying to receive orders from his prince ; all which , by his own being on the place , are laid hold of and improved . iv. how many brave men will not go to the war , if the prince be not there in person ; who if he be , cannot then be kept from the honour and duty of waiting on him . v. how many valiant men of his guards are to attend his person , which if it be not with his army , is thereby deprived of so many good fighters . vi. how many good heads may be consulted with in the army , when the king is there , who would not be drawn thither , unless he were there ; either by reason of their crazy healths , or believing it below them to be in an army , where any commanded but themselves , or some such other considerations . vii . how many garisons may be bought , and commanders bought off from the enemy , when the king in person is the merchant , which otherwise would not listen to , or trust to the bargains offer d by his general . it were endless to enumerate all the real advantages , which a sovereign has , who makes war in person , against enemies , which make war only by their generals ; nor can there be almost a larger illustration , of the truth of what i have said , than what we have seen with our own eyes , these three last years ; even that the french king singly , not only makes war , in effect , against all the continents of europe , but also gains , rather than loses ground ; which possibly could hardly be done by him , though he is a great and brave prince himself , though he has a large and noble monarchy , many eminent commanders , and almost an innumerable company of good subaltern officers , and is absolute , and has all his territories united , and fronting upon the countries of almost all his enemies ; if to all these advantages he did not in person often lead his armies , where he means to make his chief impressions ; and if he did not by intrench'd incampings , oppose by his generals , those of his enemies , who else might invade his dominions ; and if he did not also excellently manage the wars on his side ; and if he were not also help'd by his confederated enemies being intangled under many inconveniencies , and hinder'd by many obstructions ; i say , if all these did not concur , it would seem to me almost impossible to do as he does , especially since he hath also at the same time engaged himself in the protection of the messineses , with his maritine and land forces ; whose militia he must not only pay , but what is worse , feed the useless mouths of both sexes , and of all ages ; and which perhaps is more than all this , he must send all things to them in his fleets , by a long navigation ; and hinder'd therein , by the joint naval forces of spain , and the united provinces , so that many conclude , he may gain more fame by extending his arms so far abroad , even while he has so much need of them near home , than solid benefit by engaging in that revolted peoples defence , unless some considerable emergencies be favourable unto him ; but yet on the other side , why may it not be believed , that the inuring his subjects to navigation and sea-fights , is singly worth the expence of that sicilian war ; and indeed all things rightly consider'd , perhaps he could not more usefully attempt the attaining that end , than by making war in the mediterranean sea against spain ; for thereby he gives his majesty and the states of the united provinces less jealousie , than if he managed it in any other of the european seas ; he makes the war laborious , chargeable and tedious to the states , if they pay their mediterranean fleet ; or to spain , if that king be at the sole expence of doing it . it is also no little augmentation of his glory , that france , which till his reign was so little considerable at sea ; and that spain , which though during the reign of king philip the second , made europe , and the ottoman empire apprehend his armada's , yet cannot now , even in conjunction with the fleet of the states , hinder france from frequently relieving of messina , and the other revolted places of the island of sicily ; nay , in sea-battels has forced his way to that end : so that all things duely weighed , perhaps the french monarch could not make a more hopeful war by sea than this , to train up his subjects to fight on that element , if he aspires to be as formidable on it , as he is actually on the land ; which may not be unreasonably presumed he does , by the stupendious and royal foundations he has laid for the building of ships , and equipping them ; and for the educating his subjects to navigation , and encouraging them to pursue that calling ; and by the numerous and stately navy he has built in a very few years ; which is such , as some believe , may at the present , equal for number , and size even the fleet royal of england , or the navy of the states ; and should this be true , may it not be more likely , that he may ten years hence , if not sooner , attempt to give the law at sea ; then that ten years past , he should be so strong in ships of war as now he is ; especially if while his navy is growing , he can render his own subjects capable to manage it ; for 't is easier to increase fleets , than at first to build them : so that this messinese war , which some consider as a blemish in his politicks , may be none of the least depths of them . but since i have asserted two particulars , viz. the french kings excellent management of his wars , and the advantage he reaps , by the intanglements and difficulties which his confederated enemies are under : i esteem my self obliged to set down some of my grounds for those two assertions . i. i find that having so many formidable armies to deal with , and being thereby unable to have forces , both to face every one of them , and reserve armies also , he is very cautious to avoid a general decisive battel , lest the loss of it might hazard his monarchy . ii. he has been usually in the field about the beginning of march , and by having his armies excellently well provided , and frankly hazarding his soldiery , he has taken in or weeks , before the whole confederacy can imbody , more countries and important garisons , than they have retaken in the six succeeding months after they are imbodied . iii. being an absolute monarch , and having none in his armies but such as depend on his will ; he may alwayes pursue the councel which is in it self best , and may execute it with expedition , and secresie ; so that having resolved where to make his impression in the very opening of the spring , he provides in the neighbouring territories his magazines for victuals and forage accordingly ; and thereby what supplies him with both , doth disable those territories to supply his enemies on the place , should they come to raise any of his sieges , with an army formed of the forces of the whole confederacy : and by his having formerly secured or consumed all meat and forage near his leageurs , makes it impossible for the other in that ill season of the year , to carry all of both forts on the axle-tree , sufficient for themselves , though it were but for a few dayes ; and having by his lines of circumvallation made it almost an act of temerity to attempt to force them , he makes it also an impossibility to constrain him to raise his sieges by a diversion . for what place can they besiege in a season , when the earth yields no sustenance for man or horse ; and when they have not magazines of both laid in beforehand to supply them . and if they should attempt to raise his sieges , but by such part of the forces of the confederacy as can carry provision and forage with them on the axle-tree , or by boats , 't is much more than an even wager , that they will repent it , sooner than he . iv. since the germans are the greatest force of the confederacy , by his so early in the year attacking the spaniards , flemish territories , he renders the german assistance useless to those countries in that season ; since 't is almost a winters march to lead armies timely enough from the centre , or remote parts of the empire ( where commonly they have their best winter quarters ) to the frontiers of flanders , were there no impediment but the length of the way ; but when to that is added , the ill season of the year , and the vast charge and difficulty of carrying horse and mans meat , besides artillery , ammunition , and needful baggage so far , to form also magazines then timely enough to answer the occasion , experience as well as the reason of the thing , sufficiently evidences is not practicable ; so that no formidable army , can at such times be expected from thence : besides the great garisons the french keep at brisac , schleckstad●… &c. and the flying camp they have on those frontiers of germany , renders it hazardous to send the body of their army to relieve flanders lest during their absence , their own territories be exposed to the incursions of the french. the spaniards on the other side , though assisted by the states , are not over-able to cope with all the power of france , headed by their king in person , and attended by all that brave and numerous noblesse , which usually wait on him ; nor is it over-likely that the states will be ready to hazard their armies , onely to relieve the spaniards , who some have thought are not able , and others have fancied are not very willing to relieve themselves in flanders ; so that to me it seems the french king plays a wise and secure game , as he orders his war : for if the germans should march in that ill season , and unprovided with magazines , they would probably by such a march in the dawn of the spring , disable their army to do much all the ensuing summer ; and if they do not make such marches in the spring , the french king does then gain more than he can lose all the rest of the campagne , which is a military dilemma can hardly be avoided : besides , the farther the french king advances his conquests , and the more garisons he takes , in his enemies countries , during the spring , the more he secures himself from having his own dominions invaded by them in the summer , at least by the way of the spaniards netherlands . there seems to remain then but two other probable ways for their doing of it , by lorrain , or by alsatia ; in the first , he is not only gathering a great army , but strongly fortifying all considerable places there , and in the latter , i hear , he has laid all the countrey waste ; so that it will be difficult , if possible , to invade him by alsatia , and it will be no easie task to do it by lorrain , when so many strong garisons must be taken , his army looking on ; or if untaken left at their backs should they enter france , and monsieur de crequi's army to watch and attend their motions , which by great detachments may be reinforced according to their need by the french armies in flanders ; and to me it would seem a temerarious action , for the confederates to enter france , if they could , and leave the french new conquests in flanders , with the armies which cover them , the old and newgarisons in lorrain and the mareschal de crequi's army there , and the desart of alsatia at their backs , and this too without having any confederates ( that are yet visible ) in france to join with them , or any garison in it at their devotion , where they might form arcenals , magazines , leave their sick or wounded , &c so that in my poor judgment , it seems against all the maxims of reason and military experiment , that the confederates will invade france if they could , as the present state of affairs are : i know 't is almost the general opinion , that great action will be this ensuing summer , but i must own i cannot bring my self to believe , the event will be proportionable to the expectation . for to me it seems very probable , that the game the french will play is , with their best and greatest army to oppose ( but without giving a decisive battel ) the germans , when they enter lorrain , which is the likeliest , if not the onely way they will come ; and thereby the french having all the garisons , and the standing bridges over the unfordable rivers , they may , by posting themselves in advantageous places , and by intrench'd incampings , keep the germans at a bay , spin out the summer , and by the little progress of the war , endeavor to render the empire weary of it . for having , in effect , made lorrain the onely way by which the germans can advance , they have doubtless already so well furnished their own magazines in those parts , that they will be provided for plentifully ; whereas 't is to be doubted whether the germans can be so well furnish'd with victuals , when all they eat must be brought on carriages , and often from countries or stores at a considerable distance , and from princes whose territories get little , and suffer much by the war , while the french will have their food at hand , and will destroy whatever they cannot secure ; by which means , the farther their enemy advances into lorrain , the more unlikely and troublesom it will be to be fed , while they are there ; nor will the germans probably be able to force any considerable place there , since such as are so , will be well fortified , mann'd and provided for , and to sit down before a strong garison , while an army which it may be is as strong as their own , is ready to relieve it , or to cut off all their convoys , is no usual enterprise . if the prince of orange be strong enough to act apart with his own army , and the governor of flanders , by additional forces of the germans , be able to do the like with his army , the french , who have armies to attend their motions , will , in all likelihood , either relieve the places they shall besiege , or if they shall have so strengthned their lines of circumvallation , before the french can fling the necessary relief into those garisons they shall besiege , as it will render it too hazardous to try to force the line , the french , by diversion , may besiege some places of theirs , and take as much as they lose ; for in that season they will have forage in the field , and their magazines of victuals near , neither of which the germans could have in the beginning of the spring ; when the french inlarge their conquests , so that the french by that excellent conduct wherewith they order their affairs , do certainly take places , before the confederates can come into the field , and will , in all likelihood , lose few after . on the side of alsatia , the french keep but very few garisons , and those excellently furnished , and the countrey generally wasted ; so that if the forces of the circles of the empire besiege and reduce one of them the ensuing summer , that will probably be the most they can aim at , and possibly all things consider'd , more than they can effect . to the best of my observation , the french with great prudence , attack places in the beginning of the spring , when there is no army to relieve them ; and in the summer , when the whole confederacy is in the field , they are usually on the defensive , and cover what they have took ; and in my weak judgment , they do at least as much by their alwayes providing well to eat , and by their intrenched incampings , as by their good fighting , which questionless is the most hopeful and the most solid way of making war ; for it has been for many ages a standing military axiom , that the lesser army if it can feed and avoid being forced to fight , it will weary out the greater army in no long time . these are some of the many reasons which induced me to commend the french kings excellent manner of managing this war , and why i cannot readily believe the results of this ensuing summer , will be so great as many think . i shall now mention some of those inconveniences and intanglements which his confederated enemies , seem to me to lie under , and which are so helpful to him . i. that union being made up of many absolute sovereigns , and states , some of the highest , some of the middle , and some of the lesser size , nothing can be designed , much less attempted by them , but by joint consent , and after long consultations ; at which since the sovereigns cannot be personally present , they must be carried on by their ministers , whereby before any thing can be finally resolved , much time is consumed , motions are much slower , than the nature of war requires , the due secresie of designs cannot be observed , on which depends the life of all military action ; and such resolutions as possibly in themselves are the very best ; are usually opposed by those of them , who find not their particular interests in the observing and pursuing them . ii. when after much time and labour , during a whole winter , all the confederates agree how the war shall be best managed the ensuing summer ; it is great odds , but all or the most considerable measures then taken , will be broken again , for they only knowing their own project for the campania , and not their enemies , his early actings may necessitate them to alter theirs ; in which case most of the summer will be consumed in concerting how it shall be employed . this uncertainty , during which their armies are at a gaze , does not only give great advantages to an active and vigilant enemy who is resolved what to do , and vigorously prosecutes his designs , but also slackens the courage of their own soldiery ; towards which , no one thing can more contribute , than irresolution in their superiors ; nor is it a possible thing ( at least in my humble opinion ) to order a war as it ought to be , when those who command in it , must on all emergencies send to their masters for new directions . and therefore the romans , as jealous as they were of their liberty , never were imbark'd in a dangerous war indeed , but they created a dictator , who was absolute for the time being , and who was not fetter'd with the necessity of sending to the senate for new orders , on new accidents , but was at his liberty to improve them on the place . all which confirms on the account of reason what experiment in all ages has clearly evinced , which is , that a monarch who is at the head of his own armies , has a hopefuller game to play in war , than many mighty princes who compose a league , and act by several generals , and are acted by various interests . iii. though the opposing the formidable and growing power of france was the true cement of the present confederacy and union , yet as by the greatness of their own strength their fears of france lessen ; so many of it cool in their first vigor , lest by too much humbling their enemy abroad , they may too much heighten their greatest allies at home ; and so what in shew renders the league the stronger , does , in effect , weaken the actings of it . iv. oftentimes they can neither agree to divide what they have gotten , nor how they shall divide what they may get ; though possibly , the dividing of the bears skin is more easily agreed unto before he is kill'd , than after ; and possibly also those of the confederacy which are weary of the war , had rather make their being unsatisfied with their partition past , or to come , the pretence of their withdrawing , or remissness , than to own they are tyred with the charge , trouble , and hazard they undergo , and then how apt are such princes or states to listen to a neutrality , if offer'd by the french. v. what differences are and must be raised every winter , how the armies shall be then quarter'd ; for some sovereigns which are the least rich , and have the scantest territories , yet have the fittest to make winter quarters in ; and whereby posting great bodies of the soldiery , they may be the better able to resist the incursions of their enemy , and to make successful ones into his territories ; but if such winter quarters be granted by the lesser princes , and states ; than those who are to be least gainers by the war , undergo the greatest burthen of it , and suffer the most considerable damage by it : and if they will not quarter the forces where they are most useful , then not only the whole union suffers thereby , but also those lesser princes themselves and their subjects ; who not being willing to be eaten up by their friends , and unable to resist with their own forces those of france , become a prey unto the latter , to avoid being devoured by the former . nay , sometimes the necessity of the common safety and benefit , makes the stronger of the confederacy take winter quarters on the weaker , without or against the permission of the princes themselves ; whereby animosities are raised , in which friends to the wrong'd , or fear of being in the future under the like usage , makes others share in the discontents and resentments . and such forces as are quarter'd in any princes territories against his leave , are thereby all the winter put on double duty ; that against the enemy , and that against the people of the countrey ; who else , would by surprize revenge their princes affront , and prevent their own farther sufferings . so that their winter-quarters which should be to refresh them against the spring , is frequently more harassing to them , than all the summer service is , or can be . vi. since the war is pursued by several armies at once , and consequently a greater monarchs forces is to be often united with those of a lesser , many difficulties arise about the chief command in an army so composed , and greater mischiefs are too frequently the inseparable consequences of its being so composed . for where the two sovereign powers whose troops make that body , have their distinct generals in it , though one of them be made the superior as to command , yet battels are not to be given , nor sieges undertook , or continued , without the concurrence of the other general , who perhaps if the hazards both armies are to undergo , be to redound to the benefit of his own master singly , or chiefly , will be more inclined to embark in them , than he will be , if the result of the success be more for the advantage of his colleague , whereby particular ends , often obstruct the general good of the union . i shall give two remarkable instances of this great truth which very recently happen'd . the prince of orange not being able singly to take maestricht , is therefore join'd with the flemish forces , &c. when by the valor , conduct , danger , and indefatigableness of that brave young prince , ( true inheritor of the virtues of his famous ancestors , and deservedly worthy of the royal blood of england , which he has the honour to be of ) the siege was so far advanced , as that the place must be taken , unless relieved by a battel , or his own being necessitated to raise it ; the french king orders monsieur de schomberg with all the united forces of those parts , ( which his courage and conduct justly intitled him to command ) to try to relieve the place sufficiently , or make the prince raise his siege : upon the advance of monsieur schomberg , the prince , ( as i am credibly inform'd ) was absolutely for giving him battel , that the fruits of so much time , labour , expence , and blood , might not be lost , and lost with some disparagement ; but his associates judging that to be too hazardous a counsel , the siege was raised , and possibly with more loss of men , cannon , and reputation , than the ill success of a battel could have cost . far be it from me to say , that those who were for raising the siege , believed it of more importance to their king to keep his troops entire , than that the prince should be again master of maestricht ; much less will i say that they would not venture all their forces on an engagement , where the states were to have the greatest , if not the sole benefit of the success , though the others were to run a great share of the hazard ; but this i hope without offence may be thought , that it had been more adviseable never to have engaged in that siege , than after having so far proceeded , to have quitted it : for who could in reason believe , that so great a monarch as the french king is , and so jealous of the glory of his arms , as all europe has seen , and too many of it felt , would let a place of so vast importance as maestricht , be torn from him without a battel ; so that in my poor judgment , the siege should never have been resolved upon , or the battel should have been given to have made it good . to be warm in undertaking a great design , and cool in justifying it when undertook , is seldom attended with success , or reputation . all which that generous young prince so well foresaw , as i am confident nothing would have made him besiege maestricht , if he had not fully believed his allies would have ventured a battel to have carried it . i know not whither to do so , was a part of their written contract , but i take it to be clearly inferr'd by their sitting down before it ; and therefore though the prince might share in the trouble of the ill success , yet he ought to have no part in the fault of it . the second evidence of this truth , was in the year before ; when the prince of orange was in conjunction with the imperial forces , and the flemish ; how little was there done when united , and how much was suffer'd , few are ignorant of ; but as soon as the prince commanded singly , how gloriously did he end that campagne , by the reduction of grave , which though it had been long besieged by general robenhoft , who was a brave commander , yet till the prince of orange came thither , the siege moved not on , with the life , vigor , and success , which his example and conduct gave unto it . and in the taking whereof , it will not be so much a complement to him , as a truth of him , if i should say , alexander the great at his siege of the mallians , or king henry iv. of france , ( as great a captain i believe as even alexander himself ) at the taking of cahors , ran not greater hazards as to their persons , than the prince of orange did for the reduction of grave . lastly , ( to omit many other particulars ) oftentimes those generals which are really the fittest to manage the war , cannot be employ'd to do it ; since if a sovereign who is of the confederacy , will go in person to command an army , or send his son , brother , or some first prince of his blood to do it , none of them but will be the chief , though some under them may perhaps be more capable of being it : whereby superiority in command may not alwayes be vested in him , who is the fittest to discharge it ; and therefore sometimes the war prospers accordingly . i hope whoever shall undergo the trouble of reading what i write , will be in some degree satisfied , that i had reason to assert both the french kings excellent management of his war , and his being help'd therein , by the unavoidable obstructions and intanglements which the confederacy of his enemies does subject them unto , both from the nature of such an union , and from the situations of the territories of those sovereigns which compose it . but if the body of the confederates strength could constantly lie as near the frontiers of france , as the strength of france , by that monarchs absoluteness , unitedness of his dominions , and wise management , can be brought ( when he will ) near the territories of the less strong princes of the union ; possibly his maintaining a war against almost all the continent of europe , might be a greater trouble , charge and difficulty to him , than yet he has found it . nor indeed can so dull a judgment as mine is , readily foresee , why the french king may not continue the war , long enough , to make his enemies , or many of them , weary of it , unless his methods be broken by some unforeseen great accident ; as a revolt within his own territories , or some decisive victory which the confederates may obtain , either from the french generals confident belief of winning it , or from the necessity of the french giving them battel , to preserve an endanger'd detachment of his army , or a garison or territory worthy of that hazard , or some such other great accident ; or unless the kingdom of spain ( now newly under the intire ministry of don iohn , a wise , and warlike prince ) be able , and willing , to invade the south-west part of france with a royal army ; such a powerful diversion perhaps might put all the affairs of france into a new fold ; for hitherto , little armies have busied spain at home , and preserved the french pyrenean frontiers , while all the great ones have been employed against germany , and the spanish and states netherlands : nor is it very improbable but such an attempt may be made ; for i have still observed , that when the ministry of a great monarchs affairs is on a sudden changed , the new comer either intirely alters the measures taken by his predecessor , or if he pursues those , he does it with greater forces and vigor ; since in all such mutations , the honor of the new minister , ( if not his safety ) as well as the good of the state , incites him to a better , or more prosperous conduct of affairs , than that under the late administration has been . now whether that conduct shall consist in acting by maxims diametrically opposite to the former , or in heightning considerably of those , does depend upon the judgment , or inclinations of him that sits at the helm ; or on the state of things as they are then circumstantiated . but that don iohn should attempt , or hope to incline his master to a separate peace , is not very likely ; since to do it , nay perhaps but to attempt it , will be dangerous in it self , ungrateful to the confederates , and in all likelihood is not solidly and durably attainable ; and to endeavor to gain all the rest of the union to it , or the major , or weightier number of them , looks more unlikely to be effected ; for neither has there ever yet been made so numerous , or so strong an union against france , as this now is ; and it may be no age has seen , that so many monarchs , and states , and of such various interests , and religions , should be at once so firmly confederated ; which perhaps nothing could have brought about , had not the examples of the duke of lorrain , and some other sovereigns of the lesser size , filled all of them with so great apprehensions of the like usage , as nothing could allay , but such a league ; which since they have after the employing of much time , treasure , and industry , so happily made , 't is not probable they will dissolve it ; especially when their affairs seem more promising , and that notwithstanding this stupendious league , they have hitherto lost ground . whereby none of them all , nor no less than all of them , can judge himself safe til , by the forces of all , they have by arms reduced this deluge of france , into its first and natural channel . for to think to do this by a treaty , looks very improbable to me ; because the french king is yet too high in his hopes and strength to fall so low , as to give more by a treaty , than ( it may be ) he can lose by a war ; and none of his enemies can well think themselves secure , but by keeping fast this knot , which was so long a tying , and which experimentally they have found , has been their common safety ; and that in nothing less , can it well be found ; so that the continuance of the war appearing to be the likeliest measure that can be taken , 't is hardly to be believed , that don iohn , whose genius is for arms , and his education has been in them , will draw his masters sword but half out ; but if he unsheaths it , 't will be to purpose ; which yet as i think can hardly be done , but by being at the head of a brave army , ( and possibly getting his young monarch to be personally present ) and thereby making an effective invasion on the southwest parts of france : for no ministry that preceded his , did of late attempt it ; and yet the only attempting it , may give more solid advantages to the whole union , than hitherto all the arms of spain has done as they have been order'd ; nor may he in any other way more acceptably apologize to the emperor in particular , and to the rest of the union in general , for having got the queen regent out of the government , than by his own being more beneficial to him and them in it . besides , the present complexion of the affairs of spain , seems such , that it may be his only true interest , to be considerable in arms ; which he can never be , but by being great with the sword-men ; and that he can never hope for , but by being at the head of them , and leading them to daring and high attempts . all this seems to manifest , 't is not improbable he may invade the french pyrenean frontiers , for there only he can be so considerable , and at once both so useful abroad , and safe at home ; on which last there seems a necessity on him to fix one eye , as the other on the humbling of france ; lest otherwise the late ministry of spain , get again into the saddle . i beg the reader 's pardon for this long digression , which perhaps i may the sooner obtain , when he shall be pleased to consider , that i was partly drawn into it , by observing how useful this revived part of the art of war , of posting armies in intrench'd camps , has lately been to those , who have well understood , and on fit occasions practised it ; and though all which i have now said , is not properly congruous to the title i have given to this one chapter ; yet it may not be altogether impertinent to what the whole book treats of ; for the successful active part of the art of war , has no less dependency on the considerative part of it , than the effect has on the cause ; and what i have so weakly , and disorderly exposed , may yet furnish a solid , and fertile judgment , with no ill reflections , and notions , on this great subject . of battels . all who have commanded armies , or written of the military art , have universally agreed , that no one act of war , is so great in it self , or in the consequences of it , as fighting a battel ; since the winning of one , has not only been the cause of taking of the place besieged , ( if in the field the army is defeated which comes to relieve it ) but also by the gaining of the victory , a province , nay , a kingdom has often been the reward of the victorious . but as the advantages are eminent to him who wins it , so the prejudices are no less to him who loses it ; and therefore nothing ought to be more exactly consider'd and weigh'd in war , than whether a decisive battel shall be given , before the resolution to fight it , is taken . there is hardly any thing which seems to me more essentially needful to a great captain , than perfectly to know and lay hold of all advantages in a day of battel ; and to know all the disadvantages , that he may avoid them . i shall therefore in what i write on this subject , specifie some general rules or principles , which , in my opinion , ought never to be unknown or unpractised by a general or commander in chief . i. the first is , to be so vigilant and careful , as not to be forced against his will , to come to a battel ; but if he is so unhappy , or faulty , as not to avoid it , then to be sure to disguise it from his army , by his words , looks , and actions ; since for a chief commander to evidence fear , or amazement ; or to own he has been over-reach'd by his enemy , before he is gotten out of the ill consequences and effects of 〈◊〉 , ●…oes to that degree deject his own men , that they are half conquer'd before they fight . for the generality of the soldiery in an army , have their senses much better than their understanding , and consequently take their omen of victory usually , from the chearful looks and words of their general ; who ought therefore in no wise to seem disanimated , or doubtful , but alwayes chearful and confident . ii. the second is , that no general should resolve to give his enemy battel , but on rational , or , at least , very probable grounds , that he shall win it ; and also when the advantages of gaining it , will be greater than the prejudices will be , if he should lose it ; for whoever elects to fight a battel on other considerations , cannot answer the doing it , to his prince ; to the army he leads ; or to his own judgment , and conscience . iii. the third is , whoever has his enemy at such an advantage , as he must submit in a short time without hazarding a field , ought on no terms , to expose his army to a battel ; but should derive that from time , and patience , which else he must leave to the decision of fortune . as within my own memory i have known , that a general greedy of honour , and impatient of delay , when , by the wise conduct of those under him , or the ill conduct of those against him , his enemies army was so coop'd up , that it could not long subsist , nor force its way ; he drew his own army off of the passes which shut up his adversary , that he might come out , and decide it by a battel ; which he lost , and deservedly . for the turns in a battel are so many , and are often occasion'd by such unexpected accidents , which also proceed from such minute causes , that a wise and great captain will expose to chance , only as much as the very nature of war requires . iv. the fourth is , when a battel is resolved upon ; the field to fight it in , ought to be answerable to the numbers of your army , and the quality of your forces . as for example . you should never choose a ground to fight on , ( if you can possibly avoid it ) which you cannot fill up , with your fighting , and reserve squadrons and battalions ; or as 't is now usually call'd , your first , and second line . that is , you must still endeavor to cover the outward flanks of your wings , with a river , a wood , a moorish ground , or something equivalent ; for else you will expose your army too much , if your enemy does overwing you : whereas if you cannot be charg'd but in front , you will have the less to fear , and your adversary the less to hope . for instance : if i found my army drawn up in battalia would take up in its utmost extent but foot ; i would not choose to fight in a plain that was foot wide , if my enemies army were either more numerous than mine , or were stronger in cavalry than i : but if by some accident which i could not foresee , or possibly avoid , i were to fight on such a ground , i would immediately cover one , or , if possibly , both of my flanks , with what the nature of the place afforded ; as besides a river , a brook , a moorish ground , a wood , or coppice ; or a steep ground , with a ditch or trench , or some place so incumbred , as my adversaries horse could not fall on that flank , without disordering himself before , and in his doing of it . but in case the ground was so level and clear , as it afforded me none of those advantages , ( which would be an extraordinary thing ) i would then , by my carriages , or by immediately casting up a long and large ditch , or trench on my flanks , supply by industry , what i could not otherwise attain . and if i had leisure , at the two ends of each of these ditches , or barricade of wagons , especially at the front end i would cast up a sconce , redoubt , or fort , and stuff it with musketeers , whereby the flank of my wings would be covered , and the front and rear of them defended by those musketeers . 't was almost thus , that lewis , prince of conde acted in the battel at st. denis , in the reign of king francis the first of france ; and had not only thereby the resolution , with an handful of the french protestants , to fight the constable of montmorancy , whose army was three times as great as his ; but also to make it so disputable who had the victory , that the historians of those times give it without seruple , to the party they were of , and wrote for . and it seems indeed but doubtful who had the victory ; for the next morning the prince , and the admiral chastillion ( by andelot's being joined with them , who brought them not above men , ( with which , until then , he made the river of seine useless to the parisians ) drew up their army again in the field of battel , and shot some peals of cannon even into paris , yet none of that king's forces came out to fight them ; so that the protestants having for a few hours brav'd the french king's forces , and that vast city , marched away towards champagne , to meet their german relief . but on the other hand , the historians who were royallists , attribute this wholly to the death of the constable ; and not only to the consternation which it caused , but also to the irresolution of the counsels , who should succeed him ; since the duke of anjou , who at last did , was by many judged too young for so weighty a charge ; and it is reasonably to be believed , he would not then have been nominated , but that the queen regent was irremoveably setled , not to lodge in such intricate times , the absolute military power in any of the house of guise ; or in that of montmorancy but in one who intirely depended on her , and would be guided by her . and 't is probable that the protestants ( who doubtless had been much disordered in the battel ) durst not have made that bravade , depending only on their own strength , but at least as much on the irresolution and disputes of their enemies , who should be their new general : and therefore having set the best face they could on their tottering affairs , for a short time judged it not adviseable to continue playing that part any longer , than they believed they might do it safely by the king's army being without a head. i have only instanced this particular , to manifest how a lesser army may oppose a much greater in battel , if the flanks of the lesser be so well covered , as that it can only be charged in front ; which ought alwayes indispensibly to be provided for . nor is it only needful where a battel is to be fought , to pitch on a ground answerable to the number of your army , but also answerable to the quality of those forces which compose it ; and to those of your enemies with whom you must have to do . as if my enemy were stronger than i in cavalry , i would avoid all i might fighting him in a plain ; or if i were the stronger in horse , i would use my utmost industry to engage him in an open countrey . and on the contrary , if i were stronger in infantry , i would shun the combat , unless it were in an inclosed country , or incumbred by woods , brooks , coppices , rocks , or moorish grounds ; so if he were the stronger in foot , i would avoid fighting in a place where he who has the most infantry , may therefore have the most hopes of victory . but if you are commanded to fight by your prince , or are engaged to do it to answer an end worthy the hazard of a battel ; or for any such other rational consideration , great care must be alwayes taken to make choice of that ground which is fittest for you , both in respect of your own forces , as also of your enemies ; and in a most particular manner , if you are weakest in foot , to cover them the best you can with your horse ; and on the contrary , if you are weakest in horse , to cover them with your foot. v. the ranging of an army in battel to the very best advantage , is a great furtherance to the winning of the victory . but the so doing of it depends much , not only on the wisdom and skill of the general , the nature of the ground , and the quality of his own forces , but also on those of his enemies , and on the disposition of him who commands them ; so that although no standing rules can be given to answer all these varieties , yet some positive maxims may be set down , which if punctually observed , as things are circumstantiated , may beneficially answer all occasions , and emergencies . and i the rather say this , because i have seldom found that the greatest captains of elder times , ( whose military knowledge and practice the moderns justly value , and extol ) have ever observed one and the same form in giving battel ; but have varied therein considerably , according to the occasion . cyrus being to fight against croesus king of lydia , and in a large plain , fearing to be inviron'd , drew up his army but twelve deep in file , whereas formerly the file was deep . whereby he augmented the front of his army , double ; overwing'd croesus's , and won the victory . caesar , at the battel of pharsalia , against pompey , did quite alter the manner of the roman imbattelling . for having found that pompey exceedingly outnumbred him in horse , he covered one of his flanks with a little river , and drew all his cavalry to the other flank ; among the squadrons whereof , he placed bodies of his best infantry , and there he began the battel ; where , by having all his horse in one wing , and those accompanied by select legionary foot , he soon routed that half of pompey's horse which opposed all his ; and then falling into the flanks , and rear of his enemy , won the victory . these two are very remarkable instances , which , among many others , verifie what i have said . i shall now mention some of those standing maxims , which , in my humble opinion , are indispensibly to be observed , immediately before , and in a day of battel . . the first is , with great diligence to view so well the field you will fight in , as when you have drawn up your army on it , you may not afterwards alter the order of it , or change your ground ; for all such mutations in the face of your enemy are very dangerous , and gives him also the greater confidence , and your own men the less ; as being an evidence to both , of a great failure in conduct ; and it may also be highly hazardous , either to remove the whole , or even some gross squadrons , or battalions , to the ground which on second thoughts may be believed the better ground of the two ; since your enemy being then near , may take the benefit , which such disorders , while the alteration is making , may give him , and may improve it to your total overthrow ; so that , 't is in my poor opinion , more adviseable to keep the ground , and order you are in , though by your oversight , neither should be the very best , than to alter it in the sight of your enemy , and when he is near ; and all changes of grounds , or order , in his view , ought never to be made in gross bodies ; but almost insensibly to them and your own army , by a few files at a time ; and where they cannot be so made , 't is better to leave them unmade . i had been often told , but could scarcely credit it , that at the fatal battel of naseby , after my lord fairfax his army was drawn up , in view of his majesties , it having been judged that the ground a little behind them , was better than that they stood upon , they removed thither ; i had the opportunity some time after , to discourse on this subject with major general skippon , ( who had the chief ordering of the lord fairfax his army that day ) and having ask'd him if this were true , he could not deny it ; and when i told him i almost admir'd at it , for the reasons before exprest , he averr'd , he was against it ; but he obeyed the orders for doing it , only because he could not get them altered . after the ground to fight on is well chosen , and all the advantages of it discovered , then to possess , and to secure the most useful and commanding posts of it with all imaginable diligence . as king henry iv. of france did , at the battel of arques , where that great monarch shewed as much conduct as any of the greek and roman generals ever did , in any of their greatest battels . ii. the second is , if you come near your enemy , but yet so late in the day , that the battel must be defer'd till the next morning ; then , if the season be sharp , to shelter your own army in the most convenient villages and woods , adjoining to the field you will fight in , and thereby give them all the cease you can , as king henry iv. of france did , the night before the battel of iuri . but you must not on any terms neglect the safety of your army , for the ease of it ; and therefore it must be quarter'd , or camp'd so well , as that on the touch of the drum all may be embattled , and ready to receive your enemy . for which end great corps de gards ought to be advanced , and many centinels , as covertly as may be placed near the enemy , and every moment visited , and relieved , by vigilant officers . these centinels , or perdu's , are to give instant notice to the advanced guards if the enemy moves , and those guards , with their seconds , or reserves , are to find the enemy play , while your army is drawing up to receive him . but still fresh troops must be sent to sustain your advanced corps de gard , if they are vigorously attacked ; lest by their being totally overthrown , your enemy be encouraged to push at all , and your own men be somewhat disheartned ; for it may so happen that your enemy , if he finds all the advantages of the place to fight in , are so well secured by your care , and diligence , as that the next day it may be hazardous to fight in that field ; he may make choice in the night , if you are not intrenched , to attempt you , where the confusion which darkness usually engenders , may be equally divided between both parties ; this of the two , being the more eligible . nor were it amiss , but very adviseable , if you have to deal with a general who is hot , and undertaking ; or one who , by the necessity of his affairs , must put all to hazard , that in such nights , when you are near your enemy , and may , for the beforementioned reasons , have ground to believe he will attempt you during the obscurity ; and while you are unintrenched , to cause great piles of wood , or fagots , or some such combustible stuff , to be ready to be kindled in fit places , and at fit distances , that if he advances , you may the better see how to point your cannon , and dispose of your small shot most effectually ; and by such fires also , terrifie , and disorder his horses , which generally are frighted at the sight of fire , especially in the night . this i find was practised near lorges in beausse , by anthony king of navarre , francis duke of guise , and the constable montmorancy , when lewis , prince of conde , and the admiral of chastillion , prest by the necessity of their affairs , went to attack the royal army by night ; and which so much disheartned the assaulters , as they retreated . the quartering of your army at all times ( but especially when that of the enemies is very near ) ought to be in such manner , as that the soldiers may be soonest in battalia to receive him ; and therefore to lodge it in the form you will fight , is still the very best ; that is , that such forces as compose your wings , and body , may have only to go out of their hutts , tents , villages , or houses , to be in the figure you will fight in ; else in case of an alarm , the disorders will be many , and dangerous ; but this way , there can be but few , if any . the nearer you draw towards your enemy , or your enemy to you , your quarters must alwayes be brought closer , and your advanced guards of horse , and foot , the stronger ; and your discovery the more vigilant . iii. the third is , to be the first drawn up , on the ground you will fight in ; which is constantly attended with three considerable benefits . the point of honor which you gain by being the earliest on the spot , which animates your own party , and often daunts your enemies . the being thereby enabled without opposition to possess all the advantages of the ground , either for the planting of your cannon , or for casting up parapetts on some eminencies which command all about it , ( as sir francis vere did at the battel of newport ) or by drawing up your carriages , or making a ditch to cover one , or both the flanks of your wings ; which you cannot well do , if your enemy be earlier , or as early as you on the place . the being thereby sometimes in a posture to fall upon , and cut off your enemies squadrons , and battalions ; or to rake them with your cannon while they are drawing up , which is an advantage , when it may be taken , that is of great use . iv. the fourth is , that your squadrons of horse ought not to be too great , for the reasons which i have formerly mentioned in that chapter which treats of the disciplining of your soldiery . yet if that need requires , two , nay three of the small ones may be put into one great one ; but still i would advise , that the same officers should command the same squadrons , when united , as they did before : by which means they will retain the agility which is in small parties , and yet when there is need , have the force of great ones ; and this i propound to be observed ; because , whoever has been practically versed in fighting , will hardly deny , but that horse in two squadrons , will be likely to rout and beat horse in one squadron ; and the reason to me seems very evident ; for besides the opportunity you have thereby to fall into his flank and rear , whatever body of men does fight , or has fought , disorders it self , though it gets the better ; and being disorder'd , a less number that is not , to speak humanely , must ( if the men be equally good ) overthrow a greater that is . and daily experience shews how difficult , if possible , it is , suddenly to rally great squadrons , when by fighting they have been disorder'd ; especially if but a small squadron is at hand , to fall on them , and improve their being so discomposed : nor indeed can great squadrons march many paces , though the ground be clear , and level , without disordering their ranks ; but if it be uneven , or rugged , they are almost out of their fighting order , before they come to fight ; which are mischiefs that less squadrons , are not so liable unto : but battalions of foot , as being more governable , may be large , according to the occasion and need ; especially those which are composed of pikes : for a great battalion , or stand of those in the vanguard , the battel , and the rearguard of the infantry , are the safety of the whole , and under their shelter all rallyings may be best made . v. the fifth is , a general must never omit in the drawing up of his army , so to dispose of his squadrons , and battalions , as probably every one of them may come to fight , again , and again , if the need requires , before they are totally overthrown . it is also observable that in a battel , whoever keeps in reserve a body of men , that are not led to fight until all the enemies squadrons have fought , rarely misses to carry away the victory ; and whoever has the last reserves , is very likely at last , to be the victorious . one signal illustration of this truth among many , i shall instance ; at the battel of dreux in france , where the constable montmorancy , assisted by francis duke of guise , ( the greatest captains of that age ) commanded the royallists ; and lewis prince of condé , and the admiral the protestants ; he , and the admiral , defeated all the forces they saw ; took the constable prisoner ; past over the bellies of the swissers , who made almost a miraculous resistance , and concluded , they had therefore won the victory . in the mean while the duke of guise , who led the left wing of the french king's army , either by design , as his enemies said , or as an act of high conduct , so cover'd his troops , with the village of blainville , and the trees and shrubs about it , that he was not so much as seen by the protestants , nor moved from thence , until the constable was taken prisoner , the mareschal de st. andré killed , and all those forces which were considered by the protestants , as the whole army of the royalists , were intirely routed , and so confusedly flying , as he was in no danger to have his squadrons disordered by the runawayes of his own party ; but then , advancing his troops , which were entire , he soon turned the fortune of the day , took the prince of condé prisoner , and overthrew all that opposed him . for 't is a tedious , and difficult , if not an impossible task , to put into good order again , an army that has newly fought , so as to bring it suddenly to fight again ; some being busied about the pillage , and prisoners they have taken , or are pursuing , others being loth to return to new dangers ; and all in effect being so heated , and disordered , that they do not , or will not hear , the commands of their superiors . vi. a sixth is , a general must never bring all his troops to fight at once ; and therefore is still to draw up his army ; at least in two lines , or orders of battel , and in three in case the ground , and the number of his forces , allow it : for those lines are in effect so many armies ; and the second line being intire , though the first should be broken , often recovers the day ; especially if the second line be at so just a distance behind the first , as if the first be overthrown , it does not disorder the second ; and also so near , that some squadrons of the second line , can come up timely enough to redress any beginning of a breach in the first , without too much discomposing it self . the romans constantly fought their infantry in three lines , or orders of battel , the one behind the other ; if the hostatii were worsted , they fell between the intervals of the principi , and there rallied again , while the principi advanced to give a check to the pursuers ; and if both the hostatii and principi were routed , they fell in between the intervals of the triarii ; but if those could not sustain the shock , the day was lost . vii . a seventh is , to have expert , vigilant , and valiant commanders , to be at the head of those five gross bodies , of which an army is usually composed in a day of battel ; that is to say , the three tertia's of the infantry , ( which as they march we usually call , van , battle , and rear ) and the two wings of the cavalry ; they ought to be men of great judgment , authority , and presence of mind , to remedy all disasters , and to improve all advantages in the nick of time ; for in such actions , the least delay or remisness , is too usually irrecoverable . to these five chief officers whose stations ought to be in the first line , there ought also to be five others to command in the second line ; for this is of equal importance , if not of greater ; since t is easier to give the attack well , while all is in order ; than to recover a disorder , when it once has happened . in my opinion it is a duty in a general which he ought never to omit , not only to appoint before the armies engage , what persons by name shall command in chief the five gross bodies of the first line , and of the second line ; but also what commander in every of the said gross bodies , shall in course , succeed in the conduct of every such body , in case the person whose right it is to do it , or who is appointed to do it , should be kill'd , or so wounded , as he is thereby disabled to discharge so weighty a trust , and to declare openly to every gross body , who by name is to lead them ; and who by name is to succeed him who shall be killed , or disabled from discharging his function ; that no man may be ignorant , or pretend ignorance therein : for if this be not done before troops are mingled in the fight , it will be too late to do it afterwards ; and i have known sad disasters occasioned for want of this necessary precaution . some who have been guilty of this omission , have , as their excuse , alledged ; that when he who commanded that gross was killed , or put out of fight by his hurts , or his horse being killed , the eldest officer or colonel in course was to supply his room . but that is not in all cases , a sufficient and full answer ; for sometimes regiments of horse , and regiments of foot , have made up one gross ; and though a colonel of foot has been the elder colonel , yet in the field , a younger colonel of horse , has claimed the right of doing it ; and thereby disputes amongst themselves have risen , when they should have only disputed against the enemy . besides , i have also known that the elder colonel has not been so fit to command a gross , as a younger colonel has been ; and the soldiery also have known it , who will not be a little troubled to be lead by one , who they all know was not so capable of that honor and trust. neither do all the inferior officers , or private soldiers , know the dates of every colonels commission ; and if their own colonel pretends to the seniority , they will not desert him in his pretence , by immediately submitting to be led by , and obey another . but by the method i propound , these uncertainties , and dangerous disputes , will be avoided ; else if they are ever run into , it may too probably be fatal . and since a general in the field , may appoint on the death of a general officer , who shall act in his place , till the king's pleasure therein be known , ( which is usual enough ; ) and in making this choice , acts not alwayes by the rule of seniority , but by the fitness of the person ; and yet therein does no wrong to an elder colonel : i see no solid reason why a general may not temporarily nominate who shall command a gross body , in case he who did it , is killed , or disabled ; especially in a day of battel , when all is at stake , and when no advantage ought to be lost in nominating the ablest person for the vacant charge , lest thereby the victory be lost . i am fully of opinion that the greatest captain that ever was , or will be , is not , or can be , of himself sufficient to redress all disorders , and lay hold of all advantages , in an instant , when armies are once engaged . the utmost he can do , is to choose well the field of battel ; to draw up his army according thereunto , to most advantage ; to give his general orders , and to give the best orders wherever he is in person ; but he cannot be ubiquitary , nor send orders to every place timely enough , to have them obey'd successfully . and therefore 't is indisputably necessary , that he have under him , expert chief officers , at the head of all gross bodies , who may supply what it is impossible for him singly to command ; for he can be well obey'd but to the time he sends his troops to the charge : after that , those only who lead them , and are with them , can actuate them according to the general orders , or as the occasion requires , which those under him must have the judgment to lay hold of , as it were in the twinkling of an eye ; so short are the moments to acquire the victory . together with those chief officers who command tertia's , and wings of armies ; it is of high importance to have an able general of the artillery , and that he have sufficient officers under him ; for the carriages well disposed , and the cannon early and well planted , do not a little contribute to the victory ; and if it may be , i would never have the cannon fired , so as the bullet , if it take place , can only carry away a file ; especially also , now our files are so shallow ; but alwayes to point your artillery so as the shot may rake thwart the squadrons and battalions of the enemy ; and then it does not only do execution while it has any force , but also disorders whole bodies of infantry , or cavalry . viii . an eighth thing is , to place alwayes your best soldiery in the wings of your army , and to begin the battel on that side where you judge your self the strongest , and your enemy the weakest ; and with those troops to advance as expeditiously as you can , ( without disordering them ) while the rest of your army moves as slowly as they may . for if your first impression be successful , you may fall into the flank , and part of the rear of your enemies , while the residue of your whole army is marching to attack them in the front ; but then the motion of your army must be quicker , as soon as ever they see your advanced wing is successful . i would recommend to practice one thing more , which i have on tryal found very beneficial ; it is this : during the motion of your advanced wing , to edge it by degrees , and insensibly , towards the outward flank of that wing of the enemies which you go to charge ; so as by that time you mingle , you may outwing them , and thereby attack them at once in front , flank , and rear , if he has omitted to cover that flank ; and therefore to begin the battel with that wing of yours , which is the strongest , is not only most adviseable , but also to place your best men in that wing of yours , which is opposite to that wing of his , which has the flank of it uncover'd ; if by neglect , or want of time , or means , either of his flanks are not secured ; i have known great advantage obtain'd thereby ; and if your enemy be not very timely aware of this , it may more than likely contribute considerably to win you the day . i mention very timely aware of this , because if he discover not your design until you are on the point to execute it , it will be too late to prevent it ; since no alteration can be made when you are ready to join , but it will , in all likelihood , be ruinous to him who in that juncture of time shall attempt to make it . when i mention your beginning the battel with that wing in which you have placed your valiantest soldiers , i intend thereby , that the second line of that wing shall advance as well as the first ; else , while you fall in the flank and rear of your enemies wing , his second line may fall into the flank and rear of as many of your first line , as are so employed ; unless your own second line be ready to prevent it ; and to improve all the advantages which your first impression shall give you . the placing the best men in the wings of an army , is very ancient , and seldom has been omitted , but to the loss of those who were guilty of such omission ; the reason is , the troops on your wings are not wedg'd in , as the troops in your main battel are ; but are at liberty to take all advantages that by accident , or by the ill conduct of your enemy , or by your own good ; may be offer'd you ; and you cannot so much as rationally hope to fall into his flank and rear , but by attacking one of his wings ; because you cannot overwing him , but only by falling upon one of his outward flanks . hannibal , who was so excellent a captain to win victories , ( though possibly not to make the best use of them , ) at the famous battel of cannes , placed all his valiantest men in both his wings , and the worst men in the midst of his battel ; whereby , when the romans came to the charge , ( who had placed their choicest legions in their main battel ) they soon pierced into the body of hannibals army , which was what he designed they should do ; for then with his two wings , in which were all his choicest troops , he immediately incompassed the romans , and totally defeated them . but at the battel of zama , or as some call it nadagara , which ●…e fought against scipio , though the fate of carthage depended on the issue of that day , yet he totally altered the order he had observed at cannes , and lost the victory ; for at zama he placed all his new raised men by themselves , to endure the first attack of the romans ; and of all his old soldiers who had so memorably served him in his wars in italy , he made as it were an army apart , and drew them up a few furlongs , behind his new raised africans , who were therefore soon cut in pieces , as his reserve army was not long after ; whereas if he had observed the like order of battel at nadagara , as he did at cannes , he might have had the like success . ix . the ninth thing is , to prohibit , under the severest penalties , the absolute chace , or the pillage , until the enemy is totally routed on all sides ; and then have those troops only to pursue , which are expresly appointed for it , alwayes having squadrons to march after the pursuers as near and in as good order , as if they were going to the charge ; that if the pursued should rally , and face about , you may have those ready to fall on , and break them a second time . how many victories seemingly won , have , in an instant , been lost , for want of due care , in these two particulars of such high concernment , which therefore ought never to be omitted ; neither is there any thing which more encourages flying enemies to rally , and fight again , than the seeing a disorderly pursuit of them ; for in such a pursuit , all the advantage of the prevailing party is immediately vanished , when the chaced do but turn about ; for such an evidence of restored valor , too often daunts those who are to oppose it : nor can any thing more deterr the flying party from doing that , than to see several bodies in good order , ready to make them repent that confidence ; and though brave officers will not cease pressing , promising , and threatning their men that flie , to face about ; yet the private soldier who sees those bodies are ready to fall on them , conclude it is more dangerous to do so , than to run , and therefore are too often deaf to all oratory , or menaces of that nature ; for the frighted soldier , as well as the hungry belly , has no ears . these nine particulars may not improperly be called maxims in war , and therefore ought to be still practised before a battel , in a battel , and after the enemy is routed . i know many of the ancients , and not a few of the moderns have with much industry alwayes endeavored to gain the sun and the wind of their enemy in the day of battel , and doubtless both are very desirable to be on our backs , when they may be obtained without losing thereby more certain advantages from the nature of the ground you are to fight on ; for those are mutable , especially the latter , and the former is still in motion , so that no precaution can ascertain the keeping of them when they are gotten ; and therefore one must not lose the stable advantages , in hope to gain the unstable ; but if both may be had at once , they must never be neglected . i shall now proceed to set down several other particulars , which i hope will be useful to whoever has the curiosity and patience to read them . vvhen an enemies army advances to raise the siege of a place , which otherwise can hardly hold out longer ; in my poor judgment , it is not adviseable to defend the ordinary line of circumvallation , but to draw out of it , and give the enemy battel , if your men be as good , your numbers as great as his , and that your ground you fight on , be as fit for you , as him . some of the reasons and experiments which induce me to be of this belief , i shall here express . if the place be large which you besiege , your line of circumvallation must of necessity be many miles about , for it ought to be out of the reach of your enemies artillery , else you will too much expose to the mercy of it , your army that is lodged within it . all this line must be equally defended , unless it be where the situation of it secures it self , or does it but thinly mann'd : for not knowing in what part , or places of it , he will attempt to force it , you must secure every foot of it , which in consequence does so disperse your army , that if he once enters , it will be impossible to draw it together expeditiously enough to beat him out again ; for as soon as ever he is gotten within it , he flings down immediately such parts of it as are near him ; that the squadrons and battalions of his army may come in , and they marching on the heels of each other , will certainly be imbattelled , and rout all the small forces which may be in readiness near that place ; and will also hinder those further off from imbodying . besides , if the place besieged is seated on an unfordable river , or that may be so in a rainy season , ( as most commonly considerable fortresses are ) 't is not to be doubted but you will cast over it bridges of boats , or fixed bridges , that you may surround the place , ( which else might with safety be every day or night relieved ) and thereby also have free intercourse between both parts of your army which are divided by the river ; and 't is as little to be doubted , but as soon as he has enter'd your line , his first care will be , to make himself master of all those bridges , that such as are , as it were , in a pound , may not escape ; and that having defeated half your army , he may march over them to destroy the rest , who seem then but too ripe for ruin , when half their friends are cut off , and all their enemies are marching against them , and the besieged , by their sallies , ready to assist them . this seems to me to be the usual , and fatal consequences , if your enemies army entring your ordinary line of circumvallation , which being most frequently but a parapet with a narrow and shallow ditch , is but too easily forced , and indeed not to be held tenable of it self ; if the forts , redoubts , and other works which flank it , and which are usually raised a musket-shot from one another , with many hands to mann it , did not , in a good degree , secure it . but those works usually are such slight things , especially when an enemy is entred , that few of the resolutest which are posted in them , to guard them , stay to do it after ; for commonly the attempt on such a line is made a little before the break of day , that the obscurity may the less expose the assailants , while they advance to storm it ; and that the day-light , may help them soon after they are gotten in , to improve all advantages which are offer'd them thereby ; and 't is in this twilight ordinarily , that those in the works to defend the line , steal out of them , when they find the enemy is entred , as those who then expect more safety from their feet , than from their hands . he who resolves to force an ordinary line of circumvallation , either does it without any noise , or else alarms it round ; and often most warmly , where he means not to make his attempt ; while small parties are doing this , in the dark he is drawing all the rest of his army to the place , or places , ( which still are near each other ) where he intends to make his real impression , and does it with that silence , as the defendants cannot discover his intentions , till usually it be too late successfully to oppose them . i must therefore frankly acknowledge , since the defences of such a line are so inconsiderable ; since the equally manning them so dissipates the army which does it ; since it cannot hopefully be defended otherwise : and since it cannot be safely defended that way , i have almost wonder'd at those , who rather choose to make good such a line , than to give battel to the enemy who comes to raise the siege . this being a more hopeful thing , a more glorious action , and whose consequences , if success attends the besiegers in the field , will be much more great , than to defend the line can possibly be ; for thereby you can at last but carry the place : but by a battel gain'd over the relievers , you usually carry the fortress but as one of the many good effects of getting the victory ; for few , if any towns , hold out , after the relief sent them is defeated . what i have said on this subject , proceeds from my taking two things for granted ; the first is , that the circumvallation line is after the usual and common form ; that is , but a parapet , and that the works which defend it are very inconsiderable either towards the field , or within the line . the second is , that the besieging army has as good men and more than the relievers bring ; for 't is necessary he leave his best and most advanced works well guarded during the battel , both to preserve them against his return with victory , as also by them to hinder the besieged from sallying on their backs , while they are fighting with the relief ; but indeed if the line need not be of much circumference ; if it be high , and the graft large and deep ; if your army is not strong enough both to fight the enemy in the field , and to secure at the same time your most advanced , and most necessary works ; if the place you must fight in , is an open countrey , and that your enemy does much exceed you in cavalry ; or if it be an inclosed , incumbred countrey , and he does much exceed you in infantry ; if you have victuals , and forage enough , within your line , and your enemy have little with him , or without it ; so that he can stay but a few dayes , and that you may probably in fewer dayes take the place by assault , or have it surrendred by capitulation . i say in a case thus circumstantiated , i would not admire a general would justifie his line ; but rather admire , if he should draw out of it , to give battel to the relievers . i shall therefore now instance some examples of famous captains , who have kept within their lines of circumvallation , when the enemies army came to relieve the besieged , and in them have resisted their attempts , and as a consequence of that success , have gain'd the places . i shall also give examples of some other great generals , who have chose rather to draw out of their lines , to give the relieving army battel , than to stay within their lines , and in them to oppose the relief . i shall then enumerate some of the many reasons , why i believe such various , and opposite methods , have been practised by such celebrated chiefs in war ; nay , sometimes by the very self-same general ; though i must say , i find many more examples in histories , and in my own time , for drawing out of ordinary lines of circumvallation to give battel to the relievers army , than for opposing the succors by continuing within them . caesar , who i esteem the famousest captain of the universe , in the famousest of all his sieges , that of al●…sia in france , chose to stay within his lines to oppose the relief of the united gaules ; or at least fought them in the field only with his cavalry , which on occasion he drew out of his lines , and in which services he owns his german horse did him most service ; who have been famous , for their valor , even as long as historians have recorded any great actions of war , in which that nation had a share . but because this memorable siege is so minutely , and particularly related by caesar himself , and does thereby imply , he thought it even his master-piece in that kind ; and since by his conduct there , the most eminent captains of the moderns , as i have been credibly informed , have model'd the design of their sieges , viz. the prince of orange , the duke of parma , and the marquiss of spinola , in their great sieges of maestricht , antwerp , and breda ; i hope those who read this book , will , at least , judge me worthy of their pardon , if i stay a little in the relation of this prodigious siege of alesia ; since also no less an author than paterculus , when he treats of it , has these very expressions , viz. so great things were done at alesia , that they might seem too great for any man to attempt , or any but a god to effect . caesar having defeated the cavalry of the gaules , whose army was led by vercingetorix ( a person worthy to command a national army ) vercingetorix shuts himself up in alesia with of his chosen soldiers , sends away the reliques of his cavalry , ( as useless in that siege ) and requires all the nations of the whole countrey of gallia , to come to his relief , which he conjures them to hasten , having but dayes corn in the town to feed his men , which in all probability , by the frugallest management , and the carefullest distribution , could not suffice for above six weeks . caesar immediately resolves to besiege this great general , and greater army ; in hope to reduce both , before the relief could come ; yet admirably well fortifying himself against the relief , if it should come early enough to succor the besieged . what these stupendious works were , both as to the circumvallation to oppose the relievers , and as to the countervallation to resist the attempts of the besieged , you shall have briefly related , and from his own commentaries , wherein he writes , viz. that he made round about the town , a ditch of foot wide , and foot deep , with upright sides , as broad at the top , as at the bottom ; foot behind this ditch , he made his first works ; behind them he made two other ditches of foot in breadth , and foot deep , and behind all these he made a ditch foot wide , and foot deep , with a rampard , and parapet thereon , and erected towers round about the whole work ; at every foot distance the one from the other ; besides the palisadoes , stockadoes , and those other fortifications ; which he comprehends under the name of cippi , of which there were five ranks ; and of stimuli , of which there were eight courses or rows , round about his whole camp. so that it seems to me , none of his enemies could come to attack his works , but must run on several ranks of sharp stakes , or into holes , or on galthrops , which were also covered , or hid with branches of osiers . caesar further adds , that after the inner fortifications were thus perfected , he took in miles of circuit , and made the like fortifications in all points against the enemy without , as he had done against the town : which are his own words . these are the first lines of circumvallation and countervallation , which i ever read of in any siege ; and i fully believe the making of both as ordinarily they are made in our modern sieges , when we equally apprehend the numerous sallies of the besieged , and the strong attempts of the relievers , was taken from this model of caesars ; but the copies are very much short of the original as to the quantities , and qualities of the lines ; so many prodigious works of miles about towards alesia , and miles about towards the armies which came to succor it ; with the several rows of stakes , holes in the ground , and other traps to destroy and catch the gaules , i think is admirable , and to perfect them , one would judge , must be the labour of some years , though a vast army undertook it ; whereas indeed as i believe it could not possibly be the labour of many days : for though caesar mentions not how many days it was before the relieving army came ; yet since he expresly says vercingetorix found scarce days corn in the place , when he shut up himself in it , with his chosen men ; and that he surrendred it not , till the relief had made three attempts to succor it ; it is undeniable 't was not famine only which made vercingetorix yield : and therefore it could not be many days in which caesar began , and perfected all these wonderful works . this being the true narrative of the strength of his lines , both towards the town , and towards the field ; it is not to be thought strange he elected to withstand his enemy within such fortifications , and that he repulsed their general assaults , though three times made ; nor can any one reasonably believe caesar's army could have justified miles of a line against men within the countervallation , and of miles against men without the circumvallation , had not the multiplicity of his works , the one within the other , and the strength of them every way , made them defensible enough , for the paucity of the hands which were to justifie them . yet the finishing of these amazing works were not the onely labours of caesar's army ; but to do the constant duty , night and day , of the camp , especially most strongly until the line of countervallation was finish't ; the providing not only forage , and victuals , from hand to mouth ; but also to lay in besides , magazines of both , for days , which caesar writes , by his orders , were done : that thereby , as i suppose , he might not be necessitated to stir out of his lines when the relief should incamp it self close by them ; which else might have hazarded the cutting off his army by piece-meel going to forage , or forced him to have come to a decisive battel , whereby all his labour on his lines would have been needless ; as also by carrying into his leaguer what was in the villages , and countrey neighbouring on his works , to deprive his enemies army of all sustenance but what they brought along with them , or were daily to be fetch'd by them to their camp , from a great distance . and lastly , to have still in his leaguer , more victuals than the besieged could then have within the town , thereby to compel the relieving army to attack those almost unconquerable works ; or the town to surrender for want of food in the sight of the army which came for the succor : these necessary performances , together with his often fighting against such forces , as almost hourly , night , and day , made numerous sallies , and were obliged to do it , both to harass , and lessen caesar's army , and to retard the finishing of his works ; which when compleated , would render it highly difficult , if possible , to relieve the besieged ; i say , and i think with reason , all these economies of war , were at least as difficult in the actings , as the making those laborious fortifications ; yet all were to be done , and done at one and the same time ; and in so short a space , that i scarce know to which of the two , my admiration is justlier due . at length the relieving army appear'd , which consisted of men , as caesar , who condescended to be the commissary of their musters , reckons them to be ; and also writes , how many every state of gallia , did particularly send ; so that at once he was to withstand of his enemies ; and which was more , to fight with them at the same time , when they attacked him in front and rear . this formidable relieving army was led by four generals , viz. comius , veridomarus , eporedorix , and vergesilaunus ; all great captains , and accustomed to make war even against caesar himself ; where they could not but have learn'd much , having to do with such a general , and yet for many years continued the war against him ; and one of them , viz. comius , had learn'd the rudiments of war , under caesar himself , and acquired so much honour in serving the romans , that caesar rewarded him with the principality over the morini . the gaules seated their camp on a hill half a mile from caesar's works , and sent their cavalry into a plain under it , and their nimblest archers conceal'd behind their troops . caesar makes his cavalry match out to fight them , lest the gaules , by having their cavalry unfought with , even under caesar's works , might grow too insolent , and his own army be intimidated . the roman horse were worsted by the help of the gaules archers ; but caesar's german horse relieved them , routed the gaules , and cut in pieces their archers , and then all caesar's troops return d within their line . the gaules made three several general assaults on caesar's camp , the first by day , the second by night , and the third at full noon , vercingetorix every time sallying out at the same hour with his army : in these three attacks all that valor , skill , and industry could perform on both sides , was not omitted . some particulars i shall enumerate ; the gaules finding the rows of stakes , and holes , and the galthorps , destroyd many of their men , flung up so much earth over them , as covered them ; and thereby made them useless to the romans : then filling their ditches with fagots , hurdles , and earth , raised the outside , on which they went to the assaults , higher than the line they assaulted , and so went on advantageous ground to the attack ; and caesar , when he found his men distressed in front , by the enemies over-numbring him , and fighting on equal ground , would often command his cavalry , sometimes his legionary infantry , to sally out of his line , and to fall on them in the rear , whereby he routed them . the last dayes attack , seem'd several battels , rather than one general assault , such great bodies fighting at once both within and without the first lines towards the field , and towards the town ; for the gaules having discover'd the weakest , or more properly the least strong part of caesar's line , while all the residue of their army were assaulting the rest of the works , vergesilaunus , ( who was vercingetorix's near kinsman ) in the obscurity of the preceding night , had marched behind a hill , and concealed himself there with select men ; who at noon-day ( when the romans were with all their forces defending their works both against the besieged , and comius , &c. ) assaulted them unexpectedly , entred the line , whose ditch they had filled , and with many shouts , daunted caesar's soldiers , as he himself confesses . but caesar , at last , by the valor and expertness of his men , and by his excellent conduct , relieving them in all parts , where they were oppressed , and leading them in person , to many charges , was victorious , and chaced the gaules to the very works of their camp , and to the gates of the town ; and adds , if his soldiers had not been quite spent with that dayes hot service , few of all the gaules had scaped . they lost in that last dayes attempt , above men , so that despairing to perform what they came for , they did that night abandon their camp ; and many were kill'd by caesar's cavalry , who pursued them in the obscurity ; and the next day vercingetorix capitulated , and yielded ; he himself gallantly mounted , and armed , at all points , having first leisurely rid round about the chair of state in which caesar sate to receive him , alighted off of his horse , and , as an evidence of his being conquer'd , disarm'd himself , and then went and sate down on the ground at cae●…ar's feet , without speaking one word . some of those many reasons which induced caesar , in my opinion , to continue within his lines , and not to give the enemy battel in the field , i shall here set down . i. he could not shut up in alesia a much greater army than his own , without making very strong lines of countervallation against it . ii. having made these wonderful ●…ines , and knowing of the vast relief which was certainly hastening , to succor the besieged ; he , with so small an army as his own , ( which probably could not consist of above foot , and horse , for he never had above legions at once in all gallia ) could not reasonably hope both to keep in vercingetorix with chosen men , and fight against comius , &c. with good men , unless by prodigious works he could supply , what he wanted in numbers of men , and also by so posting his army between his lines of circumvallation , and ●…ountervallation , as to be thereby ready to resist both wayes , and often , with the same reserve , battalions , and squadrons . for whatever justus l●…psius computes , that the space between these two lines must be foot , yet in reason i am fully convinced they were much nearer each other , for else they could not answer the end for which they were made ; since no squadrons of reserve can 〈◊〉 answer both wayes , a distance of a mile , much less do it as often as need requires ; and our modern lines of circumvallation and countervallation , ( which are but copies after caesar's original ) are generally no farther asunder , than to leave space to camp the army in , and that the battalions , and squadrons , may be drawn up between them so near , as timely enough to relieve either , or both lines ; and to me 't is inferredly evident , that caesar had this in his prospect , by acknowledging he was necessitated to run that part of his line , which vergesilaunus assaulted as the weakest , on the hanging of a hill ; for had he ran it on the top of the hill , it would have taken up too much ground ; that is , have made his ●…ine of circumvallation too far distant from his line of countervallation , and thereby rendered the reserve battalions between both lines , useless to one , or both . iii. caesar seeing that vercingetorix , not designedly , but compelled by necessity , had cast himself into alesia with chosen men ; for the gaules cavalry having been defeated the day before by the italian , and german , on which cavalry of the gaules , vercingetorix most depended , and losing their support , despaired of retreating in the face of the roman horse , and of the legionary infantry , had no better game to play , than to get into alesia , which was very near him ; caesar therefore had abundant reason to believe the town had not wherewithall long to feed so many mouths ; for i conclude it was not a magazine of the gaules , since caesar particularly mentions , that the manubii by whose interest only , vercingetorix was admitted into it , were by him expelled out of it ; the longer to enable his army to eat : which sure he would not have been so ungrateful to have done , if they had been his garison , and also had not meer want of corn constrained him to it ; i say , since caesar , by their want of corn , had probable hopes to reduce them by famine , before their expected relief could come , ( for a league of many petty states are not overwarm to adventure their forces to relieve the defeated , but are more inclined to make their peaces apart ) and therefore having shut them up with prodigious works , he was afterwards compelled , as it were , to make as vast works against the relief , when he foresaw the besieged could hold out till the succor came ; for else all he had thitherto done , had been uneffectual to answer his final end ; since the full manning of those lines against the besieged , must take up too many of his small army , to leave him enough forces to fight the vast succors in the field ; and therefore he resolved to continue within his lines . iv. since he could lay up one months magazine of victuals , within his works , which was more than vercingetorix could have in alesia , after comius , &c. came with the relief ; caesar had all the reason imaginable to justifie his lines , and not to draw out of them , to give his enemy battel ; for he might justly believe , that if the relief had hopes of cutting him off from all provisions which he had not got into his camp before their coming , they would only design to block him up within his works , and then he might sooner starve vercingetorix , than comius , &c. could starve him : and by having ruined the flower of the gaules forces , and their generalissimo , he should be the better able to fight the rest in the field , when the consumption of his magazines within his camp , necessitated him to issue out of it . or if the gaules , soon after their arrival , should endeavor to storm , and force his camp on the field-side of it ; and vercingetorix , at the same time , on the town-side of it , he might be the better able to resist , and repel both , being within such works ; so that which soever way they acted , caesar had great cause to keep within such stupendious works ; by the help of which , he , at last , defeated his enemies field army , and reduced to his mercy their besieged army ; and did it both at one and the same time . nor had caesar left comius and the relievers , any probable hopes to besiege him successfully , while he was besieging vercingetorix , could he have been fed within the town longer than or dayes ; for caesar had furnished his camp , for one month , and had thereby brought into it , all the provisions which were near it in the countrey , and ( more than probably ) destroyed , by his cavalry , all he could not bring within his line ; and when soldiers , with the many useless mouths ( as to fighting ) which in the best regulated armies attend such forces , must be fed , and all this victual and forage must be brought far off ; it would have been very difficult , if possible , to have supplied them for any considerable time with food . i beg the readers pardon that i have thus largely insisted on this one instance , which in some degree to repair , i will almost but name the subsequent ones . the example of caesar's keeping within such excellent lines , and in them resisting , and defeating the relief , being very ancient , i will give the reader a recent one , to evidence that in parallel cases , equal success has been the consequence . henry , prince of orange , a most excellent captain , did in the year . besiege maestricht , the spaniards apprehending they should not be able with their own armies onely , to force his lines ( which were as strong in needful places , as the very fortifications of the town ) prevailed with the emperor to join with them for that service ; the german army , commanded by count papenheim , a brave and adventurous general ; and to heighten his endeavors to relieve the place , he was promised crowns , and the order of the golden fleece , if he effected it : but the prince of orange had made such lines about his camp , and against the town , and so well furnished his leaguer , as thereby he resisted all their assaults ; and when the relief drew off , maestricht capitulated , and surrendred . the reasons which , in my poor opinion , did engage the prince of orange to stay within , and justifie his lines , were : that his works were almost as tenable as those of maestricht . that his enemies did greatly exceed him in cavalry ; and the countrey about it was champion . that he was well furnished with horse-meat and mans-meat within his leaguer . that his enemies armies were ill furnished with both . that he knew papenheim could not long be spared by the emperor ; and that the other commanders , without his help , durst not attempt to force such extraordinary lines . and that if he had raised his siege , and retreated before the enemy advanced , he had not only lost all the blood , treasure , and time , which were consumed in this siege , but also had given the enemy leisure , and means , to repair those defects in the place , which his knowledge of , had been a chief invitation to him to besiege it . i shall now present my reader with two remarkable instances , of famous generals , who even in our own memories , chose within an ordinary line of circumvallation to oppose the army commanded to relieve the besieged , and were thereby defeated , and forced hastily to abandon their design . the archduke , assisted by the prince of conde now living , besieged arras , and raised one of the ordinary lines of circumvallation about it ; monsieur de turenne , assisted by his royal highness the duke of york , came to relieve that place . the archduke , and the chief spanish commanders , resolve to justifie their line ; but as i have been assured , the prince of conde was absolutely , either for giving the french army battel , or retreating before the relief was near ; this wholsom advice was not followd . his royal highness and monsieur de turenne assault , and carry the line , being themselves two of the very first which entred it ; and doubtless had intirely cut off the spanish army , had those bridges been immediately secured by the french , by which the spaniards held communication . i was positively told by a person of great honour who was present , that his royal highness , whose judgment in war in so green an age , was almost as much admired , as his valor , exceedingly pressed to have it done ; which being a while omitted , the prince of conde in person , with almost incredible diligence , got together many squadrons of horse , then caused their own bridges to be destroyed , and with his usual conduct , his sword in his hand , made the retreat , and saved the residue of that broken army . in what the prince of conde then did , we may learn one very observable lesson ; that a great commander , when a fatal mischief is fallen into , which his advice , had it been followed , would probably have prevented , is notwithstanding obliged to hazard his person , and employ his best conduct , to make the loss as easie as possibly he can , to his own party . a second instance of the like ill success , by pursuing the like method , is in the same monsieur de turenne's besieging valenciennes jointly with the mareschal de la ferte ; and resolving within an ordinary line of circumvallation , to oppose the spanish relief , led by don iohn of austria , who forced the line on the mareschal de la ferte's side of the river : as soon as this was known to monsieur de turenne , he instantly broke his own bridges over it , sent away his cannon and baggage , and marched after it , as expeditiously as he could ; and therein acted the best part , which in such a case , was left him to manage . these two instances , so fresh in our memories , seem to me no ill evidence , that whatever besieging general shall stay within such an ordinary line , and of great circumference , when an army comes to attack it , 't is great odds but he suffers thereby considerable loss and disgrace . by the french forcing such a line justified by the spaniards before arras ; and by the spaniards forcing such a line justified by the french before valenciennes ; it looks , as if the victory were not won so much by the conduct and valor of either army , as by the difficulty of defending such a line ; and therefore whatever nation does play the like game , will , too probably , sustain the like loss . i might particularize several other examples of this nature , even within our own times , but , to avoid cloying my reader , i purposely omit them ; and will rather employ his patience , in giving him some instances of great captains , who chose to quit their ordinary lines , to give the relieving army battel , and were successful therein . maurice , prince of orange , in the year , had besieged newport , believing that the mutiny of many of the spanish forces , would disable the archduke from relieving it ; but those mutineers being unexpectedly pacified , and the archduke marching with his army to relieve the place ; that prince , though always loth to come to a decisive battel , yet in this case , having had onely time enough to make an ordinary line of circumvallation , quitted it , led thereunto by his own judgment , and the concurrent advice of our noble sir francis vere , and advanced to meet the archduke ; gave him battel in the open field , won the victory , with ensigns , and standards ; and perhaps had also won newport , had he in earnest again besieged it , which he forbore to do , partly because la burlotte had cast into it three regiments with great conduct and celerity . in the year , the duke of lunenburg , with milander , and mareschal kniphausen , had besieged hamelen , a strong and considerable place , seated on the river vess●…r in germany ; and having reduced it to great wants , the germans resolved to relieve it ; and rendezvous'd a great army for that end , under the comand of general merodes , and count cronesfield . the besiegers on their enemies army drawing near , left some regiments for the defence of their most advanced approaches , and to hinder the garisons sallying during the battel ; and with horse , near as many foot , with pieces of cannon , field and battering , went to fight the relief , which consisted of near the like numbers . the battel was long , and bloody , it lasted above hours ; but at length the protestant , and besieging army , got the victory ; the marks whereof were , the duke of lunenburgs , milanders and kniphausens taking ensigns and standards , wagons , cannon , prisoners , and merodes the general , who soon after dyed of his wounds , as of his men did on the spot : the victorious immediately returned to the siege , and the garison soon surrendred . in the year , duke bernard weymar , on a sudden , sits down before rhinefield in alsatia , and reduces it almost to the last extremity ; the imperialists send duke savelle , and general john de wert , with an army to relieve it . duke weymar following his own solid opinion , and being seconded therein , by the advice of henry , duke of rohan , one of the greatest captains of that age , ( who went a volunteer to that action , to wipe off some calumnies which his enemies had unjustly laid to his charge ) quits his lines to give the enemy battel , but leaves some regiments of foot , and troops of horse , to justifie his works , and beat in the besieged , if they should sally : savelle and wert accept the battel , and , after a sharp dispute , weymar got the day , cuts in pieces the best of the imperial troops , takes all their baggage and cannon , and duke savelle , general wert , and spureter prisoners ; then returns to rhinefield , which soon after surrendred unto him . monsieur de turenne , a few years since , besieged dunkirk , don john of austria came with an army to relieve it ; monsieur de turenne abandons his line , gives don john battel , wins the victory , and as a consequence of it , had dunkirk yielded to him ; in which battel our countreymen did great service . king henry the great of france , when alexander ferneze , duke of parma , and charles duke of mayenne came to the relief of paris with the united forces of the league , and of philip ii. of spain , would not stay within his lines , but drew out of them , to give his enemy battel ; which those two excellent captains would not accept of , but , by a rare conduct , having forced lainy in the sight of the french army , by that way , flung the wanted relief into paris . for whoever does well understand the trade of war , will never put affairs to the greatest hazard , when they can be carried on with the less . in our sinful times in england , when robert earl of essex marched to the relief of glocester , his highness prince rupert , whose high genius in war , admirable valor , and great judgment , has made him justly to be esteemed both by his friends and enemies , a general of the very first form , would not stay in his works before that city , but leaving most of his infantry in them , advanced with his cavalry to meet the relieving army on the downes ; which doubtless he had defeated , as several of the chief officers of it have owned to me , had not some brigades of the earl of essex's infantry , done almost wonders on that occasion . these , and many other the like instances , make it seem to me , even a kind of maxim in war , that a besieging army , which has onely an ordinary and vast line of circumvallation to cover it , ought not to stay in it ; but to give the relief battel , or raise the siege before the relief be too near ; it being , in my poor opinion , altogether unadviseable , to stay as if you would fight , when you are resolved not to do it ; for whatever army retreats from another , thereby evidences that he apprehends his enemies ; which highly encourages them , and does not a little deject your own forces ; who therefore are the more prone to be disorder'd , if vigorously push'd ; and to be disorder'd , is almost the next step to being defeated ; so that early retreats , where the resolution is taken not to fight , is most eligible ; for why should you hazard to be engaged , when you resolve to avoid it ? though i cannot say that the besieging army quitting an ordinary line , has alway had success in giving , or offering battel to the relieving army , ( for that depends on many circumstances , and unforeseeable accidents ) yet the arguments appear to me very strong for the doing of it ; and actions ought not to be judged of onely by the event , but by the reasons which make them to be undertaken . i cannot observe in all the wars which caesar mad●… that he committed any one oversight so clearly deserving that name , as when at dirachium , he enclosed , with a prodigious line for its circumference the army of pompey , which was much greater than his own , and consequently might , when he would , force his passage in one part of it , because all caesar's vast line was to be equally mann'd and provided for , ( where nature made it not inaccessible ) which could not but disperse his troops to such a distance , as render'd them not only useless when pompey should attack any one place of them from within with his whole forces , but exposed them to be cut off by parts , when pompey got out ; so that it was believed the war had that day been ended , had pompey been a general who had known how to improve a victory : and if caesar , whose own conduct was so excellent , whose soldiers were so valiant and expert , as he himself writes , that their knowledge and experience was such as they could prescribe unto themselves what was to be done as well as any commander could teach them ; could not , on tryal , justifie so vast , yet weak a line , when it could then only be assaulted from those within it ; how should any other general rationally hope to justifie an ordinary line , and of great circuit , when it is at once vigorously attempted both from the field , and from the town ; for the strongest sallies from the town , are , when the relief fights the besieging army . experiment might teach what reason did not . but lest some who peruse this treatise , may think i have forgot how much i have already spoken of the great advantages which are derived from an armies being intrenched , though but as it were within a parapet well flank'd , by my now writing so much against an armies trusting to an ordinary line of circumvallation , i shall desire him to consider , there is a very great difference between an army which is posted in an intrenched camp , and one which is posted within such a line of circumvallation , though the works should be of equal strength . for an army intrenched lodges so compactly , and close , and has comparatively so little ground to defend , and no enemy to attack them from within ; that all the forces of it are at hand in a moment , to justifie their intrenchment against all assaults from without ; but an army within such a line of circumvallation , is necessarily so far disperst , to make good every part of it , not knowing where the real impression will be made ; and has so many troops , only to attend the sallies of the garison ; that if once the line be entred , it is impossible to bring forces from such remote distances , so expeditiously to drive them out , as the assaulting general can bring his in , to prevent all considerable imbodyings to resist him ; without which , it were unadviseable for the defending general to design it , and ruinous to attempt it . having thus set down my own opinion for giving battel to a relieving army , rather than to oppose it in a large and ordinary line of circumvallation , with the needful cautions to be observed in choosing to do it ; and having both by the reason of the thing , and by examples , endeavor'd to manifest why my opinion therein is taken up ; and having also given my reader nine general maxims , which are to be observed in giving battel ; i shall now close this chapter , and this tome , with some other particulars , which , in my belief , are not unworthy his perusal ; and seem to me fit to be observed , before , in , and after a battel , as being built on reason , or experiment . before the fighting of a battel , the field mark , and the field word ▪ ought still to be given to every one of your men ; the first is , that you may be able to distinguish afar off , who are friends , and who are enemies ; the second is , that when you come to rally , you may make your rallyment of those onely who are of your own troops ; which else might consist partly of your enemies men , who might , to shelter themselves , get into your ranks , as if they were of your army : and thereby not only preserve themselves , but also when you fight again , contribute to destroy you ; by killing some of your officers which lead you on , or by breaking your ranks just as you were going to charge , and thereby also save themselves when they had done you all the mischief they could ; for in the hurry and confusion of a fight , private soldiers must have some very apparent field mark to enable them to distinguish foes from friends , else much mischief may too likely ensue . and because such field marks , wherever you place them , are not still visible on all sides of the head or body of every one who wears them . the field word is also given ; for it often happens that in a battel , the field mark is by accident lost by many out of their helmets , or hats , and then if they had not the field word , they might be kill'd by those of their own party who knew them not personally . besides , the field mark of each army is seen by all of both armies before they engage , and the matter of it , being to be had in all places by private soldiers , ( as a green branch , a piece of fern , or a handful of grass , or a piece of white paper , &c. ) if you rout your enemy , he may , while he is pursued , take off his own field mark , put up yours in the stead of it , and so scape , if not do you hurt ; but the field word he cannot know , unless it be told him by some of your own men ; and therefore the giving of both before the battel , must never be omitted . i remember once when some forces i had the honor to command , obtained , by the blessing of god , the victory against the enemy ; an officer of mine , having kill'd an officer of the enemies , and finding he had a good beaver , he tyed his own helmet to his saddle bow , and put on so hastily the dead mans beaver ; as he forgot to take out of it the green branch which was their field mark , and to put on a white paper which was our field mark ; and following the execution with his sword all bloody , a captain of horse of my own regiment , taking him by his field mark for one of the enemy , and judging he had done no little slaughter by his sword being all gored to the hilt , undertook him in the pursuit , and turning short on him , before he could see his face , ran him through and through with his tuck , whereof he dyed in a few minutes . but finding the enemies 〈◊〉 mark had caused his death , he own'd his fault , and so acquitted my captain from any guilt . whatever can be done before a battel to distract , or intimidate your enemies army , ought not to be omitted ; some examples of this way of proceeding i shall mention . the archd●…ke ; before the battel of newport , having cut off several companies of the prince of orange's army ( sent unde●… count 〈◊〉 to secure some passes on the way the enemy was to march ) caused a trooper of his , on purpose , to be taken prisoner , just as the armies were going to engage ; who being brought to the prince , did with a loud voice tell him , that count ●…st was defeated , and that immediately the battel would be given him ; and exceedingly magnified , in the hearing of all which were present , the numbers , bravery , and resolution of his own side ; and though the prince immediately caused his mouth to be stopped , yet so many had heard what he said , as it was in an instant diffus d over the states army , and struck into it no little damp , if not terror . if the ground admits of it , it were adviseable , if it can be done safely , the night before the battel to lodge in a wood , or coppice , or hollow ground , some of your men , concealed on the flank , or towards the rear of your enemies army ; who by falling on just as you are engaging , or newly after you are engaged , may be of great benefit to you , and prejudice to him ; as it was done in that great battel between ieroboam and abijah and in many others : but then great caution must be had , that the enemy discover not this ambush , lest he cut it off before the battel , and thereby weaken you , and animate his own party , as it hapned to the suedes near lind●…w in the year , and to many other parts of armies in other countries ; for whoever goes upon designs , whose success depends on very fine , and nice management , must be exceeding wary , else he had better never attempt them ; and therefore though they may be , and have been practised , with good success , yet i am , in my own private judgment , no over-great friend to any such policies in war , where i may , in the management of them , be discovered , and not possibly know of it timely enough , to receive no detriment thereby : for where the fate of a kingdom , and the lives of thousands are at stake , as in battels the first too usually is , and the last alwayes is , i would still act on solid reasons and principles ; and in stratagems , embrace such methods only , as if they had success would be of great advantage ; and if they failed , yet i should thereby lose nothing but my hopes . the making a speech by a general to a whole army before a battel , is often read of in our best histories ; as well as romances ; but ought , in my belief , to be onely found in the latter : since 't is impossible for any general to speak audibly , in an open field , to above a regiment at once ; and if he makes an harangue to every regiment , he will employ that time in talk , which is more usefully spent in ordering his forces , and in action . not but that i think it highly useful that the officers and soldiers of an army before the battel , should be told all that may heighten their courages ( as the goodness of the quarrel they fight in , the beneficial consequences of their victory , the fatal effects which must attend their being worsted , the honour they have gained in many an action which is too precious to be all lost in one , &c. ) but because i esteem such orations impossible to be made by one , to many thousands at once ; therefore i think it is the duty of a general , to infuse these incentives to victory , into his chief officers first , and then to order their imparting them convincingly to the subordinate ones , and those to inculcate them , on all occasions , into the private soldiers , and especially on their guards , and a little before they go to fight ; and to do it but to a troop , or a company at a time ; and in these wayes i do not only approve of such oratory , but esteem it very practicable , and highly useful before a battel : besides , when all the officers thus discourse to their soldiers , it shews an unanimity which cannot be so practicably evidenced , when the general singly speaks to them . the shouting to the battel is very ancient , and we read of the practice of it , in most warlike nations , as amongst the iews in the time of david , amongst the romans in the time of caesar , &c. the english are so much inclined to it , as i have but once , in those actions i have been in , seen them omit the doing it , as soon as ever they came within cannon-shot of the enemy they were to fight with ; and then i minded them of that neglect , which they immediately amended ; such shoutings bring not only a kind of terror on the nations which do not use them , as being commonly an evidence of great joy in those who make them , but also it stirs up the blood and spirits before , and heats them during the fight . but though such shoutings are useful going towards the enemy , yet a deep silence must be observed by the soldiery , when you are about to engage ; that the officers orders , and the words of command may be clearly heard , and punctually obeyed . 't is observed that the grecians went alwayes silently to the battel ; alledging for it , that they had more to do than to say to their enemies . but such shoutings is a kind of doing , for it stirs up your own men , and often damps your enemies . this puts me in mind , how that once marching in battalia in a plain countrey to fight the enemies army , and as they marched in the like order to meet us , some musketeers of ours running hastily to a budge-barrel to fill their bandeleers , and being careless of their matches , the budge-barrel took fire , and blew them up ; at which the enemies army shouted ; and finding our men did not answer them , i rid hastily to the next squadrons , and battalions , and commanded them also to shout ; which the rest of the forces taking it from them , repeatedly did : soon after , the like accident happen'd to the enemies army , and then our men shouted , but were not answer'd ; which i bid the next troops to take notice of , as a sign they were disanimated ; and a proof that their loss was considerable by that blowing up ; the soldiers took it as an omen of that victory which god soon after was pleased to give us : which seems to shew , that shouting , according to the soldiers understanding , is a token of joy ; and the enemies not answering it , an evidence of fear ; and whatever may cause fear in your enemy , ought not to be omitted by you , since fear is truly said to be a betrayer of that succor which reason else might afford . besides , there is in all mankind a weak part and experience has but too clearly evidenced , that the difference between the best , and the worst men , does not consist in those being totally exempted from the influences , and operations of it , but in the degrees of being less liable to it . now this weak part is affected with noise and pageantry , and therefore when the shew of danger is thoroughly imprest on the intellect , by the conveyance of the senses , the minds of men are too much disturbed to be then actuated by the dictates of reason . the putting into rank and file , and the forming into the order of squadrons and battalions , all the men and boyes which attend the soldiers , and can be spared from the baggage , and are not armed , may be of good use ; for all those so ordered , and placed at a competent distance , as a grand reserve in the rear of all , make a formidable shew to your enemy , and inclines him to believe you have a third line , or battalia , to be broken , before they can get the victory . nor is this all the advantage which may be derived from thus disposing of those useless persons in a day of battel ; since thereby also , you will hinder them from filching the soldiers goods , while they are busie a fighting ; and will keep the field clear , which you engage in . i mention this last particular , having sometimes seen the soldiers boyes , and the drivers of carriages , either incited thereto by natural valor , or desire of pillage , or both , so closely attend the rear of their masters who were fighting ; that when they were disordered , it occasioned much hazard and confusion in the rallyment . but these appearances of soldiers , must alwayes be put at such a distance from the enemy , that he may not see they are unarmed , and consequently but a meer show ; for then that will become ridiculous , which otherwise will be terrifying . though i have already said in general , that if your enemy be stronger than you in cavalry , you must cover yours with your infantry ; and if he be stronger than you in infantry , you must cover yours with your cavalry ; yet possibly it may not be useless to set down , in some particulars , how those general rules may be best practised . if my enemy did much outnumber me in horse , and i him in foot , i would flank every battalion of my shot with files of pikes ; nay , i would so order such of my battalions as were likeliest to bear the often charging of the enemies cavalry , as that the front , and rear of my shot in them , should be covered with my pikes , as well as my flanks ; and under my pikes , my shot should be still firing , either keeping their ground , or advancing , or retreating , as there should be occasion . nor would i omit if my enemy very much overpower'd me in cavalry , to place small battalions of shot , and pike , so order'd , as is immediately before express'd , in the intervals between my squadrons of horse in the first line of my wings : for to me it seems much more adviseable , if you mingle battalions with squadrons in your wings , that such battalions should be of pike and shot , so ordered , than of shot alone , as is the usual method in such imbattellings . for if such small battalions consist of shot only , the chief advantage you can derive from them , is , by their firing to disorder your enemies squadrons , just as you are going to charge them ; but if that fails of the hoped-for event , whatever becomes of your squadrons , these small battalions are too much exposed to ruine : for shot onely , will not resist horse in an open field , especially when those shot also , are disanimated by the flight , or routing of the horse that had fought on their side . besides , i have found experimentally , that private soldiers never fight , with the needful courage , when they are led on such a piece of service , as this of firing on an enemy , and after to shift for themselves , if that volly does not the work ; for then they do it in haste , and too often timerously ; for even while they are firing , they are looking which is the best way to flie , when they have done firing ; which would too much distract men of more setled minds , than private soldiers are usually blest with : to which i shall further add , that musketeers , so imbattled , and chequer'd , as it were , with squadrons of horse , may too likely , on the disordering of your first line of cavalry , be so shuffled together by those of it that are routed by those of your enemy which pursue the rout ; and by those of your second line which advance to stop the enemies pursuit , that the poor shot can neither be useful to their friends , nor offensive to their enemies . whereas if those small battalions be composed of pike as well as shot , and be ordered as is formerly set down , they will , ( in the spaces , or intervals between your squadrons ) not only make almost as great fire on your enemies , but also firing under the pikes , do it with less apprehension ; and consequently take their aim the better , and thereby do the more execution . besides , fighting with a resolution to make good their ground , composes their minds , and makes them the more resolute against their enemies , and the more obedient to their officers commands ; but what is most material of all , is , if your squadrons should be disordered , nay , routed , yet such battalions as these , will , for some time at least , keep their ground , and with their shot , if not with their pikes , gaul your enemy , while under their covert , your horse may rally , and come again and again to the charge , and possibly recover the day . nay , it makes your cavalry fight with more confidence , when they know , that one , or more disastrous charges , may , by thus ordering some of your infantry , be repaired by their own rallying in the rear of them ; and those who know what belongs to war , will not be over-forward to charge the second line of your wing , leaving at once such battalions of infantry , and the disorder'd cavalry rallying at their backs ; but on the contrary , will hardly judge it adviseable to attempt your second line , till they have intirely swept out of the field your whole first line . i did frequently , though unworthy of the honour , command forces in chief , and therefore i esteem'd it my duty to be often thinking , and arguing , how they might be employed to the best advantage ; and though in the wars i was in , we alwayes were , or at least thought our selves to be , superior to the enemy in cavalry ; yet i was not seldom busying my thoughts , how we might best fight in case he should be at any time stronger than i , in horse , and i stronger than he , in foot. the result of those thoughts i will presume to present my reader with . the checquering my first line of cavalry with small battalions of shot , i judg'd was not the most secure , or the most effectual way , and therefore i concluded the impaling , as it were , my musketeers by my pikes , as is before-mentioned , was much the better . and because whatever is new , and surprising to your enemy , is still of considerable advantage , especially at the instant in which you are going to charge him ; i resolved , had i ever had an occasion to do it , to have acted ( when the ground allow'd of it ) as followeth : i. i would have drawn up all my cavalry a-breast , either two , or three deep , as i should have esteem'd it the best , as things were circumstantiated . ii. i would have appointed previously , what squadrons should have composed my first line , and what squadrons should have composed my second line , and what officers should lead , or be in the rear of every squadron in both lines , and have communicated to them respectively , my orders therein . iii. i would then have drawn up those small battalions of pike and shot , order'd , as i formerly mentioned , just in the rear of every such squadron only , as was to compose the first line of my wing , and just as many in a rank as might fill up the intended interval when it was made ; and have caused my pike-men to trail their pikes , that they might not have been seen by the enemy ; which if shoulder'd , or ported , they would be . iv. i would then have advanced towards the enemy as if i had had no second line , or reserved squadrons ; but just when i was come so near him , as that it was time to form my first and second line , i would , at the trumpets sounding the charge , ( which should be the signal for the doing it ) have composed my said two lines of my wing , by the squadrons of the front line continuing their motion , and by the squadrons of the second line making a stand or halt . v. as the first lines would be forming it self by the squadrons of it continuing their motion , and the second lines would be forming it self by standing , i would in the interval of ground made thereby , have caused my small battalions of pike and shot behind every squadron of the first line , to march up , and made an even front with the fame squadrons in whose rear they had till then marched ; and so have begun the battel , advancing with the horse , and those foot , my shot firing under their pikes inoessantly . this i esteem'd would have been both new , and surprizing ; for it would have been thought strange by the enemy , and likely have given him an ill opinion of my conduct , to see me bring all my cavalry to fight at onde ; which the first form of my advancing would probably make him believe was my intention : but when he unexpectedly saw that i composed my two lines orderly in my advancing , it might amaze , and surprize him . and in all likelihood both those productions might he heightned , when he should also see my small battalions of pike and shot appear unexpectedly from behind my squadron , and advance in an even front with them to the charge ; so that his horse singly , must endure the joint shock of my horse , pikes , and musketeers . if this method of checquering my squadrons in the first line of my wing with small battalions of pike and shot , order'd , as i have set it down , should be approved ; and that you have infantry enough so to checquer your second line also , and that you shall esteem it necessary to have it done , by reason of your enemies exceedingly overpowring you with horse , you may also observe the like method of doing it in your second line , as you did in your first , by having such small battalions of pike and shot , drawn up , and marching in the rear of those squadrons which are to compose your second line , who may advance by the interval ground , between the squadrons to the front of them , when by your first lines continued motion , they have left the ground free . in the doing of all this , there are some particulars i would recommend to be alwayes observed . i. that your pikes which are to be trail'd , during your advancing , behind the squadrons , that the enemy may not discover by those long weapons what you would conceal from his sight , be ported as soon as ever you begin to appear between the intervals , between which you are to march up , to make an even front with your cavalry ; that thereby they may be the readier to be charged against the enemy , who will by that time be very near ; and therefore such preparative readiness to receive him , is very needful . ii. i would have all my firelocks load their muskets , with pistol bullets ; for the enemy against whom you fire , will be alwayes very near ; and therefore several pistol bullets out of one gun , will do as much execution , as one musket bullet at a time , out of many guns . iii. those commanded pikemen which are to impale your shot , ought to be of the resolutest and strongest men ; for on their courages , will depend much of the safety of your horse , and of your shot ; and therefore if i had pikemen armed defensively with back , breast , pott and faces , i would choose to place them there ; since they are also to endure the shock of your enemies cavalry . iv. the shot of these small battalions , must be still bestowed on those squadrons of your enemies wing which compose his first line ; for those are the nearest , and the most pressing ; and the muskets being loaden with pistol bullets , they will not do certain execution on any squadrons of the wing of his second line , which are usually about yards less advanced than his first line . lastly , if it be on your right wing that these small battalions of pike and shot are placed , then i would have them when they advance to front even with your squadrons , alwayes to do it to the right of the squadron they marched in the rear of ; and if it be on the left wing , alwayes to the left : for thereby your flanks of your outward squadrons in each wing , will be cover'd with pike and shot , and the innermost squadrons of your wings will be flank'd with the battalions of the foot of your army . therefore if this be not stedily observed , your outmost squadron of both your wings , will be needlesly left unflank'd by a small battalion of pikes and shot , which when you are much outnumbred in horse , will be too hazardous , and therefore the preventing it highly adviseable . i acknowledge i never practised this against an enemy , but it was meerly because i never had need to do it , neither did i ever exercise my men to it ; and that proceeded only from an apprehension , that it might discover what i intended , in case there had been need , and thereby probably have made it less effectual . but i am confident it is very easily practicable , and to be made of very advantageous use , in case the enemy were much my superior in cavalry , and i stronger than he in infantry . but i submit this notion to the judgment of those who are better able to determine of it , than i. if your army be stronger by much in cavalry than your enemies , and his stronger by much than yours in infantry , i would then earnestly endeavor to fight both , or at least one of his wings with both or one of my wings ; which i once did : and i would make all my infantry move as slowly towards the enemy as they could , while i advanced a round trot with my cavalry , and charged that of my enemies ; and if i had success in both my wings against both his , or in one of my wings against one of his , then i would make the next innermost squadrons of my second line of that wing which had beaten the enemies , or of both my wings if they had defeated both the enemies wings , immediately march to flank my battalions of foot ; but not to hazard infantry to infantry , till mine were wing'd by some squadrons of my second line , and then advance to the charge as expeditiously as i could , without disordering my battalions ; thereby making my squadrons doubly useful : and the enemies infantry must be resolute men indeed , when all their horse are routed , and that they are to be charged with all my infantry , and divers squadrons of my cavalry , and are to be raked with my cannon , which then may be drawn up for that end , if they are not soon reduced to furl their colours , order their pikes , and crave quarter . i would further , in case i were strong enough in cavalry to do it , even before my wings were fighting against the enemies wings , appoint some squadrons of mine to draw up in the rear of my battalions , both to countenance my own infantry , and the more to deter the enemies from charging them during the engagement of all the horse of both armies : for it is the duty of a general to order all things as safely as he may , and to leave as little to what is called fortune , as possibly he can . the clearing of the ground you intend to imbattel on of all such squadrons , or battalions , as your enemy may have advanced on it , before you bring up your battalions , and cannon on it , ought never to be omitted , and ought still to be done by your horse , and dragoons , or with few , if any of your infantry : for the neglect of this may hazard your army ; since the enemy having the start of you , by getting part of his army in the field of battel , before you get any of yours , he may thereby cut you off by peece-meal , while you are forming your imbattelling ; this i observed was carefully practised by the prince of conde before the battel of rocroy , and monsieur de gassion was commanded with his cavalry to do that work ; which being effectually done , it did not a little contribute to the princes victory . in the imbattelling of your army , i would still do it , ( where the ground admits it ) by drawing up in one line only all the cavalry and infantry , and not as i have seen some unexpert commanders do , draw up first a squadron of a wing , which was to compose part of your first line , and then a squadron of reserve to it , which was to compose part of your second line ; and so in sequence all your squadrons and battalions of your whole army ; for that method is tedious , and the just spaces of your intervals between squadron and squadron , and between battalion and battalion , cannot be so well adjusted by the eye , as by the first filling up those spaces with the soldiery ; for the first is but guessing , but the last is certainty . i would observe this method not only in order to the better , and more expeditious imbattelling my army if the ground allow'd it , but i would also observe it as much as orderly i could in my advancing to the charge , until i saw it time to form my two lines by the continued motion of those troops which are to compose my first line , and by alting of those troops which were to compose my second line , and of my third line , if the ground were so scanty as my two first could more than employ it all . and this not singly for the reasons before exprest , but for this additional one also , viz. it being very difficult for many and great squadrons which have intervals , between every two of them to preserve the just wideness of the intervals if they march far ; and if those intervals are not duly observed , 't is impossible to avoid one of these two mischiefs , either if they are contracted during your advance the troops which at need are to march up through them will be disabled from doing it , or at least so many of them as cannot , will in their separating from those which can , be disorder'd , and too likely remain useless . or if these intervals be inlarged , your flanks are thereby exposed to be fallen into by the enemy , therefore in my poor judgment , that way is the very best , which will most likely prevent your being involved in either of them ; and that is practicable and attainable i believe , by not making any intervals , till almost you may have need of them , which by advancing all your army in one line , until you come so nigh the enemy , as you judge is a fit time to form your lines in the manner before set down . and then the distance being so little between you and your enemy , 't is not likely ( if but ordinary care is taken ) that the interval ground can be either much contracted , or much enlarged , at least 't is not so likely , that either of those ills will be run into , marching over but a little ground , as marching over much : and if but moving a few paces , the mischief is probably in some degree to be run into , then so much the more care ought to be taken , that as few paces may be so marched as possibly you can contrive . i cannot see any solid objection can be made hereunto , in reference to your artillery , for those usually being drawn in the front of your battalions , till you come to place them where they are to do execution , they may be advanced still before the front of your army , though you should march it but in one line till you come near the enemy ; but this , as all things i write , i shall chearfully submit to better judgments . if you are desirous to come to a battel with your enemy , and that he endeavors to shun it by constant intrenched campings , and by having good magazines and arsenals with or near him , and a plentiful countrey at his devotion behind him , which is usually the best game of him whose countrey is invaded ; for he has little reason to give you battel , when by keeping unfought with , you cannot safely enter far into his countrey , leaving his army intire behind you ; i say , in such a case , you ought , by often removings , to try for an opportunity to give him battel ; for since he is to attend your motions , sometimes an occasion to fight him unexpectedly both to him and you may be offer'd you . sometimes also by your suddenly sitting down before a garison of his , and endangering the taking of it , he may be induced to give you battel , which he would not do , but in hope to prevent such a loss . sometimes it may be adviseable for you , ( if you are much his superior in strength ) with as little baggage as possible , and with as much bread as your men can carry , and with herds of fat cattle to be driven with you , ( which last is a provision that carries it self ) to make inroads into his countrey , both to destroy and pillage it , this may provoke him to follow you , lest his countrey esteem him careless in the defence of it , and thereby you may find opportunities to fight him . and sometimes by your invading parts of his territories , at a considerable distance from those places where he has formed his magazines , either necessitate him to remove from them , or else expose to your army those countries of his which you fall upon . as caesar by the like method drew pompe from his magazines and fleet at dirachium , and made him follow him into thessaly , by which means caesar won his famous battel of pharsalia . i look upon it as a maxim in war , never to have the army of the invaded countrey to give battel to the invading army , but on very great necessity , or on very great advantages ; for the invaded by losing a battel , may lose his countrey ; but the invader by losing one , will but lose his hopes , his baggage , and as many men as are kill'd in the defeat ; and few discreet gamesters will play their all against little or nothing comparatively . therefore as the invaded must still be careful to avoid a battel , so the invader must still be forward to offer it , on any fitting terms ; for should he not , nothing else will keep up his reputation , which , of all humane things , ought most carefully , and jealously , to be kept up and increased in war. in my private thoughts , i cannot readily believe , that any kingdom can easily be conquer'd , where the true principles and methods of war are alwayes observed , unless some great internal revolutions of affairs , or general revolts of subjects , should occasion such a misery . and therefore whatever i have heard to the contrary , i freely own , i cannot be brought to believe , that this present fatal war kindled almost all over europe , will have such great progresses as some of more sanguine complexions than i am , have believed , or rather fancied ; for though france has the formidablest league against it , that perhaps was ever yet made in europe against any one monarch of it , yet i cannot find the advances of his confederated enemies are very considerable , nor can i believe they will be , for the reasons formerly mentioned in this book , and also because he does by intrenched incampings , and providing timely and plentifully for his armies to eat , frustrate , in effect , all the great enterprises of his enemies , which is practicably to perform the solidest maxims of war ; and whoever he be that can stedily observe them , will find the necessary benefits which will result to him thereby , unless a higher power does turn the wisdom of man into foolishness , and against that stroke , there neither is or can be any defence . i shall now offer to consideration three particulars more , which are , i think , useful to be observed previously to a battel . the first is , that orders be given that no chief officer who commands a squadron , or commissioned officer who leads one with him , have that horse he charges on , advanced above the length of his head , before the front rank of his troopers . my reason for it is this : because if those who lead squadrons to the charge , be before the front rank , they either without cause adventure to be shot by their own men behind them , or hinder some of them from firing , or which is far worse , when both bodies come to the shock , such as are out of the ranks , and between both bodies , are needlesly exposed , even when they are of most use to those men they command , and consequently the whole army . in answer to this , i know some have said , it does not a little animate the squadrons , to see the officers which command them , lead them on eight or ten paces before the first rank , and then just as they are going to mingle to fall into it . but i must say , i believe good soldiers need not such airy animations , and the bad will not fight well , though they have more substantial ones . besides , i believe it does rather disanimate , than encourage soldiers , who have any consideration , when they see those officers , whose conduct they relie upon , ●…ive them so ill an impression of it , as doing a vain thing , by which also they may too probably incapacitate themselves to command their men , when they are likely to have most need of being order'd to the best advantage , either as to their rallying , if discomposed in the charge , or an orderly pursuit if successful . to which also may be added these two other considerarations ; if the officers advancing some paces before their men , be a great animating them , may it not be a greater disanimating of the soldiery , to see them , when ready to charge , put themselves into the first rank : for their going before their squadrons while there is no danger , and the returning when there is , will , in all likelihood , make the latter action dishearten more than the former can encourage ; for all animations are more effectual , when the danger is at hand , than when it is remote . when the squadrons advance to charge , the troopers horses and their own knees are as close as they can well endure , so that it will be impossible for the officers to fall into the rank if it be well wedged up ; or if it be not , thereby to give them admittance , it may leave such gaps in it as may hinder the close uniting of the rank , which is so necessary to make the charge effectual , and commonly the officers horses being of the best and of the highest mettle , when they come among strange horses , especially backwards , may by their fighting and kicking so disorder the rank , that the enemy is more likely to come in at the breach than they . i would also strictly forbid all those who have the chief command of a squadron , to fight against any of the enemies squadron , who should come out in a bravery to fight ; for who knows but the enemy may send an ordinary person , but valiant , on such an exploit , and if your chief officer of a squadron should engage with him , his killing of the other will signifie little , but his being kill d would much prejudice the whole squadron , and possibly thereby the whole wing , if not the whole army . therefore still in such pickeerings if they shall be judged necessary at all when troops are ready to mingle , only such young gallants should be allowed to be the actors , whose deaths , if they should happen , will not be of such a consequence as the fall of an officer , who has the honour and trust to command a whole squadron ; for in war i am an utter enemy for the sake of showes to hazard substances : and since the nature of war ●…ves but too much to uncertainty , i would expose as little as might be of it to choice or capriciousness . a second thing which i offer to consideration is , that your standards or cornets colours , in a day of battel , be in the second rank ; for these reasons : they are safer there than in the first rank ; and thereby the briskest of your enemy has the least invitation to attempt the winning of them . the chief and solid ends of having standards or cornets flying , is , that troopers , if they are disordered in the charge , may see under what they are to rally ; and it being a high disgrace to lose their colours , it makes men fight the heartilier against those who would cast it on them ; therefore , in my opinion , those cornets should still be placed in a battel , both for the greater safety of them , and the better to answer the speedy rallying under them , where they are most useful , and most secure ; which last , i think , will be in the second rank : for there every way that your troop can be attack'd , it has a rank between it and the enemy to defend them , and all the troop also to do it , being it is in the centre of it . a third thing i offer to consideration , is , that when your enemy does very much overpower your infantry , that the battalions of pikes which are in your first line , may have only so many colours flying at the head of them , as will serve to let the soldiers see where respectively they are to rally , in case of their being disorder'd or routed ; for nothing does more excite an enemy to push for colours , than to see many , and near him ; and since a few will serve to answer the need of orderly rallying , why should there be more in the first line . all the rest of the colours i would have flying at the head of your pikes in your second line , where they will be much safer ; and when the smoke of the cannon , and of the small shot is driven away by the wind , or so attenuated , that your enemies may see through it , the sight of so many colours flying at the head of your battalions or stands of pikes , casts a kind of dread on the soldiery of your enemy , who having been accustomed to see colours guarded by full companies , conclude those are the pikes of so many intire companies , in your second line , as they see colours flying at the head of those pikes , and makes them thereby even despair of vanquishing such a force in your second line , especially if they have been vigorously opposed , and much shatter'd by your first line ▪ if in objection to this it be said , that in case you win the day , though you should for a time lose any of your colours , yet as one of the many consequences of your victory , you will recover the colours you lost ; and if you lose the field , they will as certainly be lost in the second line , as if they had been in the first . to that i answer , it is a disgrace to have had for any time , any of your colours in your enemies possession ; and who knows also as soon as any of them are taken , but some may convey them so expeditiously out of the field , as though you get the day , you cannot get again your lost colours . besides , i have known a defeated army , at the close of the day , which has had some success in the beginning of it , and had then taken some colours by shewing which in places and countries they retreated into , have persuaded the people they were the victorious , and thereby have gotten the recruits , for their shatter'd troops , which nothing but such a belief , grounded on such evidences , could have procured for them . during a battel , or in it , it is the duty of the general still to send timely succor to any of his battalions , or squadrons , and rather a little before than one moment after they need it . and for that end to have several gentlemen about him well known to the chief officers of the army , to carry to them on the spur the necessary orders from time to time . it is also his duty when he sees a breach in his army , which nothing but his own presence can probably repair resolutely in person to lead those troops which are to do it ; but as soon as ever it is made up , then to return in person to that station from whence he may see how all things go , that from thence he may timely send alwayes his requisite orders . he ought also neither too hastily to believe the enemies army is routed , and therefore to command the general pursuit ; for thereby he may hazard his dawning victory : nor too slowly to order the follow of the rout , when he is satisfied it is real and general ; for else he may lose the best advantages of his success . a general ought , when he sees a wing of his enemies army palpably routed by a wing of his , to draw as many as he can well spare from the second line of his successful wing , to the rest of his army , ( leaving the rest to follow the execution ) that by such help and such order he may intirely and more safely both defeat such of his enemies as yet make head , and pursue those which are routed . he ought also never to think upon , much less order his army in a plain field to receive the charge , but still to meet the enemy in giving it . pompey , in the decisive battel of pharsalia by the advice of triarius , commanded his soldiers to receive caesar's assault , and to undergo the shock of his army , without removing from the place whereon they stood , alledging that caesar's men would be disorder'd in their advance , and pompev's by not moving keep their order ; on which caesar himself sayes , viz. in my opinion this was against all reason , for there is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man , who is inflamed with a desire to fight , and therefore no commander should repress or restrain it , but rather increase , and set it forward . and the event justified caesar's opinion therein was well grounded . a general ought , when he sees the day irrecoverably losing , having first done his very utmost to recover it , to get together as many of his soldiers as possibly he can , especially horse , and with them to bring up the rear ; and make his ill success as easie as he can to his own party ; and if he have any garisons which he doubts his enemy may attempt in the heat of his victory , to fling into such garisons those of his infantry which are left amazed at their defeat , thereby to stop the current , and give some check to the victorious , while he is getting together the residue of his army , the sooner to recruit it , and to try to recover afterwards what then he lost . after the battel is fought , and the victory apparently won , a general ought to take great care , as is before set down , that the pursuit be orderly made , and consequently the safelier ; for which end i offer to consideration , that the cornets squadron of every troop be expresly forbidden ever to be of the loose pursuers , but to keep alwayes intire , and follow as fast in order as they can , those of the other two squadrons of it which are on the execution . this i have practised , and found these three benefits thereby : first , thereby the standards of all troops are still well secured , which ought alwayes to be carefully minded for i have known those of them of the victorious party often in hazard to be lost , when out of too eager an haste to pursue a flying enemy , the troopers of the cornets squadron have follow'd the pursuit , and left their colours unattended , or but slenderly guarded . secondly , the cornets squadrons of the first line of your wing , being still kept in order , and by being the nearest to a flying enemy , are much fitter to follow in a body to countenance , and if need requires actually to justifie your pursuers , than any squadrons of your second line of your wing can possibly be ; for the enemy by his flight having got the start , and men who run for their lives doing it with their best speed , it will be almost impossible for those which are so much behind them as your second line is behind your first , ever to overtake them ; wherefore such as are the nearest to them when they first begin to run , are those only who most properly and most hopefully are to march in a body , after those who dispersedly pursue ; that the enemy may immediately be routed , if he begin to rally , which nothing does more frighten him from attempting , than to see so near him so many parties in good order to make him smart for it . thirdly , the more of the first line of your wing which in orderly bodies can follow , to countenance and protect your pursuers , the more you can spare of your second line of your wing , to join with others of your army to defeat those of your enemies which remain unbroken ; and though in the battel you should fight the cavalry three deep , yet after your men have absolutely routed those they charged , i would have every cornets squadron follow your pursuers but two deep , whereby a troop of horse having in every squadron of it men , the cornets squadron being drawn up two deep , will have in each rank , and having a standard at the head of them , will appear a full troop to those who flie , and shall have but now and then time to cast a sudden look behind them , when seeing so many seeming entire troops as there are squadrons in a wing of your army , it will be so terrifying a prospect , as few will dare to rally , while they see it , and so near them . after the chace is finished , which ought still to be continued , as warmly and as far as may be , i esteem it an indispensible duty in a general , even in the field of battel , to draw together all his forces that he can , and with them cause to be returned to almighty god , their most humble and hearty thanks , for his blessing , in his bestowing on them the victory , and his preserving so many of them from death ; for an unfeigned and publick gratitude to god , is not only what piety , but even what the light of nature does teach , and nothing does more incline god to bestow future blessings , than to have men really thankful for the present , and to own him to be the onely author and finisher of them . a generals next care ought to be , to have his wounded men well tended , his dead honourably buried , his prisoners strictly , but civilly kept ( and to have a true list of all ; ) to take publick notice of those who behaved themselves well , to rebuke such as did the contrary , to send spies to discover what measures his enemies will take in their calamity , the better and more advantageously to form his own counsels and actions , and most vigorously to pursue his point , while the terror of a defeat is fresh in the minds of his enemies ; since 't is as essential to a general to make the best use of a victory , as to know how to obtain it . i confess i have the more minutely insisted upon the protractive or fencing parts of war , by intrenched incampings , &c. because few of my countreymen have made it mu●…h their study , but being carried on by the natural genius and hereditary gallantry of the nation , they are alwayes ready by true valor expeditiously to determine their quarrels ; and though this is highly estimable , yet i would not be ignorant of other useful methods ; for i know few men use to travel on foot , that would not be willing to have horses to lead in their hands , that when they are weary of walking , they may by riding on them come to their journies end . and since battels are what our countreymen most breathe after , and long for in war , i have also the more particularly insisted in this chapter on what seems most materially , if not essentially to be known before , in , and after they are fought . but after all that i have said on battels , nay possibly after all that has been said , or has been practised in them , ( could both those be known ) it is my firm belief , that still very much will be , nay must be left to the judgment and presence of mind of a general , and the chief officers under him , whose actings must be order'd according to the circumstances present ; in doing whereof most advantageously , no set rules previously can be given , for they must be taken as the occasion is offer'd , and then resolutely and speedily pursued ; yet what i have written , may possibly be of some use , to such of our less experienced officers , as shall well remember , weigh and practise them , who may by their own more illuminated reasoning , do as the spaniards did , who though they ow'd the first discovery of america to columbus , yet they ow'd the riches they deriv'd from it , to their own further improving , of what he had but laid the foundation : and if this should be the result of my endeavors , i should esteem them happily employ'd . finis . a discourse of military discipline devided into three boockes, declaringe the partes and sufficiencie ordained in a private souldier, and in each officer; servinge in the infantery, till the election and office of the captaine generall; and the laste booke treatinge of fire-wourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande, as alsoe of firtifasions [sic]. composed by captaine gerat barry irish. barry, gerat. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a discourse of military discipline devided into three boockes, declaringe the partes and sufficiencie ordained in a private souldier, and in each officer; servinge in the infantery, till the election and office of the captaine generall; and the laste booke treatinge of fire-wourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande, as alsoe of firtifasions [sic]. composed by captaine gerat barry irish. barry, gerat. [ ], , [ ] p., [ ] folded plates : ill. by the vvidovve of jhon mommart, at bruxells : m.dc.xxxiv. [ ] with an additional title page, engraved: militarie discipline composed by captaine gerat barry. .. the second and third books have divisional title pages; pagination and register are continuous. running title reads: military discipline. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bovttes en avant militarie discipline composed by captaine gerat barry . dedicated to the right honorable dauid barri earie of barri moar , viconte of buteuant , baron of ibaune , lorde of barri courte , and castelliones . . brvxellis tipis iohanis mommarty . a discourse of military discipline , devided into three boockes , declaringe the partes and sufficiencie ordained in a private souldier , and in each officer ; servinge in the infantery , till the election and office of the captaine generall ; and the laste booke treatinge of fire ●ourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande , as alsoe of firtifasions . composed by captaine gerat barry irish. at bruxells , by the vvidovve of jhon mommart . m. dc . xxxiv . to the right honorable david barry . earle of barry-moor , viconte of butevante , baron of ibaune , lorde of barrycourte and castelliones , &c. righte honorable , havinge tried my fortune in foraigne nationes , thies thirty three yeares in this my presente profession of armes , in his catholike majesties service a monghste the spaniard , italian , and irish , meaninge the firste foure yeares in the real army of the ocean sea , and the other . yeares in the vvarres , and brave exploites of the lovve countries , and germany , as a souldior , princioner , aventajado , alferis , ajudāte , and captaine . novve beinge moved by certaine frendes , as alsoe by the greate affection i allvvayes had to this my presente profession of armes ; havinge intered so far into the blouddy boundes of mars . duringe vvhiche time i have imployed my selfe in gatheringe , notinge , and learninge oute of many brave auctors , as alsoe vvhate i have seene my selfe and otheres practised in vvarr , in many brave exploytes and rare incounters ; all vvhiche it oughte fitt to set dovvne in vvrithinge to inlighten my beloved countrimen . suche as are not skillful in vvarres , and are desirouse to inter into the noble profession of armes ; so that therby they may gather some instructiones , and vvith greater auctority and estimation acomplishe they re obligationes , ( vvherefore i make boulde to dedicate the same un to youre honour , ) vvhiche i vvoulde it vvere handled by a more perfecte souldier then my selfe ; soe that it may by the more agreable to youre incorrupted vertues , and noble inclination , acordinge to the obligation and love , vvherunto iam bounde , as a true and natural servante of youre honours , and specially for beinge decended from youre house , as alsoe for the general utility of youre honour and those of my nation , vvhich are inclined to this honorable exercise ; i have taken the paines to vvrite this volume entituled military discipline , in vvhich is contayned the observationes and obligationes of eache one servinge in the infantery ; biginenge vvith a private souldier to a captaine generall . hopinge youre honour vvill accepte this my vvillinge indevor under youre honours protection , vvith as vvillinge a mynde as i offer the same . beseechinge the almightie to bless yove vvithe longe life , and increase of vertue , that yove may follovve the true steppes , and undeniable prudence , hapines , brave conduction and cesar-like determinationes of youre predecessores , in beinge no inferior to them , but rather revive they re honour and parpetuall fame , as required and hoped of youre honorable birth and nobilitie , accordinge the greate exspectationes of youre frendes , and vvell vvisheres , to increase the honour of youre house . in leavinge a perpetuall memory to all posterity of youre honoures happie proceedinges , as i youre homble servante , and many more of youre frendes vvisheth both to see and heere . dated at the courte of bruxells the firste of may. . youre honoures moste homble servante capt. gerat barry . to the reader . gentle reader , be diligente in a plienge youre selfe in the noble profession of armes , that youre proceedinges may the better prosper , and commaunde with prudence and auctority , and i will in devoure to inlighten yove withe more particularities of this arte ; soe that yove may the sooner conceive the difficulties and obscurity of many deepe secretes of this noble profession : and consider that there is nothinge soe difficill but that continuall use and exercice facilitateth the same . it is true that many who have spente the moste parte of they re time in the profession of armes ; not with standinge they are ingnorante , and unable in accomplishinge withe they re obligationes with prudence and auctority , and that is resultinge of they re idle life , and litle desire in well employenge there time , and for to hide theyr rude ingnorance , and litle skill in warr they are wonte to floute , and mocke at those of approved partes and sufficiency . suche fellowes moste comonly in occasiones and incounteres with the enemy , ( are puseled and amased ) and all moste oute of they re wittes , and that resultinge of they re rude ingnorance , and litle perfection in warr . not soe with the prudente and experimented souldier , who in time of moste neede withe a setled mynde maketh notoriouse his resolute determinationes and perfection . suche brave conductores of vertues and prudente cariadge are to by imitated , for that to all posterity they leave a memory of they re renoumed actes ; soe this fruite of my laboure and longe practice in warr , togither with the desire and affection i allwayes had to inlighten my belooved contrimen , and others who are inclined to this arte . i doe protecte under the defence of those of renoumed actes , prudente cariadge and perfection in warr . and not to those inclined to murmur , and full of burninge flames of diabolicall malice ; sheowinge a milde and amiable countenance , and in they re deedes infected with pestrificall , ambition , and emulation . the heavens are grived , and hell rejoyseth for they re wicked poysoned rancor . they leave to all posterity a memorie of they re bad and odiouse iuclinationes , they are hated by those of verteouse life , goode applicationes , and prudente cariadge , and moste comonly they finish they re lives with a tormented and miserable ende . qualis vita , finis ita . the firste booke treatinge of military discipline composed by capt. gerat barry irish. the firste chap. declaringe the partes and sufficiency required in aprivat souldior . he which intereth into the noble profession of armes firste and principally oughte to by agoode christian , fearefull of god and devoute , that therby his proceedinges may the better prevaile , and finish with ahappy ende . secondly to buylde his valerouse determinationes with a constante and uncorrupted zeale in servinge his prince with geeat love and punctuality . alsoe to by obediente to his officeres from the loweste to the higheste in degree . if otherwise he by inclined he erreth much , yea and harelly all the goode part●s in him can prosper . litle or no a peerance can by of his furtherance or goode success , hardly any body can truste in him , or hope of any goode proceedinges of his , hee is to by litle esteemed in referinge to his chardge any office or comaunde ; no man of qualitie and goode partes can truste in him , or keepe him company . hee which intered into this noble profession of armes oughte to shun eschewe and forsake all basenes imagined and thought of manes mynde . and he oughte diligently to applee him self to learne the arte of warr , from whence proceedeth all nobilitie , and wherby , many men of lowe degrees and base linadge haue attayned into high degrees dingnitie and fame , as caius marius decended of poore and vile parentes in a viladge of the arpines , came to by a romaine emperor ; and trough his vertue . valincian a po●●e man is son of cibaly in hongari came into the licke dingnitie , and alsoe maximino borne in a poure castel in thrasia , nicolas pichino a boucheres son by his vertue and valor , came to by captaine generall of philipp viconte ducke of milan is army and of all the potentates of italie . the senoria of venecia was governed by francisco carmanola a poure man is son , and that trough his prudence and valor . many more borne of loe degre , and base linadge , came into the licke and semblable dingnity , and creditt , and raised unto honorable degrees and reputation , of perpetuall memory . so let none by ingnorante , that vertue valeur prudente and braue conduction is the true . way of proceedinge in the noble profession of armes . let him alwayes with a pure and senseare harte aboue all thinges by carefull to serue god , for although all professions are therunto bounde , yet none more deeply then the braue souldior , whose actiones are day and nighte in danger of death , ( more then anny other ) and douptles he that soe doth a complish , fighteth with a more resolute determination , and suche men moste comonly are a fisted by the divine power : fighting in a iuste cause , and with a cleere conscience ; wher of there have beene to many examples , which i have read in antciēte auctores , and noted my self the same in many incounteres . he is alwayes bounde to by carefull , and vigilante in acomplishing his obligationes , and principally to by obediente . for mishinge this pointe , the other goode partes whiche in him do ocurr are of litle or noe estimation . aboue all thinges lett him alwayes liue in the feare of god , and let him by no blasphemer , for in this worlde it is moste o diouse , and can not escape withoute severe punishmente of his divine majestie . wherof theyr have beene many examples and we see that such blasphemers in the warres are shot in the mouth , or receive other impedimentes in the same , and comonly dee a moste miserable death , for theyr wicked a customed inclination to that diabolicall vice . lett him by carefull to chuse to his comarades and fellowes oulde souldiers if posible , and men well acquainted , and of good conditiō , and to by yerie carefull that they bee no factioners nor mutineres , whose company are more dangerouse then the divell , he is to by quiet and frindly , and rather seveare then licentiouse in spiches , for such like persones moste comonly doe loose there estimation togither with theyr owne quietnes , and are wonte to have many un happiecrosses in this worlde , and to be litle reputed , and hardly can prosper as wee dayly see . in his diet let him not by to couriouse nor inclined to delicate meates , rather to distribute , well his meanes and contente him selfe with such provitiones , as the campe or place shall affourde , for those that are given to there belly , and to the unsatiable vice of drunknes are apte for nothing , and moste comonlie are subject to many disgraces , wherof theyr are many examples . prisco captaine of maurish , emperor of constantinopla , a prehended and defeated the kinge of mosaquio de salabia , and his army , who beinge blinde drunk with drinking to muche wine in the selebratinge of a certaine sacrifice don for the soule of a brouther of mosaquio . which bienge killed the eveninge before in a certaine skirmish , and the victorious soulders havinge ended theyr , figt they fell to eatinge and drinkinge , and for that vice , and there litle care , and beeinge found unprovided and forgetfull in a complishinge there obligation were defeated , as many more unsatiable drunkardes and gluttons have beene . there contraries supposinge afterwardes to finde they re enemy in the like trap , with the like forgetfulnes wherin they were founde . thinkinge and consideringe that they were a smale distance of . they determined to turne , and fall uppon them , and revenge them selfes , and release they re kinge or die in his recoveringe , which they agried uppon with a resolute determination : soe that prisco nor none of his shoulde escape , and had itt not beene for a captaine of horse named gencono who beeinge hoth prudente and experiment in warr . comaunded that those under his chardge shoulde in no manner take anny liberty in not acomplishinge , with they re military obligationes . wherof hee and his officers tooke a spetiall care ; so that at the arivinge of his enemy , and determined to fall on with greate fury , he fell on them with greate couradge , and constrayned them ro retire , and turne they re backes . and with the like or semblable fortune tomires queene of the scithians did overcom kinge ciro , and his three hondereth thousande persians in they re slugish , and beastely drunknes , who came to revenge the death of sargapiso hir son , who beeinge before slaine by ciro , and the selfe same succes happened achab kinge of iraell againste kinge benado of ciria , so that trough the inclination which som have to this vice causeth greate disorders , destruction of the co●on wealth , and rebelliones , wherof they re are many exāples , not contentinge them selues with the ability of they re poore hoste , wher by greate scandles do offten tymes arise , causinge townes citties , and provences to revolte from theyr prinses , by resultinge of thies unsatiable drunckardes , which un ruly disorderes and filthy examples are to by well looked unto , and severely punished ; the tirantinos for this vice drived a way the romaines , and they re captaine cajo lucio , and rendered them to haniball his enemye . abidio casio did soe seaverely punishe his souldieres for they re disorders and insolences , that in five dayes space he cocomaunded to hange al moste the one hause of his army , for theyr robberies , and unruly factes comited a gainste the contry people : whiche severitie caused the enemy townes to yealed unto him , and with willinge myndes provided his army vvith vituales , and all other necessaries pesenio niger for takinge a cocke per force from they re hosste condemned to death a vvhole comarade of souldieres , marques de pescaro comaunded to cutt of the eares of a souldier of his for leavinge his order in marchinge , and for his intente to make spoyle in a villadge , ( vvhere he vvas aprehēded ) the souldier repleeinge to the marques that he vvoulde rather suffer death then receive such an offronte , to vvhiche the marques condecended presently , and commaunded to hange him in the firste tree ; greate tamberlan punished soe severlie one of his souldieres for the like or semblable offence , that the rigor therof did soe corecte and feare his vvhole army , that vvhere his campe did continue three dayes to gither , a tree full loaded vvhith fruite at there departeture remayned vvhole and untouched ( a mervayllouse example to all souldiores to imitate this vertue ) and abstaine from all disordered apetites , and patiently with greate couradge to indure hunger and misery , when extreame necessitie , soe requireth , as did the army of cesar in the seedge of abarico in france , vvho seeinge the emperor , takinge greate greefe and compassion of they re hunger , for vvhich cause he vvas determined to retire his campe ; vvhereunto they vvoulde by no meanes condecend , re pleeinge that firste they shoulde finish they re lives by chance of cruell fortune or hunger , rather then give overtheyre interprice . and vvith the like constancie valerouse and noble determination they tooke in duraco , eatinge earbes and rootes : in the honorable regaininge of breda by spinola many examples may by given of the necessitie of they re souldiores , and greate constancie , vvhere ihave seene many brave souldiores compelled to extreame and intolerable necessitie , and neverthelesh vvoed that they shoulde rather die in that honorable acte then spott they re honor by runninge a vvay in suche a famouse ocation of perpetuall memorie . marques de pescora vvith his ovvne handes kiled tvvo souldieres findinge them forceinge a gentle vvooman decended of noble linadge in the sacke or tacking of genoua . let him bee carefull to by vvell armed if posible beeing both honorable and profitable , and that besides it licketh much his superiores ; alsoe let him bee carefull in vvell a parelinge him selfe , a cordinge to his a bilitie and pay , and in no case let him hy not overloaden vvith muche b●gadge vvhiche is agreate empedimente in o cationes of marchinge , and specially in tyme of service . for wee dayly see that trough to much bagadge the whole army is often tymes troubled , and of the same resulteth many disgraces , and somtimes is wholy loste . it importeth much an honorable souldier to goe as lighte as may bee posible , without anny impedimente that shoulde cause him to bee absente from his coulors . much bagadge in o cationes of march causeth much trouble and care , and specially when it is loste as often times happened . he is to be carefull and vigilante in keepinge his culores or watch with greate puntualitie , and beeinge imployed in centery or rounde let him by verie warie in a complishinge his obligaciones , and specially not to fall a sleepe for beeinge soe founde it lieth in the disgression of the officer to use him a cordinge his desert , as did phirates in corinto going in the rounde of that cittie , and findinge a souldier a ●leepe killed him , when other wise the leaste affronte he coulde have , was to bee in publike punished , and that for example to the reste , that are not wourdie to carie armes for ther carelesh mindes and litle honor . let him looke well not to refuse his officieres beinge comaunded in o cationes of his majesties service , and be no meanes let him not by absente from his garde beinge on the watch withoute licence of his officer , though he thinketh the place to bee peasable , and of no suspicion . if he thincketh to goe forwarde , or to bee prefered in this arte he profesheth , he is to a complish with greate care and punctualitie his obligationes , that bee his care and diligence he may dayly hope of better prefermente . let him consider that oure predecessores were not captaines nor master de campes , nor that they were borne vvith thies offices but rather vvith goode partes , dilgence and goode service optained the same honorablie . let him not marry if he hopeth to a complish vvell his obligationes , or to bee prefered , for in o cationes of march if shee goe a longe vvith him hardlie can he vvell a complish with his obligationes , if his meanes be litle and beinge chardged vvith many children , consider vvhate and how many crosses shall happen , and he muste of force neglecte in a complishinge the obligationes of an honorable souldior in the righte performance of the kinges service , or forgoe his wife and children , for he hath inough in a complishinge vvell vvith the one , and give over the other . in the corpes de garde he is to behave him selfe sober and honeste , and looke vvell that he fall not unto any quareles , for they re he giveth bad example , as alsoe sheoweth litle respecte to his majesties service , and seemeth that he neyther feareth nor respected his officeres . wherfore the officer is to punish him , for suche as are given to quareles in suche places are moste comonly accounted for couardes , for it is knowen that suche places is not for quareles , nor fightinge , nor by no meanes can be permited , and so suche as are given to quareles in suche or semblabel places , are a compted for couardes , and for men of litle expectation of theyer valor before they re enemy , and ought not to escape vvithoute severe punishmente . he is to be earneste to imitate the goode partes , and verteuse cariadge of those vvhich raise unto degrees by they re prudente govermente , and to marke those that are daylie declininge ttough theyr bad and unruly factes ; litle fearinge god or man. of such persones litle expectation can be of they re furtherance , or happie success , but rather hated and envied by god and the vvorlde ; so let him allwayes imitate te beste . in all places in townes , citties , or villadges where he is lodged , let him by kinde and amiable vvith his hoste , and let him demaunde for no delicate meates nor regalose , as som are incliued unto , but rather conforme him selfe with his hoste : for all thinges don vvith amitie in thies ocationes is far better , and more laudable then rigor , and disorderes . wherof often times resulteth greate scandeles , disgraces , and revoltes . if it shoulde chance , as som times happened that his patr●o● or hoste shoulde be aman of unreasonable conditiones , let the souldier then repayre to his officer that he might by changed into another place , or els see his cause remedied better . if it be his chance to happen in the expuungnation of any cittie towne or forte , let him not be avaritions but rather folowe and persue the victorie untill such time as his contrarie be wholy yealded , and licēce granted to the spoyle and sacke . wherin he shall sheowe him selfe neyther covetouse nor cruell , ( as many gacelesh souldiores doe ) who vvithoute feare or respecte of god or man doe spare no kinde of crueltie uncomitted ) with bestiall ravismente both of maydes and vvoomen , vvholie givin to they re bruthis inclination withoute concience , reason , or consideration : like vvicked and blinde men , robbinge , of ch●nges and monasteries built for divine sacrifice . wholy given to they re disordered filthy a petites , and murtheringe of poore people , and inoo●tes yealded , which rather to the contrarie they shoulde sheowe them selves fearefull of god , and mercifull to the homble vanquised , and ra●●er defende them then offēde them , and in particular the honce● of woomen , as did don pedro conde de feria in the expanguation of du●● , brought all the woomen to the church of that towne , and defended them from the furie of the emperores people , vvho at that time re-resolved to put all to the sowrde . if in batteries , assaultes , or in counteres be shall happen to overcome his enemy . let him be of a generouse determination and set all his care in executinge the victorie , and in no vvife to attende the spoyle , nor leaue his order as doe many nowe adayes , like 〈◊〉 and base factioneres to the greate dishonor of the action and losh of ●●ly●●lives , and of litle regarde of they re owne honor and reputation . he is to serve and fighte in his prince his cause and de●gnes with afection and constancie , and he is not to 〈◊〉 vvhether the ●po●e by juste or unjuste , soe that it by not againste godes true religion . but in such o cation he is to looke vvell to his conscience , and to be vvel advised , for godes cause is to be loocked unto aboue all thinges . in all ocationes that shall happen or falle oute in the courses of vvarr , and specially in travailes and adversities , he is peri●h●ly to indure and suffer them . that therby his vertue may 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 knowen the uncorrupted affection he beareth to his prince , in acomplishinge his obligationes , vvith a generouse minde and 〈◊〉 constancie , not murmuringe of his sloe paymente 〈◊〉 ●e compelled to stande in greate nede therof . and specially let him be moste carefull not to yealde , or by any meanes give eare to mutenies or rebelliones , whiche sometimes resulte of suche cases , and vvhose ende moste comonly is sheamefull death , vvher of there have beene toe many examples . he whiche intereth in to this noble profession of vvarr oughte sence the day of his asentasion to serve his prince with greate loue and loyaltie , and obey his officeres and willinglie fighte for a juste cause , for suche vertues seeme to be a similitude of a generouse minde , and true religion . as platon saieth that loue and obedience are signes of a high ; and generouse minde , and he that wanted the vertue of obedience is un wourdie of this name , for cause that trough disobedience resulteth the greatheste disgrace than can happen to an army . let him be careful bin not murmuringe nor speaking ill of any officer of his nor of any that serveth his prince , for it seemeth a bad custome ; resultinge of litle prudence and respecte , to speake ill of him whome he is bounde to defende , and by whome he is to by governed , and comounded , but rather honor and respecte him : though his vertue and goode partes are not agreeable to his obligationes , neverthelesh for beinge a minister to his prince he is thereunto bounde . let him by no meanes trough his comarades wife , nor for any thinge that shoulde give him lawfull occation of discontentemente , because that of suche like inconueniences and disordered apetites resulteth many quareles and scandeles amonghste souldieres , and oftener kill one another trough the same ; then for any other o cation . neyther is he to receive the boy of another withoute licence , so that thereby he may the better acomplish his masteres service . in all ocationes of marchinge , skirmish incounteres , or assaultes with the enemy by force of armes , all officieres are to by obeyed and respected for it belongeth to them or any of them to see all thinges well ordered ; and specially where they re devitiones fall . not onelie those of his company , or regimente , but whosoever of the army , ( beinge so comodiouse for the kinges service . ) in such semblable occationes let him not stande uppon termes , not disputes as some doe , in sayinge do not knowe youe for my officer ▪ let him not by ingnorante therin , because that the officer may lawfully punish him , for if otherwise it falleth oute , and that the officer doth complaine of him to the higher superiores , he shall by reprehended for his ingnorance , for because that at all times and occationes his owne officieres can not be presente , wherfore he is to obey all officeres . let him exercise him selfe in all sorte of weapones , and of them let him choose the armes whereunto he is moste a fected , and findeth more fit for his purpose , the pike and coselett a mongste foote men is of moste estimation , for beinge the moste firmeste to defende and mantaine a place beinge vvell ordered and sett ; and specially againste the furie of horse . of manual firie weapons the musket is of greateste execution , nexte to the same the caliver , both which are to in viron , and line the pikes in they re due devitiones , a cordinge as time place and occation shall require . let him practice him selfe in eache sorte of weapon , to imitate as neere as posible the ianisaros turcos , who were moste experte in armes trough they re continuall exercice ; and let him frequente the sworde and target , and specially i woulde vvish oure irish to frequente the same for beinge more inclined to this sorte of weapō more then a ny other nation , and besides that of all nationes none are more fitt for the same , nor more resolute . this vveapon is of greate importance in many occationes , and specially when men close togither , or to vive or recnoledge a ny narowe or straighte pasadge or place as trenches , fortes , batteries , assaultes , encamisada , and for other purposes in warr ; and specially a boute the cullores or to defende or offende in a ny narow place . let him alwayes a plie him selfe vvith affection to vvarlike exercices , because that vertue exeleth fortune , and it avayleth him , much to reade histories , and to be experte in aritmeticke , for it doth both revive and perfectionate manes vvitt . there be shall he understande the cariadge , prudence , and valor of braue men , and base inclination of bad persones , the alteration or decayinge of kingdomes , and comon vvealthes , the braue and prudente conduction and stratagemes of battelles , both vvon and loste , the vertue and valcor of the renoomed , the shame and infamie of the vile , the maner and use of ancient and moderne vvarres vvith the stratagemes used both for the one and the other . if he happen to be at the siedge or takinge of any stronge place or fortress , he is diligentlie to vive , the scituation the orderes and industrie used for the defence therof ; and the stratagemes used for the vvininge of the same ; consideringe thiese aforesaide and many more used in vvarres , and that vvhich toucheth everie officer in particular , even from a corporal to a captaine generall , to the ende he may be perfecte in the arte he profeseth , that by his vertue he may be advaunced into greater dingnitie ; sith that this arte he profesheth is the moother and true fundation of nobilitie . therfore reason it is that it be perfectly understoode of the professores and followeres therof , seinge that the practice of mecanicall artes do folowe the same order and course to come to the cunninge of they re crafte . and that besides that no man can reduce into perfection those thinges wherof he is ingnorante , and knoweth not the arte , vvithoute much practice , and specially in this soe noble and couriouse arte , who for the executiones therof , vvith prudence and auctoritie is required both longe and diligent practice and theorike . it importeth him muche to be a goode swimer which is one of the foure qualities required in a souldier , to be rebuste or stronge of boddy , nemble and skillfull in armes , and obediente , thies are the foure qualities a foresaide required in a souldier . thus yove see who manny goode and honorable partes are vvished to be in a perfecte souldier , not learned be heersay nor gained withe ease and vaine glorie , but rather in a plienge him selfe well vvith affection , care , diligence , valor , and practice , and specially perfected with learninge and longe exercice in vvarr . the seconde chap. treatinge of the election and office of a corporal in a companie of infanterie . the office of a corporal is verie antciente for in times paste in the electiones made of captaines of infanterie in they re reall patentes , no officeres were elected with them but corporales , and afterwardes were elected the offices of alferifes , and sardgentes ; in the election of the a foresaied officeres the captaine oughte to doe it with great consideracion , and to choose those of greatest vertue and experiēce , to the ende he mighte be the more beloved and respeed : geevinge them goode exāples , and instructiones , procuring to pacifie they re quarelles , that they may still live in unitie and love licke bretherin . he is to procure that his squadron be devided into comarades and live togither in theyr lodginges and all other places vvithe greate conformitie and love : and if a ny contraversies shoulde happen or a rise betwext them , he is to be verie earneste to see it pacified vvithoute delay , and if in case a ny disorderes shoulde fall oute that he can not remedy : let him vvithoute delay repaire to his sardgent , alferis , or captaine vvhich of them firste he can finde , soe that the quarell may be a comotaded in due time . let him be carefull to see that they re armor be neate and servisable , vvithoute a ny empediment or let , that he may be readie vvith the same all times and occationes . let him not truste onelie to the rowle of his squadron , but rather learne everie souldieres name in memorie , and where each one lodgedh . let him teach and instructe the bisones and rawe men who to handle they re armes , and by experte in the same to a compilsh vvith they re kinge , and alsoe for they re one honor , utilitie , and defence . he is alsoe to by carefull to knowe the qualitie and condicion of eache one of his squadron , for beinge employed in convoy or a ny other separated service , vvherof he is to give a compte . if in his squadron they re be a ny disordered fellowes ; and it is alsoe necessary that he knoweth such as are soe inclined to prevente remedie a ganiste they re unruly disordered apetites . a corporall or cavo de esquadra beinge employed vvith his squadron in convoyes or a ny seperated vvatch let none be ingnorante that he is to oversee and correcte all disorderes comitted , beinge in o cationes of his majesties service ; or for any other kinde of disorder committed , for he is the person that muste yealde accompte to his superior of all that is refered to his chardge : wherfore he is to comaunde resolutely such as are comitted to his care and chardge , whome they are to obey and observe his orderes in all that he comaundeth touchinge his majeties service , and vvhosoever shoulde not obey his directiones as a foresaied of those under his chardge , if be faire meanes he doeth not a complish . let him severelie punish him with the sworde , but in no case maine the souldier as some raish and unconsiderate officeres doeth : but let him alwayes see vvho he comaunded , and a complished the contentes of the order given him a cordinge as discression time and the occation shall require ( and not otherwise . trouh much libertie wee dayly see resulte many disorderes , wherefore obedience muste be observed , and seaveritie minstred , but that vvith greate concideration and equitie , rather then vvith raishnes and litle prudence . for som times some officeres trough they re auctoritie blinde and sinister , understandinge doe comit faultes , but the souldier alwayes is bounde in obedience to his superiores , but nothinge the furder in optaininge iustic . all vituales and amunitiones that shall be delivered by the sardgentor furiell to the corporal , he shall with equalitie devide and distribute the same betwexte the souldieres of his squadron , vvithoute any fraude or parcialitie , and procure that they a comodate them selves in all places vvith amitie like true companiones , and let him selfe in vvourde and deede be carefull and lovinge towardes them , so shall he by the better reputed both by his superiores and inferiores . those that are bisones or rawe men , he is to be carefull in instructinge them , in handelinge they re armes , and who to serve whith the same because he is to instructe him to stande in his centerie , and who to a complishe his obligationes , to have his peece ready chardged and primmed , and to cock his burninge matche , and soe to presente his peece and who : and beinge a pickemam to terciar or chardge his picke . when the rounde comes let him demaunde for the wourde ▪ and vvith soe lowe a voice in receivinge or givenge the same , that they may understande one a nother and no higher . the thirde chap. treatinge of the office of asardgente of a companie of infanterie . in the election of a sardgente it is verie requisite for his majesties service that the captaine choose one of goode partes , and approoved suficiencie , consistinge in him the moste parte of the observationes of militarie discipline . for it is his office to execute the orderes given be his superiores ; wherfore it importeth he be not chosen , by favor nor affection , hut rather trough his valor and longe experience in warr : beinge soe chosen it is a greate repose to his captaine and alferis , and all other executiones shall have the better success . it importeth much that he doe reade and vvrite for many respectes , otherwise hardlie can he vvell performe his office : it importeth alsoe that he be skilfull in martiall matteres , yea and of soe greate importance , that more tollerable it were that all the other officieres of the company were it the captaine him selfe to be rawe men , and of litle experiencie , but the sardgente not soe , who of necessitie oughte to be of approved partes greate care and punctualitie in executinge the orderes given hy his superiores , consistinge in the suficiencie and care in him required . it belongeth to him the devitiones of the squadrones of his company , and see that each souldier do serve with his complet armes assented on him in the kinges liste , he is to oversee whith care and diligence all disorderes comitted in his company , and reprehende factioneres , and not dismeasure him selfe in the same : but rather with moderation to redresh and a comodate all disorderes , and eavell ocationes which shall occurr . in ranckinge and orderinge each sorte of weapon , there are sundrie maner of , wayes for they re devitiones , but allwayes let him put eache sorte of weapō by it self . touchinge they re devitiones , and who they shall be ordered , ( shall by at lardge declared in the office of the sardgent mayor . ) let him be alwayes carefull in the devition of his pickes , in puttinge or plasinge in the vangarde , retegarde , and two flankes theyr beste armed corseletes , and the ensigne or culores in the center . but in offeringe of occation , of framinge of a squadron he shall observe the order given be the sardgent mayor : sheowinge him selfe with grea● diligence , and care in a complishinge whate is refered to his chardge , in soe doenge he merite the honor and reputation , and doinge the contrarie , dishonor and shame , wherof resulteth disorderes and loosinge of muche time , and cause of greate discontentemente for not acomplishinge and observinge the orderes given . when ocacation offereth he is to fighte as vvel as the reste , choysinge a convenient place that he may returne to his office , for it is verie necessarie that he accomplish the obligation , of a prudente carefull , and vigilant souldier . he shall goe galantlie withe a faire millan hedpeece , and an extraordinarie good collet , and a halbart or geneton . but be reason of his overmuch travell and paines his armes by no meanes oughte to by heavie , for if they be soe , hardlye can he well execute his office . with care and diligence he shall execute in due time the orderes given by his superiores , not missinge any pointe therin , and if at one time two or three severall officeres give him order , let him followe the order given be the higher officer , if it be not recauled ; or that he seethe the occation to be of importance to his majesties service . he is to have alwayes aboute him a liste of all the souldieres of his company squadron by squadron , alsoe he is to be carefull to knowe where every one lodgeth , and whate comarades are togither in eache lodginge , and that for many respectes . he shall and oughte diligentlie to reprehende and procure to drive oute of the company all factioneres if they doe not a mindd , as theeves , dronkardes , quarleres , and revolteres for they are moste discomodiouse for his majesties service ; besides they doe noe goode , butt are rather dangerouse . for they are meanes to learne others theyr office , and moste odious kinde of life ; and drawe them to imitate there base factes . he is to be verie carefull in all ocationes of marchinge and imbattellinge , to instructe his souldieres to punctually keepe they re ranckes observe distance and file , to handell well and serve with they re armes , and to be verie varie to instructe suche as are ingnorante : whiche for the moste parte resulteth of the litle sufficiencie and care of some sardgentes chosen be favor or affection . for wee see that some souldieres of longe time have served , and knovved not who to handell they re armes , nor serve with the same in time of neede , which resulte of the litle regarde suche persones have of they re honor , and litle hope to by advaunced troughe they re goode partes : but in thies occationes and in many more the sardgente beinge one that knowethe who to complie well with his dutie and office , can redress thies greate faultes . butt oherwise he beinge unable , yove shall finde under his chardge some souldieres that in cominge before ther enemy , when occation offer ; they neyther knowe howe to handell they re armes , nor serve with the same as before spoken . to prevente thies and many more faultes , the captaine beinge vigilante and prudente , ought to by in formed of everie thinge in particular , of his inferior officeres , and he beinge carefull he can prevente eache particular , and see them redreste in due time . soe shall he be the more respected and beloved be the honorable souldieres of his companie , and shall with the more resolutiō fall on his enemy when occation is offered , and alsoe shall manifeste his care and affection in his majesties service . if he shall of his owne motive a prehende any souldier and acquaintinge his captanie there with , or any other superior ; let him in no case , put him at libertie , but afterwardes it apertaineth to him to procure his libertie , by faire meanes . let him by no meanes displace any souldier from his lodginge to put an o ther in his place , for it lieth not in his power withoute licence of his captaine for he hath no auctoritie to drive one oute , and to accommodate an other in his place , besides it is an ocation of greate discontentemente , excepte he put him oute for disorderes comited betwexte him , and his hoste or comarades ; for that lodginge is given him by the prince , and if he be driven oute for an unjuste cause and makinge his complainte to the master de campe or colonell he shall give him licence to chāge his place into an o ther company for the wronge don unto him , and his captaine may by justely reprehended for not ministringe justice . he shall permit noe souldier to put of his armes enteringe into the watch till the alferis firste be disarmed . in garison the wourde is not to be given , till the gates be shutt , nor in campana til the houre apointed be the sardgent mayor to sett the sinteries , and that to be verie late . till this houre all oughte to be in armes . in givinge the wourde in all places of importance . it is moste required that itt be given with greate silence for many respectes . in receivinge the wourde from his superior officere● ▪ let him be carefull not to forget the same , besides that it is discom●diouse for his majesties service , and it shall by toughte that suche a ●aulte shall resulte of the litle care in him . interinge into a cittie towne or place where he shall inter with his company , he oughte to visite and knowe where the ●inte●ies shall be placed , and the course of the roundes , as shall be a pointed and or dayned be the sardgent mayor , alsoe he shall with greate punctualitie and care procure to a complish and execute in due time all the orderes given be the sardgent mayor , that therby he may by the more honored and affected , besides that it is his obligation . let him beware not to be cruell nor inviouse to his souldieres which is a token of a bad inclination and nature , and of officeres of litle vertue . if by chance he shoulde by angrie with any souldier of his , ( in turninge his backe he is to forget that furie ) and afterwardes sheowe him selfe amiable and lovinge , and soe they cominge to the knoledge of his homoures , they shall have the more eare not to anger him ; and if other wise he sheowe him selfe rigorouse , and inclined to be revenged , tbey will run away , and he shall fall into disgrace , and shall be hated by his captaine . let him be no meanes presume to slashe or cutt souldieres with his swourde , exepte uppon juste occationes in his majesties service , and specially in disputes of plea , or any other particular quarell of his owne . in suche and semblable ocationes let him looke wel to him self , for the souldier in such a particular oweth him but litle respecte or none at all beinge therunto constrained , for a souldier is to defende his life and honor for whiche none can blame him beinge of force thereunto constrayned . the fourthe chap. treatinge of the election and office of an alferish of a companie of infanterie . the chardge and office of an alferis or ansign bearer of a companie of infanterie is to be reputed as a captaines leftenant in whose choysinge , his captaine is to have many and greate considerationes . for not onelie suche a one oughte to by agoo de souldier , and of boulde and valerouse determinationes , but to by his equal if it may be ; both in vertue and discresion ) because that oftentimes in his absence the govermente of the company dothe belonge to this officer ; and for as much as the ansigne is the true fundation of the company , and that in the same consisteth the honor both of his and of his souldieres reputasion . it is necessarie that he , unto whome this office is comitted have in him the a proved partes wissed in a brave souldier . for the greate truste in him reputed , and that in his captaines absence he ruleth , and governeth the companie , and from him the sardgente and corporales are to receive the orderes ; as they doe from they re captaine but the alferis is not to set at libertie any prisoner withoute consente or licence of his captaine , or other superior officeres , neyther is he to give licence to any souldier to leave the company . it is necessary to whome this so honorable a chardge is recomended never to a banden it as many brave fellowes have don to they re perpetuall fame and glorie . he oughte to goe galante and well armed for many respectes , as in day of battell , or in giveng an assaulte , or in marchinge before his kinge or c●ptaine generall . in ocationes of fightinge withe his enemy , he is to sheow him selfe dreadfull and terrible , with his sowrde in the righte hande , and his culores in the lefte , bravely displaying the same ; sheowinge him selfe valiante , and givenge goode examples to the souldieres , and animatinge them , he is to live and die in defence of the same , with a resolute mynde and brave determination , as did the alferis of oloa in the battell given be conde don gomes , and don pedro de lara , for the queene uraca of castilla againste don alonso kinge of aragon hir husband , in whiche they were overcome , and the conde slayne cutinge of the two handes of this gentleman to quite him of his culores untill which time he never yealded , after which cruell woundes he embrased his culores betwext his armes , and as did an alferis tudesco in the incounter which kinge don fernando de napoles had with the frence and dutch , with his righte hande cutt of , and the leifte sore wounded ; and findinge that he coulde doe no more , greepte the culores with his teeth , and toucke houlde at the same till he was slaine . in garison the day that he is to enter unto the watch with his company ; that morninge he is to putt or displaye his culores in his windowe , that it mighte be seene by the souldieres of his company , for a true token that that nighte he shall inter the watch , and in settinge the watch he oughte not to disarme him selfe till the gates be shutt , nor in campan̄a till the wourde be given , and all thinges provided . his souldieres oughte to imitate him beinge therunto bounde , he givinge them allwayes goode examples and instructiones . he oughte to honor and respecte his captaine , and a complish his orderes with love and punctualitie , beinge therunto bounde , for the honor don unto him , which his father beinge captaine coulde doe no more , for no greater honor coulde he give then referinge to his chardge the kinges culores . wherfore the alferis is to forbeare with his captaine in many disputes which happen , rather then sheowe him selfe ungratefull , as some unconsiderate fellowes doe . the verie same woulde he wish to him self if he came to that dingnitie and chardge , he is to make muche of the drummeres , and fifes because he may by sure to finde them when ocation is offered , and that he and the captaine shall see them contented for feare they run a way , concideringe the greate neede he hath of them . he is to garde his culores well in all places , and tacke a speciall care of the same . let it be before they re eyes that they may see itt , for the watch is not a pointed for his person , but for the securitie of his culores ▪ hardly can they give a compte of the same exepte they see itt , neyther doth the souldier vvell a complish his obligation excepte itt be soe . it is necessary that he by a man of goode partes , verteuse , of goode govermente and examples ; for thies are required in him , for in the absence of the captaine the govermente of the company a perteineth to him . for he is to give the orderes , and directiones to the sardgent , corporalles , and souldieres of his company ; for one to dishardge well this office it cā be with the greater facilitie and auctoritie , havinge exercised himselfe in the manadgeinge , practice , and executinge of other offices and degrees ; and douptles it doth further and helpe him in his executiones , that he findeth greater ease in reducinge unto perfection whatesoever shall be recomēded to his chardge ; though he can not sometimes but file the smarte of his overmuche travaile , care , and punctualitie . yett is he vvel pleased and contented , seeinge that his chardge is vvell governed and a complished . the office of an alferis or ansigne bearer is an honorable chardge , and in the muster he is not to empatch him self in the same nor sitt , neyther take , chardge of listinge or vvritinge , excepte urgente necessitie constraine him thereunto . for itt a pertaineth to the furiell , he is still to be armed with his vanable in hande duringe the time his company passeth muster ; allwayes lookinge to his coloures , and ordaine to garde the same vvith the firste souldieres of his company , that shall pass muster , and soe succescivelie shall be releeved by those that folowe one after an other , and the sardgent is to procure that the company pass in order , and vvith speede as they are called by the comessary , for beinge therunto bounde ; and eache one shall attend in a complishinge his obligation , that thinges may be the better ordered and dulie finished as it is required . it is necessarie knoweth the houses vvhere his company , doth lodge , and the comarades of each lodginge , and nowe and then to visite them , and informe vvho they live ; that thereby he may the better knowe the qualitie goode and badd conditiones of each ; that thereby each one mighte be honored and prefered a cordinge as he deserveth . he is alsoe bound to qualifie bee faire meanes some disputes vvhich happen betwexte them , and the sardgente ; for vvhiche disputes sometimes when it comes to the captaines eares , he is alsoe offended vvith them . to prevēte the one and the other the alferis oughte to visite them and to by a mediator to pascify all ; and specially to satisfie and contente the souldieres , so that they may have no ocation to run a vvay . for if every officer fall uppon them and none take they re parte they muste of force by grived ; and perhapes run a way . wherfore it is necessary and untill that the alferis be carefull as a mediator to a peace thies contraversies . it is verie necessarie he be a cōpanied still with goode comarades , men chosen of goode behavioure valerouse , and of brave and resolute determinationes , for none is more bounde to have suche comarades then he ; for in offeringe of ocationes of inconuteres a saultes or battell with the enemy they are to assiste and keepe him with a more willenge minde , in the assaulte or winninge of a any towne or forte of emportance , he is not to putt his colours in any place till the furie of the enemy be wholie vanquised ▪ orderlie and prudentlie a comodated and prevented , and when all the furie is paste and dulie prevented , he shall putt in his coloures into his lodginge , and display the same in the windowe nexte unto the streete , that the captaine , officereres , and souldieres may note , and marcke where the coloures are ; to repaire unto with speede when o catiō offereth . and alwayes let him be verie carefull to ordaine a good garde for the same , and that he him selfe shall looke well thereunto . let him take a special care that covetousenes nor disordered a petites doe ouerkome or master him . when all is setled and pasified quarteres shal be devided and a pointed for each regimente whiche shall be sente in due time be the sardgent mayor , or his a judante . in o cation of framinge of squadrones incounteres or assaultes with the enemy , he is to cary his coloures displayed , and passinge be the captaine generall , he is to advance it bowinge the pointe some whate downe wardes , but if he pass by the kinge or prince he is to bowe almoste to the grounde one of his knees a difference from the generall , and in passinge by the blessed sacramente he is to kneele on be the his knees , and with the coloures to the grounde sheowinge greate reverence unto the same , and all his company in like manner , and they re armes laied on the grounde till the blessed sacramente pass , vvithoute stirenge till they see they re alferis rise upp , and that when the sacramente is vvholie paste , duringe whiche time they are to keepe silence . the fifth chap. treatinge of the election and office of a captaine of a companie of infanterie . the electione of captaines of infanterie in spainie is made be the counsell of state , and warr , vvhen they re is any leavie or raisinge of men , and vvhen theese places are voide eyther in campe or garison , other captaines are elected in they re place be the captaine generalles or visroyes in they re govermentes . the electiones made by suche personadges shoulde by all lickhood seeme to be goode and sure ; notwithstanding it faulethe oute offten times that boath generales and viseroyes , and alsoe counseleres have missed in the consideration therof , bestowenge those honorable chardges uppon theyr owne followeres , frendes ▪ or uppon , greate courtieres , and favorites ; vvherby often times many scandeles and domadges do resulte to the prince , and to the action . for by the meanes , of thies inconciderate electiones , many valiante , brave , and skilfull souldieres do remaine withoute chardge , litle concideringe uppon those of longe seruice , prudente and brave cariadge , yea and who have shed they re bloode with greate valeor , sheowinge them selves in many brave incounteres a gainste the enemy . o cruell unhappie , and sinister electiones of smale expectaciones , when the verteouse , prudente , and valerouse souldier is not thoughte uppon ▪ trough vvhose meanes many scandeles doe a rise , and many brave o cationes are loste , vvithe greate dishonor and discomoditie to the prince . and the prudente and brave souldier remaineth almoste oute of all hope , and almoste os no desire to atemppte a ny hanorable enterprice , seeinge that they are neyther honored nor rewarded , and seeinge that bisones and men of litle skill are prefered before them . to prevente many sinister electiones vvhich often times happenethe , and are more necessarie to be remedied . i woulde wish that in all electiones of those vvho shoulde pretende to be prefered by meanes of favor , or afection as many are , it vvere necessarie they shoulde be comanded to serve ; as oftentimes i have seene be prudente and brave comaunderes , yea and they re sones and neereste frendes for example to otheres , and for the ob servation of true discipline . to prevente thies sinister electiones , vvherof resulteth greate shame and loshe both to the prince and contrie . the kinge of sprine ●acketh a goode cource vvhen o cation is presented to rayse a ny neowe levies , he sendes to his viseroyes and generalles of severall states and provinces , that they shoulde choyse and sende relation of the ancienteste alferises and beste a proved souldieres in the vvarres , both in vertue , valeor , and suficiencie , that suche persones be elected for captaines , and that alsoe a relation shoulde by sente of the anciēteste reformed sardgentes to be elected for alferises , and of corporalles , sardgentes , and of brave souidieres corporalles . the visroyes and generalles of righte shoulde looke vvell to see thies orderes yustly a complished , concideringe the emportance therof to his majesties service , soe shall the brave souldier of longe service prudente and resolute determinationes be prefered , and advaunsed ; and otheres imitate they re a prooved vertue and goode a plicationes , that there by eache one may with diligence , care , practi●e , and learne this noble arte of vvarr ; seeinge that eache one is prefered , by theyr vertue desertes and goode partes , but o ther vvise vvhen thies electiones are made by favor and affection to bisones of litle sufficiencie causeth greate dispe●ationes , and unwillinge myndes to attempte honorable enterprises , and brave incounteres , seeinge be experience that they are neyther honored nor prefered for the same . whiche causeth military discipline dayly to fall into greate decay ; wherof resulteth many disgraces and the losh of many brave ocationes , ruine of the comon wealth , and of the happie success of military discipline . he which of righte shoulde be chosen for this office shoulde by a goode cristian , prudente , and of vertuse cariadge , to live with greate temperance and measure in his affaires , and to by perfecte in military discipline , that therby he may with the greater auctoritie comaunde , and be the more respected and feared . hardelie can a ny coddy reduce unto perfectiō this honorable chardge , exepte he be learned and perfecte in thesame . it emporteth much for the prudente govermente , brave conduction and executions of his majesties service , as alsoe for ministringe justice , and redressinge many disorderes , that he knowe and take a speciall care in the electinge of his officeres : that therebe his prudence and valeor may by the better understoode ; electinge them as neere equall to him selfe as may be possible , rather then sellinge the same after choysinge his officeres as a foresaied , before he marches vvithe the same , he is firste to cause , the culores , to be bleste , and afterwardes deliver the same to the alferis , giving him to understande the honor recomended to his chardge , and that he is allwayes to take a speciall care of the same , and to die in defence therof as before declared . then he is to devide them into squadrones , electinge and naminge one squadron for him selfe of those of beste qualities and conditiones , for beinge soe necessary and of emportance . for of them moste comonly he is to choise his officeres , and consulte with them . in o cationes of fighte and enconteres with the enemy moste comonlie they are nexte his owne person , respectinge and honoringe them as his owne person , and sometimes they are employed for cavose or comaunderes of some brave exploytes . it emporteth alsoe that in the o ther squadrones ther by some particular souildieres and a ventajados . he is to procure that all by goode cristianes , and of a goode and verteuse life , to heere mass and often confes for beinge the true fundasion of happiness ; he is to a comodate all disorderes , quarelles , and disputes , that shall happen amongste them , and reprehende those of bad exāples , and dishoneste behavior , and if by faire meanes they doe not a minde to drive them a vvay . for factioneres and infamouse fellowes are not to be permitted to a company the kinges culores , nor to equal them selves vvith the observeres of the noble arte of vvarr . in o cationes of marchinge with his company let him procure not to be troubled with much bagadge , and specially to use suche moderation in not permitenge that his souldieres be overloaden with lugadge , or traishes ( as some times happened ) butt rather to goe as lighte as may by possible , vvith onelie they re armor and o ther litle inescusall necessaries , that therby they may vvith the lesser empedimente manadge they re armes , and fighte with the more resolution in offering o cation . in each company of infantery it were necessarie theyr shoulde be a feowe horses permited to some officeres and particular persones , but not many . thies horses doe serve for many purposes , and specially to recnoledge passadges , and places vvhere the enemy may be suspected to be in ambuscado ; which for suche o cationes are verie requisit , as alsoe to sende vvarninge of sodaine o cationes of importance . he is not to a tempte o cationes of litle a peerāee , faringe it shoulde fall oute unhappilie , excepte he be constrayned therunto of necessitie , for such as do not prevente and forecaste they re successes in time , are wonte when the o cation offereth to by muche troubled , yea and some times oute of they re vvittes , he is to by carefull in a complishinge and observinge the orderes givē him by the officers mayores , vvhen manifeste o cation , doth not offer that the a complishinge of suche orderes shoulde be hurtefull . it is verie necessarie he knoweth eache souldier of his company by his name , and in o cationes of marchinge that he procure and see that they still observe they re order and rankes , and not to permit them to stragle hire and there for beinge verie necessarie for many o cationes , because that greate scādeles doe arise trough the over much liberty of stragleres in spoyling gardines , orchardes , and the houses of the inhabitāce or contrye where they march ; wherof resulte greate discorde and discontentmente to the inhabitantes for the loshes they receive of some unrulie campaniones . in the redresinge vvherof the captaine is to be verie carefull , and not to permit them to by rigerouse with they re hoste for they re meales , butt rather contente them vvhith vvhate he can give ; and see those that do not observe thies orderes severelie punished . for beinge the obligation of a goode cristian , and vertuese souldier . if o ther wise he doe , hardly can he escape scandales and bad reputasion , and besides if it come to the generall is eares . he and his officeres are in danger of reprehension , yea and often times see they re souldiers hanged before they re faces , for they re spoyles don uppon the poore innocente people . wherfore they re have beene many punishmentes executed for such and semblable disorderes . julius caesar passinge from cicilia to africa againste cipio and kinge juda de numidia havinge lefte in that ilande the minthe and tenth legion , and afterwardes when he sente for them , beinge informed of the captaines and o ther officeres in permitinge they re souldieres to spoyle the contry vvithoute ministringe any goode discipline , comanded that they shoulde by broughte in presence of the vvhole army reprehended they re bad goverment , presently comaunded them to by banished oute of the army , and yvithoute any delay to embarck oute of all africa . the licke punishmentes did ducke de alva in the vvarres of portugal , reforminge soe many captaines for theyres and they re souldiers disorderes : they vvere banished for example to the reste of the captaines , and officers of the army ; and soe many souldieres vvere executed to death for robberies and stelth that in they re reconinge vvas founde , that more souldiers vvere executed to death by justice for theyr disorderes then killed or dead o ther vvise in that vvarr . disorderlie shall he governe in vvarr vviche never was practised in the arte ; wherfore it vvere verie necessary that men chosen for this office shoulde wourdily passe trough all the degries before spoken of , or at leaste parte of them , to the ende he may the better knowe howe to governe and comaunde , and particularlie that he be alwais mindfull to feare god , and to be verteouse and experimented in martiall affaires , in many can thies goode partes be had , and many more , and in suche as they cannot be wholie founde , let they re choyse be made of those of vvhome the moste are to by founde , because that itt importeth muche the kinges service , for all observation of military discipline . if he be comaunded vvith his company and o ther troupes ioyned to them as often times do happen to the garde or defence , of a ny place . let him vvith greate care , vigilance , and valeor animate his souldieres , and consulthe vvith his officeres , and beste experimented souldieres , and beinge resolved let him with all care and speede fortifie and intrince him selfe , as many brave and valiante captaines have don , sheowinge them selves vvith prudence , valeor , and brave conduction , presentinge them selves in all actiones of the firste , with a brave and resolute determination , but let him by verie varie that he a tempte nothinge inconsiderate , and raish as often times happened to ingnorant men of litle experience to they re owne and companies confusion . to a voide such enconveniences and hasardes let him be verie carefull to a complish and observe the orderes and instructiones given by the higher comaunderes . if o cation do nott offer wherof greater domadge may insue , or a goode o cation to by loste , in whiche captaines are some times of force to prudently prevente the beste . let him never deney a ny honorable interprice beinge comaunded thereunto be the generall or governor , though he finde it a jorney of greate danger . but he is to presente his reasones if he finde o cation necessarie , and soe fall on vvith a valerouse determination . he shall vvith a generouse mynde and goode vvourkes procure to vvin the good vvill of his souldieres , a continge them as his sones , and children and that by suche faire meanes , in not sheowing him selfe over coveteouse , and greedy , but rather liberall ; still secoringe his souldieres to his abilitie in they re necessities and vvantes , and not to basely wronge them in robbinge or deceivinge them of they re payes , as some captaines are wonte to doe ; with litle honestie or feare of god ; makinge a comon practice therof , trough whiche they win bad fame , and toughte and reputed by they re higher comaunderes unwourdie of the name of a captaine , and often times are severely punished for the same , and deprived of they re companies vvith a juste sentence . he is to be verie carefull to visite the centeries and corpes de garde under his chardge , sheowinge greate diligence , care , and punctualitie in his owne persone , that the officeres and souldieres doe imitate him , and precisely a complish vvith they re obligationes , a cordinge the orderes given by the highe superiores , and be him . let him be carefull that his souldieres be not given to vice and to much libertie trough there owne negligence , and bad a plicationes , all fin fallinge into bad customes , for in permittenge thies unruly factes vvithoute necessarie redress , he offendeth god and his kinge , for they beinge under his chardge as his familie , he is to cause everie one of them to confess at leaste once in ayeare , and specially in all times and o cationes of danger of death as befiteth a goode cristian to doe . it is verie necessarie to haue a goode furiell a ble in aritmeticke , as also in readinge and vvritinge , and to be one of truste and vvell acquainted , for the lifte and reconinges of the company moste comonly is refered to his chardge , as vvell to pass muster of his company , as in distributing munitiones , armes , and a parell vvhich are given be the kinge to the souldieres ; of vvhich he is to yealde a compte when it is sought for by the prince is ministeres , to vvhose chardge the same a pertayneth , to thies furielles or clearkes dothe a pertaine to receive the orderes for the makinge of quarteres , in townes viladges and campana from the furiell mayor as shall be ordained and a pointed by him , and moste comonly the distributinge and devidinge of the quarteres are refered to the chardge of the sardgente . it hapēeth some times that the furiell doth marche with his company a lone , from one place to a nother , may be of reasonable distance , carienge vvith him his patente or order for the same , goinge for the moste parte before the companie to cause the quarter to be made att they re a rivenge . in suche o cationes the captaine is to be verie carefull , that thies persones do not comit greate faultes , as some times happen trough the covetousenes of such persones , resultinge often times troubles to his captaine , for robbinge and stealinge not onelie in the vvay butt alsoe in the villadge vvhere they doe lodge , spoylinge the same and givinge o cation to the inbitanes to run avvay . whiche disorderes soe comitted doe often times come to the highe comaunderes eares , and chardinge all uppon the captaine is honeor and reputasion , and the factioneres run avvay for feare of punishmente , and sometimes thies furielles or clearckes in meetinge a goode fellowe doe fall a drinckinge and makinge goode cheere , and his chardge not finised , nor findinge him , nor knowen vvhere to be founde , yea and often times for a peece of money leaves the company , trustinge to smale comoditie , and it may by in o cationes of moste necessitie ; beinge vveary and vvett to the skin , thinckinge to stopp they re mouthes vvith envented fables and lyes , for which disorders the captaine as a father of his souldieres is to see him severely punished , beinge thereunto bounde for the dischardge of his conicience and reputation . it is verie necessary for the captaine and company to have a goode chapleyn reasonable learned , and specially verteouse , and of goode life and examples ; but not a frier excepte it be vvith licence of his superiores . aboue all o ther prpfessiones the arte of vvarr is of moste danger , soe the souldier is to be verie earneste to be devote , and of cleere conscience , for he is more neerer dangeres of death then any o ther sorte of men ; and it is necessarie that he allwayes haue a prieste not far of , for the soules health : to whome he may cōfess at all times and o cationes , a cordinge as time and necessitie shall require . in the choisinge and keepinge of thies priestes the captaines in conscience are bounde to procure that they be verteouse and of goode life , if o therwise , itt were far better not to have any at all . he is of necessitie to have a barber in his company , and if it be possible of goode skill in this arte , for beinge a verie necessarie instrumēte in warr ; for when a souldier is hurte the greateste comforte he can have is a goode barber , that shall cure him vvell , and with speede , for if he depende to be cured by another which at all times is not to be had , excepte he sende for him may by a far of ; hardlie can he be well cured ; and besides he is in danger of deathe . if the wounde or hurte be dangerouse , he is both in danger and trouble : this beinge such a necessarie instrumente in warr and because that souldieres are men of libertie they fall often times into many disgraces , excepte they re officeres have a speciall care to prevente the necessarie remedies . for whiche and for many more dangeres they incurr , it is uerie necessarie they have a goode barber as before spoken . and if his pay be not able to intertaine him with instrumentes and o ther necessaries , the officeres and souldieres are to further and asiste him , that he may the better , and with a more willinge minde serve them , and a complish with the more punctualitie his obligationes . in o cationes of marchinge with his company , the captaine , and other officeres are to by verie earneste that they re souldieres doe not dismaunde oute of theyr order , and rankes , ( as many unruly factioneres doe ) litle regardinge they re captaines honeor nor they re owne reputation , as before declared ; and at his departinge oute of any towne or viladge where he shall lodge ( though it were but for one nighte . ) he is to see all disorderes comitted redressed , not opresinge nor a beedinge injuries don to the poore innocente inhabitantes , but rather stay after the companie till they be cleere oute of the towne or villadge , givinge order to the alferis to march to the a pointed place or distance where he is a pointed to mak alto or stande , and alsoe givinge order to the sardgente to chardge the bagadge with speede ; havinge soe don he him selfe is to visite over the quarter and see if there bee any complaintes , and to see them remedied before the company doe departe . havinge finised well with his obligation , and desire herein . it is necessarie he carie withe him in writinge from the comaunderes of that towne or villadge that they are satisfied with the goode govermente ministred bee the captaine in not permitinge injuries nor disorderes withoute redress and satisfaction : havinge acomplished with thies he is to repaire to his company , callinge the corporalles that he may knowe , and be well a sured if any boddy wantes or no , and then he gives order that the bagadge doe marche in they re due place , as time and o cation shall require , and the same still acompanied with a garde . if the countrie be peaceable and of no feare of the enemy , he may vvell comaunde the bagadge to marche in the vangarde , and if o therwise let them march in the rergarde or battel , acordinge as he shall suspecte of feare both in the vangarde and reregarde , commandinge the alferis to leade the companie , and the captaine to stay in the reregarde , and the sardgent to and froe all a longste the flanke of the company , soe shall they orderlie marche , keepinge they re ranckes and doinge litle spoyle and disorderes . let him cause that they marche still in goode order , givinge wareninge to the sardgente to be verie varie , and vigilante in 〈…〉 the same , soe shall he instructe and perswade his souldieres to be apte , and readie to goode actiones , and dissaude from unrulie and bad factiones , reprehende faultes and disorderes , and commend valor , vertue , and obedience , that therbey they may be readie and apte to all incounteres and o cationes , which shall or may happen , and indure them by faire meanes . to indure patiently all toyles , discomodities , and wantes , soe that they arise not into mutenies trough there impatience bad inclination and govermente which some times happen for vvante of goode govermente , and litle care of some captaines , in givinge goode instructiones and examples . let him be carefull that no souldier of his company play nor pane his armes nor aparell , for he which is givē to such vice seemed to be of litle shame and of less honor . wherfore suche unrulie fellowes oughte to be severely punished for there villeny and bad examples . some times it hapened a captaine with his companie to be employed in secrett services of importance , or may by with parte of his cōpany ; and some souildieres that are given to learne hire and they re of neowes , doe burste with desire to knowe where he shoulde goe . in suche o cationes the captaine oughte to by severe , and not to permit any souldier to treate or demaunde where he is bounde . for it is a dangerouse wourde resultinge of litel prudence , and besides he offendeth muche , for in thies and semblable exploictes there are greate misteries ; wherefore the captaine is to sheow him self rigorouse to vvhosoever shall presume to intermiddell in any such fulish and dangerouse demaundes , and pardon none that shall intermiddell in the same , for example to the reste : happie are those that are considerate scilente and obediente , and do nott intermiddell in thinges oute of sence , and not apertaining to them ; for comonlie of such souldieres are greate expectationes in time of neede , hopinge all goode corespondance of theyr goode life examples and cariadge . wherefore suche are still firste prefered , and of moste estimation , vvhiche by all reason oughte soe to by : if a captaine be carefull that his officeres doe well acomplis - they re dutie and obligationes , he is to procure that they be persones that can reade and vvrite for beinge moste necessarie , for o ther wise they beinge unable , he can hardely truste to write to them , and specially any thinge of emportance , touchinge his majesties service , for of force such o cationes muste pass trough the handes and understandinge of o theres , vvhere hardlie he can truste unto , noe sorte of men or professiones are more boūde or more in neede in knowinge to reade and vvrite then the officeres and comaunderes of the souldieres ; for often times matteres of greate qualitie secrett and importance to they re kinge are recomended to ther care and chardge , vvho requireth more secrecie , then advertissementes or affaires ot marchantes , or any other tradesmen vvhatesoeuer ; soe that this officer may be reputeth unable to fully acomplish his obligationes , and he may vvell say that he oweth butt litle to his father for not instructinge or learninge him , beinge soe greate a faulte , and specially in this profession . the sixthe chap. treatinge of the election and office of a sardgent mayor enteringe withe his regimente to garison . the election of the sardgente mayor of a regimente is to be choysen and elected of suche as the master de campe , or coronel do name or putt in election to the generall , in this election greate consideration oughte to be taken , and be no meanes the generall is to give way or intrance to favor nor affection ; but rather to vertue , valor , and sufficiēcie ; for cause that this office is of suche emportance to his majesties service , and beinge a generall minister of a whole regimente of many companies , and superientendente of all the sardgentes of the same be whose prudence and industrie , the master de campe or coronel doth give convenient orderes for the due govermente of his regimente , in o cationes of marchinge , fightinge or imbattelinge , and in o ther matteres concerninge the same , whereby may be gathered the aproved partes , valor , experience , care , and diligence wished in suche a person . who beinge chosen to this degree and office of such importance ; we reade that in times paste the generales of the romaines , and of o ther nationes trusted the execution of this office to none , but the generalles them selves administred the same , concideringe that in day of battell the beautie and force therof consisteth in the well orderinge and framinge of the same ( be vvhich the victorie moste comonlie is vvon ) for undeniable it is that those that are beste ordered and exercised in vvarr are masteres of the victorie , though they be lesser in number : where of they re have beene to many examples of anciente and brave auctores , and all a firminge the same , as did a peere in the laste and famouse jorney in vvhiche haniball carthagenense vvas overkome by scipio africano . not vvith standinge haniball havinge to his judgemente prevented and ordered all thinges as necessarie and fitt ; neverthe less the sagacitie and prudence of scipio vvas at that day soe greate , that it vvas inough to putt them all to flighte , vvith his singular and extraordinarie military prudence . amongste the frence and dutche this office is more estimed then in o ther places , wherfore it shoulde be alwayes comended to the chardge of the more prudente experimented captaine that can be had in the regimente , and togither with this office they have companies ; soe that they have the name of a captaine and sardgente mayor , and profitt togither , and in absence of they re coroneles or master de campes to them by righte belongeth the govermente of the regimente . this election of all reason and justice shoulde be provided in one as before spoken , and the counsell of state and vvarr shoulde alwayes have a speciall care to see thies electiones soe prefered , and specially the generall , rather then chosen by favor , frindsihip , and affection , as some times it falleth oute , recomended to unable bisones , of litle service , and less sufficiencie , wherof resulteth to many inconveniences , and because that in them doth not o curr the aproved and prudente partes and auctoritie required for executinge well this office , captaines of the regimente doe give them some times but litle respecte or creditt : for this election be all equitie and justice , and for many considerationes of importance , oughte to be earnestly soughte a souldier of the beste o pinion and sufficiencie , that amongste the vvhole regimente can be had , and that he be verie perfecte in arithmetick , for beinge the moste necessarie pointe for the executiones of this office , after havinge exercised much in the vvarr . and not elected be no meanes by favor , for beinge an office whoe requireth much abilitie . verie many can be founde who have spente they re time in the warres who are not fitt for this chardge , rather by triall and examination made of his a proved sufficiencie , as with doctores in winenge they re chaire of dingnitie be triall of theyr a proved partes and sufficiencie . and he who in his examin representeth him with auctoritie , in givinge the beste reasones , is firste prefered . for by thies meanes douptless souldieres shoulde be the more willinge to study to by perfecte for the optaininge of this soe honorable a chardge by triall of they re vvoordie deserte . but vvee se it dayly given to persones vvho a plied them selves but litle , neyther in the theorick or practice of this arte , and whoe have seene verie feowe o cationes of importance , that by they re goode and diligente aplicationes they may be the sooner preferred and honored . this office beinge o ther wise given , the kinge and o cation is offended ; for some to dischardge them selves in this office doe truste to the dialoge of valdese or to the table or numerato of catanae novarae of the state of venecia , who made a table from . to . men to forme squadrones which table they vvere vvonte to carie in they re poketes , and if the numerato or table be loste , he remaines in darcknes ; that besides it dothe not serve in yerie many o cationes nor for many sortes of squadrones . soe none is to truste to itt , but rather leaarne diligently to shifer and thereinto to exercice him selfe , which is the true vvay for beinge once perfecte it can not be loste , and he shall with the greater auctoritie and respecte acomplish his obligationes . he is to acomplish with the orderes of his master de campe as a superior head governor and conductor , and justice of his regimente , but the executiones a pertaineth to the sardgent mayor , for beinge the principall minister of the same in all ocationes , as well in campan̄a , as in garison , soe that in the profession of vvarr , it may of all righte by reputed fot an honorable office , and of greate preminiences and truste , and of righte he oughte to by of extraordinarie care at all times . when o casion offereth he is to by freely permiited to come to speake to his generall , yea and to the verie kinge beinge in the o cation , noe doore or intrie oughte to hinder or lett him from freelie comenge and goinge at all times , for it is soe required for the execution of his office , as well in receivinge orderes from the generall , as in deliveringe tha same unto his master de campe or coronell , and alsoe in a complishinge and executinge his office . this office is of righte wourthie honeor , and reputation , but til the yeare . amongste the spanardes they had but smale payes , meaning twentie five crownes a month , buth in the same yeare his majestie encreased they re pay with fifeine crownes , which in all is forthy , and togither with patentes of captaines and sardgente mayores , soe that they were equal in meanes with captaines , and afterwardes they vvere augmented with . crownes more vvhich in all is . crownes vvholie paied , soe that they pass captaines in meanes and degree at this presente ; and the o cation of murmuringe and equalitie betwexte them and the captaines is set a side : which of right oughte soe to by ; and by them the order of the generall and master de campe is given to the captaines , and there executipnes acordingly acomplished . for to a complish vvell with the extraordinarie care and travaile of this office , it vvere verie necessary that he be provided with two or three goode nages stronge and well proportioned , and that can indure greate travaile , and it is verie necessary that they goe with a faire pace for his more ease : somtimes oceasiones doe offer that he weareth oute three or foure horses a day for the well acomplishinge of his office . for the vvell executinge of this office it is verie necessarie to have two ajudantes vvhich are to be chosen of men of longe exercice in vvarr , and of a prooved partes and sufficiencie , presentinge them selves with auctoritie , prudencie , and brave cariadge , and specially to be verie experte in arithmeticke , many goode partes are required in thies persones ; for some times it hapeneth that the sardgent mayor is hurte or sicke . in the meane time his a judante may execute his office ; it is verie necessary they have goode meanes to intertaine them selves , and they re horses ; for it faleth oute moste comonly that he traveleth and taketh greater paines then the sardgent mayor . wherefore and o curinge in him thies befitinge partes , he is to by much esteemed and furthered by the superior officeres . to acomplish vvell withe his office he muste bee moste vigilante and carefull , he oughte to knowe in memorie the names of all the officeres of his regimente , yea and besides of many souldieres , and to knowe all the ensignes by they re coloures . he is alsoe to knowe the officeres reformed and particular persones ; as the sardgente mayor is the principall minister in executinge the master de campe is orderes , soe is he to by resolved in executinge the orderes given him by the sardgente mayor , and that with moderation and love , he is to be verie carefull to acomplish in due time the orderes given by the master de campe , or sardgente mayor ; and by the entercession of none to omitt any faulte withoute reprehension or necessarie redress . it is the sardgente mayor is parte to diligently procure and sollicite with the prince and generall , and other superior officeres for the providinge of armor munitiones , and all o ther necessaries for the companies of his regimente , as pouder , led , match , vituales , &c. the which he shall cause to be vvell distributed betwexte the sardgentes , and by them to be delivered to the corporalles who are to distribute the same betwexte the souldieres withoute any fraude . he is alsoe to be an universall procurer of all thinges fit and necessarie for the souldieres soules healthe , in severelie punishinge and banishinge publicke and uglie crimes oute of the companies of his regiment as theeves , disordered persones of no feare nor shame , as dronckardes and all such as live enfamously , oute of hope of a mendemente ; and specially blasphemeres , vvho like base and blinde factioneres withoute feare and conscience , doe highlie offende his divine majestie . suche as have a speciall care to see thies haynouse faultes and disorderes redressed , and justly punished , oughte and are moste comonlie to be reputed , fauored , and highlie recommended , and specially by his divine majestie for they re affection and care in acomplishinge his vvill . he is to be earneste that the master de campe doe choyse the drom mayor of his regiment of one that he knoweth to by able in well executinge his office , and that he by noe meanes by elected by favor , but rather for one vvho knoweth to instructe all the dromeres of his regimente , for beinge one chosen for that effecte : he can assiste in many occasiones in carienge and bringenge of orderes , as shall by more at lardge declared in his election and office . when he shall inter into any towne or place of defence , he is to use greate consideration in the devition of the gardes , and watch therof , and specially if it be a frontier , or place where the enemy is to be muche feared . he shall in no case devide unto every company the parte or place of the vvall where they ordinarilie shall assiste or keepe , for by cause townes and places of importance have often times beene betrayed , and taken by treason . the principall cause vvherof hath bene that the officer and souldier which selleth that place knoweth the parte and quarter where ; ordinarilie he is to watch . wherefore the sardgent mayor is to prudently prevente thies haynous plottes and that no boddy may knowe vvhere he is to garde or vvatch : som doe cause them to caste the deece otheres to drawe lottes or billettes , and otheres doe ordaine thies devitiones oute of they re owne heades . and to observe such discipline and order that no company may fore knowe they re quarter nor any o ther boddy eyther litle or greate may knowe the parte of the wall which shall a pertaine unto him , untill the verie time that the watche by set or a litle before . when occasion shall offer that he shall inter vvith his regiment to lodge in any towne , he or his a judante is to revewe the place or market , to knowe vvhere he may finde a comodiouse and fitt place to frame a squadron of his regimente , and presently after this , he is to revewe all the rampar and circuide of the towne , carienge a longe vvith him one of his ajudantes , and alsoe he is to revewe the gates and corpes de gardes , and a pointe the convenient place for the postes and roundes , and see that vvithin and vvithoute the circuide of the towne that he prevente in due time all thinges necessarie . he is alsoe to revewe the master de campe is lodginge , the store houses or magasenes and prison , and to a pointe the necessary gardes . after all he is to relate unto his master de campe of all the difficulties he findes in ; as vvell on the rampar , gardes , and circuide of the same , and vvithoute delay to prevente and redress eache particular vvith speede , and to consulte vvith his master de campe to see vvho many companies shall by required or necessarie to inter the vvatch each nighte , and then make his devitiones , and deliver the orderes to his a judante , that he may deliver them to the sardgentes , and sheovve them the places a pointed for the centeries , and the corpes de garde , and at vvhate howre they are to sett the cinteries . he is alsoe to a pointe the places conveniente , and fitt for the coloures , and give the alferises necessarie instructiones . after that he causes the drum mayor to joyne all the dromes , and proclaime the orderes delivered by the sardgente mayor , then naminge the companies that are to be that nighte on the watche , and soe shall he breake the squdron , leavinge the coloures that are on the vvatch , givinge order to the reste to retire to they re quarteres ; then shall the a judante directe eache company to they re a pointed place , and shall make the divitiones of the gardes as ordained by the sardgent mayor , deliveringe them the orderes they shall observe , he shall a pointe and provide the garde of the master de campe , and of the magasenes , or store houses , and alsoe the place of armes vvhere all the companies and coloures shall repaire unto when a larme or occasion shall be offered . havinge made the devitiones of the vvatch , and gardes as before spoken , he is to revewe all the circuide on the outewarde parte , and see if they re by any fitt place for ambuscadose for the enemy , of hedges vvoodes or gardines , and prevent itt vvith all diligence , and all necessarie endustrie , so that the enemie may not prevaile in takinge any advantadge , as often times itt faleth oute in the morninge at the openinge of the gates . to prevente this he is at the openinge of the gates to comaund foure or five lighte arcabuseros to revewe the campe withoute the gates for the better security , and the reaste of the garde in the meane time vvith they re armes in they re handes , and not to vvholy open the gates till thies returne , givinge them order to visit and revewe well all the circuid on the outerwarde side , some . paces more or less till he see that they re is no suspicion . and if they speethe enemy they are all to shoote , and the cinterie above the gates shall presentlie advertice the garde or vvatch , and vvhen otherwise he seeth that they do not spee the enemy the gates may by opened by order of the officer , that they re comaundes , and then shall he cause the centeries to be set on the gates and bridged as ocasion may be suspected , not failinge to be verie varie , and carefull in previntinge whate might insue or mishappen , and specially to be carefull that the souldieres doe not absent them selves from they re vvatch , and for feare of stratagemes of treason , it is verie necessary that in each porte or gate vvhere any suspition may be feared , that they re by two longe sharpe yrones like spittes , vvhich shall serve to pass trough from side to side vvagones of hay and strawe , for feare that any men may by secretlie hiden in them . and to lett no men armed pass into the towne , vvithoute order , and specially if it by a frontier or place to by feared much of the enemy . at the shutinge of the gates the officer and souldieres there a pointed to garde , shall by all in armes till the same be shutt , and the officer of the vvatch shall looke vvell that the gates be vvell shutt : all beinge soe acomplished , the officer shall sende the souldieres he thinketh fitt to convoy the keayes to the governor or cheefe comaunderes lodginge . the bagadge of the vvhole regimente , interinge to garison is to march in the rergarde vvith a companie of souldieres guardinge the same , and the sardgent mayor and a judante are to goe still a horsebake till all thinges by vvell ordered and provided , until suche time they see that all by lodged . for in the biginēge of such partisiones moste comonlie are many questiones and disputes vvhich ought vvith all care and haste to by redreste : in vvhich occasiones the sardgent mayor is to comaunde vvith resolute auctoritie , in ordaininge all thingss to by pacified and redreste , ministringe justice and equitie , not admitenge any disorder vvithoute due redress ; causinge his orderes withoute repleee to be executed with obedience . if otherwise it by not acomplished as he firste ordayned , his executiones can not vvell prosper , but let him before hande looke that his orderes by prudently given , soe that with this resolution he shall vvell a complish all : and shal be reputed and respected for a man who knoweth vvho to governe and comaunde vvith prudence and auctoritie , and shall be both respected and feared by the souldieres : when any vando or proclamation is to be given he is to procure with the master de campe that it be put in vvritenge uppon the corpe de garde that the orderes may be observed and the better understoode be all . after the proclamation is made , and that none may by ingnorante in understandinge the penalties in the same mentioned , and the executiones acordinglie made , ( for if otherwise not executed ) it were far better not to sett it fourth , but in thies executiones consideration is to by used acordinge as the occasion shall require , after true informacion by taken of the case . all officeres in vvarr are broughte into goode perfection vvith prudence , care , and templance , rather then sheowinge him selfe rigourouse and licenciouse in speeches vvith a furiouse contenance , beinge not therunto constrayned , for the souldier feeleth no punismente almoste soe grivouse as this , vvhich seemeth to him to resulte trough ingnorance and envie , and of al the reste of the officeres this bad custome is more odiouse in the sardgent mayor , beinge the master of vvhome they shoulde by righte learne good examples and instructiones , and in vvhome by reason the befittinge partes therunto necessary shoulde acurr ; beinge a minister to see faultes redreste . such officeres as doe sheowe them selves , vvith a furiouse and odiouse contenance doe opress they re condition , vvhich doth not resulte of a generouse minde , and moste comonlie they are hated . but suche as sheowe them selves with a prudent cariadge and amiable behaveure are muche esteemed , obeyed , honored , and respected , by the souldieres , and doe binde them in obligatione and repose of minde : but for one contrarie another contrary , that if in case the souldier doe not acomplish his obligationes , as he is bounde to doe . and in doinge the contrarie in comitinge disorderes it is necessarie to punish him severely , yea and soe far that it may sticken into his harte if by faire meanes he dothe not a minde . some officeres of prudente cariadge , and amiable behavior doe onelie with a groomely contenance and goode reasones cause they re souldieres to tremble , and feare them vvithoute any o ther rigoure , and the souldieres knowinge of ther officers goode inclination , doe both obey love and feare them , findinge by experience that he lovethe them and assisteth in time of moste necessity and neede , sheowinge thē goode examples , and giuinge them goode instructiones , and knowinge that he hath noe rancor , envy , nor revenge in his harte , but rather to couradge them in al necessities , and equallinge him selfe with thē in all dangeres and travailes , and to be inclined to redress they re wantes ; in this case they both love and feare him , and indure all dangeres and necessities with him , and doe followe him in all perilles with a vvillinge mynde ; soe that nothinge doth more contente an honorable souldier then a lovinge officer , havinge in him the partes and qualities before declared . the sardgente mayor is to give order that if the rounde doe heere any rumor or stirr in the towne or any other place , that he with speede advertice the nexte a dioyninge garde , and that he by no meanes give over his rounde , but continually with care and vigilance visite till his time by expired ; and the corpe de garde or vvatche to vvhome he gave intelligence are bounde with greate speede to repayre to a comodate the occasion , as alsoe to give intelligence to the superior officeres if the occasion be of suche importance . he is alsoe to give order to the officeres of his regimente , that they have a speciall care , that they re souldieres doe not lende armes one to a nother for to inter the garde , for it is a bad custome , of which resulte noe goode , for often times a musquetier lendeth his musket to one that shoulde carie a pike and if in that night doe offer ocasion of an a larme both are discomodiouselie provided . and besides when the musketier is restored of his musket , and interinge with the same into the watche , not remembringe that he lente it , shooteth it freely thinckinge that they re is no bullet , ( as he chardged the same ) and the other to whome it was lente leaveth a bullet in it , he shooteth thinckinge no ill and killeth one of those before him ( which often time hapened ) yea and sometimes beinge on the watch , often times the one caries the muskett or caliver of his fellowe , and puteth a bullet into the same , the other thinckinge of noe suche matter frily shooteth , and alsoe killeth another . this bad sinister and dangerouse custom oughte to by prevented , and to severelie punish the souldier that did lende his armes , for a remedie of thies ingnorante careless and inconsiderate faultes : all prudente and skilfull souldieres oughte to be verie varie to prevente and dischardge thies dāgerouse chardges before they inter into the watch : some base companiones and covardes dayes of feastes doe chardge they re peeces vvith bullet and killeth vvith envie and revenge vvho pleaseth them ; wherfore a straighte order oughte to by given to all , that they shoulde be verie varie and in paine of death no souldier shoulde be founde in suche an acte . moste necessary it is for a sardgent mayor to be carefull to exercice his souldieres in manadginge of they re armes , and in knowinge howe to serve vvith the same , as alsoe howe to observe they re order in march and squadron , and fall withoute confusiō into they re juste place in battell a ray . all vvhich the sardgente mayor is bounde to instructe , for beinge the master vvho is to learne and leade them ; for it belongeth to his chardge and office , and besides it importeth him muche that they be vvell instructed and exercised in martial affaires , for soe vvith greate facilitie shal he execute his affaires , as did the thesarios to vvhose chardge be the romanies was recomended this office , as vvell in filde as in garison . they instructed they re souldieres in the scoole they , exercised the tirones which were the bisones , or newe souldieres two times a day , and the veteranos vvhiche vvas they re oulde souldiers once a day : soe they vvere very experte as vvell in knovvinge howe to manadge they re armes , as to serve with the same , as alsoe in punctualy knowinge to observe order in march and squadron , as alsoe induringe greate travailes . they alsoe vvere exercised in runinge , leapinge , shevvminge , and all other exercicee and vertues necessarie and fitenge for warr : they were constrained to march with they re complet armor both foote , and those that wente a horssbake two dais in a month carienge alsoe with them on they re backes al necessary foode for that jurney , fightinge as it vvere vvith the enemy , givenge and receivinge the chardge as if it vvere in a bloody vvarr , for the space of ten thousand pases in they re vvhole yurney , cominge and goinge , and vvith this as customed exercice they were apte and nemble whensoever occasion of service or employmente did offer ; soe that vvith two thousande of these , greater exploytes and executiones vvere made , then with thirtie thousande bisones or rawe mē , for vvhich cause they vvere victoriouse councoringe with greate renoome till they vvere vvholie given to vice idelnes and regalitie . trough which meanes they begon to fall into decay ; and of they re longe repose and idel life , did resulte a bad and sorowfull ende , for beinge vvholie given to woomen , delicate meates , sleeepe , and ease , and of no care to exercice them selves in armes . they became to forget all vertue , to by covardes and fall into decay : now see a plaine example vvhich happened to one of the moste famouseste captaines of the vvorlde vvhich was anibal cartagenes son to amilcar beinge nine yeares oulde vvas broughte to the vvarres and vvas caused to swere to be enemy to the romaines duringe life , and cominge to the adge to governe an army he marched from spaine trough france into italie , vvhere in passinge the river rodane . the romaines a tendinge him , where he had a moste sore incounter in pasinge the river ; but aniball with prudence and greate valeure with tables tember and greate tries made a bridge trough with dificultie and greate hasarde , that at lēghte he paste his army over the river by force of armes , and vvith no lesh endustrie did he pass the hugie montaines of the alpes , breakinge downe greate rokes and makinge them plaine , where he made a way that his army coulde pass ; which contained . of foote and horse , and they re bagadge on elefantes and brute beastes , and pased to piamonte vvher he rejoysed of his safe a rivall trough such a trouble some and dangerouse vvay , comfortinge and givinge his to understande that they vvere oute of danger and trouble , and arived into a fertill countrie abondante of all necessaries befittinge . ther havinge reposed his army he touke his jurney towardes the river of trevia in plasintin , and met vvith the romaines where he optained the victorie , and from thence he touke his jurney , and paste by perusa til he came to trasimeno vvhere he gave an other overtrow to the romaines , and kilth of them three and twenty thousande . and after this he paste with his army to pulla in canas which nowe is barleta , vvhere he alsoe foughte vvith the romaines , and had the victorie of them vvith the slaughter of fortie thousande of them , as plinius and francisco petrarca tuscano declareth . soe that he had the bridell vvith italie sixtime yeares ; poseste vvith that brave and prudente conductor skilfull and valerouse army : after this he came to capua a pleasante country of vveomen , and other comodities , and they re gave him self and his army to repose in garisones a longe time , vvhere he and they became idel and forgetfull of all military exercice , as thoughe they never had managed armes . which vvas cause of the ruine and perdition of all his army , as they say that capua vvas a greater perdition to anibal then to the romaines the losh of canas , and after beinge constrained to pass unto africa to soucour cartago his countrie , beinge informed that cipio ( that famouse captaine ) vvente thiter vvith his romaine army be vvhome aniball vvas overcome ; so that his vice longe repose and neglectinge of armes vvas cause of his destruction , as alsoe hapened to many other brave vvarrieres . but this of aniball is a sufficiente example for those that followe the profession of armes , to alwayes houlde and keepe they re souldieres in exercice of armes , and that vvith greate care , for feare of destruction . soe this is a goode and sufficiente example for a sardgent mayor , to alwayes keepe his souldieres in the exercice of armes , and to imitate still the romaines in they re continuall practice ; and in case that the moste parte of the companies of his regimente are not togither vvhere he is residente . let him advertice they re captaines that they be carefull to exercice they re souldieres , and it vvere not amiss that he in the ende of everie three or foure montes shoulde visite them all over , and vvith care exercice them in the ocasiones of marchinge and imbatelinge ; wherby he shall finde them apte and ready to his will not needinge overmuch paines nor disputes as alwayes muste by with rawe men litle exerciced in armes . in nothinge is he to be more curiouse then in learninge and instructinge them who to observe orderes of marchinge , and in framing with them all sortes of squadrones , and to cause them skirmish sundrie manner of wayes , and cause them to toss the pike , and to by apte in handelinge the same , beinge queene of armes and moste noble of all the reste . this office of a sardgent mayor vvas in times paste cauled thesariouse or master who is to instructe military discipline , he which is apte and skilfull in vvell a complishinge the aproved partes ordained for the execution of this office , is fitt for any other office in vvarr , to the verie office of a master de campe generall , which of all the reste requireth greatesth care and sufficiencie . wheresoever the sardgente mayor shall happen to by with his regimente or vvith parte of the same , ( eyther in campana or garison ) when the companies of the same shall inter the watch he is to by presente and take care that the captaines be vvell armed with faire and complet corseletes , and all peeces therunto a pertaininge , and vvith a faire peeke of sixtine or seventine foote longe , the musquetier with a complet goode muskett , and that by no meanes it by permitted to cutt any peece of the barell , ( as some doe ) to lighten it , and such as are founde gilthie in this soe greate a faulte oughte to by severlie punished . they are to be provided vvith goode flaskes , and flaskillos ▪ vvith faire and stronge cordes , and hurquillos of six foote vvith they re yrones on both endes as behooveth , and the arcabuseros are to be provided with goode caliveres of a stronge and sure barrell fitt to receive a bullet of an once or verie litle less , and a faire frask fraskillo and cordones , the measure of the pouder ●all by at leaste a haulfe once or rather more , he is never to wante a bagg of leader with twentie five bullettes , and an yron to strike fyre at all times vvhen occasion shall require , for oftentimes beinge in centery and other places his match is quite gon oute , and then if he can get no fire his pouder is to no purpose at that instante if occasion often : some are wonte to carie heade peeces which in many occasiones are goode , but that they are to much trouble some in longe marchinges . both the musketieres and arcabuseres shoulde knowe howe to make match , for sometimes it hapeneth that they re is no munition , and then is it verie necessarie that the souldier knoweth to make matche , for hardelie can he ever faile to get flax , but otherwise the souldier beinge un expert , and knowinge not to shifte , and alsoe failenge amunition they incurr greate dangers ; soe that the souldier ought allwayes to procure with greate care to by couriouse and experte in all thinges that apartaineth to his obligation , for it may well fall oute that he shoulde march in a countrie ingnorante in vvarres , where no match nor amunition is made ; wherefore the brave and carefull souldier is to thincke alwayes before hande to prevente whate mighte in sue after : soe shall he be not fluted at , but rather much recomended for knowinge vvho with care and prudence to acomplish his obligation ; vvhich shall give greate contentmente to his captaine and reste officceres . fiery weapons vvithoute they re full necessaries are of no service , vvherfore the prudent , carefull , and honorable souldier oughte to prevente in due time whate he is bounde unto , in as much as may by possible ) soe shall he be highlie esteemed by his captaine and officeres . if the kinge or prince woulde faine take a veowe of the whole army regimente be regimente , and alsoe the standartes of horse one after an other to pass before him , as did the spanish army before kinge philip the ii. and the queene don̄a anna in the plaine of cantillana neere to badajoes where the whole army did pass before them , and soe neere that they plainelie vived the visadge of everie one of them as they paste by , as well of the horse vvhich did firste pass , and afterwardes the infanterie . the firste that did pass was the regiment of lombardie , vvhich don pedro de sotemayor did leade , a rivenge righte againste the place where his majestie stoode did vvith grace and speede arbolare his pike turninge his face righte ●o his majestie , and made greate reverence as to such a place of so ●●gh dingnitie a pertaineth , and having acomplished his dutie and obligation withoute stiringe did shoulder his pike , and marched in his jurney , in the verie same place the firste rancke of pikes that did arive observed the self same order , and in the selfe same manner did all the other rankes of pikes pass . with him at this time vvas duke de alva present , and the prior don fernando . necessarie it is for a sardgent mayor to cary still aboute him a table booke or booke of memories , for hardly can be conceive and houlde all thinhes in memorie , and vvhate he vvritheth is sure , of o nely the captaine generall master de campe generall is he to receive the vvourde of governores and other persones the ajudantes are wonte to receive the watch wourde , and other orderes , or the sardgente that is on the vvatche in absence of the ajudantes , which at all times they can not be presenre , and specially in garison . the sardgente mayor as a generall procurer of his regimente , ought to solicite and procure that the corpes de garde garites or centerie houses be well provided , and the corpes de garde withe a place made of tables or plankes wheron the souldieres may sleepe , and this to be a foote and haulfe above grounde , and to see t●at they re by a conveniente place where the fyrie armes be sett , and alsoe for the pikes . he is to procure withe the townes men that they acomodate the way of the rounde , and that the garitas be well acomodated that the souldier may keepe him self and armes drie : that be no meanes he be gridy inconsiderate or covetouse , neyther permit● or give care to any but that the gardes by vvell provided of fire and lighte , for som provinces are extraordinary and excessive coulde , vvher vve see many souldieres not vvell a parreled that after acomplishinge they re dutie , and standinge they re poste som thre or foure houres ( more or lesh ) they come bake frissd full of snowe , and vvhen they re is no fire to comforte them they die . in conclusion there officeres , and specially the sardgente mayor is to by werie earneste in solicitenge this particular for in wantinge this comoditie of fire and of capotes vvhiche some times the prince , and some times they re captaines do provide them , if ohterwise , it is impossible for the souldier to escape to frise , for vve see those well a parelled perish for coulde : this and many more occasiones of importance can prudente and brave captaines remedy to they re greate renoome , and that besides they sheowe they re affection to his majesties service ; if they re procuremente can not prosper in this , nor they re abilitie reache in remedienge the same they discharde theyr conscience and honor , vvhen they in devor vvith care and diligence to pittie they re souldieres in earnestly procuringe for them , vvherunto they are bounde . if in garison occasion require as moste comonly it doth , to provide a rounde to visit all over , ( if posible it vvere necessary ) that an officer or person of respecte by apointed for cavo of the same , and that officer or cavo onely doe cary the watch wourde , for beinge necessary if accasion shoulde by offered that they shoulde be constrayned to come to the wall to learne what the occasion was , or to pass trough the postes that is betwext them and the walles , or to pass by the postes of the corpes de garde , if occasion shoulde presente : it is necessary that the outeward centeries whiche are not under defence nor sure securitie that the vvatch vvourde be not given them , and if by change suche postes shoulde be ingnorance or negligence permit to pass in vvardes any man ; let him not come to the courte de garde vvithoute an officer firste to receive him , and informe of his cause . thies roundes are to goe very silente and secrett , vvithoute any rumor , and that they enter in no conversation nor other place , butt rather with greate care and vigilance acomplish they re order , and still goe forwarde in visitēge the magasenes or store houses , churches , and church yardes , emptie greate houses , or any other place wher suspition mighte be feared ( of joyninges and mutenies . ) and he heeringe or understandinge of any rumor or joyning , and beinge therof vvell informed and assured , he is to aquainte vvith greate speede the sardgent mayor , with one or two as the officer cavo shall thinke fit , and he shall continue in that place till the sardgent mayor sende him order , or come him selfe in person in the meane time the rounde is to by verie vigilante and silente . thies roundes moste comonly have one thirde parte of musketes and arcabuseros , and if they re be any suspicion they are rather to goe stronge then vveake to prevente the empetue of the enemy . in vvarrlike affaires and exercices , all comaunderes ought continually to be vigilante , varie , carefull , and fearefull in nott trustinge to manny , for vve see that in many places that townes and citties doe revolte , when lesh suspicion is of them ; soe that often times in truste is treason . therefore the professores of the noble arte of vvarr are bounde in all places to be varie and vigilante , and continually feare of sodaine improvided disgraces . continuall exercice and practice in warr is of greate importance , vvherfore the sardgent mayor beinge in garison or els where is never to permitt the companies under his chardge betwexte vvatch and vvatch to sleepe at home above thre nightes , for soe the souldieres shall by the more apte to indure when occasion shall presente , for douptles continuall use and exercise helpeth much to compass , and ease difficulte matteres . whosoever shall be inclined to comitt disorderes , and give bad examples in the corpes de gardes ought to by severelie punished , for suche places are to be respected for reall houses , and he vvho vvithout honor , discipline , and shame doth comit disorderes in a place of such greate respecte , oughte not to escape vvithoute due punishmente . the sardgent mayor is to advertice the captaines of his regimente not to give licence to anny of they re souldieres to pass unto an other regimente , nor oute of the country by no meanes , because that it dothe not lie in his auctority , neyther to give him leave withoute beinge firmed of the master de campe , or governor that shall comaunde . who shall apointe the dayes fitt to a complishe his jurney , and affaires , and in the vedoria generall noe souldieres place oughte to be changed unto another company , vvithoute licence of his captaine , or master de campe , for som unrulie factioneres are desirouse to have liberty to run the contry to comitt disorderes , and neglecte they re dutie and obligationes ; spoylinge the country , deceavinge the kinge , and dishonoringe they re nation , and dayly provookinge otheres to that base kinde of life , of no honor feare nor shame . whosoever shall a sente his place amonghste the infanterie , and vvho entreth in rancke with the observeres of true discipline , oughte not to be tollerated to lay hande in anny mecanicall trade , for it is not fitt that suche a one shoulde equall him self vvith honorable souldieres of noble and vertuese life . dayes of solme feastes kermishes or fayeres , the sardgent mayor is to reforce the gardes or vvatches , for in suche time greate congregation of people of other places are wonte to joyne ; and at suche times may happen tumoltes and revoltes ; findinge the men of armes unwarie and unvigilante they re enemyes may fall uppon them and optaine they re desire , vvherof both notable disgrace and loss may resulte , as by experience hath beene tried in diverses provinces and places of importance . when the sardgent mayor seteth the vvatche he or one of his a judantes are to ride a horsbake ▪ and visite all the gardes and rampar , to see if each garde be provided vvith the men apointed , for some times trough the litle care or forgethfulnes of some sardgentes , and corporales they err in the orderes . wherfore in such occasiones by righte they shoulde by severelie reprehende , that they may be the more carefull and vigilante , beinge refered to they re care and truste the repose , and safetie of all the reste . if need require he is to advertice the captaines of his regimente , that in suche places where they are with the master de campe they can give no order to sound the drom , excepte it by for extreame necessitie , or in time of the watche withoute order of the master de campe : when occasion shall offer that armes , or any sorte of amunitiones shall be received from the kinge it apertaines the furiell mayor to receive the same , and to yealde a compte to the kinges ministeres ( when it shall besought for ) thies amunitiones are to be devided betwext the companies by the sardgent mayor , causinge to deliver eache sardgente whate belongeth to his company , as he shall thincke conveniente , and fitt for his majesties service . he is earnestelie to procure to see severelie punished such as are inclined to vices and bad examples , and alsoe to advertice the captaines of his regimente , that they a siste in whate toucheth they re companies , touchinge this particular for beinge therunto bounde ; soe that all factioneres of base life , as theeves quarleres , mutineres , dronkardes , and suche as are vvholie given to vice may by driven a way , soe that those of good life may live at reste ; beinge in garison with his regimente , or with parte therof he is to apointe , and ordaine where shall eache company repaire when occation of alarme doth represente to frame his squadron , and he is alsoe to apointe each company of those on the vvatch whate place of the rampar they are to defende , and alsoe he is to give chardge to his ajudante , where they shall asiste that they may acomplish with care , diligence , and perfection , vvhate is refered to they re chardge , and those orderes beinge once given eache one with greate speede and care shall repaire to acomplish his obligation ; soe that duringe the time he is framinge his squadron the reste doe repaire to they re apointed places , that of a sodaine all thinges may be prevented in due time , advertisinge that he is to choise the moste convenientest and fiteste place for the framinge of his squadron , and of less empedimentes of casteles , towres , or offencive places nexte adjoyninge . the company or companies that are of the vvatch he is not to permit them to departe the same till firste other companies doe relive them , and take possession of the place , but stande in array till the other companies doe inter , and take posession , and then they are to marche towardes they re quarter , in this manner shall he perceiue those that intred the garde , and those that doe departe from it . he is not to give the wourde till the gates are shutt , he is to be carefull to see all thinges well ordered and acomplished , and see that the corporalles them selves in person doe acompany the souldieres till he leave them in they re centeries , where he is to give them the vvourde , bringinge backe along vvith him those that were relived to the corpe de garde , where he is to keepe them that nighte for respecte of the watche wourde , sometimes it happeneth that corporales of litle discipline and honor , do give the vvourde to those that goeth to relive the postes , vvhich resulte of pure ingnorance , and for they re ovvne ease , not thincking of the sore reprehension they may have of they re superior officeres for that badd and sinister custome : thies disorderes in no case are to by permitted , for beinge verie dangerouse . in this particular the high dutch is to be comended ( for at nighte they cause the drom to by beaten againste every relife , ) and the corporalles doe a company the souldieres til they leave them in they re postes , and bringe those that are relived a longe with them to the corpe de garde ; but in garison and other places nowe a dayes they use it diferente withoute the sounde of drom , not failenge in the reste , and the corporall yealdeth goode a compte of all that a pertaineth to his chardge , and trusteth the care therof to none but to him selfe , to by the more asured . greate and speciall care ought to by taken dayes of the watch that no souldier of the same doe absente him selfe excepte it by to eate , and the officer therin oughte to take a goode course in licencinge them orderly by comarades , one after another , givinge thē straighte comaunde to returne vvith all speede . and if they be founde longe absent eyther , drinckinge , pleainge , or pasinge a way the time idell , to severelie see them punished , and to repeehende the sardgente or corporall that shall licence them beinge in seperated gardes , and specially dayes of greate feastes and fayres . let no souldier absente him selfe from his vvatch , you if it vvere but to change a shurte or bande , beinge bounde such dayes to o cupie him selfe in nothinge but in a tendinge his vvatch : some times gamesteres who beinge therunto much inclined not findinge pleainge in they re ovvne garde do goe unto other vvatches to play , vvho oughte to by severely punished , for the redresinge of thies faultes , and many more , the a judantes oughte nowe and then to visitt the courte de gardes , rampares , and centeries , to see many faultes redresed . when occasion is offered in pasinge of muster it hapeneth , that some times the veedor generall , or contador is sente to see that muster by order of the generall , in which occasiones the sardgent mayor is to asiste , in sheowinge and instructinge the more convenienteste places for the same . as alsoe of all other necessaries therunto apertaininge , and he is to repaire and comunicate with his master de campe , and receive the necessary orderes for the same , and at the faulinge of the nighte to camaunde the drom mayor , and all the dromeres to joyne in the place or principall corpe de garde , givinge order to the drom mayor to beate a vando of the muster , not advertisinge the a pointed place for the same , for sertaine respectes , but rather pasinge the same in severall places that none may knowe where till the verie instant they marche , givinge order to the drom mayor that he proclaime thatt all companies be readdy , at the breake of the day to pass muster , and to be carefull to observe the instructiones of the veedor generall touchinge the muster , for duringe that time he hase ful auctority for ministringe vvell his office , or vvhosoever is apointed by him for that purpose , givinge firste order to the company of the master de campe to marche and after the same if they re be companies of arcabuseros , and after thos vvhiche he thinketh beste , and in pasenge muster they are to be cauled in the self fame maner , one after another as they did formerly enter , advertisinge that the company or companies that are on the watch shall marche laste to muster , and the firste that shall pass muster . the ajudante at this time shall cause the gates of the towne to be shutt ; and presentlie after at leaste one of the companies of the watche shall pass muster , and then the company of the master de campe , and after the reste companies that are ●●inter the watche , and the reste shall pass muster as they have intered , the muster beinge paste , and the listes confronted , the sardgent mayor is to get a relation of the number of souldieres that shall be conteined in each company , and bringe the same to the master de campe to knovve the full number of the muster of the companies of his regimente . wherof the sardgent mayor is to have a copie for many respectes : a sardgente mayor who woulde with prudence and auctoritie have his office vvell executed , it is verie necessarie that he knoweth the qualities and conditiones of eache captaine of his regimente , that he may employ eache one with discretion , as time and occasion shall require , consideringe the partes and suficiencie of eache one , that thereby he may employ each one acordinge to the partes that in him doth o curr : when his captaine generall , or master de campe generall , or ordinary master de campe giveth order for any execution of emportance . some are goode for all executiones vvhiche are esteemed for perfecte souldieres , some to fighte with a valerouse determination , others thoughe valiante of unhappie proceedinges , and that resultinge for the moste parte of they re litle prudence , som otheres doe o bey and carefully acomplish with whate they are comaunded by they re superiores ; of whiche often times happie proceedinges doe resulte ; otheres with prudence , valor , auctoritie , and brave conduction . it is moste necessarie that the sardgente mayor doe knowe the one , and the other that he may vvith the more securitie employ each one acordinge as the emportance requireth of eache execution ; he is alsoe to knowe the qualitie and condition of the inferior officeres , vvho are to assiste and who are to by employed acordinge to the partes and sufficiencie in them : he is to presente him selfe with auctoritie and brave resolution , reprehendiges faultes and disorderes with discretion , vvhiche shall oblidge them to obey and acomplish they re obligationes vvith love , he is to instructe them and sheowe them goode examples , as vvell in the exercice of theyr armes , as in acomplishinge they re obligationes with punctualitie , he is to comaunde vvithe prudence and greate resolution for beinge soe moste required for the executiones of his office , but with prudente consideration , for vvhich it is required that he be of a sober and gentle mynde for o therwise hardely can he bringe to pass his obligation in this , and specially in vvinenge the love of the souldiers . the sardgente mayor is to visite novve and then the postes or centeries , instructinge them who to handel they re armes and comaundinge them to let none pass by nighte tyme , nor permit none come nere him , withoute firste givinge the wourde , though it were his captaine or master de campe , and the souldier that otherwise permitethe any to pass is to be reprehended , for ocation may be invented at nighte of greate emportance , and soe it is verie necessary that none be permitted to come neere the centerie , withoute firste givinge the vvourde , and that for many respectes . yea and if it were his officer presuminge that he knovveth him , and intreating and repleeinge to lett him pass , he is to answer , vvith aresolute determination , and say i knovve none but he that giveth the vvourde for soe doth he vvell acomplish his obligation . in garison he shall comaunde the maner and vvho the roundes shall be distributed , whiche is the moste and sureste securitie of the place , and whē he him selfe shall rounde by night tyme to discover redress and reprehende the faultes and negligences of the roundes and cinteries ; he is to hid him selfe and aproache verie secretlie to perceive the care and punctualitie of the rounde , and if otherwise he finde him still , or vvith rumor in they re jurney not attendinge the outewarde as the inwarde side of the vvall , he is to severely reprehēde them . for the more securitie of a place dependeth on the care and prudence of the rounde : alsoe if he findes the centeries negligente and careles in not acomplishinge theyr obligation , let him see them severelie punished , that therby it may be an exemple both for them and otheres to complish vvith greate vigilance and care they re obligationes : some sardgent mayores for they re better securitie doe carie at nighte a target , because that often tymes unruly factioneres doe pass at nighte and comittt many disgraces ; soe it is not amiss he goeth vvell provided to prevente they re unruly tached inclinasiones , he is to use greate discressiō , and moderatiō vvith the cinteries in goenge the rounde . the ajudante is to rounde alsoe novve and then to seconde the sardgente mayor in differente nightes as ordained by the sardgent mayor , imitatenge the steppes and order of his master , and he is to informe of the cinteries if they hearde any rumor or ocation eyther vvithoute or vvithin , givinge the cinteries goode instructiones , as alsoe in the corrpes de garde or vvatches , and sheowe him selfe amiable to the souldieres , and reprehindinge they re faultes vvith prudente reasones . soe shall he by both feared and beloved . the officeres of the vvatches are alsoe to asiste in visitenge the cinteries as ordayned by the sardgent mayor , and that with scilence and vigilance demaundinge the cinteries if they have hearde any thinge , soe that remedy mighte be prevented in due time if ocation require . and specially the corporall , in givinge eache souldier to understāde who he shall handel or manadge his armes , and who he is to take the wourde , and to be alerto , let him not be given nor muche credible to uncertayne shadowes , as many bisones and rawe men doe , givenge many alarmes withoute o cation ; and when the round a procheth the cintery is to terciar his pike and demaund quin viene alla and if he houldeth his peace , let him turne againe in demaundinge with much severitie with an angrie and furiouse contenance , if he answere amigo which is to say afrende , then let him demaunde the vvatche vvourde , preparinge and makinge ready him selfe for that purpose ; and if it were soe that he shoulde suspecte of the rounde that it were an enemy , thoughe they give the vvourde let them not pass , aleadginge that they have not the righte vvourde : but otherwise knowinge the rounde and givinge the vvourde he is to lett them freely pass . the cinteries are alvvayes to by moste carefull and vigilante , for some tymes it may happen that the enemy shoulde steale the wourde , and fall of a sodaine on the cinterie and kill him , vvherefore he is alvvayes to by alerto and verie varie , and if he suspecte the rounde to be an enemy as before spoken let him be no meanes come neere to master his armes , and specially if they replee let him cause them to retire , if not , presently he is to caule alarme vvith great furie and high voice that he may by vvell hearde , and if neede require lett him by a litle and litle retire , defendinge him selfe the beste he may beinge therunto constrayned but not otherwise , vvheresoever the sardgent mayor shall asiste vvith his regimente or parte therof he shall comaunde the comon table ordained for gamesteres to be putt on the principall courte de garde , and the barata of thies gamesteres he shall a pointe one to oversee the same , vvhiche barata shall be to sheovve his horses . he is not to permitt to putt this table in other places nor permitt any joyinge of gamesteres oute of that a pointed place , for many respectes , and specially to avoyde quareles disputes joyninges and rumores of some that are given to thies vicees , but rather in the corpe de garde as a place of respecte and vvhere each one shall not presume so muche to comitt disorderes , for knovvinge of the severe punishmente for suche as comit errores , and loose respecte to a place of soe greate priviledge . the seavente chap. treatinge of the election and office of a sardgente mayor , marchinge in campaina . the election of the sardgent mayor moste comonlie is made by the generall of such as the coronelles or masteres de campe doe name or give in relation , his office is to by a generall minister of a vvhole regimente of sundrie companies ; and a superintendente of all the sardgentes of the same . by vvhouse , prudence , and brave conduction the coronell or master de campe doth give him the orderes necessarie for the due govermente of his regimente , in marchinge , orderinge , and embattellinge of the same , and of suche materes hereūto a pertayninge , be vvhose a proved goode partes may be gathered the brave conduction , valor , and prudence , required in a perfecte souldier , beinge chosen as a man who hathe the be fittinge partes required for this office of suche greate emportāce . whiche in time of the greekes and romaines vvas trusted to none , but the generalles executed the same in there one persones for many rare respectes of importance . the firste thinge that he is to doe before he begines to march , is to consulte withe his master de campe of all necessarie thinges for his jurney , and see such thinges befitinge prevented , and provided in due time ; advertisinge all the captaines of his regimente to put them selves in order to marche , vvith as litle bagadge as may be possible , and within so many dayes to have all thinges in areadines , and givenge order to the captaine de campana to prepare him selfe , and his sutleres , as alsoe to the auditor , furiell mayor , surdgent mayor , drom mayor , and that he be carefull that dromes and phifes by vvell provided in each company . the office of a sardgent mayor is of higher degree then any ordinarie captaine , for the captaines doe receive the orderes from him , and follow this directiones , and the sardgente mayor , from the coronel , master de campe , or generall , or from the kinge or emperor him selfe if he be in the fielde , for he is barred no entrie gate nor other place but freelie sufered to pass into rhe kinge or emperor is chamber , for beinge a person of greate respecte and fidelitie : wherefore they re ought greate concideration and regarde to be taken in the election of this officer . which otherwise beinge chosen by favor , frindship , or affection of one of litle sufficiencie , resulteth many enconveniences : it alsoe faleth oute often times that such persones so chosen , vvantinge the prudence , auctoritie , perfection , and brave conduction in him required , looseth often times his due respecte , and reverence of the captaines and other officeres : wherefore it vvere farr better for him to remaine a captaine rather then intermiddell in a matter vvhich requireth suche greate capacitie and perfecte experience in vvarr . in occasiones of marchinge he is to consider the qualities and conditiones of the countrie , if fertill or scante , if hilly or plaine , and not to permit to mounte a horsebacke but as feowe as can possible ; alsoe to consider the quantitie of bagadge , and provision , youe are to cary , and that to by as litle as may be possible as before spoken , rather onelie so much as neede shall require , and that the wantes therof can not be excused . after that all thinges necessarie for youre marche are treated and consulteth of ( and put in order ) yove shall comaunde that all the companies of youre regimente shall joyne where voure master de campe shall ordaine , and thincke moste fitt : then bigen to make youre devitiones to marche as youre superior shall comaunde . but if onelie one regimente doe march by it selfe , the sardgent mayor is to consulte with his master de campe , never failenge if they marche in any place or countrie where yove shoulde chance , or feare to encounter your enemy to provide youre selfe vvith sertaine barreles of pouder , match , and bullettes , that alwayes yove carie of thies rather more then lesh ; some pikes fearinge to wante , a quantitie of shoules bills , hatchetes , which is necessarie if neede or occasion require to make a way with trees boughes , and earth , in places where vvith difficultie the infantery , and bagadge may pass , or to cutt tries to shutt up a pasadge of o sodaine , or to make even places when otherwise but with greate difficultie youe can pass them , thies are necessary pertrechos , for not knowinge when occasion may offer to have neede of them , and speciallie pasinge troughe a foraine country . in occasiones of marchinge the sardgente mayor is to make the devitiones , and ordaine where each captaine shall leade , and in such maner that each captaine shall take his turne , meaninge that the captaine or captaines that did leade this day the musketteria shall to morowe leade the arcabuseros , that did followe and another day the pikes , and another day the arcabuseros of the rergarde , and soe fall a neowe and be his turne take possession of the vantegarde and reregarde as his turne shall fall : and it is inogh to ordaine this once , and let each one unconfusedlie be his turne take place of the vangard , rergard , and battell . pasinge trough any cittie or place where any danger mighte by suspected ▪ in the devitiones of the shott and pikes greate industrie and consideration is to by used , youre shott are to marche in goode order , and not confusedly , and be noe meanes to let none miss his rancke , givinge order to all the shott to lighte theyr matches , and to by redy of a sodaine if neede require , and otherwise where they re is nothinge suspected , one or two matches in every ranck may serve , it vvere not amiss to have no more bagadge then neede shoulde require , and not to permitt the souldieres to putt they re musketes in vvagones as often times they doe , and in ofringe occasion to serve with them , it hapened that trough this bad custome many are of no service vvith the barreles , and lokes of theyr musketes brocken , soe that in time of moste neede they wante . it is moste necessarie that the sardgente mayor and captaines by curiouse to see many faultes redresed , and that the souldieres be well provided of all necessaries , in as muche as can by posible and specially the shott to by well furnished with bulletes , at least twenti five , and in no case to faile in this : the captaines and alferises , are to goe bravelie armed with complet corseletes , and let no captaine not alferis monte a horsebacke till all the devitiones of shot and pikes are well ordered , and when all the bagadge is readie , and that the master de campe doe pass to the vangarde . then havinge all thinges in order ; in amile distance from the quarter the sardgente mayor shall step into the vangarde , and give order to the captaines to goe a horsebake and not before , as alsoe the alferises and other particular persones , the alferises recomendinge they re culoures to they re a vanderadose , and the captaine or captaines that are of the vangarde shall permitt noe souldieres to pass but such as have order in vvritinge for the same from the generall or master de campe generall or ordinary master de campe , and the captaine that goeth in the rerergarde shall take a speciall care to permitt none to tarie behende , but rather cause them to stepe forwarde to they re rankes . that alsoe no boyes nor sutleres by permitted to stay behinde for some of purpose doe stay to no goode entende , but to steale robb and spoyle the poure enhabitantes goodes , vvhiche is a thinge not to by permitted : and such sutleres and other unrulie factioneres as are given to this base and odiouse acte , are to be severelie punished in publicke . wherof speciall care oughte to be taken for many respectes . before youe marche the captaine de campana and all the sutleres and amunition vagones are all to by drawen oute of the quarter , ordayninge those that shall garde them . and then consideration is to be taken of the maner who to march with the amunition and bagadge vvhich is , that if it by knowen that the enemy is to by feared in the vangarde , on the way vvhere yove are to pass , let the bagadge by placed in the rerewarde , and if contratie yove have intelligence to feare the enemy in the rerewarde yove are to pass the bagadge to the vangarde . and if on the righte side , to conducte it to the leefte , and if on the leifte side transporte it to the righte ; and in this maner the army beinge smale or greate it shall be a vvall and defence to the a munition and bagadge . and this don by alwayes provided and ordered in due time , for otherwise it vvere a greate miss if sodaine occasion shoulde represente , and that the enemy of a sodaine shoulde fall uppon , and chardge on yove ; douptless it vvere a greate let and danger if yove were not provided and well ordered : to prevente the sudaine incursiones and stratagemes of the enemy they re oughte to by sente certaine lighte horse to scoute , and revewe before a certaine distance : soe beinge advertised before the enemy a proache , all thinges necessarie may by prevented in due time . the furiell mayor or quarter-master with the reste furielles are to marche all at once and not otherwise , for to make the quarter in due time . for if otherwise they goe they may use fraude and villany in spoylinge the villadges and poure enhabitantes , to whome all equitie , justice , and goode examples are to be ministred , for many goode respectes . some souldieres of litle honor and reputation some times in they re marche to ease them selves doe breake they re pikes or leave the same behinde , of suche base fellowes the sardgent mayor is to take a speciall care to see them severelie punished in publike , excepte it be one that is sicke or hurte , of vvhich persones he is presentlie to give enteligence to theyr captaines , and see that order be tacken to save them . in ocasiones of marchinge , the sardgent mayor is to order , and make his devitiones when he thincketh that all the souldieres of his regimente are gathered ; and comenge to a conveniente place to frame a squadron of them , of whate forme he thincketh beste . and when he cometh within a mile to the quarter vvhere he is to lodge with his regimente , he is to step forwarde to see whiche is the fiteste place to frame a battell ; as alsoe to revewe the sallies and entries of the quarter . the quarter-master is to receive him , and sheowe howe and where the regimente shall be lodged , as alsoe the fiteste place for the embattellinge of his regimente , and after the squadron is framed , he is to a pointe the companies that shall be on the watch that nighte , if on the generall a munitiones , or master de campe , or elsh where , let him see that ther by no empedimente in the place vvhere he choiseth to be more fit for the framinge of his squadron ; alsoe he is to be verie carefull and diligent in ordaininge the necessarie places for the watches , and he shall a pointe gardes a goode distance from the quarter ; soe that the enemy of a sodaine doe not fall uppon him , of which for many respectes greate consideration oughte to by taken and prudenrly prevented . he is to procure with the master de campe to cause avando or proclamatiō to by beaten for the observationes in passinge the wourde in march , battel , or eilsh where , and such as do not observe this vando to see them severelie punished for this beinge amatter of greate emportance , and wherof greate disorderes and inconvenienses doe resulte often times for not observinge the same : the wourde is to by given be foure persones , that is the master de campe , sardgent mayor , and from the captaine that leadeth the vangarde , and from him that leadeth the rergarde : and greate speede oughte to by tacken from whence it came and the cause . for it may be that the enemy shoulde of a suddaine chance to fall on the rergarde , or that some other ocation of emportance may offer ; for whiche respectes and many more considerationes this order is to be inviollabbly observed : and let itt with greate speede pass from rancke to rancke in youre march or order . it is moste necessarie nowe and then to make some altos , or standes to ease the souldiores , and refresh them with suche sorte of vituales as they cary a longe with them , and specially where they re is comoditie of water , and take a speciall care that some unruly fellowes by not permitted to goe oute of the order , and fall aspoylinge the contry , neyther there boyes . the sardgent mayor is to oversee and informe of all thinges that paseth in his regimente and give order to the captaine de campan̄a or borachell to see that his sutleres by well provided with vituales and other necessaries therunto a pertaininge , and to take a speciall care that noe wronge by don unto them . but rather to see severelie punished suche as vvoulde presume to doe them wronge . that ther by they may vvithe amore willinge minde a complish they re obligationes in furnishinge them selves with vituales and other comodities , and alsoe the sardgente mayor is to see that they be well paied for otherwise beinge ill paied and seeinge that there is no justice minestred they will run avvay and give a bad reporte , soe that noe other sutleres shall dare to come , and soe provicion will be vvantinge to the greate discomoditie of the officeres and souldiores . the captaine de campan̄a is to use discression and concience in seeinge that the sutleres doe fell there vituales with suche concideration that they may gaine and not overpress the poure souldior troughe coveteousnes and griddie deceite , as often times they doe . in thies and many more ocationes if the sardgente mayor be courious and carefull in a complisinge with his obligationes , hardlie can any thinge pass vvithoute discoverie and redress in due time , for he is aprincipall minister to oversee redresh and remedie many faultes , disorderes and fraudes , and he is in conscience bounde to procure the goode of the poure souldior , that noe fraude be permitted in deceivinge him of his poure meanes . if the sardgente mayor be in the filde with his regimente alitle before the fallinge of the nighte he is to relive the watches soe that the enemy may not discover them cominge nor goinge : but in garison the watches is to be sooner set . in campan̄a aspecial care oughte to be takē that the enemy for cause of oure negligence litle care and prudence do not of asodain fall on us beinge un provided , for to prevente such soddaine ocationes it is necessarie that a corpe de garde volante be ordained acertaine distāce towardes the enemy where yove moste suspecte they re cominge , which is a greate securitie for that quarter of the campe , but this muste be set at the fallinge of the nighte , and they re can hardlie any fire be made that the enemy may not discover yove , they oughte to be verie readie varie and vigilante vvith there armes at hande to fall on the enemy if of asoddaine they be therunto constrayned , and see if they can finde any conveniente shadowoe to shelter them ; and if perhapes the enemies spies doe knovve or discover vvho oure vvatches are set , and not knovvinge of this vvatch set soe late and soe secrett , it may fall oute that the enemy may fall into they re handes , for not beinge advertised by there spies of the prevention taken ; and fall of a sodaine on them , and give the a larme to the vvhole campe , soe that they may be ready in due time to prevente the enemy his incursiones , and purpose , and at lenghte cause them to retire , in executinge nothinge of they re designe or desire . for this purpose muste by chosen a captaine vvho is vvell knovven to by prudente , vigilante , and valerouse , and of a brave and resolute determination : and findinge the enemy brocken , let him in no c●se follovve them any greate distance , for they may prevente him vvith a secrett ambuscado , and findinge them pass the ambuscado fall on them on bothe sides , before and behinde , and defeate him : often times it happened that ravve souldieres and men of litle consideration doe give a larme vvithoute any occasione , wherfore they are to by advertised not to give any such till they by informed , and vvell assured that it is the enemy , for such as otherwise doe , they are estimed of litle consideration and of a vveake spiritt findinge them selves presentlie a mased , trustinge to they re inconsiderate imaginatiō of noe firme grounde nor reason figuringe in they re imagination to have seene this , and that , and of no purpose nor firmenes ; advertisinge that if an alarme be given where occasion doth presente , it is not to pass all the campe in soundinge dromes and trumpetes , but rather verie secretly , and withoute any rumor nor voice and vvith greate silence , joyne , and speedilie put them selves in order ; which orderes the master de campe , generall , or the person that comaundeth shall comaunde to be observed all over : soe that all thinges by preventeth with better order , and with amore setled minde ; and if otherwise the a larme be given every vvhere it is harde to knowe in due time , vvhere the occasion is . the centerie oughte to by verie firme , and seeinge one come let him not stirr , but rather prepare him selfe till he be well informed , and knowinge that it is an enemy then in a prochinge neere and assured , to shoote at him , and to be assured in as muche as may possible not to miss ; and beinge a pikeman he is to let him com under the puiesh of the pike , and then give the a larme , sheowinge him selfe with a valerouse determination , and kill the enemy , or take him , and to learne the designe of the enemy , and to whate purpose he was emploied , and then to retire to the nexte adjoyninge cinterie , and from thence to the seconde , and soe from hande to hande till he be sente to the firste garde , and from thence presentlie to advertice the sardgent mayor , advertisenge that everie cintery shall remaine in his a pointed place , and to be verie varie and vigilante fearinge that otheres shoulde followe , and inter of a soddaine findinge conveniente opportunitie for they re purpose : another thinge is to be considered that some times it doth happen that a spie favorable to us doth come from the enemyes campe to give us inteligence of whate occurreth , which spies are to be received and causinge him to stande or make alto till the officer of the garde by advertised , who is to receive him and presentlie carrie him to the sardgent mayor , who shall advertice his master de campe , and withoute delay conducte him to the superior to inform and sheow him the cause of his cominge . if be chance the enemy shoulde fall on the pikeman standinge in cinterie , and seeinge that they are of such force , that he can not resiste , let him retire to the nexte cintery shot that he may shoote at them , and give the alarme , and soe by litle and litell retire , and the pikeman shall with all speede goe to the firste watche and give inteligence of the occasion , that they may be readdie in time . and this order oughte the sardgente mayor to give that all thinges may be don in order and in due time , givinge alsoe order to the watches and culoures , where they shall ' oyne , and whate they shall doe ; soe that withoute delay they shall be founde to be putt in order to fighte as the situation of the place and occasion shall require . in all places on the frontier of the enemy where greate suspicion may be feared of soddaine exploites and embuscados of the enemy . in such places , and occasiones , the sardgente mayor is to give order in the morninge , that noe cintery doe retire till all places of suspicion by visited ; and then the cinterie perdue shall retire a litle further inwardes : and he is to by examined to see if he did a complish the vigilance , care , and truste referred to the exspectationes of his fidelitie ; and findinge his reasones and proofes goode in a complishinge his obligationes , he is wourdie of thankes , and if the contrie be founde , and he beinge founde hiden in some sure place of no danger , nor service to rewarde him a cordinge his merit with a publicke reprehension , for not a complishinge his obligation in a place of suche importance ; and soe shall he be rewarded and imputed be all brave souldiores which doe hire of his doinges , and pusilanimitie . when inteligence is had that the enemy are readdie to fall on you , or that any suspicion or a peerance may by of the same , eaverie one oughte to be readdie with they re armes in hande with a setled minde and brave determination , soe that with the firste alarme they may have no kinde of lett , but presentlie followe they re leader withoute beatinge drom or phife or makinge any kinde of rumor , but rather with greate scilence fall in to they re order . and concideringe that this is not onelie for the obligationes they owe unto they re kinge or prince but alsoe for the safegard honor and securitie of they re owne persones , for thies and suche ocationes all honorable souldiores oughte to by well prepared and specially the shot withe they re peeces all in areadines with as muche pouder as they re flaskes can houlde , and twentie five bulletes , soe that in offereinge ocation he shall not caule for pouder and led as some careles and covardlie fellowes are vvonte to doe , not beinge vvell provided before hande ; litle regardinge the kinges service and they re owne reputasion ; to prevente thies , and suche faultes they re officeres ought allwayes to see all thinges prevented in due time . soe that they re be no escuse . and suche as woulde not a complish the same in preparinge all necessaries befitinge as ordained for that purpose , to see them reprehended , and in case the souldier hase not wherwith to buy thies and other inescusable wantes the captaine is to helpe him therunto , for beinge conveniente for his majesties service , that the soulderes alwayes be well provided and suche as do not obey thies inescusable wantes to give them publike afronte like , covardlie and disobediente fellowes ; such souldieres as are of prudēte cariadge and have a speciall care in acomplishinge with punctualitie they re obigationes , and in givinge goode examples to otheres to imitate them , unwourdie is the captaine and officeres that will not honor futher and assiste thē . for in thies ocationes we see many brave and honorable souldiores whiche , are wonte ordinarily to carri apice of extraordinary goode match in there pocketes withe the two endes of the same in areadines , and rubbed in pouder , that without delay it may kindel fire , and alsoe with a fleaskillo in his pocket with fine and drie pouder for touch pouder , whiche if it were wett and afterwardes dried in aqua vite or in gineper oyle or in bothe togither it were verie goode , which beinge well dried , can not miss ; and suche souldieres as are knowen to be curiouse , and punctual in this and many more occasiones . they re captaines and officers ought to have a speciall care to honor , and prefer them a cordinge to the trial of ther valor , care , punctualitie , and prudence , in givinge goode examples , and sheowinge them selves in all occasiones , and incounteres , vvith a brave and resolute determination , vvhiche is a vvonderfull cōforte to they re captaine , and puteth him in greate hope of the victorie , and goode success , unhappie is the captaine , and unwourdie of the name that vvill not make knowen to his brave souldieres his inclined affection towatdes them , and specially in time of moste neede . in ordaininge the conveniente places for the cinteries both in the fielde and garison . the sardgente mayor is to use greate discrestion , in oversienge all the circuide and entries of moste importance and danger , ( and after viwenge all ) he is to a pointe a conveniente place where eache cintery shall by placed a luenge twentie five or fortie paces betwexte every cintery , some times more , and some times less , as occasion shall require : but in the fielde is there to be a pointed a cinterie perdue , or rather call it the contrary ( the securitie of the campe ) this cintinel is to be put doble meaninge a pike and a caliver , in a distance of , som o honderth paces litle more or less towardes the enemy , and withoute all the other cinteries , in the place or places wher there is moste suspision of the enemy to come . some houlde an opinion , that this cinterie is not to get the wourde ( not soe ( for if they see or hire any rumor , or a peerance of the enemy cominge , the pikeman shall repaire vvith speede and tel the nexte cintery vvhate he hath eyther seene or hearde , and if he have not the wourde or contrasena he shall not let him come neere , and this cinterie with speede is to let this pass to the nexte , and soe from hande to hande verie secret and scilent till it come to the nexte adioyninge vvatche or garde , that they may be prevented in time . thies cinteries of righte is to be caulled the securitie , of the campe rather then centerie perdue : they are to by chosen of valerouse and setled souldieres , of goode judgemente and brave determinationes ; and when the advise cometh vvith goode securitie to the watch , that the enemy are in armes , or approchinge neere , presentlie the master de campe , and sardgente mayor is to be advertised . and they are with speede to advertise the master de campe generall , in findinge as before true relation of the occasion to by suspected of any emportance . thies outewarde cinteries are never to retire , but when urgente and assured accasion doe constraine them therunto , in seeinge the enemy a prochinge , ( and not before ) and untill they reviwe if it be foote or horse . or if they come in order of squadron or marchinge in single file : after well reviwenge them , let them retire to the nexte cintery , and let the wourde pass very secretly from hande to hand til it come to the next watch , or let the pikeman goe forwarde with neowes and the other stay vvith the firste cintinell til they be constrained to retire to the nexte , and soe retire be litle and a litle , observinge still the enemy , and with whate order they doe marche , and soe fall into they re owne people , and informe of all of whate they have bothe seene and hearde : and seeinge them come disordered , thinckinge to fall uppon oures of asoddaine beinge a sleepe or in provided . then oures to turne uppon them with full resolution with the short dromes and phises which douptlesse if as before they come , they shall finde them selves pusseled and amased : thies exploites require prudence , valeor , silence , and brave resolution . it is necessarie that the sardgent mayor give order that uppon paine of deathe none doe presume to give a false alarme vvithoute occasion , excepte it be vvith order of the superior . and in occasiones of encounteres , skirmises , or assaultes vvith the enemy let the sardgent mayor give order that none call for pouder but verie silente ; for it is a thinge moste odiouse and of litle discretion , that the enemy shoulde knowe of oure vvantes in such occasiones : if neede require the pikes and raperes vvill serve in goode steede , if the souldiores vvithe brave resolution and determination doe a complish they re obligationes , for vvhich extremities is required a prudent and brave conductor of a valerouse and resolute determination . in all occasiones in the filde where the enemy , is to be feared and suspected , the sardgent mayor is to give order that the outewarde cinteries of oures nexte unto the enemy doe take a speciall care that none doe pass unto the enemy from oure campe ; which is rather to be suspected then if one of the enemy came into oures , for such as run unto the enemy they may be suspected , that they goe with some advise or secrett intelligence , if such persones can not be killed or tacken , let they re warninge by presently given to his captaine , and then presently to the sardgent mayor who at that instant shall comaund that noe souldier of the watches who hath the wourde shall be permitted to leave the same that night wiche orderes he shall deliver the sardgentes to deliver they re captaines to see the same executed ; and in such occasiones the watche wourde is to by changed , and if any boddy by founde absente , of those of the watch let they re warninge , presētlie be given to the captaine , for it may be a villaine of a base minde , and that he did goe with some advise to the enemy , and within foure or five dayes after come into oure campe , and give faluse excuses , hopinge to be pardoned , and comitt more villany : in thies occasiones goode heede oughte to be taken . a verie necessarie thinge it is in a sardgent mayor to by carefull in seeinge that all the souldieres of his regimente be well armed , and that there may be noe escuse in a complishinge they re obligationes , in escusinge that theyr armes are brocken or a mindinge . all thies and many more may they re captaines , and officeres prevente in time , withoute troublinge the sardgente mayor theyrwithall , for he hathe to many other employmentes of greater momente , and as isay thies may be well prevented be they re officeres , beinge coriouse and carefull . when occasion shall require that the sardgent mayor woulde have oute of certaine companies of his regimente a quantitie of souldieres to be employed , this he is to demaunde of the capitaines , who is to apointe and ordaine the number demaunded , and not to intermidle in takinge them otherwise , for the captaine is he which is to give a compte and reason of the souldieres of his company , and the sardgentr mayor in noe case is to intermidel in takinge them but those which the captaine shall apointe , for the sardgente mayor hath no auctoritie to take them otherwise ; excepte they be on the watch , and that urgente occasion shoulde be offered which requireth greate speede . and in such occasiones the officer beinge not presente he may take them ; and such souldieres as the sardgente mayor shall demaunde the captaine is to make no acceptiones , of all such occasiones as are necessarie for his majesties service : but he is not to intermidle in takinge from any officer any priviledge a pertaininge to the executiones of his office , which if otherwise he shoulde presume itt is a sinister and odiouse thinge in warr . some times it hapened that pincioneres gentelmen of the artillerie , and other particular persones are emploied be the master decāpe generall , and by the generall of the artillerie , and be otheres , whiche are to be permited to pass to deliver theyr mesadge in due time , and none ought to trouble or moleste them in there voyadge , excepte they be suspected . the sardgent mayor is to take care that if his regimēte in occasiones which mighte happen they breake uppon the enemy , and followe on the victorie , let none in paine of death fall a robbinge the hurtemen , nor none of the slaughter , which if any officer finde them in that base acte in such occasiones , may execute this sentence , beinge moste base and odiouse , but rather persue the victorie , and keepe his order as behooveth an honorable souldier of resolute and noble minde to doe . in like maner in occasiones to inter per force of armes into any towne citti or stronge place , the sardgent mayor is to by verie , vigilante , and carefull , that noe souldier of whatesoever qualitie or condition : be permitted to inter into any house , eyther ro robb or steale till such time as the enemy be wholie vanquised , that no danger nor execution of theyres might be feared , and that till all there furie be paste , and that uppon paine of death , for otherwise they incurr greate danger , some leavinge they re armes hire and they re in divers places ; of vvhich if the enemy take pocession they may easilie master them ; of suche blinde ingnorance and covetouse desire of gaine , greate digrace may resulte . if the enemy doe secretlie joyne in some secret place , and fall unavare in masteringe they re armes and murder them , which may well fall oute if prevencion be not used as before declared , in suche sorte that the enemy may not come in possession of the honeor gained vvith the lives and losse of soe many brave souldiores . for the executiones of rare exploites and brave interprises in warr is required prudente and brave conduction , and specially that the sardgent mayor be moste earneste to exercice the officeres and souldiores of his regimente ; whiche beinge soe practised in warr , greate expectationes mighte be hoped of them : beinge exersised in well manadgeinge they re armes , observinge theyr order and not stiringe oute of the same when they marche , in knowinge who to fall into squadron , and observe the proclamationes given , and ordained be the generall , nothinge soe dificill but that contuall use and exercice maketh easie . who soever woulde faine be couriouse in the framinge of many sortes of batteles , it is necessarie that he be exercised both in the theoricke and pratike of this arte , and specially to be able in aritmetick : soe shall he in time bringe his purpose to perfection with greate ease . and let him be carefull in knowinge who to give the orderes to each officer of whate shall be comended to his chardge , and cause all thingss to be a complished as they were ordained withoute replie , he shall not recall any order given , excepte it be trough goode concideration , neyther shall none be discomodated to put another in his place by favor or affection : greate consideration oughte to be taken in choysinge one of befitinge partes for the well executinge of this office , and that be no meanes it be given be favor or affection for many considerationes of emportance . after those of perfection in this arte we loocke dayly and finde feowe , but those of imperfection in multitude . some houlde an opinion that in orderes of marchinge and framinge of squadrones the number par , is beste , true it is that this number is good , but in the divitiones to fall oute of youvre march into squadron , let none be ingnorante that they are to marche acordinge as the devition fauleth oute . and for beinge of number par or impar it importeth nothinge , and for the contrariethere is no rule , buth rather conforme vvith the divitiones as they shall fall oute , ( which is the true way ) for we finde no other reason to the contrarie , neyther had pirho . kinge of the epirotes the firste enventor of squadrons , neyther the romaines , greeckes , nor macedonios nor any other nation : a sardgent mayor ought not to by ingnorante in framinge and givinge reasones of all sortes of squadrones , at leaste all suche as ocatiō and situation shall require , of which the sardgent mayor oughte to be curiouse , and not to err in any thinge that belongeth to his office , and specially in the devitiones and framinge of sundrie sortes of squadrones , though many do imagine and supose it needlesse ( more then onelie the foure formes . ) they are far deceived , for occasiones and situtationes shall offer where neyther of the foure formes will serve : in framinge of batteles the sardgent mayor is to sheowe him selfe with a setled prudent and brave resolution , and by no meanes permitt any crosinge or confusion in the orderes be him apointed , nor wronge none to take him oute of his rancke for him that came late , soe hittinge uppō the juste devitiones of his shot and pikes , he shal place an officer or two as he thincketh beste in the head of each devitiō , and that the sardgentes doe a complish they re obligationes in letinge none to stragel , nor fall oute of they re ranckes ; soe the sardgent mayor shall with ease and brevitie frame his squadron , and without any crossinge or confusion beinge so conveniente . for each companie of pikes shall take they re turne on the watch and soe needeth no contraversie nor confusion . the master de campe as a superior of his regimente is to choise to march where he pleaseth , and if ther by two companies of a●cabuse●os the one is to march in the vangarde , and the other in the rergarde , it is inough that the sardgente mayor giveth once thies orderes that each one be his turne shall come do optaine his right in occasiones of marchinge , withoute troublinge him any more . but if they re be more then one regimente eache of them shall take they re torne acordinge as they have the vvatche , marchinge firste uppon the righte hande , and soe goe by turne , and shall alsoe be lodged firste , and the reste of the companies withoute any crossinge or confusion as they come , yea if it were to frame a battell of the whole exercito . many goode partes are required in a sardgent mayor and principally to be experte in well executinge his office , to observe goode order in march , to prudently finish with expedition his affaires , to reprehende and redress disorderes in due time , with prudence and auctoritie , soe shall he be beloved and respected , and moste comonlie have goode successes . in the greatest dangeres he is ●o●hcowe him selfe with asetled minde and brave couradge , animatinge the souldieres , sheowinge him selfe with them in all dangeres and extremities , comfortinge , and givinge them goode instructiones and examples , and in the greateste dangeres that shall happen to presence him self with them with a brave and valerouse determination ; soe douptles shall he by beloved , feared , and respected by thē . let him by no meanes be overcomed by disordered a petites but rather be moderate mylde , and faire condisioned , a● be●itinge ●o person of soe greate comaunde . treatinge of severall sortes of squadrones . bigininge with the rule who to finde oute the square roote of any number , the table pitagorique , a table ●● by put in memorie for the framinge of squadrones , for suche as are not experte in arithmeticke , the table of the proportiones of unequall numberes , and who to frame severall sortes of squadrones , of severall sortes of weapones , and the industrie used for they re due orderinge and devidinge in proportion , acordinge as time , occasion , and situation shall require and permitt . a square roote is a digit or number whiche beinge multiplied in it self bringethe fourth a square number , as beinge multiplied in it self make the . in sayinge two times two make the . and so from the number . to the number . yove shall understande in the table pitagorique , the raise of . can not be but , . the rayes of . is . the raise of . is . the raies of . is . that of . is . and soe consequently as in the table folowinge yove may perceive . to finde oute the square roote of any number be it square or not square , yove muste wourke thus , firste havinge set downe the number propounded whiche at the leaste muste consiste of . figures . set a prick under the firste digitt of the saied number on the righte hande , that donpricke every other digit or number therof towardes the leiftehande ; havinge alwayes one voyde space or chifer betwext every . prickes , as yove see heere don in the number folowinge . to finde oute the square roote of this propounded number , yove are to pricke the saied number as before taughte , havinge so don seeke oute one of the . digites , whiche beinge multiplied in it self may take a way the chifer . that is on the lefte hande , or as muche therof as may by , in sayinge . times . maketh . soe that . is the rays of . firste chifer of youre propounded number , and restethe nothinge , whiche yove shall put right a bove the . soe that yove have wholy don withe the . that liethe on the lefte hande that don , doble the quotient whiche is . and it makethe . and set the same in the voide place righte under the figure . and seeke oute a digit or number , whiche beinge multiplied in it self may take a way the . and say how many times . can yove finde in . nullo ; soe set downe . in the quotient right under the . that stand the on the righte hande , and say that in plasinge nullo in the quotient yove have don and there restethe . that remaineth , soe say that . is the square roote of . and there remainethe . that is not comprehended in the square roote in sayinge multiply . the square roote of . by . and it will make . to whiche . a● . that remaineth , and itt shall a monte the full some of youre propounded number of . as by the proofe yove plainely see . in all suche numberes to knowe whether yove have dō well or no , multipliy the square roote by it self , to the producte of which multiplication yove are to ad if there by any remainder , and if yove finde the summe therof to be like to youre firste propounded number , yove have don well , and if it be not like yove have errede . but if suche number doe consiste of many numberes or figures in workēge wherof yove muste doble the quotiēt once , twece , or threece , acordinge as the number dothe require , whiche yove shall more plainly perceive by this example followinge : presupose that is the number wherof yove woulde knowe the square roote ; to doe the whiche wourke as before taughte , firste prick the . that standethe on the righte hande , then fall to pricke the other . towardes to lefte hande , and havinge so don pricke the digit . that standethe on the lefte hande of all , nowe seeke oute som digit or number , whiche beinge multiplied in it self , takethe a way the laste chifer on the lefte hande , whiche is . or the moste therof that can be , whiche yove shall finde to by . and havinge set downe the saied . in the quotiēt say one time one is . whiche beinge substracted oute of . restethe . whiche is to be placed right over the . and conzeale the saied . that don , double the quotient . and it makethe . whiche yove are to place righte under the of youre propounded numberin the seconde place towardes the lefte hande , that don say who many times in . yove shall finde it to be . in sayinge times . is . oute of restethe . whiche yove shall place righte over , and above the . in the seconde place on the lefte hande , and in the quotient right under the pricke of the chifer in the place towardes the lefte hande yove shall place . havinge soe don , say . times . is . beinge substracted oute of . restethe . nowe double the in the quotient , and it will be . whiche yove shall place under the . in the quotient towardes the righte hande , havinge soe don say how many times . in . that standethe right above it , yove shall finde it to be . whiche yove shall place in the quotient under the firste prike on the right hande under the chifer . that don say . times . maketh oute of . resteth . then say . times . makethe oute of . restethe that don fall to the . in the quotiēt and multiply it in it self and it makethe . whiche yove shall substracte oute of the producte of youre laste division whiche was . and there shall remaine . soe that . is the square roote of the firste number given whiche was whiche square beinge multiplied in it self is . and the remainder is . whiche two partitiones beinge putt togither makethe the firste number of . yove are alsoe to understande that if yove finde any number oute of whiche youre quotiēt beinge doubled and can not be substracted , yove muste set downe a chifer in the quotiēt as yove do in divisiō . moste necessary it is for a sardgent mayor , or who soever doth pretende to be curiouse in the profession of armes , that he be expert in aritmeticke , and in knowinge who to finde oute the square roote of any number , that he may withe the more facility order devide , and ranke his souldieres , eyther of greate or smale numberes ; yea and of whate soever forme a sardgent mayor , oughte not to be ignorante , for some times occasion and situation offerethe that neyther of the . formes of squadrones are to be used ; wherfore i will set downe the rules , firste for the framinge of the foure formes of squadrones moste a customed and moste in use , as alsoe the rules to frame squadrones acordinge to the situation and disposition of the place , and occasiones to fighte , as well of equalities as of inequalities . the . formes of squadrones moste acustomed and moste in use , is the square of men the square of grounde , bastarde square , and broade square , whiche the spaniarde caule quadra de gente ; quadra de tereno , prolongado , y gran frente . gentell reader , understande that the firste thinge to by understoode in framinge of squadrones , is that the principall boddies of thē are to be framed of pikes , to the whiche are required a certaine quantity of shot , which are to be devided as time situation and occasion shal-require , touchinge whiche divisiones greate consideration and industry is required in many occurantes of warlike affaires , and it is of greate importance for who so ever takethe this chardge in hande to be perfecte in aritmeticke to facilitate many rare occurrantes of this arte , and specially in the office of a sardgent mayoyr . it is to be understoode that the rule whiche is observed in setinge in order or array souldieres , is that from the shoulder of the one to the shoulder of the other , is required . foote or at the moste three and haulf , and from ranke to ranke . foote , meaninge from the breaste of the one to the backe of the other . but when occasion shall offer to fighte . foote or ½ . is i noghe from ranke to ranke meaninge frō the breste of the owne to the backe of the other , and one for his one statiō , soe that he ocupies before and behinde , and for his person . foote . to forme a squadron square of men , yove shall wourke , as before taughte in findinge oute the square roote which shall serve for fronte and flanke , as by the example folowinge yove shall more plainely understande , suppose that yove are to frame a squadron square of men of . pikes , to finde oute the square roote of this nūber firste pricke the laste chifer . towardes the righte hande , that don , pricke the other . towardes the lefte hande , so that the figure . standethe in the midel , nowe fall to the . that standethe on the lefte hande , and say the raise of . is . in sayinge two times two makethe . whiche yove are to substracte oute of the that standethe on the lefte hande then conzeale the . and plase azero above it , nowe fall to . that is in the quotient , and say two times two makethe . whiche yove shall place right under the . whiche liethe in the mideste of the number given , and say how many times in . whiche can be but one , in sayinge . times . makethe . oute of . restethe but . which . yove shall place a bove the . and cāzeale the . that don fall to . that liethe in the quotient under the chifer . on the righte hande , and say one time one is . oute of that layethe on the righte hande there shall reste . whiche shall be plased righte over the . towardaes the righte hāde , then canzeale the . and there shall remaine . soe that . is youre fronte and flanke , and . remaininge whiche shall serve to guarnish the culoures , to se if yove have don well , multiply . the square roote in it self , and the producte will by . to whiche producte ad . pikes , that did remaine , and the som therof wil be like unto the firste number given which was . as by the figure folowinge yove may see . a battel square of men of . pikes whose fronte and flancke is . square roote .                                                                                                               for suche as are not expert in aritmeticke i have set downe the a fore saied table to finde the square roote of any nūber to then thousande , whiche shall healpe muche suche as are not able in aritmetike , but suche as are inclined to be perfecte in this noble arte of warr : i woulde wishe them not to wholy truste to this rule for the reasones before declared ; but rather learne to be perfecte in arithmetike , which is the sureste way . a squadron square of men of . souldiers of the whiche . are pikes , and . musketes . fronte of the battel . square of men . pikes . musk. musk. musk. musk. supose that yove are to frame a squadron square of men of . souldiers of the whiche . are pikes and . are musketes and that yove woulde have the squadron proportionally lined , every way withe the shott . to wourke the whiche firste take the square roote of the . pikes whiche yove shal finde to be . and say that . is the fronte and flanke of the squadron of pikes , that don take the whole number of shott and pikes whiche is . oute of the whiche alsoe take the square roote , whiche yove shall finde to be . oute of this substracte . the square roote of the pikes , and there shall remaine . and so yove finde the number that yove demaunde for the girdlinge shott , nowe devide the . into two partes and say that yove finde in one parte and . in the other , and say that by youre devision yove finde that the firste maniple of musketes is to marche withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , whiche is for the linenge shot of the right flanke of youre squadron . that don say that also by , youre laste devision yove finde . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke to guarinshe the liefte flanke of youre squadron , and say that the two flankes of youre squadron are linede , withe shott , meaninge . in eache ranke of the linenge of the righte flanke , and . in eache ranke of the linenge of the liefte flanke ; so the two flankes are lined . that don , say that . the fronte of youre pikes adinge therunto . musketes of the linenges of the two flakes makethe and say that in youre laste devision yove finde that . rankes of . musquetes in eache ranke are to marche for the linenge shott of the vangarde , and alsoe . rankes of . musketes are to marche in the laste devision of shott for the linenge of the rergarde of youre battell , as by the figure before and in the devisiones of the same yove see plainely declared , and so youre squadron of pikes is proportionally lined every way in as muche as the devision and number can affourde . a squadron square of men of . souldiers of the whiche . are pikes , and . musketes devided proportionally as by the figure folowinge yove see . fronte of the battel . pikes . musq . musq . musq . musq . . for the framinge of all suche squadrones eyther of greate or smale numberes , whiche yove woulde have to be proportionally lined withe shott yove shall wourke in this maner folowinge : firste take the number of pikes whiche is . oute of the whiche take the square roote , whiche is . and say that so many pikes shall the fronte and flanke of youre battell containe , and that it is of equall strenghte every way as well , to offende as to defende , and when yove woulde drawe them into squadron , for the more breuity yove may devide the fronte therof into two maniples eache one contayninge . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke , nowe to proportionally guarnish the same withe the shot take youre full number of pikes , and shot whiche is . oute of whiche nūber take the square roote whiche yove shall finde to by . that don , substracte . the square roote of the pikes oute of . the square of the full number of pikes and shot , and there shall remaine . this digit devide into two equal partes , whiche is foure in eache parte , and say that the squadron of pikes is to be lined every way withe . shott as by the devision of the same yove see , meaninge that youre firste division of shott is to marche withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , whiche is to line the righte flanke of youre squadron of pikes , and so many more rankes shall marche to line the lefte flanke of the squadron of pikes , meaninge . rankes of . musketes in every ranke , so the two flankes of youre squadron are lined . that don say that the fronte of youre squadron is . and therunto ad the linenge shott of the two flankes , and it wil a monte to . to line the fronte of youre battell , say that yove are to marche withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , and so many more for the linenge of the rerwarde of youre battell as the figure and divisiones shewethe , and soe shall yove finde youre squadron proportionally lined every way ; whiche by the rule forme , and divisiones of the same yove may plainly understande this rule will serve to frame all suche sortes of squadrones eyther of greate or smale numberes , whiche yove woulde have to be proportionally lined withe shott , as plainely the figure and divisiones before sheowethe . in many countries hardly can youe finde the one haulf of there pikes armed withe complett corseletes , soe that this rule will sheowe yove how to guarnish the unarmed pikes , withe the complett corseletes proportionally every way , advertisinge that the culoures is to marche in the center . a cross battell of . souldieres of the whiche . are pikes , and . musketes , whiche are to be divided into batteles , and lined proportionally on the two flankes , as by the figure and divisiones followinge are reasoned . to wourke the whiche , firste take the number of pikes , for eache squadron of the . required for youre cross battell . nowe to youre purpose take the square roote of . pikes of youre firste squadron , whiche will be . and . pikes remaininge , and say that . pikes is the fronte and flanke of youre firste battell of pikes , as alsoe of the other . batteles , and . pikes remaininge in eache battell , whiche shall serve to guarinsh the culoures ; soe that · is the fronte and flanke of eache one of youre . batteles of pikes , and . pikes remayninge for the linenge of the culoures of eache battell of the . nowe for the division of youre propounded number of shott . double the one flanke of eache one of the . batteles of pikes , whiche double will by . this . the double flanke of the . batteles of pikes divide by . youre propounded number of musketes , and the number in the quotient will by . and musketes remayninge , and say that the two flankes of eache of youre . batteles of pikes are to by lined withe . rankes of ten musketes in eache ranke as by the figure , and deutiones folowenge yove may playnely see , and withe the observation of this rule withe any other number eyther greate or smale yove shall withe facility knowe how to proportionably divide yovre shott for to guarinsh the two flankes of yovre squadron of pikes . thiese cross batteles are esteemed to be wonderfull stronge consideringe well the framinge therof . it is also of wonderfull safegarde , for the security of the bagadge amunitiones and hurte men , and if the enemy shoulde chance to charge the firste battel , or any of the other . whiche beinge a lone are but of litle force . wherfore consideration oughte to be taken of the stratagemes of the enemy , and withe what order they do marche , and then yove may double or tribele yovre fronte acordinge as occasion shall require and the situation shall permitt . and if the enemy are stronge on horse , regarde oughte to be taken in due time of the bagadge that it goe deposito , or be twexte the two laste batteles , and for theyr better security in suche ocationes , i woulde cut two rankes of eache of the two laste batteles and therwithe guarnishe the fronte and regard of the bagadge and also withe shott under the shelter of this guarnison of pikes so that they may be shadowed and defended every way and give a triple fronte to the two laste batteles . cross battell . severall sortes of armes are manadged in all coutries and in many places hardly can yove finde the one haulf of there pikes armed withe complett corseletes . wherfore i tought fitt to set downe the rules for the due orderinge in proportion of thiese severall sortes of armes , for beinge moste necessary in many occasiones in warrlike affaires : put in case yove have . souldieres , of the whiche . are unarmed pikes . armed withe complett corseletes , . officeres reformed and particular persones who are armed withe gilted corseletes , and for the linenge shott . musketes . of the whiche number the campe master general , woulde have a squadron square of men to be framed , puttenge the unarmed pikes in the center , proportionally lined every way withe the armed corseltes , and the armed pikes proportionally lined withe the gilted corseletes and officeres reformed , as also that the . sides of the full battell of pikes to be proportionally guarinshed withe the . musketes . to wourke the whiche firste take . whiche is the unarmed pikes oute of whiche take the square roote whiche is and. pikes remayninge , and say that pikes is the fronte and flanke of yovre center of unarmed pikes . that don take the full number of unarmed and armed pikes whiche is . oute of whiche also take the square roote which will be . nowe deducte of this . the raise or square roote of the unarmed pikes , and there shall remaine . this . devide into two partes , and it is . in eache parte , and say that . rankes of . corseletes in eche ranke is to guarnish the right flanke of yovre center of unarmed pikes , and so many more for the guarnision of the leifte flanke of the center of the unarmed pikes . nowe to proportionally line the fronte of the center say that to the fronte of the center is to be aded of the . lininges whiche make the . so say that the fronte is to be guarinshed withe . rankes of . armed pikes in eache ranke , and so is the fronte of yovre center and unarmed pikes lined , and the rerwarde is to be guarinshed withe the self same order , imeane . rankes of armed pikes of . pikes in eache ranke , so the center of the unarmed pikes is proportionally lined every way withe the complet corseletes . nowe to line the armed pikes withe the . gilted corseletes take the full number of pikes as well armed as unarmed whiche is . oute of whiche take the square roote whiche is . oute of this . the laste rays deducte . the square roote of yovre armed and unarmed pikes and there shall reste . this . devide into two partes whiche will be one , and say that the righte flanke of the armed pikes are to be guarinshed withe onely . gilted pikes which iuste ocupies place of one in eache ranke of the flāke and iuste so many more for to guarinshe the leifte flāke of the armed pikes , and say that the two flankes are guarinshed : nowe youre fronte is . and iuste so many gilted pikes are to guarinsh the outewarde side of the armed corseletes , and iuste so many for the linenge of the rerwarde so youre squadron is proportionally guarinshed every way , imeane the center withe the armed pikes , and the armed pikes withe the gilted corseletes . nowe to devide youre . musketes , youe are to take the square roote of the propounded and full number of pikes and shott whiche is . whiche square roote will. be . oute of this square deducte . the square roote that was of the full number of pikes and there shall remaine , this . devide into two partes , the one will be . and the other . and say that by youre devition youe finde that the right flanke of youre squadron of pikes is to be lined , withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , ( that don ) say that for the linenge shot of the leifte flanke youre devition yealdethe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke so are youre two flankes of the squadron of pikes lined withe shott , nowe withe the two linenges of shott youe finde the fronte to conteyne . and say that . rankes of . musketes is to line the full fronte of the battell of pikes and . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke is to guarnish the full fronte of the rerewarde , for by the rule of divition and proportion it can not be other wise , so youre unarmed pikes are in the center , proportionally lined withe the corseletes , and the corseletes withe the gilted armor , and the squadron of pikes proportionally lined every way withe the . musketes as youe shall see by the figure and devisiones folowinge , advertisinge that in youre devisiones there do remaine . unarmed pikes and . of the gilted corseletes and five musketes as in the devisiones folo winge youe may see , all whiche are comprehended in the . the remainder of youre laste devision , as here folowth declared . a squadron square of men . pikes . cors . cors . cors . cors . gilt. c. gilt. c. gilt. c. gilt. c. mus . mus . mus . mus . pik . gilt. mus . . ran. rank . rank . ran. rank . rank . rank . rank . rank . rank . rank . rank . rank . unarmed pik . armed pik . gilted corsel . musketes . consideringe that many are ingnorante in knowinge the proportion of many sortes of squadrones and unequall numberes ● toughte necessary to put hire the tabel and rules for the same as hire foloweth . i woulde wishe allsuche as do pretende to step forwarde in the noble profeshion of armes , troughe there prudēt cariadge , and goode applicationes , to consider that many goode partes are required in them , amongste the which we finde it moste necessary that he be expert in aritmeticke , for otherwise hardly can he bringe unto perfection the rare curiosities required to the severall executions of the arte of warr . and especially the sundry devisiones of the severall sortes of squadrones , which by dayly triall , and experience , we see that many who are not curiouse nor expert in aritmeticke do err in uerie many ocasiones , and can not compass , nor bringe to iuste perfection withe grace , many rare occurantes in warrlike affaires ; and that for the moste parte resultinge of there litle aplicationes in imitatenge the vertouse prudent and approoved souldier ; and also troughe the blynde consideration of som , who consideringe that nowe in oure later warres for the moste parte all electiones goes by favor frindship or affection : yea and uery many by meanes of enteres , so that very many do not take the paines in aplieinge them selves in learninge the severall rare curiosities of this arte but rather mocke , and floute at those of rare and curiouse iudgementes by cause that their skill and capacitie can not reache in resolvinge the rare and deepe secretes of this arte , after those of perfection in this arte we looke , for those of imperfection we finde on every foote : so none oughte to reprehende in absence wherof in presence he is ingnorante . proportiones of inequalities is that the battell may be more broade then longe or more in fronte then in flanke . thiefe proportiones of inequalities is as . to . that is to say the battel to be two tymes more broade then longe , or more in fronte then in flanke , as is one to thre or . to . ett . or the battell to be three times or . tymes more broade then longe , or more in fronte then in flanke , or to be ⅓ . or ¼ . more broade then longe or any other suche like proportiones , to whiche effect i put this table and the rules thereunte apertaininge . ½ is as — to ⅔ — — / — — ⅔ — — / — — / — — / — — / ● — — / ● — — ● ¾ — — ½ — — / ● — — ⅔ — — / — — / — — / — — / — — ½ is as — to / ● — — ¼ — — ⅕ — — / — — / — — / — — / — — / ● — — ½ — — ⅓ — — ¼ — — ⅕ — — ⅙ — — / — — ⅛ — — / — — / — — ½ is as — to ⅓ — — / ● — — ⅕ — — ● / — — / — — / — — / ● — — / — — ½ — — ⅓ — — ¼ — — ⅖ — — / — — / — — / — — ⅛ — — / — — to reduce theese fractiones into whole numberes , and to knowe theyr proportion youe are to wourke in this maner folowinge . firste multiply the whole number by the fractiones denominator , and ad therunto the numerator of the saied fraction , and the proportion is founde , as for example to have the battell to containe so muche and the one haulf more in front then in flanke whiche the spaniard call tanto i medio ; seeke in the table ½ wher of the whole number is . . and the fraction is ½ nowe multiply the whole number . by the fraction is denominator . and it makethe . wherunto youe shallad the saied fractiones numerator which is . whiche two adisiones dothe amount . and the fractiones denominator is . so say it is in proportiō as is . to . and so muste yove wourke withe all suche numberes to knowe the proportion therof , or say that youe will have the battell to be / . more in fronte then in flanke , and to finde the proportion say it is as . to . as in the table yove shall see , and that yove may better understand it wourke as before taughte , firste in multiplienge the vvhole number . by . the fractiones denominator and it vvill be to this . ad . vvhiche is the fractiones numerator and it vvill be and say that it is in proportion as . to . and vvithe this observation and rule youe shall knovve in vvhat proportion shall by anny number . to frame a battell of . souldieres , whiche shall containe so muche and the one haulf more in fronte then in flanke , whiche the spaniarde and italian call de tanto y medio . the advantadge of grounde goode order , and military discipline are suche that troughe the conduction of prudente and brave comaūderes smale numberes offten times repulse far greater numberes , and some times the situatiō and disposition of ground-so faulethe oute , that neyther of the . formes of squadrones can serve ; wherfore a sardgent mayor ▪ or whosoever undertakethe to by curious or perfect in this arte , ought to be expert in framinge all sortes of batteles , as well of equall and inequall numberes whatesoever , wherfore i tought fitt to set downe the rules for the framinge of suche batteles bigininge with a battell of so muche and one haulf more in front then in flanke , which the italian calle tanto y metcho ; which i supose to by framed of . armed pikes , and that the fronte therof containe so muche and the one haulf more in front then in the flanke , to wourke the which put downe the number propounded whiche is . pikes , unto which number ad the one haulf of the self number , whiche will be ● / . that don , ad bothe numberes and it will a monthe to / . oute of whiche take the square roote , which will by . and . remaininge , and say that . is the front of the battell . to finde oute the flanke take . the number of pikes , and divide it by . the front , the quotient therof wil be . and . pikes remaininge , and say that . is the flanke ; and the . pikes which did remaine oute of youre laste division will serve to guarnishe the culoures , soe that . is the front , and . the flanke , whiche comethe to the juste proportion of the forme and number propounded , to see if yove have don , well multiply . the front by . the flanke the product of which multiplication , and the . which did remaine in youre laste diuision , and if it agrie with the number of pikes propounded yove have don well , if not yove err , advertisinge that the proportion of the front and flanke muste be observed , the forme wherof yove shall see here followinge , and lined proportionally every way withe the . musketes , as yove more plainely may perceive by the figure followenge , and by the divisiones of the same . a squadron of so muche and the one haulfe more in fronte then in flanke . pikes contained in the boddy of the battell . p. pikes remaininge to guarnish the culoures . p. the lineng shott of the righte flanke . m. the lininge shott of the leifte flanke . m. the lininge shot of the full fronte . m. the lininge shot of the front of the reere . m.   m. a squadron of so muche and one thirde parte more in fronte then in flanke . pikes . pikes . musk . musk . musk . musk . musk , remaininge . / ● . some times occasion and situation may offer to frame a squadron of so muche and one thirde parte more in front then in flanke , whiche the spaniarde caule tanto y un tercio , whiche i supose to be of . souldieres of the whiche . are pikes and musketes , and consideringe that asargent mayor or any perfect souldier oughte not to be ingnorant in the framinge of all sortes of squadrones as tyme occasion and situation shall require , wherfor i tought fitt to set downe the rules for the framinge of any suche or semblable sortes of batteles , nowe biginenge withe the aboue nūber . to wourke the whiche firste take the propounded number of . pikes , that don devide it by . the quotiente wherof will by . this . the parte of the propounded number , ad to it the propounde nūber of pikes and it wil be . oute of whiche take the square roote whiche wil be . and . remainenge and say that . is the fronte of youre battell ; that don , to finde oute the flanke devide . the propounded number of pikes by . the fronte , the quotiente wherof will be . and two pikes remainenge , and say that . is the flanke and the fronte and two pikes remayninge , to see of youe have don well , multiply the fronte by , the flanke addinge to the producte of youre multiplicatiō the remainder , and if it agrie withe youre propounded number of pikes it goes well . nowe for the devition of youre propounded number of short whiche is . musketes take the whole number of short and pikes , whiche is . and divide the same by . whiche quotient youe shall finde to by . and one remaininge , nowe thiese . the quotiente of youre laste devision of the propounded number of . the producte of whiche . aditiones wil by . that don take the square roote of . which will by . the fronte of the number , nowe to finde oute the flanke , take youre principall number of pikes and shott whiche is . whiche youe are to devide by . the square roote of . and the number in the quotiente will be and . remayninge and say that . is the fronte and ● . the flanke , that don deducte . the flanke of youre squadron of pikes oute of the laste flanke and there shall remaine . this . divide into two partes and yove shall finde . in eache parte , and say that the firste division of shott is . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke comprehended one ranke of . musketes for the lininge of the culoures of the righte flanke of youre squadron of pikes , and say that the leifte flanke or side of youre battell of pikes are to be lined withe the self same order i meane . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke ; soe is the two flankes of youre battell of pikes proportionally lined withe musketes . nowe to finde oute the shot that will line the fronte and rerwarde of youre battell of pikes deducte . musketes the lininge shott of the two flankes oute of . the full number of shott , and there will remaine . musketes theese . divide by . the full fronte of youre pikes of the two linges the quotient of whiche wil be . this . divide into two partes the one will be . and the other of . and say that the guarnison of musketes that is to line the fronte is . rankes of musketes in eache ranke , and rankes of . musketes for the linenge of the rerwarde , so is youre battell proportionally guarnished or lined every way , ad . vertisinge that . musketes remainethe oute of youre division vvhiche vvill serve for to guarinsh the culoures , so vvithe this observation and rule youe may divide youre shott of any other suche semblable battelles . advertisinge that tvvo pikes , vvhiche dothe guarnish the culoures are above the number the devision of the battell yealdeth , vvhiche at leaste are to be taken oute of some ranke for that inescusable purpose to guarinsh the culoures , as also to be rekoned but once in theire firste division ; so that in all squadrones when in the divisiones of theire pikes and shott , shall not reste the conueniente number required for the due lininge of the culoures , then of force must that number be taken oute of some parte of the battell , advertisinge that this number so taken is not to be rekened but once , and that is vvhere theire first division sheovveth , as declared in the tabell of the battell , vvhich is the true observation , and explication of the divisiones bothe of the pikes and shott . so is it to by vnderstoode that the number takē oute of thies divisiones for the culours the battell shall containe so many above the number alued in theire firste division , and so for not to err , the divisiones of the table are to be observed for bienge infallible , and for cause that moste comonly of force order and array muste be broken to orderly place the culors in the center as also to guarnish them vvithe the conveniente pikes and shott . a squadron of two times more in fronte then in flanke . to finde oute the fronte and flanke of any number of pikes , whiche yove woulde have to be two times more broade then longe or more in fronte then in flanke , whiche i supose at this instant to be . of the vvhiche . are pikes and . musketes , firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is · and multiply the same by . the producte will by . nowe oute of this producte take the square roote , whiche wil be , and . remaininge , and say that . is the fronte of youre battell of pikes , nowe to finde oute the flanke , take the propounded number of pikes , whiche is . this . divide by . the fronte , and the number in the quotient will be . and . pikes remaininge so yove founde oute the fronte and flanke , meaninge that . is the fronte , and the flanke , and . pikes remaininge , in youre laste division , whiche will serve to guarnish the culoures , withe the observation of this rule , yove may frame a battell of pikes eyther of smale or greate numberes , and of whate forme yove will have the same to conteine of . times . times or . times more in fronte then in flanke in multiplyinge the propounded number of pikes by the proportion therof , if yove woulde have it containe . times more in fronte then in flanke multiply youre propounded number of pikes by . if yove woulde have it to containe . times more in fronte then in flanke multiply it by . and in wourkinge as before taughte yove shall finde oute the fronte and flanke , and there juste proportion ; for the impalinge shott i have spoken of in other forme of squadrones , but for suche as woulde be curiouse and experte , is required greate consideration to be had for the severall sortes of divisiones of shott , as time occasion and situation shall require , and it is moste necessary for him that undertakethe this chardge in hāde to by expert in arithmeticke , and so withe continuall practice shall he withe greate facility bringe to juste perfection all the divisiones befitenge for this purpose , and let none be ingnorante but that for the severall and rare curiosities of the divisiones of shott is required muche practice , and specially in aritmeticke , whiche is the principall fundament in reducenge thees devisiones into there iuste perfection , alwayes consideringe of tyme occasion and situation , as also of afore caste prevention againste the stratageames and orderes of youre enemy . a squadron square of men of . souldieres of the whiche . are pikes , and . musketes divided into severall maniples , and troupes to marche that they may fall into battell presently when occasion is offered as by the figure and divisiones folowinge set downe , and for suche as have not intered into the deepe judgement and practice of this arte . i will here set downe the order of there divisiones , firste take the propounded number of pikes , whiche is . oute of the whiche take the square roote , whiche will by . the whiche is the fronte and flanke of youre pikes . that don take the full number of youre shott , whiche is and divide this by . the flanke of the propounded number of pikes , and the number in the quotient will by . that don divide the quotient into two equall partes , and youe shall finde the haulfe therof to be so say that . shot comes under the shelter of eache pike of youre flanke for the guarnison of the same , i meane to eache of the two flankes , for triall wherof multiply . the flanke of the pikes by the quotient of youre laste devition whiche was . and the producte will by the iuste number of shott propounded , and that youe may the more easy perceive thiese devisiones i will set them downe in breefe as heere folowinge youe may see . the firste division is . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke whiche shall marche in the vangarde of the divisiones of youre marchinge whiche mōted . musketes . the seconde division of youre squadron is . rankes of . pikes whiche folowes the firste division of musketes and monteth . pikes . the thirde diuision that folowes the seconde shall marche withe rankes of . pikes in eache ranke whiche monteth . pikes . the fourthe division shall by of . rākes of musketes of . in eache ranke monteth . pikes . the fifthe division shall marche withe . rankes of pikes of . pikes in eache ranke whiche monteth . pikes . the sixte division is . rankes of musketes of . musketes in eache ranke whiche is the laste division of shott of the vangarde and linenge shott of the right flanke of the squadron of pikes whiche monteth . musketes . so are the pikes and shott of the vangarde divided and the reste of youre shott and pikes are divided as folowethe . the firste division of the rergarde is divided into . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke whiche shall marche in fronte of the linēge shott of the liefte flanke of youre battell whiche monted . musketes . the seconde division of the reregarde is . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke whiche monted . pikes . vhe thirde division of the rergarde is divided into so many more rankes . pikes . the fourthe division of the reregarde is . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke the firstwinge of shot of the lefte flanke of the battell of pikes . musketes . the fifthe division is . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke monteth . pikes . the sixte division of the rergarde is divided into . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke for the seconde winge of shott of the liefte flanke . musketes .   . if youe woulde have the one haulf of youre shot to marche by them selfes in the vangarde of the pikes as comonly many do , youe may withe ease and breuety in observinge the same divisiones and withoute breakinge of any rāke , in onely comandinge that the firste . divisiones of shott do marche in the vantgarde , and then cause all the divisiones of pikes to folowe , observenge there order as before set downe , plasinge the culores in the center , and after them in therergarde to marche the other . divisiones of shott which is for the lininge of the liefte flanke and observinge their order as before spoken of . pikes . musk . . men . by the figure followinge youe see the saide divisiones fall oute of theire marche in to battell , and proporsionally lined on the two flankes with the . musketes , as by the divisiones of the same , and the figure followinge youe may see as the table of the divisiones of the battell hire folowinge sheoweth . youe shall understande that in the division of the pikes there did remaine nothinge , and for bienge inescusable to guarinsh the culoures withe pikes and shott , i cutt of the fronte of the battell one ranke which containes . pikes and . musketes , of thies pikes . shall guarnishe the two flankes of the culoures and the other pikes shall by imploied for other purposes , and the . musketes with other . that are to be taken oute of the battell shall guarinsh the culoures , so for suche as for curiositie woulde confronte this rekoninge it is necessary they knowe the diference is that . mueketes are to by taken oute of the battell to guaruish the culoures as before declared . which are to be rekoned but once for otherwise there shall by . musketes diference . the pikes contained in the boddy of the battel . . p. the pikes that doth guarinsh the culours . . p. pikes employed in ocasiones of service . . p.   . p. pikes . musketes . men . table of the battell . musketes . pikes . pikes . musketes . pikes . musketes . musketes . pikes . pikes . musketes . pikes . musketes . men . square of men. . men . front of the battell . pikes . musk . . a battell square of men whiche ocupies place of . men in which battell goes avoide center which ocupies ●oume of . men apointed for the safetie of hurte men and amunitiones , or for vnarmed men and bagadge . the emptie center . men . unarmed pikes . pik . armed pikes or corseletes . cors . musketes . mus .   . the emptie center for hurtemen amunition and bagadge ocupies plase of . in fronte and allsoe in flancke whose fronte and flanke is . the firste division of unarmed pikes that lines the right flanke of the uoide center shall be devided into . rankes of . unarmed pikes in each ranke . pikes . the seconde division of the unarmed pikes shall alsoe marche withe . rankes of . pikes in each , to guarnish the left flanke of the voide center . pikes . the thirde maniple of unarmed pikes that shall line the front of the center shall be divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache pikes . the fourthe maniple of the unarmed pikes that shall march to line the rergarde of the center divided into rankes of . pikes in eache ranke . pikes . the first division of armed pikes shall be divided into . rankes of . corseletes to line the right flanke of the unarmed pikes . corselet . the second division of corseletes that doe line the left flanke of the unarmed pikes is divided into . rankes of . corseletes in each . corselet . the thirde division of corseletes that shall line the front of the vnarmed pikes shall be divided into . rankes of . corseletes in eache . corselet . the fourthe division or maniple of corseltes that shall line the rergarde of the unarmed pikes shall be divided into . rankes of . corseletes in eache ranke . cors . in the divisiō of the armed and unarmed pikes there did remaine . pikes of the whiche . are corseletes .   . the division of the musketes of the siyed squadron to line the battell proportionally everie way shall be divided in this maner fol●owinge , the rules bothe for this division , as also for the divisiones of the drie pikes and corseletes . i will set downe af ter this . the firste division of shott of the saide squadron shall march in the vangarde withe . rankes of . musketes in each ranke for the lininge of the right flanke of the battell of pikes monteth . mus . the seconde division of the uangarde shall marche withe . rankes of . musketes in each ranke for the linenge shott of the lieft flanke of the squadron . mus . the first division of shott of the rergarde shall be divided into . rankes of . musketes in each ranke for to line the front of the battell . mus . the second division of shott of the rergard shall be divided into . rankes of . musketes in each ranke which shall line the rergarde of the battell . mus .   mus . table of the battell . i do not doubpte but many who have not longe practised in the framinge of squadrones , and that are not skilfull in the severall divisiones of the same , and in particular suche as are not able in arithmetike , will in the begining finde greate difficulte in well orderinge and dividinge in proportion thiese batteles withe centeres , and lined every way proporsionally withe sundrie sortes of weapones . wherfore i tought fit to set downe in writinge the maner of they re severall divisiones . to wourke the whiche yove muste bigin withe the center ; then withe the divisiones of youre unarmed and armed pikes , and then withe the divisiones of youre shott to see how they fall to line the squadron of pikes in proportion as hire folowethe . to wourke the whiche , firste bigin with . youre propounded number for the voide center , and demaunde for the square roote of . whiche is . so youe finde that . is the front and flanke of the void center , that don say that youre voide place or center ocupies . foote in front and . in flanke , then place downe . the center and . the unarmed pikes whiche two adisiones , will amont to . oute of whiche take the square roote which is . and say that . is the front of the vnarmed pikes withe the voide center , that don substract . the front of the center oute of . the front of the center and unarmed , and youe shall finde that . remaniethe , this divide by ! and the quotient will be . so say that by youre division youe finde that . unarmed pikes comes to the linenge of the center everie way , beginenge firste withe the right flanke of the center which is . and say the linenge of pikes of that flanke is . rankes of pikes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more rankes for the linenge of the leift flanke of the center , conteinenge . pikes in each linenge , so by youre division youe fouude the . linenges of pikes of the . flankes of the center . nowe say . the front of the center and the . linenges of the same maketh . . the front of the center and . lininges , nowe say that the thirde maniple of unarmed pikes that shall line the front of the center and the . linenges of the same , shall marche witth . rankes of . drie pikes in each ranke , so the . flankes and front of the center are linde : that don say that the . maniples of unarmed pikes are to be divided into . rankes of . pikes in each ranke for to line the rergarde of the void center , and say that the center is proportionally lined everie way withe the unarmed pikes , and that one unarmed pike did remaine in youre laste division . nowe to divide the armed pikes , to line the unarmed proportionally every way , take the full number of the center , of the unarmed , and armed pikes propounded , which . partisiones dothe amonthe . that don take the square roote of this number which wil be . and resteth . of the which . are armed pikes and . unarmed , nowe substract the square roote . oute of the square roote . and there shall reste . this . divide and say that comes to line one way , and . armed pikes the other side of youre unarmed pikes ; then say that the firste division of armed pikes that shall line the right flanke of the unarmed , muste march withe . rankes of . armed pikes in each ranke which dothe amonth to . so say that the right flanke of the unarmed is lined with corseletes , nowe in the seconde division of corseletes shall march . rankes of . armed pikes or corseletes in each rancke to line the leifte flanke of the unarmed as by youre division so fallethe oute , nowe say that the flankes of the unarmed pikes are lined with the corseletes . then in the third division of the corseletes shall march . rankes of . corseletes in each ranke for the linenge of the full front of the unarmed pikes , and cēter . that don cause the fourth division or maniple of corseletes to marche withe . rankes of . corseletes in each ranke for the linenge of the rergarde of the battell so say that the voide center is proportionally lined withe the unarmed pikes , and the unarmed withe the corseletes , and that there did reste . pikes whiche shall serve to guarinsh the coulors in the center , advertisinge that . are corseletes and . unarmed pike all which diuisiones youe se ordered as by the figure followinge apeereth ; nowe to divide youre propounded number of shott which was musketes take the full number of the center of the armed and unarmed pikes , as also of the musketes whiche will amonte oute of whiche take the square roote whiche will by . oute of whiche substracte the square of the center of the armed and unarmed pikes , and there shall reste . this divide into two partes and eache parte will by and say that to guarinshe the righte flanke of the squadron of pikes youe are to marche withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , and withe iuste so many more shall youe guarnishe or line the leifte flanke of the full number of pikes , nowe to finde oute the lininge shott of the frōte and rerwarde , say that adinge to . the fronte of the pikes of the two linenges of the two flankes it makethe . and then say that to guarinshe the full fronte youe are to marche withe . rankes of musketes in eache ranke , whiche is the lininge shott of the fronte , and iuste so many more rankes shall guarnishe the rerwarde of the battell of pikes meaninge . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke and so is youre battell proportionally lined every way as the figure and divisiones folowinge sheowethe . a squadron square of men withe a voide center . front of the battell . table of the battell .   pikes . musketes . soilderes . spaniardes . . italianes . . irishe . . englishe . . borgonones . . valones . .   . a battel square of men framed of six nationes , and who they shall un confusedlie fall into battell withe grace and brevitie , dividinge to each nasion his parte of the vangarde , acordinge the number of men they give in relasion , as by the figure folowinge are orderly divided , to fall into battell of a soddaine withoute any crossinge or cōfusion , with the ensignes of each nation in the center of their pikes . the enemy aproachinge and understandinge that they are resolved to give battell , the campe master generall knowinge of the prudent brave conduction , and resolute determination of the spaniard , italian , irishe , englishe , borgonones , and valones , comaundeth that there shoulde be chosen oute of thiese nationes to the number of . of chosen men of tried valor and full resolution givenge order that a battell square of mē shoulde be framed of the saied . men , and for feare of confusion or contrauersie in tyme of fallinge into squadron , he give the order that the italianes shoulde folowe the spaniardes , the irishe to folowe the italianes , the englishe to folowe the irishe , the borgonones after the inglishe and the valones to folowe , the burgonones , and that eache natiō shoulde folowe one another as before declared withe the fronte and flanke that toucheth eache nation acordinge to the number of men they give in ralation , that withe grace and brevity and withoute any crossinge or confusion eache nation may fall into squadron of a sodaine , and that eache nation may have his parte of the vangarde acordinge to the number of men he givethe in relation . to wourke the whiche i tought fit to set downe the rules for the divisiones of theese nationes , as here foloweth . firste take the full number of pikes given in relation by the saide six nationes , which is . oute of whiche take the square roote , whiche is . the fronte and flanke of the battell , and . pikes remaininge , whiche shall serve to guarnishe the culoures . that done bigin to guarnishe or line the two flankes of the battell of pikes withe short aleowinge five shot under the shelter or defence of eache pike , whiche is the moste that can conveniently be defended under the same . to finde oute the linenge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes , as before ordained , multiply . the flanke by . and the producte will by . and say that the linenge shott of the right flanke is . rankes of musketes in eache ranke , and say that the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is lined withe shott . to guarnishe or line the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes , also say that it is . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke whiche makethe . musketes , and say that youre two flankes of the battell of pikes are lined , nowe to knowe the short that shal guarnishe the full fronte of the pikes , and of the two lininges of the . flankes , ad . the musketes of the . lininges to . the fronte of the pikes , and it makethe . the full fronte , then say that the division of shott that shall line or guarnishe the full fronte is to marche withe . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more rankes shall marche in the fourte division of shot that shall guarnish the full fronte of the rerewarde , advertisinge that eache division of the two last that lines the fronte and rerwarde conteines . musketes in eache , so that the full number of shott of the afore saied . divisiones that shall line the two flankes fronte and rerwarde dothe a mounte to . musketes , comprehended . musketes for to guarnish the coloures , thiese . musketes deducte oute of the propounded and full number of musketes whiche is . and there shall remaine . musketes whiche i divide into . troupes whiche comethe to . musketes in eache troupe , the whiche . troupes is divided in the . angles and two flankes of the battel as by the figure and divisiones folowinge youe may better perceive , where all is ordered and set downe , and withe as greate facility as the divisiones can affourde , that there by suche as are not experte in aritmeticke nor in the theorike and practike of this arte may the sooner conceive the same .   pikes . musketes . soilderes . spaniardes . . italianes . . irishe . . englishe . . borgonones . . valones . .   . the full number of shott of the saied six nationes monted . — oute of whiche is to be deducted the divisiones of the . linenges . so that after deductinge the linenge shott of the . frontes of the battell of pikes resteth . m. whiche is divided into . troupes at m. in eache troupe , whiche are divided in the angles and two flankes of the battell of pikes as by the figure and divisiones folowinge ordered and proportionally divided . advertisinge that oute of one of the troupes of musketes of the angles youe are to take . musketes to guarnishe the culores . the divisiones of the pikes and the order wherewithe each nation shall marche to fall into battell withe grace and brevety . by the divisiones of the pikes before spoken of in dividinge . the flanke of youre squadron of pikes be . the number of pikes the spaniardes gave , yove shall finde the number in the quotiente to by . and . remayninge and say that the spaniardes are to marche withe . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke whiche is the order they are to observe when occasion offerethe to fall into squadron withe there coloures in the center of there pikes , advertisinge that there restethe . pikes oute of there division . front . - . the italianes who gave relation of . pikes is divided by the self same rule into . rankes of pikes in eache ranke , and in offeringe occasion withoute any crossing or confusion shall fall into battell withe this order , and close uppon the leifte hande of the spaniardes withe the culoures in the center , and conforme them selves with the spaniardes in fronte and flanke . front . the irish who gave relation of . pikes , shall be divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke withe theyr culoures in the center of theyr pikes , and restethe . pikes oute of there division , and they shal fall into battell withe this order , and close uppon the lefte hande of the italianes . front . - . the englishe who gave relation of . pikes is divided into . rankes of aleaven pikes in eache ranke withe there culoures in the center , and restethe . pikes . front . - . the borgonones who gave relation of . pikes are divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke , and . pikes remaininge , and withe there culoures in the center shall close uppon the lefte hande of the english , when occasion offereth . front . - . the valones who gave relation of . pikes is divided into . rankes of pikes in eache ranke , and . pikes remaininge , and in offeringe occasion to fall into squadron shall observe this order , and ioyne uppon the leifte hande of the borgonones withe there coulores in the center . front . - . advertisinge that of the . pikes that did remaine in the divisiones of the spaniardes , irishe , english , borgonones , and valones . they shall by divided into . rankes of two pikes in eache ranke and shall close upp on the leifte hande of the valones when occasion shall offer to fall into battell , and there shall reste pikes . front . - .   front . - . the firste division of shott that shall guarnishe or line the righte flanke of the squadron of pikes is divided into rankes of five musketes in eache ranke , consideringe that a pike can hardely defende under the shelter or defence of the same above five shott at the moste . musk . the seconde division of shott that shall guarnishe the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . musk . the thirde division of shott that is to guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes , and the two linenges of the same is divided into . rankes of five musketes in each rank . m. the fourthe division of shott that is for to guarnishe the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , and the two linenge shott of the two flankes is divided into . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . m. in the division of the full number of shott there did remaine oute of the division . musketes that is to guarnishe the coulores as in the divisiones of the shott is set downe . m.   musk . after lininge youre squadron of pikes proportionally every way as before declared , the . guarnitiones of shott montes . musketes whiche are to be substracted oute of the principall some or number of musketes whiche is . there shall remaine . musketes , this remainder divide into . troupes and youe shall finde by youre division eache troupe to containe . musketes ordered and divided in the foure angles and two flankes of the battell of pikes to skirmishe acordinge as tyme occasion , and situation shall require as by the figure folowinge youe may see who all thiefe divisiones do fall oute of there marche into aperfect squadron in the forme and maner as before declared and sett downe . advertisinge that oute of the laste troupe of musketes on the liefte angle of the battell muste by taken . musketes for the lininge shot of the culoures , so that troupe of musketes containes but . musketes and all the reste . so that . muskeths difereth . advertisinge that the culoures of eache division of pikes shall marche in the center of the same , so that when occasion shall offer they may with grace and brevity fall into battell array , and withoute any crossinge or confusion nor cuttinge of rankes nor order as many do , but unconfusedly with grace , and brevetie fall into battell , as by the figure followinge youe may see , the . musketes youe take oute of one of the troupes of the angles for to guarnish the culoures are to by reckoned in theire due place as the divisiones of shott sheoweth , and youe are not to reken them in the battell by reason they were borowed oute of one of the troupes of musketes . and let none by ignorante that when the conveniente number of pikes and shott do not remaine oute of the divisiones to guarnish the culoures , then of force order and array muste be broken , in cutinge the shott and pikes necessary to guarnish them , and so for not to err in the rekeninge the divisiones of the table of the battell are to by observed ( for beinge infalible ) and for bienge the producte : of the generall rule of all the divisiones of the battell , so is it to be under stoode that theire is no better surer nor brifer rule for this purpose . by the figure folowinge and by the table and divisiones of the same you may see who eache nation doth march with the fronte and flanke acordinge the number of men they gave in relasion , advertisinge that the culoures of each nation are to march in the cinter of theire division of pikes , and the rankes of pikes of pikes in ranke that did remaine oute of the divisiones of the saide nationes shall close upp on the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes as be the figure and divisiones followinge youe may plainely see who orderly oute of there march they fall unto battell with grace and brevity . front of the battell . square of men. table of the battel . the spaniardes are divided into . rankes of pikes in each ranke monted . pikes . the italianes into . rankes of . pikes . pikes . the irish into . rankes of . pikes . pikes . the english into . rankes of . pikes . pikes . the borgonones . rankes of . pikes . pikes . the valones into . rankes of . pikes . pikes . the remainder of pikes of the six nasiones divided into . rākes of . pik . in each . pikes . pikes remaininge oute of the divisiones . pikes .   pikes . the lininge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes . musk . the lininge shot of the leifte flanke . musk . the guarnision shot of the fronte monted . musk . the guarnision of the reregarde . musk . shot remaininge oute of the divisiones . musk . . musketes divided into . troupes . musk .   musk . advertisinge that oute of one of the troupes of musketes are to be taken . musketes with the other . that did remaine to guarnish the culoures ; still observinge the divisiones of the table for beinge infalible . the greate battell of . men before spoken of , is nowe divided into three battelles square of men as by the figure folowing appeereth . of the then thousande men ( before spoken of , and of whiche were framed abattell square of men , and all redused into one boddy as before set downe , and the forme of there divisiones . nowe supose that the campe-master generall woulde have the self same nūber of . men to be divided into three batteles square of men and to observe suche goode order in there divisiones that withe grace , and brevity and withoute any crossinge or confusion they may fall oute of there marche into battell , as by the divisiones , and figure folowinge youe may see . advertisinge that of the spaniardes and italianes there shall by framed one squadron , and of the irishe and english another , and of the borgonones and valones an other .   pikes . musketes . soulderes spaniardes . . italianes . . irishe . . englishe . . borgonones . . valones . .   .   pikes . musketes . soulderes . spaniardes and italianes . . irish and english . . burgonones and valones . .   . nowe to oure pupose take the full number of pikes of the spaniardes and italianes whiche is . pikes oute of whiche take the square roote whiche will by . and . pikes remainenge , consideringe that . pikes are muche to remayne oute of the squadron divide by . the square roote , and the number in the quotiente will by one , and . pikes yet remayninge , this one youe founde oute of . ad it to . and it will by . and . pikes remaininge , and say that . is the fronte of the battell of pikes , and the flanke , nowe consider that hardly aboue . shott can by , conveniently defended under the shelter and defence of the pike . and say that youe will line youre battell of pikes proportionally by . musketes every way . this resolution taken multiply . the flanke of the battell of pikes by . musketes the linenge shott , the producte wherof will by . musketes for the lininge shott of the righte flanke of youre battell of pikes , and iuste so many more for the lininge shott of the leifte flanke of the battel of pikes . that don ad . the linenge shott of the two flankes to the fronte of the battell of pikes whiche two aditiones makethe . the full fronte of the pikes and . linenges of the two flankes , nowe to guarnishe the fronte of the battell of pikes multiply . by . the producte wherof will by . musketes whiche is the number of shott that shall guarnishe the fronte of the battell , meaninge . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke . that done say that the two flankes and fronte of the battell are lined withe shott . nowe to guarnishe the rerewarde of the battell , observe the self same order , and number where withe youe did guarnishe the fronte of the battell whiche was . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , and withe so many shall youe guarnishe the re rewarde of the battell , and say that youre battell is proportionally lined every way withe shott . nowe for the division of the reste of youre shott take . musketes the full number of shott propounded , oute of whiche deducte . musketes the girdelinge shott of the . frontes of youre battell , and there shall remaine . musketes . whiche i divide into . troupes of . musketes in each troupe , of the which one troupe shall conteine . musketes by reason the division so fallethe oute , and divided on the two flankes of the battell as by the divisiones , and figure followinge aperethe , whiche is the firste battell of the three , and on the righte hande ; advertisinge that in the laste division of shott there did remaine . musketes where withe youe may guarnish the coulores withe them , and withe the . pikes that did remaine oute of the division of youre pikes , so youre propounded number of pikes and shott are divided . advertisinge that the fronte of this battell is . and the flanke . multiplienge the one by the other and adinge there vnto pikes that doe guarnishe the coulores makethe the propounded number of pikes , whiche was . as by the divisiones followinge apeerethe , advertising that youe are to cut ten musketes that wantes for the guarnision of the culoures , oute of one of the troupes , which youe shall finde to muche in the battell , be reason they are borowed of one of the troupes so folowe the divisiones as they are set downe in the table which is the righte way , and infalible . table of the firste battell .   pikes . musketes . souldieres . irishe . . englishe . .   . the seconde battell . nowe that yove have done withe the number of pikes and shott the spaniardes and italianes gave . take the men whiche is given in relation be the irishe and englishe , of the whiche are pikes , and . musketes . to reduce them into a perfecte squadron square of men , and to be proportionally lined and guarnished every way withe shott . to wourke the whiche , firste take the number of pikes whiche is . oute of whiche take the square roote whiche will by and there shall remaine . pikes whiche may be imployed to guarnishe the coullores , that don say that is the fronte and flanke of the battell of pikes and . pikes remaininge . and supose , that occasion offerethe that youe finde necessary the lininge shott not to pass . in ranke under the shelter , and defence of apike . nowe to finde oute the lininge shott of the righte flanke of youre battell of pikes multiply . the flanke of the pikes by . musketes that is aleowed for the linenge shott , the producte wherof will by . or . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , then say the righte flanke of the pikes are lined withe shott , and iuste so many more rankes of shot shall serve for the lininge of the leifte flanke of the battel of pikes , observinge the self same number and order as did the linenge shott of the right flanke of the battell of pikes whiche is . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke whiche monteth to . musketes , nowe to guarnish the fronte of the battel of pikes whiche is . ad therunto the two lininges whiche . aditiones will by . the full fronte of the pikes , and of the two lininges whiche youe shall multiply by . the producte wherof will by . musketes or . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , so the two flankes and fronte of the battell of pikes are proportionably lined . nowe to guarnish the reregarde of the battell of pikes withe shott , observe the self same order before set downe for the lininge of the fronte of the pikes . that is to say . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , so youre battell of pikes is proportionally lined every way . that don substracte the . musketes the linenge shott of the two flankes fronte and rerwarde oute of the principall number of shott whiche is and there shall reste . musketes whiche youe shall divide by . or into troupes and the quotiente of youre division alowethe . musketes in eache troupe , whiche yove may double when occasion require ( that don ) say that the reste of youre shott is divided into . trovpes of . musketes in eache troupe to be divided on the two flankes of the battell of pikes to squirmish in single or double siele as occasion and situation shall require , so al youre pikes and shot are divided , advertisinge that the . pikes that did remaine oute of the division of the pikes are to guarnish the coulores , as by the divisiones folowinge youe may see . advertisenge that by reason no musketes did remaine oute of the divisiones , youe are to cutt of one of the troupes . musketes to guarnish the coulores whiche are not to be rekoned in the boddy of the battell ( but for borowed ) but where the divisiones fauleth and sheoweth whiche is the righte way as here under youe see in the table which is unfalible . table of the seconde battell .   pikes . musketes . souldieres . borgonones . . valones . .   . the thirde battell . nowe to frame the thirde battell of the . men the borgonones and valones gave in relation meaninge . pikes , and . musketes , firste take the propounded number of pikes , whiche is . oute of whiche take the square roote , whiche yove shall finde to be . soe that . is the fronte and flanke of the battell , and . pikes , remaininge whiche shall serve to guarnishe the culoures . put in case that occasion requirethe that youre linenge shott is to be no more then . musketes in ranke , and say that . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke shall guarnishe the righte flanke of the battell of pikes , and juste so many more for the linenge of the leifte flanke , whiche two linenges makethe . musketes , that don take . the fronte of the pikes , and ad therunto . the linenge shott of the two flankes , whiche two aditiones will make . to guarnishe the fronte of youre battell of pikes , say that the thirde division of shott is . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , and juste so many more rankes for the linenge shott of the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , observinge the self same order as dothe the thirde division of shott , meaninge . rankes , of . musketes in eache ranke , whiche two divisiones for the linenge shott of the fronte and rerewarde makethe musketes , and soe the . sides of youre battell of pikes are proportionally lined every way , the foure linenges importheth . musketes . that don substracte . musketes oute of the full number of shot whiche is . and there shall remaine . musketes , whiche yove shall divide as time occasion or situation shall require : whiche nowe i suppose conveniente to be divided into twenty troupes to be divided on the two flankes of the battell of pikes to skirmishe where occasion shall require in single or double fiele , as the situation shall permitt , and the occasion shall require , at . musketes in eache troupe , soe all youre shott and pikas are divided , as before declared ; advertisinge that the culoures shall marche in the center guarnished withe the pikes , that did remaine in the division of the pikes , and by reason no shott did remaine oute of the divisiones of youre shott yove may take . shott oute of the laste division of shott to guarnishe the culoures , soe youre three battelles are framed , and by the figure folowinge youe see howe oute of there divisiones they fall into battell . greate consideration and curiosity is to by vnderstoode for the severall divisiones of shott , as tyme and occasion shall require , alwayes consideringe the situation and disposition of the grounde , as also of the severall occasiones and advantadges in skirnmishenge withe greate or smale troupes withe single or double file and in whate distance ( when , the enemy dothe abounde on horse , and when nott ) and also in preventinge in due time the orderes and stratageames of the enemy . let none by ingnorante that when in the divisiones of pikes and shott theire resteth not inough to guarnish the culoures , of force the necessary shott and pikes required for that purpose are to be cutt of the winges or troupes of the flankes , and are to be rekoned where theire firste divisiones did fall , as declared in the table of the battelles for if youe reken them in the battell and where their firste division did fall , it can not confronte with the divisiones , so observe still the rule of the divisiones as set downe and declared in breefe in the table of the battelles , which is the righte way and generall rule . this table is neowlie invented for that purpose , where presentlie withoute any paines or trouble youe shall finde the reasones , and proportion of all the divisiones of the batteles in breefe ( as well of the shott as of the pikes ) as also whate remaineth oute of the divisiones , whiche table is of rare importance for the breefe explicatinge and orderinge of all the divisiones of battelles . and besides for cause that many auctores do leaue the same in obscuritie to avoide prolixity , as also to disperte the ingeniouse understandinge of those of perfection in this arte . table of the thirde battell . pikes contained in the boddy of the battell . pikes . pikes remaininge to guarnish the culors . pikes . lininge shott of the righte flanke . musketes . lininge shott of the leifte flanck . musketes . lininge shott of the fronte of the battell musketes . lininge shott of the fronte of the rergarde musketes . musketes divided into . troupes on the flankes of the battell . musketes . musketes deducted to guarnish the culours . musketes .   men . square of men. fronte of the seconde battell . fronte of the firste battell . fronte of the thirde battell . a squadron square of grounde of . souldieres of the whiche . are pikes , and . musketes , to reduce them into aperfecte squadron square of grounde firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is . whiche youe shall multiply by . the producte wherof will be this producte divide by . and the number in the quotient will by . oute of this . take the square roote whiche will by . and say that youe founde oute the flanke of the battell of pikes , nowe to finde oute the fronte of the battell , take the propounded number of pikes whiche was . whiche youe shall divide by . the flanke , the quotiente wherof will by . whiche is the fronte of the battell of pikes and there restethe . pikes whiche shall serve to guarnish the coulores , so that . is the fronte and . the flanke . nowe for the division of youre . musketes firste say that for the girdelinge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes muste marche . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke comprehended the ranke of the culors , so the firste division of shott of the van garde is divided into . rankes of five musketes in eacheranke . and the seconde division of shott of the vangarde and firste winge of the right flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke . the thirde division or winge of the vāgarde is also divided into . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke whiche shall serve for the seconde winge of shott of the vangarde and righte flanke of the battell of pikes , so that . musketes , the iuste haulf of the propounded number of shott , are comprehended in the saied . divisiones of shott of the vangarde and righte flanke of the battel of pikes . and for the girdelinge shott and two winges of the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes are also lefte iuste so many more . whiche shall observe the self same order in linenge the leifte flanke of the pikes . imeane . rankes of five musketes in eache for the girdelinge shott of the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes and . slives , of . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , in whiche . divisiones are comprehended the full number of shott whiche was . musketes advertisinge that the firste three divisiones of shott shall marche before the pikes , and the other three divisiones of the rergarde and leifte flanke shall marche after the pikes , as by the divisiones folowinge set downe in brife and shall be better understoode by suche as are not experte in this arte : so that they may the sooner cōceiue and come to understande theese divisiones , and howe oute of there marche they fall into battell withe grace and brevity withoute any crossinge confusion or breakinge of rankes as many do , whiche are not expert in aritmetike nor in the severall sortes of divisiones of firy weapone . the firste division of shott and firste winge of the vangarde is divided into . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke whiche conteines . musk . the seconde winge and division of the vangarde is divided into rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . musk . the thirde division of shott of the vangarde for the girdelinge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke comprehended the ranke of the coulores . musk . after theabove . divisiones of shott of the vangarde shall marche the firste division of pikes of . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke . pikes . the seconde division of pikes is also divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache . pikes . the thirde division of pikes idem . pikes . the fourthe division of pikes is divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke whiche dothe cōtaine . pikes . or the coulores did remaine . pikes . the firste division of shott of the rergarded that followes the pikes and that shall line the leifte flanke is divided into . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke monted . musk . the seconde division and firste winge of musketes of the reregarde is divided into . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke whiche followes the girdlinge shott of the leifte flanke and conteines . musk . the thirde division of shott of the rergarde is divided into another slive of . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke . mus .   . the saied . souldieres are divided into ten divisiones as before declared and who oute of there marche they shall fall in battell eyther in singell or double fiele as occasion shall require , and the situation and disposition of the grounde shall permit , advertisinge that there did remaine . pikes for to guarnishe the coulores , and that in the divisiones of the lininge shott and ranke of the coulores is comprehended . rankes of shott and that eache one of the . winges dothe conteine . rankes more then the divisiones of the girdelinge shott , and that for cause that ordinaryly the winges are augmented with . . or . rankes more then the girdelinge shott . fronte of the battell . table of the battell . p. boddy of the battell of pikes . p. remainder of pikes . m. firste wing of musketes . m. seconde winge of musketes . m. lininge of the righte flanke . m. lininge shott of the leifte flanke . m. firste winge of musket . leifte flanke . m. seconde winge of mus . leifte flanke . .   to frame a squadron square of grounde of . souldieres of the whiche number . are pikes , and . musketes , to reduce this number into a squadron square of grounde , whiche the spanniarde caulle quadro de terreno , firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is . and multiply it by . the producte , wherof will by . this producte divide by . and the number in the quotient will be . oute of this quotiente take the square roote whiche youe shall finde to be . and . remayninge , and say that . is the flanke of the propounded number of pikes . nowe to finde the fronte of the battell take the full number of pikes , whiche is . whiche yove shall divide by . the flanke , and the quotient will be . and remainethe nothinge , and say that . is the fronte of the battell of pikes , and the flanke . nowe for the division of youre shott suppose that yove woulde have the lininge shott not to contayne more then . in ranke , and that yove woulde have the battell of pikes , to be proportionally lined every way withe shot . to wourke the whiche , take . the flanke of the battell of pikes , and multiply it by . the producte wherof will by . and say that the firste division of shott is . muskete ▪ or . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , whiche is the linenge shott of the righte flanke of the battell of pikes , and the seconde division of shott for the linenge of the leifte flanke shall containe juste so many more , nowe to finde oute the nūber of shott that shall be in proportion to guarnish the full fronte of the battell of pikes and of the two linenges , ad to . the fronte of the propounded number of pikes the number of shott of the two linges whiche two aditiones will make . and say that rankes of . musketes in eache ranke shall be the guarnison , or linenge shott of the fronte of the battell of pikes , and of the linenges , and juste so many more for the guarnison of the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , meaninge as before declared . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , so the two flankes fronte and rerewarde of the battell of pikes is proportionally lined every way withe . musketes , and restethe . musketes whiche i divide into . troupes or maniples , ordered and divided in the fronte , rergarde , and . angles of the battell of pikes , to skirmishe eyther in single or double fiele as tyme occasion and situation shall require , and permitt ; all whiche divisiones youe may see by the figure folowinge , for the divisiones of shot let none be ingnorante but that there are many considerationes , and curiosities to be had as time and occasion shall require , and especially if the enemy be superior on horse . hire folowethe who the full number of pikes and shott is divided into . divisiones and who oute of they re marche they fall into battell . the firste division of shott that lines the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke . musk . the seconde division of shott for the linenge shott of the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes iuste so many more . rankes of muskets . musk . the thirde division of shot that guarnisheth the full fronte of the battell and . lininges is . rākes of . musketes in eache ranke . musk . the fourthe divisiō of shott that dothe guarnishe the rerewarde of the battell of pikes and . lininges is . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke . musk . . maniples of . musketes in eache , devided on the fronte rergarde , and . angles of the battell makethe . mus .   mus . advertisinge that of one of the troupes of musketes on the angles of the battell are to by taken . musketes which wantes to guarnish the culoures be reason no musketes did remaine in theire laste division , also be reason no pikes did reste in the division of the pikes y cut . pikes of the flanke to guarnishe the culoures so the fronte of the battel of pikes shall by but . pikes . and by reason the divisiones are before shut upp thies musketes difereth in the rekoninge , so that when aconv eniente number of pikes and shott doe not remaine oute of the divisiones suficiente to guarnish the culoures the above observation mu ste be kepte as ordered in the table of the battell , so to confronte the divisiones with the propounded number yove are to by informed by the table for bienge infallible . a battell of . souldieres divided into five battelles square of grounde , of the whiche number . are pikes , and musketes whiche are equally divided into five batteles , and proportionally lined withe the propounded number of shott whiche is . musketes as the divisiones and figure folowinge sheowethe . to wourke the whiche firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is and divide it into five partes or by five , and the number in the quotiente will by . whiche is the iuste number of pikes youre division yealdethe for eache battell of the five , nowe to finde oute the fronte , and flanke of eache battell take . pikes whiche youre division alowethe for eache battell of pikes , and multiply the same by . the producte wherof will by . this producte divide by . and the number in the quotient will by . oute of this . the quotiente take the square roote whiche will by . and say that . is the flanke of eache one of the five batteles of pikes , nowe to finde the fronte take the propounded number of pikes whiche youre division did alowe to eache battell of pikes whiche was . this pikes divide by the flanke , the quotiente wherof will by . and nothinge remayninge , and say that . pikes is the fronte , and . the flanke of eache battell of pikes before spoken of and when yove will have them fall into squadron lett them marche in . maniples of . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke withe the coulors in the center of the midel maniple , and so shall they fall withe grace and brevity into battell , and withoute any crosinge or confushion . to guarnishe the coulors yove may cutt nine pikes of the flanke of eache battell , and so shall the fronte conteine but . pikes ; nowe for the division of the propounded number of shott whiche was . musketes supose that yove woulde have eache battell of pikes to be proportionally lined alowinge . musketes under the shelter or defence of the pike , firste say that the firste division of shott that shall girdel the right flanke of the firste battell of pikes shall conteine . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more for the girdelinge shott of the leifte flanke , so is the . flankes of the battell of pikes guarnished : nowe to guarnishe the fronte of the battell of pikes withe shott say that . is the frōte of the battell of pikes , and adinge thereūto the two lininges it makethe . and say that the third division of shott is to marche withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , whiche shall guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes , and two lininges ; nowe the two flākes and fronte of the battell of pikes are guarnished , and guarnish the rerwarde of the battell of pikes observe the self same order as yove did in guarnishinge the fronte of the battell of pikes whiche was . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , so youre battell of pikes is proportionally lined every way as before declared . the selfe same order shall by observed for the linenge , and girdelinge shott of the other foure batteles of pikes as more plainely shall a peere by the divisiones and figure folowinge the firste division of shott that dothe guarnishe the righte flanke of the battell of pikes is divided into nine rankes of . musketes in eache ranke . musk . the seconde division of shott that guarnisheth the leifte flanke of the battell of pikes shall observe the self same order . musk . the thirde division of shott that shall guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes , and of the two linenges is divided into . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke monted . musk . the fourthe division that dothe guarnishe the rerwarde of the battell of pikes shall observe the self same order imeane . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke . musk .   musk . by the above mentioned foure divisiones yove see who the firste battell of pikes is proporsionally guarnished withe shott , whiche . divisiones makethe . musketes , and the self same order shall be observed to guarnishe eache one of the other foure battelles of pikes whiche makethe up musketes the propounded number for the five batteles , as youe may plainely see by the figure folowinge howe they fall oute of there marche , and divisiones into battell as before declared , advertisinge that in the divisiones of the pikes and shott there did remaine nothinge . fronte of the seconde battell . fronte of the firste battell . fronte of the thirde battell . fronte of the fifthe battell . fronte of the fourthe battell . table of the five batteles . divisiones of the firste battell : firste division is . r. of . pikes . pikes .   seconde division . idem . pikes .   the thirde division . alsoe . pikes .     pikes .   multiplied by five . .   pikes of the five batteles . pikes .   lininge shott of the righte flanke of the firste battell of pikes , . rankes of musketes in eache ranke . musk .   lininge shot of the lieft flank . r. of . musketes . musk . musk . liningh shot of the front . r. of . m. in each ranke . musk . pikes . guarnision of shot of the reregarde . r. of . musketes . musk . men .   musk .   multiplied by .   lininge shott of the . battelles . .   advertisinge that no pikes nor shot did remaine oute of the divisiones to guarnishe the culoures , so that one ranke of pikes and shott may by cutt all a longeste , the fronte or flanke of each battell to guarnish the culoures . consideringe that crosse batteles are of wonderful force as well aganiste horse as foote as also for the safegarde of bagage amunitiones , and hurtemē : i toughte necessary to put downe the rule for the framinge of suche forte of batteles , put in case that youe have . souldieres of the whiche . are pikes and . are musketes and that youe wouled have this number divided into foure battelles of broade fronte proporsionally lined every way withe the propounded number of shott . to wourke the whiche firste take the number of pikes whiche is . and divide the same by . or into foure partes and the quotiente will by . whiche is the number of pikes that youre division yealdeth for eache of the . batteles of pikes , nowe to frame the firste battell take . pikes , and divide the same by . the quotient will by . of whiche . take the square roote which is . and say that . is the flanke of the battell , nowe to finde oute the fronte take . the number of pikes and divide the same by . the flanke , the quotient will by . and . pikes remayninge , and say that . is the fronte and . the flanke , and . pikes remayninge : so yove finde oute the fronte and flanke of eache battell of the . and . pikes remaininge in eache battell whiche shall serve to guarnishe the coulores , nowe for the division of youre shott take the propounded number of shott whiche is musketes , and divide the same by . or into . partes and the number in the quotiente will by . whiche is the iuste number of shott youre division yealdethe for eache battell of the . of pikes : that done take the number of pikes , and shot that eache battell dothe conteine , whiche is . this full number , divide by . the quotient wherof wil be . oute of whiche take the square roote which will by . the flanke : nowe to finde the fronte of the full number of pikes and shott take . and divide it by . the flanke , and the quotiente will be . and . remaininge nowe take . the flanke of the pikes comprehendinge the linenge of the culors , and substracte it oute of . the laste flanke of the full number of pikes and shott and there shall remaine . and say that the firste division of shott shall marche withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke whiche shall serve for the girdelinge shott of the right flanke of the firste battell of pikes , and iuste so many more for the linenge shott of the leifte flanke , so the two flankes of the battell of pikes are lined , nowe to guarnishe the fronte of the battell of pikes , ad the . linenges to . the fronte of the pikes whiche two aditiones makethe . and say that the thirde division of shot shall marche withe . rankes of . musketes in eache ranke , and iuste so many more rankes of musketes shall marche to guarnish the rerewarde of the battell of pikes , and two linenges , so the foure sides of the battell of pikes are proportionally lined every way , and the selfe same order shall be observed for the divisiones of eache battell of the other three as the figure and divisiones followinge sheowethe , theese cross batteles are esteemed to be of wonderfull force , consideringe well the framinge of them , and they are also of wonderfull safegarde for the bagage , amunitiones and hurtemē , and if the enemy do come to charge on the firste battell or on any of the other outewarde batteles , whiche beinge alone are but of litle force , but the two outewarde batteles marchinge uppon bothe sides of the firste , then it is of triple force , and if the enemy doe charge on the rerewarde of the two alone batteles they close to gither , and are of double force , and if the enemy be stronge on horse , and shoulde charge at once on the fronte and rerewarde then the bagage and hurtemen are to marche betwexte the two double batteles , of the uangarde and rerwarde and cut so many pikes as shall guarnish the same on bothe sides to kepe of the fury of the horse , so it is guarished every way as the divisiones and figure folowinge sheowethe , by reason the culoures are doble lined and that yove muste cut . musketes for eache battell in the rekoninge shall difer so many , it importeth nothinge be reason yove are to observe the generall rule of the table whiche is infallible . fronte of the first battell . fronte of the thirde battell . fronte of the seconde battell . fronte of the fourthe battell . by reason that by the divisiones the conveniente number of shott did not reste for the lininge of the culoures , the . shott that wantes for that purpose in each of the foure battelles , are to by taken oute of some of the divisiones ; soe that thies . musketes borowed shall difer but for not to err in the rekeninge alwayes observe the 〈…〉 of the di●isiones as set downe in the table , for beinge infalible ) and that moste comonly to muche or to litle pikes , and shott are wonte to remaine for the lininge of the culoures , soe that the firste divisiones ordered in the table , is the righte way , for otherwise suche as are not curiouse and of rare judgement can not chuse but err in the rekeninge , and so for to prevente remedy of this confusion , and obscure rekeninge , allwayes observe the divivisiones of the table , for beinge infalible , by reason that the convenient number of pikes , and shott did not remaine oute of the divisiones youe may cut one ranke alongste the flanke or fronte to guarnish the culoures ▪ table of the cross battell . severall orderes are used for the repartinge and prudente orderinge of an army into sundry battalones , as the occasiones and judiciouse intendimente of the prudente and brave comaunder shall finde conveniente , in devidinge them into . . . . or battalones , whiche with facilitie are ordered by the prudente and experimented sardgente mayor . an army of . divided into . battalones of broade fronte , bienge divided by . eache battell shall containe . whos fronte is . and flanke . as by the figures folowinge yove see ordered . the army divided into batteles of broade fronte . . batteles . the selfe same army of . is divided into . battalones of broade frōte : yove shall by youre division finde each battalon to containe . whos fronte is . and flanke . as the figures folowinge sheoweth . the army divided into batteles of broade fronte . . batteles . three thousande men divided into six battelles of broade fronte ordered to fighte , as by the figure followinge yove see , the fronte of each battell is . and flanke . and . remaininge in the divisions of each battallon . severall opiniones are for the divisiones and orderinge of the firy weapon , some use winges of . some . shott , but in my opinion it were far better to divide them into smale troupes of . . . and so till a . for by experience i knowe the same to by of for greater execusion in ocasiones of service , and more ready eyther in plaine straighte or narowe places , for the more troupes of shott yove have beinge prudently ordered and conducted , the more shall the enemy by a plied , the one orderly secondinge the other , which questionless theire execution shall by far greater then if they were divided into greate troupes . when yove shall come to any narowe or straighte pasadges , consider whether the straighte by suche as will suffice that yove may pass trough the same with the order yove march , if not conforme the order with the pasadge , and let the order not by so broade in fronte but that it may convenientely marche withoute breakinge order or array , nor lesher then the thirde parte of the fronte of the battell of pikes , if the situation so permit ; for cause thatt all prevensiones posible to be had for the breefe framinge of battelles are to by more esteemed , rather then fall abreakinge often times order and array , as very many unable sardgente mayores comonly do , but rather prudently with grace and brevitie , and withoute any crossinge or confusion or breakinge of any ranke fall into battell , thies and many more dificulties are with facilitie reduced into theire iuste perfection by prudente and brave conductores , and with grace and brevitie . the rule to frame triangle battelles is to bigin withe one man in the firste ranke , . in the seconde , . in the thirde , seaven in the fourthe , and so consequenty augmentinge in every ranke untill youe finish youre battell , this unused proporsion i put downe to contente those whiche woulde faine knowe the forme of suche battelles , and bisides that à sardgente mayor oughte not to by ingnorante in any maner of forme or proporsiones of squadrones , and that withe facilitie and speede he may change the forme and proporsion , as time ocasion and situasion shall require , and that bisides ocasion may offer that situasion shoulde presente fit for suche formes , so that a sargente mayor oughte not to by ingnorante in no forme of squadrones . fronte . a battell of broade square of . men of the whiche . are complet corseletes and . musketiers , ordered and divided as folowethe : firste take the propounded number of pikes whiche is . this number divide be the quotiente wherof will by . oute of this quotiente take the square roote whiche will by . whiche is the flanke of the battell of pikes . that don to finde oute the fronte of the battell take the propounded number of pikes , and divide the same by the flanke ; whiche quotient wil by . and . pikes remaininge , and say that . is the fronte and . the flanke of the battell of pikes , and that the . pikes shall be to guarnishe the coulores , nowe for the division of the . musketes put in case that yove woulde have the battell to be proporsionally lined every way withe shott , consideringe that five shott is the moste that can be conueniently defended under the shelter or defence of the pike , and say that yove will have the battell to by guarnished withe five musketes in ranke , to wourke the whiche take . the flanke comprehended : the two rankes of the coulores and say that the firste division of shott is . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke whiche is the girdelinge shott of the righte flanke and iuste so many for the linenge of the liefte flanke , nowe to finde oute the shott that shall guarnishe the full fronte of the battell of pikes and the two linenges , take . the linenges of the two flankes , and ad it to . the fronte whiche two aditiones makethe . and say that the guarnision of shott of the fronte of the battell of pikes , and two linenges shall marche withe . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke ; nowe for the linenge shott of the rerewarde of the battell of pikes observe the self same order meaninge . rankes of five musketes in eache ranke , so the two flankes , fronte , and rerwarde of the battell of pikes is proportionally lined whiche . divisiones of shott makethe musketes nowe for the division of the reste of the shott substracte . the lininges oute of . musketes the principall some , and there shall reste . musketes whiche can not come under the shelter nor defence of the pikes , whiche i divide into . maniples of . musketes in eache maniple , exepte one troupe that conteines but . musketes whiche i divide on the flankes of the battell of pikes to skirmishe in singell or double fiele as tyme , ocasion , and disposition of the grounde shall permit , so all youre shott are divided as before set downe , and as by the divisiones , and figure folowinge ordered , and howe oute of there marche they fall into squadron advertisinge that the coulores shall marche in the center and midele maniple of pikes , and the . pikes that remainethe for to guarnishe the coulors shall also marche in the same maniple all whiche divisiones are plainly ordered as by the figure folowinge yove may see , who oute of there marche they fall into battell withe grace and brevity , in observinge the divisiones ordained when of a sodaine yove woulde have the pikes oute of there marche to fall withe grace and brevity into battell , cause the firste division of pikes to marche withe . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke , then another maniple of . rankes of pikes in eache ranke then another maniple withe the self same order withe the coulores in the center guarnished withe the . pikes that did remaine , after the maniple of the coulors shall marche two other maniples of . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke as hire folowēge yove shall see . the firste division of pikes is divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke maketh . pikes . the seconde division of pikes is divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke whiche shall folowe the firste monted . pikes . the thirde division in whiche center the coulores are to marche is divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke and dothe conteine in all the some of . pikes . the fourthe division and maniple of pikes is divided into . rankes of . pikes in eache ranke whiche dothe conteine . pikes . the fifthe and laste division also . pikes . and . pikes that did remaine for the coloures . pikes .   pikes . for the framinge of batteles bastarde square whiche the spaniarde and italian call prolongado , that is to say longe in flanke , the rule whiche is used for the framinge of theese sortes of batteles is the self same of the broade square , and the diference is , that the fronte of the one is flanke of the other , as for example supose yove woulde have abattell bastarde square to be framed of . pikes . to wourke the whiche , do as yove did in framinge the batteles of broade fronte , in dividinge the saied number of . pikes by the quotiente wherof will be . oute of whiche quotiente take the square roote whiche will by . whiche is the fronte of the bastarde square , nowe to finde the flanke take . the propounded number of pikes , and divide the same by . the fronte , the quotient wherof will by . the flanke of the bastarde square , and restethe . pikes . and if of this self same number of . pikes yove woulde frame asquadron of broade square the flanke of the bastarde square will by the fronte of the broade square , so that the rule whiche is used for the one will serve for the other . the diference is that the fronte of the one wil serve for the flanke of the other . a squadron of broade fronte . fronte of the battell . table of the battell . rankes of pikes . pikes . rankes of pikes . pikes . rankes of pikes . pikes . rankes of pikes . pikes . rankes of pikes . pikes . pikes remaininge pikes .   pik . rankes of musketes . musketes . rankes of musketes . musketes . rankes of . musketes . musketes . rankes of musketes . musetes . troupes conteininge musketes .   musk . advertisinge that the musketes for the lininge shott of the culoures are comprehended in the divisiones of the lininge shot of the two flankes ; which muskees were cut of the laste troupe on the liefte flanke , whiche troupe remaines with musketes , and all the reste musketes . no souldier ( i hope ) oughte to be ingnorante but that the squadron of pikes being framed , it is to be empaled and girdeled withe shott as many rankes of shott as pikes . but the righte and naturall girdelinge shott indeede oughte to be no more shott in ranke , then that the pike may well cover and defende , espesially where the enemy are stronge of horse , and so under the favor of the pike , there can nott conveniently be defended but one ranke of three or foure shott at the moste , and so many in my opinion shoule the girdelinge shott containe and knelinge upon one knee under the coverte of the couched pikes , shoulde at the charginge of the horsemen discharge there voley in there face , and bosome ; whiche woulde be no smale gallinge unto them , butt when this danger of horse is not to by feared , then the impalement may be made of more shot in a ranke , acordinge to the quantity of shott , and the reste of the shott into smale slives or troupes to troupe rounde aboute the battell in reasonable distance from the same , the whiche divisiones of smale troupes , i esteeme to be far better then the greate inproportionate winges , whiche many do use , containinge far greater numberes , and are muche more ready to be broughte to skirmishe eyther in single or double fiele , and every severall troupe to be led by a sargente or corporall , and some captaines to oversee the whole , and at every angle of the battell it were not a misse to a pointe certaine troupes of shott , whiche woulde flanker itt every way even as the cavallero or travessos do the curtine of a forte . let none be ingnorante but that for the severall divisiones of pikes and shott is required greate considerationes , as time , occasion , and situation shall require ; continuall application in the theoricke and practicke of warr togither withe perfection in arithmeticke makethe easy many difficulties of deepe judgemente , and rare importance in warlike affaires , all whiche cōtinuall use and exercice make the easy , for the severall divisiones of shott many considerationes are to be had acordinge as occasion shall require , and the situation and disposition of groūde shall permitt , for the girdelinge shott some use three some . and five is the moste that can conveniently be defended under the shelter or defence of the pike , and specially when the enemy are stronge on horse , so that for the righte guarnision of shott oughte not to be more then the pike can defende , but in suche occasiones as the enemy is not to be feared on horse the divisiones of shot can be ordered of greater numberes to skirmishe , acordinge to the judgemente of the sardgente mayor , dividinge them in wings or maniples , as he shall thincke moste conveniente , observinge theyr juste proportion in they re divisiones , some use greate wings of shott , whiche are not comendable in occasiones of fighte , for the smale troupes are more apte and easieste to by governed , and of a sodaine youe can skirmishe withe them eyther in single or double fiele , and that bisides they bringe more men to fighte at once , but when the enemy are superior on horse , and wee feowe or none it is goode to gett the . frontes of the battell of equal resistance bothe to offende and defende , so that the enemy may not take advantage of one place more then of the other . the wings or maniples of shotte are not to go any greate distāce from the battell of pikes ; and specially when the enemy are stronge on horse , but rather under the shelter , and defence of the pikes , that therby the squadron may by the stronger and more safe in receiuynge any domage when theyr force is united in one boddy as happened to don alvaro de sandy in the journey of caruan in barbery when the exercito of ciderfa kinge of the moores charged on him , one of his captaines named luis bravo de laguna seinge a winge of shott a goode distāce from the squadrō cried on don alvaro wishinge him withe spede to tourne and receiue that winge for freare that for loosinge the same he shoulde incur danger to loose the body , by dayly experience we see that smale numberes doe repulse far greater , and that the army whiche is beste ordered , and disciplined moste comonly is master of the victory , wherof there are verie many examples in writinge of famouse and antiente auctores , so that theese happy proceedinges resulte of the goode order , prudence , and approoved experience of the chefe and brave comaunderes and of the resolute valor of the souldieres , as vegetio de re militari give the reason how the antiente romaines came to master all other nationes , sayinge that they were not so greate as the germaines , nor so greate in number as the frence , nor so prudente as the greeckes , nor so many in nūber as the spanardes nor so subtill as the africanes , nor so furiouse as the britanes , butt by they re continuall practice and experience in warr they overcomed al theese difficulties , by onely mantayinge there people wel exercised in armes and practice of warr , when a regimente dothe marche some times greate disorderes are comited , the souldieres runinge away from there culoures , robinge and spoylinge the country , and poore inhabitantes litle regardinge in not acomplishinge there obligationes , in beinge absent from there culoures ; litle respectinge or fearninge there officeres , and no respecte to military discipline , wherof resulteth greate ruines and revoltes in many countries , some superiore and inferiore officeres , are culpable in thiese intolerable disorderes offencive to the lawes of god and comon wealth in not procuringe , sollicitinge and dayly instructinge they re souldieres as a father is bounde to doe for his children , and that as farr as his ability and power can reach , and not to be inclined to steale or wronge the poore souldier , in keepinge any thinge wrongefully from him , but rather sheowinge him self very , lovinge and kinde to them . in equalinge him self in all dangeres and travayles withe them , in cōtinually , givinge them goode instructiones , and comfortinge them in all necessities , yea and in assistinge them to his ability , in ministringe equitie and goode justice a mongste them , in honoringe and preferenge those of brave cariage , and goode examples , that otheres may imitate thē , in redresinge in due time disorderes , in seinge severely punished factioneres wholy given to vice and bad examples ; whiche are more dangerouse then the divell , so shall he bothe by beloved and feared by the souldieres , in knowinge that he is carefull in ministringe and procuringe justice to eache one acordinge his deserte , and specially to se base factioneres banished , and severly punished , when there is no hope of there amendmente . in occasiones of marchinge the sardgent mayor is to take a speciall care to procure all thinges to be in a readines to bigin his jurney verie early that the souldieres may come in goode time to theyr quarter for many considerationes to theyr comodity and ease , and in they re marche not to opress them , but keepe an ordinary pace , for otherwise verie many shall stay behinde : to make al to nowe , and then where he shall hit uppon good water , and he ought to have aregarde in pasinge narowe pasadges , and make alto a distance of till they all have paste and fal into there former divisiones and rankes , a sardgente oughte to be leifte in eache division of the regimente , that he may yealde acompte of them at all times , and observe the order as it was ordained by the sargente mayor , withe so many rankes and the self number , so that withe facility oute of there marche they may fall into squadron , when occasion shall require , and suche a sardgente or sardgentes as troughe negligence shall not acomplish his obligation , to reprehende him in publike . in time of the romaines suche as were inclined to disobedience in not acomplishinge there order and obligation , they were so severly punished , that no souldier durste by absente from his ranke , and the sardgentes and officeres of eache division of they re marchinges had suche care in acomplishinge whate was referred to there charge withe suche punctuality , that full satisfaction was yealded . in extraordinary heate weather in somer when the sardgente mayor marchethe withe his regimente greate consideration oughte to be taken as before spoken of , by cause of the extraordinary heate , and heavy burden of the souldier , some times they are chockte , and burned with heate , and for shame , and regarde of there honor they rather try danger of deathe then stay behinde there culoures . when the sardgente mayor shall marche withe his regimente in any place or contry where the enemy is to be feared the divisiones ought not to by greater then that they may comodiously marche , nor lesse thē the thirde parte of the squadrō of pikes , some times withe the one haulfe , and some times in battell , allwayes takeng regarde ofthe of the situation and occasion . the master de campe in marchinge withe his regimente as cheefe of the same is to marche in the vangarde nexte to whose person is to assiste the sardgente mayor as a principall minister to whome he deliveres the orderes of his regimente , but if the enemy shoulde chance to charge on the reregarde he as a cheefe conductor of his regimente is to assiste in the place moste to be feared of the enemy , to comaunde and execute in due time whate is moste fitt . the sardgente mayor beinge in campiana , and beinge informed that his regimente is to marche the nexte morow , he is to repaire to the captaine generall of whome he is to demaunde order where his regimente shall marche in the vangarde battell of reregarde , and he is to advertice , and give order to the captaine de campania to gett all the bagadge charged uppon the a poincted houre ordained , and not to faile in acomplshinge the same , and if the vangarde belonges to him he is to comaunde the captaine de campania to get all thinges in a redineshe at the breake of day , and to give order that the culoures and companies of his regimēte , withe speede drawe oute of the quarter , and to marche on to the place of armes , and there to frame his squadron , givinge order to eache captaine , where he shall marche that day , and divide the sargentes and sheowe each one his division , and givinge thē straighte charge that they acomplishe there obligatiō withe care and punctuality , and that no souldier doe misse his ranke , nor breake the order given , if the narownes of the pasadge do not constraine him , and let no souldier pass to spoyle the poore inhabitantes , and if he wante any souldier of those of his division , or if any come unto them more then the order given to adverice the sardgent mayor , and for recompence of his punctualitie and care in acomplishinge his obligation he shall gaine the benevolence of his master de campe and sardgent mayor , and in reason they oughte to have a memory of his punctuall care , and to prefer him into a greater office for his obedience and punctuallitie a monghste other sardgentes , and not once nor twice but still makinge knowen his aproved partes , care and diligence in acomplishinge the orderes of his superiores , soe can he not by forgotten by the superior officers till he by advāced for his undeniable care and obedience . moste necessary it is for a sargent mayor to be couriouse and experte in executinge well his office , for in tyme of framinge of squadrones the judges of his errores are many , in time of framinge of squadrones , some sardgēts mayores do fall into many errores , by reason of there litle exercice , and specially for not appliēge them selves withe care and diligence bothe in the theorike and practike of this arte , and specially to by skilfull in arithmeticke , whiche withe practice makethe easy many rare occurrantes in warrlike affaires , and suche as are not curiouse in well appleinge them selves in learninge the rare and deepe curiosities of this arte do some times finde them selves pusled and amased before there enemy in time of moste neede : a moste unfitinge thinge it is for one to be ingnorante and unhabele in his office , soe i supose that suche as do not diligently apply them selves , can hardly reduce into perfection that , wherof he is ingnorante and knowethe not the arte , by dayly experience , we see that favor ▪ frendshipp , enteres , and affection , hinderethe muche prosperity and goode successes , and specially in this noble arte of warr . many opiniones there are for the divisiones of shott , and specially when the enemy are stronge on horse , and that youe have two thirde partes of shott , unto one of pikes , youre battell beinge empaled and girdeled proportionally withe shott , there will yett remayne goode store of shott . the question is how they shall be bestowed to be safe from the fury of the horse , the sureste and beste way is to put them into the center of the battell of pikes , where they are more safe , and if any shott be killed or hurte youe can take at all times oute of the center as many as youe shall neede of . for the framinge of thiese battelles withe centeres i have already declared howe they oughte to be framed , and proporsionolly lined , and if the enemy horse shoulde chance of a sodaine to chardge on yove , and that youe have no tyme to place the overplusse of youre shott in the center divide them betwixte the rankes of pikes all alongste from the fronte to the reare warde , so they shall by safe and yove can use them at any tyme when ocasion shall require , but havinge inteligence that the enemy are stronge in horse , and we feowe or none in suche ocasiones i woule firste bigin in framinge the cener of the overplusse of the shott , havinge oportunity for the same , and also leave place for hurtemen in the cēter and divide them into so many maniples that they may of a sodaine fall into squadron square of men in the center , withoute any crossinge aluēge there iuste fronte and flanke and then divide the pikes into maniples to proportionally guarnishe the center on every side or fronte of the same , and then divide in proportion the girdlinge shott that is lefte to guarnish the frontes of the battell of pikes , and center , this is the perfecte and right way , but when urgent necessity requireth the overplusse of shott may be plased and divided betwexte the rankes of pikes as before sett downe , advertisinge that the coulores is to goe in the center . as the battell dothe marche on towardes the enemy and cominge once within reache of the musket then the firste rankes of the winges of musketes are to marche in this maner ; the firste rankes steppinge some two or three paces , forwarde havinge in the meane tyme made them selves ready , and cocked there matches , then with readines and expedition all those of the firste rankes ( there musketes byenge uppon there restes or forkes ) to discharge at once , permitenge other rankes to proceede , then presently those of the seconde ranke to stepe upp before the firste ranke , as the battell or batallon do marche , and so to discharge as they re former followes had don before , and then the thirde ranke before the seconde , and the four . the before the thirde , and soe all the other rankes consequently withe this kinde of double marche and at the traine of the laste ranke those of the firste to folowe upp a gaine , and so consequently the reste . but if chance that the squadron of pikes be distresed , or constrained to retire , they are to discharge at the enemy , retiring backe uppon a counter marche eache feele or ranke , consequently , and withe expedition one after a nother , and withe speede fall bake into there ranke , to give place to the nexte rankes , that no time be idell , employed . sundry opiniones there are of comparisones betwext the infantery , and cavallery , whiche of them is moste utill in the warres , the one and the other are moste necessary in occurantes of warlicke affaires , but in my opinion the infantery is to be preferred firste beinge well disciplined in the arte of war , never the lesse the cavalleria beinge well monted and armed and beinge experimente , souldieres , beinge conducted by prudent and brave conductores douptlesse theyr executiones and resolutiō is to be feared , but they are not comparable to deale , withe resolute foote , excepte uppon manifeste and greate advantages and in place or grounde of greate favor for them . for beinge well knowen that a resolute stande of pikes well ordered , and girdeled withe shott , will give them sore stoppes , and retournes as plainely apeered when marques de pescara withe short aptayned the victory of charles de noy then visroy of napoles , withe his cavallery at the battell of pavia , a nother example wee have of the conte francisco carmognolla , beinge captaine generall of filip viconte duke of millanes army , goinge withe . horse a gainste the swisheres army , was by them repulsed by the valeure , and lenghte of there pikes , who havinge regathered this disordered troupes , consideringe from whence there disadvantage greowe , turned head againe uppon the enemy : and he him self and his companies disamounted on foote , and withe there lances in hande framed afoote squadron , and charged the enemy afresh , and brake and overthrewe them in number above fifteene thousande when by force of horse coulde not by removed , imitatinge herin marcus , valerius , cornelius , who beinge consull and captaine againste the samnites in the firste punny warres , and in theyr laste battell not able to enter uppon them by reason of there lōge pikes where withe they defended them selves , comaunded his horsemen to disamounte , and on foote they arived as they were withe there lances , to fighte withe there enemy , and over threwe them and putt them to flighte optaininge the victory , and remayninge withe there baggadge , and in the battell given by constantine roxianus captaine generall to sigismund kinge of polonia withe basilius the greate duke of moscovia by the river brisva , who surmounted him on horse backe , three thousande foote men ; onely , he had in his army , won him that day the honor and victory , also as did apeere by the memorable batteles of the inglishe againste the provde cavallery of the frence at agincourte fielde and other places , many more examples mighte be recited bothe antient and moderne , remembringe that amonge the antiente romaines there foote was alwayes of more estimation then there horse , allwayes houldinge a true opinion , that the infanterie well disciplined is the right sinue of the warr , the walles of the citty and fortress of the realme . i have hearde say that in thies warres of the netherlande after that the grand comendador died that don alvaro de vergas , who at that time comaunded the spanish cavallerie , did greate exploictes in encounteres , he had withe the states foote and horse , but it muste by considered that those were oulde and experimented souldiers , restenge uppon a resolute and valerouse determination . the otheres for the moste patre bisones , and rawe people raised uppon a sodaine conceipte , in whiche actiones is marvelouse to be marked the diference betwene men of experience , and rawe bisones the prudent cariadge , resolute valor and goode conduction of the one , and litle practice , and experience of the otheres , as did apeere in the reincounter at tilmonte , and at the souckeringe of monts-dog beinge taken by them of mastricke , and moste notable in the sacke of antwerpe where lesse then withe the number of . spaniards inclosed within the sitadel gave the overthrowe and foile unto of the anturpianes . bravely armed and incamped within they re owne towne . in like sorte at the overthrowe of gibleo where not above . horse , of don iohn de austria his troopes defeated above of the states , ( moste strange and wonderfull ) onely for wante of goode conductores and the enemy spyinge theese advantages resultinge of there simple conduction founde them selves amased . and for as muche as i have spoken muche of this office , i will conclude in sayenge that he oughte nowe and then to visite and revisite at diveres and differente houres all thinges by him provided and a pointed , and see that they be prudently ordered and performed , reprehendinge whate he shall finde wourdie of punishmente , but that to be don prudently and in curtouse sorte , and presentinge good reasones withe amiable and gentle wourdes , with gravitie and naturall grace , and not with puffinge inconciderate pride and bad examples , so shall he by obeyd in such sorte that when he woulde determine to execute his designes and orderes of his superior comaunderes , all officeres and souldieres mighte beare him that due respecte and obedience , whiche shoulde by required to bringe his purpose to effecte , and let not griddy couetousnes overcome him in wronginge or permitinge to by wronged the poure souldieres of theire righte , and specially in tyme of extreame necessitie , but rather make knowen his gentle inclinationes and true love , soe shall he by beloved feared and respected . let him not by inclined to any odiouse rancor nor malice in waitinge oportunitie of revenge of some wourdes or disputes , whiche hapened betwexte him , and some officeres or souldieres of his regimente for defindinge they re honour and righte , and findinge that he be so inclined is signe of aloe unconsiderate and base minde . all officeres and souldieres of his regimense oughte to have a speciall care in not loosinge him his due respecte , and suche as do not a complish with theire obligationes hirein are righte wourthy of reprehension , soe all thinges don with moderation and justice is laudable . an army of . men divided into five batteles square of grounde ordered to fighte , as by the figures folowinge youe see . the fronte of eache battell is and . the flanke , and . remaininge oute of the division of eache battell ; eache battell containes . the army divided into five battelles . square of grovnde , by the rule of proportion . the saiede army of . divided into seaven battelles . square of grounde , eache battell shall conteine . and the fronte of eache battell is . and flanke . and . pikes remaininge oute of eache battell to guarnish the culoures , the which . battelles are ordered as by the figure folowinge youe see . — . men in each battell . the army divided into . battelles . sqvare of grovnde , by the rule of proportion . a battell square of men , withe a center of arcabuseros , which can not by defended under the shelter of the couched pike , when the enemy doe a bounde on horse , and wee feowe or none , in suche ocasiones the sureste way for the overpluse of shot is to by putt into the center , and proportionally guarnised with the pikes and musketes , as by the figure folowinge youe see , and howe they are diuided by the rule of proportion . arcabuses . pikes . musketes . . table of the battell and center of arcabuseros deposito . by the division of the center of arcabuseros the square route of the same number yealdeth . arcabuses in fronte and flanke of the center , and . remaininge oute of the division , monteth arcab . the firste division of pikes that guarnisheth the righte flanke of the center , divided into . rankes of . pikes in each , monteth pikes . the secōde division of p. that guarnisheth the liefte flāke of the center divided into . r. of . p. in each . pikes . the thirde division that guarnisheth the full fronte , and the two linenges of the center is divided into . rankes of . pikes in each ranke , monteth pikes . the fourthe division of pikes that guarnisheth the full fronte of the re●warde is divided into . ranke of . pikes in each ranke , monteth pikes . the lining of musk . that guarnisheth the right flank of the pikes is divided into . r. of . m. in each . musk . the seconde lining of mus . that guarnisheth the liefte flank of the p. divided into . r. of . m. in each . musk . the thirde division of musketse that guarnisheth the full fronte of the pikes and center , is divided into . rankes of . musketes in each ranke . musk . the fourthe division of musketes that guarnisheth the re●warde of the pikes and center is divided into . rankes of . musketes in each ranke , monteth musk . the remainder of musketes , that do guarnish the culoures . musk . of the . arcabuseres , that did remaine goes to guarnish the culoures . arcab . the . pikes that did remaine oute of the division of pikes are employed to guarnish the culours . pikes . of the remainder of arcabuseros their remaineth oute of the battell . arcab .   . the election and office of a master de campe of a regimente of infanterie . the office of the master de campe of a regimente of infanterie is an office of greate reputation , which by all reason oughte to be recomended to one of greate prudence , brave conduction , and skillfull in martiall affaires , for beinge the heade , leader , and ordinarie justice af all the companies a pointed under his chardge . he be all reason oughte to by one of greate consideration , because that by him are all the orderes , and necessarie prevensiones for the generall goode and utilititie of his regiment delivered to the sargente mayor , alsoe to the captaines , souldieres , and other officeres of his regimente , as alsoe to all sorte of people , whiche do followe and depende on the same : to him apertaineth the ministringe of justice , and reprehendinge of faultes , and unrulie factes comitted in his regimente , in suche places , as his master de campe , generall , or captaine generall , are not in presence , to whome he is to presente many matteres whiche doe ocurr , whiche by right in suche places as they are presente muste governe all . but as an ordinarie justice the master de campe is to by comunicated withall , in all matteres whiche ocurr in his regimente ; the examinationes of thies causes are to be taken , and examined by his autor , and if occasiones of appellation shoulde represente they are to be remitted to the campe master generall . this election of a master de campe , or coronell is made by the prince , with the advice of his counsell of state and warr ; and in this election greate consideration oughte to be taken . for beinge suche an honorable chardge of highe degree ; as chieftaine or head above all the captaines , and other officeres of his regimente , havinge dominion and jurisdiction over them all : by whiche may by perceived the highe dingnitie and degree of suche a person , and the a proved partes brave conduction , valeoure , and goode examples , whiche of him is to be expected , ( to the ende that the captaines may imitate his prudente perfection and brave govermente . ) in suche places where the captaines of his regimente do assiste with him , of all occurrances and occasiones of warr they are to advertice they re master de cāpe , and if any officer or souldier by a prehended , for faultes comitted , they can not by put at libertie , withoute the master de campes order , beinge in his jurisdiction . in time of the romaines polybe writeth that this name we call colonell or master de campe was then cauled tribunus , and they cauled legion , of that whiche we call a regimente , theyr legion was of foote men , whiche they divided into . partes , as if it were betwexte . captaines , eache division they cauled cohortes , which we call a companie , each legion had . horse , they re captaines cinturiones , some of . and some of . otheres were centenarios , whiche had but . men . for the ministringe of equitie and justice , and reprehendinge of faultes and disorderes , and that military discipline may by duely , observed with infalible punctualitie ; he is to choyse an auditor of a man well learned and of goode judgemente , withe his clearke and augusill , whiche are used a monghste the spanish and italian regimentes , to take informationes of suche injuries , and disorderes as are comitted , this auditor is to give the sentence , but no auctoritie to execute the same , withoute consultinge firste with the master de campe , and getinge his firme to the sentence , for other wise he hath no auctoritie to execute nor dispatche the same , the agusill serves to assiste the executiones of the auditores a faires , and alsoe to by imployed , and sollicite many other thinges , that doe pass trough the auditor is handes . for makinge or dividinge of quarteres marchinge in campaina or garison , he is to get a skillfull quarter-master able in readinge and writinge , and specially perfecte in arithmeticke , for to him apertaineth , the receavinge of all sortes of amunitiones and armes given , and delivered by the prince , but the distributinge of the same belongeth to the sargēt mayor , to see that all thinges by duly and equally distributed . of al sortes of amunitiones received of the kinge , the furiell mayor is to yealde a cōpte , when it is soughte for , for bienge his office and dutie . the furielles of the companies are to assiste him in all occasiones in marchinge , and to receive they re orderes from the furiell mayor , and he from the quarter-master generall ; and the from the general . greate care oughte to be taken in seinge that the sutleres be well provided with all necessaries , and to see that they by well paiede ; a speciall care oughte to by taken that they do not deceive the souldieres with faulce weighte and measure , nor nothinge above the price ordained by the master de campe . it is necessarie that the sutleres and marchantes , whiche doe followe the regimente , that they be well garded , that theyr vituales and wares may depende uppon goode securitie , for thies affaires the captaine de campaina and his leuetenante oughte with care to assiste in executinge his dutie and office . in occasiones of marchinge he and his teniente and men are to by verie vigilante and carefull , in not permitenge the sutleres nor they re boyes to stragle , or fall a spoylinge the countrie and povre inhabitances , nor to take perforce any thinge that cometh to by soulde in the campe , as alsoe to have a speciall care to lett no souldieres pass , causinge them to fall into they re rankes , rather then to be permited to run straglinge and spoylinge the countrie ; and suche as are found gilthi in breakinge the proclamation to see them presentlie executed . soe beinge earneste and carefull in thies affaires shall he oblidge all suche souldieres as are inclined to minester goode justice and examples , and esteemed for a true father and brave conductor . a necessarie thinge it is alsoe to have a goode doctor of physicke well learned and of longe practice , as alsoe a surdgente mayor one well knowen to have had longe practice in handelinge of woundes and other disceaces , suche a one chosen by favor or affection ( and not havinge the partes befitinge ) causeth the death of many souldieres trough his litle skill , to the disgrace of him that made choyse of suche a one . verie necessarie it were that in his regimente doe assiste a chaplen mayor , and preacher to over see all the chaplenes , that all thinges touchinge there obligationes , may by observed and ministred in due time , givinge goode examples , and still assistinge with gravitie and vertueuse cariadge , alsoe to be carefull that the captaines of his regimente give goode examples for it importeth for many respectes . in the election of a drom mayor he is to by verie well informed that he be one of goode fufficiencie , for beinge an instrumente very necessarie in warr , who is to instructe , and give goode examples to all the dromes of the regimente , whiche beinge chosen of one who hath the goode partes and sufficiencie in him required , is an instrumente of greate importance in a regimente , and specially to the sardgente mayor , in carieng orderes , and beatinge of the proclamationes , he is to by skillfull in beating the drom , or at leaste in understanding all sorte of marchinges , to beate an a larme , a call , a retire , a disafie , a battell , to knowe who to carie him selfe verie discret in carienge any mesadge to a campe , towne , cittie , or castell , and knowe howe discretly to deliver his mesadge , and answer many demaundes , as alsoe in understandinge , and well relatinge his answer , and to informe him selfe in as muche as he may posible of whate occurreth , if he be permited in takinge a viewe of the walles ditches , and if the ditches be dry or with water , and who deepe , and whate place or places of the walles or fosses may by won with moreease , as also of the necessitie or plintie of vituales , if by faire meanes he may spie the same oute it is necessarie that he speakes many languadges , to beate afuriouse a larme , and battell when ocasion shall require , as alsoe a presumed retire . a necessarie thinge not to be permited ( but rather defended ) that no officer nor souldior by given to winchinge , and that for many goode respectes , but som publicke woomen are wonte to be permited in eache company , some three or foure for a men , which are to be in a separated quarter , and specially if in garison lett them be in as secret and as hidden a place as can by posible , for by reason it importeth to honeste men and negboures , and the cause why this is permited and tolerated , is to shun greater danger : in the oulde lawes or statutes six or eighte woomen were a lued for everie , men , to thies is wonte to be given lodginges and service as to the souldieres , all whiche is thoughte profitable to the negboures , that the lesh suspision and ocasion of scandall may by of theire shisteres wifes and children , and for many respectes it oughte not to by permited that a ny souldier doe sleepe withe thies woomen oute of his quarter uppon paine of severe punishmente , alsoe suche weemen as doe nott observe thies constitusiones to punish hir in the purse , whiche will grive hir moste , for this busines is wonte one to by a pointed to ouersee if thies lawes by observed or no. for it importeth muche the souldiores health , wher fore the barber mayor is wonte to uisitt nowe and then . the captaine de campana is to tak aspeciall care to see that thies orderes by dulie observed . the master de campe is to be earneste in informinge him selfe well of his regimente , as well of secret as of publike matteres , that he may prevente and remedy in due tyme all , and cause to be severely punished such as doe breake the proclamationes by him comaunded , and suche as are inclined to base factes , as theives , quarleres , dishoneste dronkardes and base mutineres , of litle pascience and lesh honoure , of no discression , feare , nor love , nyther of god nor of theire prince , suche base fellowes are to by severelie punished in publick , and to by driven a way like men tatched with uglie crimes , unwourdie to equall themselves withe brave souldiores , of honeste life , ful of pacience , obedience , feare and goode examples ; of which persones , the master de campe sardgente mayor , and captaines , are to take notice , and have a speciall care in honoringe and preferinge them , sheowinge them a faire and lovinge countenance , and givinge them greate hope of avancemente , and let triall of time and ocasiones verifie the same with deedes , whiche shall by a greate comforte to suche as are inclined to uertue , and greate greefe to those given to vices and unrulie factes and bad exemples , whiche oughte to a mende theire lives , and imitate the steppes of those of honeste life , prudente and vertuse cariadge , full of love , feare and obedience , given to continuall goode applicationes , shuninge idelnes and bad company , which of righte oughte , by there superiores to by highlie estimed , ( whereunto they are bounde in conscience ) for the securitie of ocasiones in marchinge and in preventinge of sodaine and unprovided incursiones , ambuscados , and stratagemes of the enemy : a necessarie thinge it were to imitate the romaines , in a luenge fiftine horses to everie foote , so that in many plases in marchinge where they re may by any suspicion of the enemy , the master de campe , then shoulde a pointe a conductor to leade and governe thies horsemen , and in offeringe time or occasion , to divide them into as many partes , as the occasion shall require , ( apointinge a leader for each division ) and for the intertainemente of thies horsemen they shoulde inioy so much meanes as other horsemen ; so that in ocasiones of marchinge , the infanterie may goe with far greater securitie , beinge divided into thre or foure partes , to recnoledge the places of moste suspicion of ambuish , and other secret stratagemes of the enemy , whiche beinge recnoledged and discovered , necessarie prevention may by taken in due time , thies men may serve bothe for horse and foote acordinge as ocasion shall require : of eache division or parte of thies horse it is necessarie to name a comaunder or leader , who shall take care to governe them , forbidinge and comaundinge that by no meanes they lende thies horses , but get them alwaies readie to by imploied , when or where occasion shall require . thies horses may serve for many goode purposes , in pasinge the infanterie over riveres , in recnoledginge pasadges , as alsoe in cominge in possession of pasadges , whiche beinge feared that the enemy shoulde come to posess the same before oures . the ende of the firste booke . to l●che is to say the measuringe of the grounde required for to lodge a com● foote and . foote for the streete betwext every . feiles and plasinge the doores fronte of his company , vvhiche is . foote broade , and the deepnes he shall beste ●●r persones as do provide the company vvithe victualles , and other necessaries , of some souldiores . the lodginge of the master de campe in the rergarde of his ●oote broade and . foote deepe or in the flanke , and if it chance that the foote and 〈…〉 ●o lodge acompany of infantery in campain̄a , and the measuringe of the due distance , and place required and observed by the romaine castrametasio , whiche is to say the measuringe of the grounde required for to lodge a company of foote conteyninge . men , is ordayned . feiles of barackes , and in eache feile . stepes deepe , and broade inthe fronte of eache feile . foote and . foote for the streete betwext every . feiles and plasinge ●oores of the barakes towardes the streete . the captaines lodginge in the hed of his quarter in quadrangell maner , occupienge so muche grounde as the full fronte of his company , vvhiche is . foote broade , and the deepnes he 〈◊〉 beste thincke , and a distance of or . foote betvvexte him and his company , and in the rergarde , and behinde all is to lodge the sutleres and suche other persones as do provide the company vvithe victualles , and other ne●ries , vvhere also the soildores are to kooke theire vituales for feare of firinge the quarter as some times it happeneth troughe litle care feare , and discipline of some souldiores . the lodginge of the master de campe in the rergarhis 〈◊〉 his quarter by the greate streete . the horse also if theire shoulde chance be any . eache company is to be devided into tvvo feiles , alovvinge eache feile . foote broade and . foote deepe or in the flanke , and if it chance that the 〈◊〉 and horse do lodge in one place the infantery are to be placed and ranked on bothe flankes or sides and the horse betvvext them . fronte of the quarter . by the figure and plat above ordered for the encampinge of an army both of horse and foote , youe see the quantitie of grounde required for eache , with the due measuringe required both for foote and horse , with theire due places and streetes . ( and in the moste comodiouse place aboute the middiste of the grounde litle more or lesh , where youe meane to encampe the army , ( marcke asquare plat of grounde of . or . paces square , for the goals pavilion and place . ) and then shal by lined two straight streetes , which shall come to cross one another , righte againste the generals place , which are caled the principal streetes , and at the heade of every one shall be apoin● a garde or watche towardes the enemy . and on the oute warde partes of all shal by apoincted gardes of horse , to by prevented againste the soddaine exploites and stratagemes of the enemy . and at every streetes ende a garde . alsoe other pasadges , and entries where the enemy are to by suspected are to by fortified and shutt as behoveth , and with vigilante watches for oure better securitie , and to by prevented againste sodaine exploites of the enemy , soe for the better repose and securitie of oures : so that all thinges by prudentlie prevented in due time , in as muche as military prudence , care , and vigilance requireth . some houlde opinion that for many respect●● that the lodges of the captaines shoulde by plased in the rere of theire companies and the alferishes in the fronte . the seconde booke treatinge of military discipline , composed by capt. gerat barry irish. the firste chap. bigininge with the election and office of a campe-master generall . this office troughe greate consideration is to by comended and bestowed uppon a personadge of greate gravitie , prudence , and valeour , and of tried experience and exercice in warr , that therby he may comaunde with greate auctoritie , and by estimed acordinge his qualitie and truste ; whiche ought to by reputed in a personadge of so many a proved and goode partes . this office is of such greate importance , that the securitie and goode success of the whole army dependes for the moste parte on him , as a cheefetaine and head over the whole army , and all the orderes of the kinge are by him given , and by his comaunde observed . but when the captaine generall is in presence , ( all muste depende on him ) beinge a superior , and nexte under him the camp-master generall , as lugarteniente , and in his absence doth comaunde the whole army . this office with the romaines was of greate and high estimation ; which they cauled metador , he is to be of suche extraordinarie prudence and care , that not withstandinge he givethe the necessarie orderes , he him selfe muste visite , and see who all thinges are ordered , for which he is to have nexte his person a rare inginier for many effectes , and for the dividinge of the campe betwexte the regimentes , cavalleria and artillerie , the necessarie grounde , distance , and circuide for the same , in dividinge the juste proportion of grounde due to severall sortes of nationes , in whiche greate consideration oughte to by used , for whiche purpose he hafe a quarter-master generall , whiche oughte to by curiouse in thies . firste shall be a pointed the fitteste place for the generall , and if they re by any reall personadge consideration also is to be taken : this place is to by chosen for the moste a sureste and beste , placinge the cavallerie on the outewarde side , and the infanterie on the other side , he beinge shutt and inviorened betwexte both . the quarter of the artillerie , and of his courte and traine is to be ordained in a sure place , and well garded rounde a boute on every side ; they re traine of officeres gastadores wourkmen pertrechos of sundrie sortes of munitiones , ocupies greate roome : the cavalleres and pinsioneres nexte the generall is person , auditor generall , provoste generall , a tambor mayor generall , and many more folowinge the generall , are to be placed not farr from the generall , and the provedor generall is also to be placed not farr distance if a conveniente place can be founde for his purpose , for he alsoe requireth muche roome for his amunitiones and wagones . the infanterie shall invieron the whole campe , the ingineres are alsoe to visite all over the campe , and findinge that water is not plintifull to open pittes in the beste and convenienteste places for the same . in the ocasiones and repartitiones that shall offer in imployenge the foote and horse in convoyes to scoute and recnowledge douptefull places and oecasiones , and to featche foradge , it oughte to goe by turne , soe that eache one shall take his share of the paines and troubles , excepte onelie in time of hote and extraordinarie service , for in suche ocasiones greate considerationes oughte to by had , in choysinge those that are more fitt for the purpose , which shall by imployed as it shall by more fitt . greate care oughte to by taken in due time to by well provided of all sortes of amunitiones , as alsoe of all sortes of vituales , and take a speciall care , that all thinges be prevented in due time , that the enemy doe not let or hinder youre convoyes , nor the pasadges , where they come with all sorte of provision for the campe , and to by prevented a gainste all stratagemes they can prevente : when the army shall marche , and that they re shall by many regimentes of severall nationes , in they re divisiones , and in the observinge of goode order greate care and industrie is required , givinge order that eache nation by they re turne shall marche in the vangarde , battell , and rergarde , for beinge so conveniente for his majesties service : if youe chance to marche troughe an enemy countrie , or neere unto they re frontieres greate vigilance , and goode order needeth to by observeth , it importeth alsoe to get goode and faithfull guides , and diferente spies of truste , for feare of fraude , as alsoe for to have goode inteligence of the enemies designes in due time . in suche ocasiones nedeth muche to sende before some horse in a certaine distance to discover , and learne the plottes and stratagemes of the enemy to hinder oure journey . havinge had inteligence , and beinge well informed that the enemy are waitinge for to hinder youe ; cause the artille●ie to marche with they re garde , and drawe upp the infanterie in goode order on the other side of the artillerie betwexte them and the enemy , and the horse alsoe on the outewarde side of the infanterie , ( and in a goode distance of . ) it is necessarie to by prevented of the enemies designes , and consider the situation where youe marche , soe that youre divisiones may acordinglie be ordered , as the situation shall permit and require ; in narowe and straighte pasadges , goode order is to by observed , and specially where the enemy is to be suspected , and that the sardgentes be verie carefull in acomplishinge they re obligationes , soe that they re be no crossinge nor confusion , and suche as shall not keepe they re rankes to severelie punish them in publick , in as muche that they and the behoulderes may take notice of the same , soe that in oferinge ocasion with grace and brevitie they may of a sodaine fall into battell . if inteligenee be had that the enemy be stronge on horse in the vangarde or way where wee intende to pass , and that the pasadge where wee march be soe narowe that oure horse beinge in the vangarde , and beinge chardged and broken by the enemyes horse , and that the narownes of the pasadge doe not permit that they may pass on eyther of the two flankes of the infantery , and beinge brocken they fall on oure order , and wee incurr greate danger if the enemy doe followe with a brave resolution , if they re be no remedie that they may pass on eyther of the two sides , of force way is to be made for them , and the shott are to come all on one side of the pasadge , and make way , and the pikes are to be opened on bothe sides of the way , in thies ocasiones and many more occurrantes in warr greate danger may ocurr , excepte prevension be prudentlie taken in due time . in suche ocasiones a troupe of musketes and arcabuseros are necessarie to by sente in the vangarde , and then five or six rankes of pikes , which with they re fronte shall ocupie the pasadge , which shall reviwe recnoledge , and advertice if they re by any danger or ambuscado . after thies the reste shall march in goode order as before declared in the office of the sardgent mayor ; in the rergarde shall the cavallerie marche with a garde of short and pikes , after which shall marche the cavallerie in order , and if inteligence be had that in the vangarde , they re by any impedimente , or lett that oure artillerie can nott pass or any parte of the army , lett they re marche a company of gastadores , with they re captaine to acomodate thies impedimentes , and in case the enemy by suspected , to conducte them for they re better securitie with a troupe of lighte horse , ( togither with an inginier ) with thies gastadores beinge in quantitie , unespected and dificulte matteres are broughte to pass , and sometimes riveres are taken from theire moother , and conducted to other places , as did ciro kinge of percia goinge to beleager babilonia he divided the river gange into . partes for the revenge of the drowninge of a gentleman a deere frinde of his , soe that this mightie river was lefte of no force ? kinge ciro seinge it so fe oble saied thove haste not respected nor feared my , but nowe all thy forces for a revenge , are seperated that a wooman with a childe may pass thy over withoute feare or danger : so the generall of an army is allwayes to consider , that it is of greate importance to have many gastadores , for by they re meanes matteres of greate dificulte are broughte to effecte with facilitie , for many handes maketh lighte wourke . greate industrie and many aprooved goode partes are required for the rare executiones of this office of a master de campe generall , of whose prudence and brave conduction greate exspectationes are to by hoped : when he aprocheth neere the place where he thinketh to pitch his campe uppon , he is to goe forwarde with a suficiente garde of horse to viwe all the circuide , and he is to be a companied with one or two ingineres , to ordaine and divide the quarteres ; and when , the army shall inter into the campe or place where they intende to pitch they re quarter ' the generall of the horse shall remaine in the fielde , he and all his troupes mounted , till all the infantery be in camped , and then to inter orderlie with his troupes , and repaire to they re quarter , leavinge his scoutes in the fielde till the trumpetes sound , and the watch by set , and the cinteries placed in they re postes , at which time , and when the watches of foote and horse are set in they re due places , they shall retire , and not before , for the better securitie of the campe , and that nothinge may happen withoute preventinge in due time the necessarie remedies , or as neere as can by posible . the seconde chap. the election of the captaine generall of the artillerie . the office of the generall of the artillerie , troughe greate considerationes of his aprooved goode partes and suficiencie , is chosen and apointed by the prince , consideringe his longe and tried experience in warr , his gravitie , prudente and brave conduction , and valerouse actes . this honorable office of so highe dingnitie and truste , in choysinge of his officeres and gentlemen of the artillerie , it importeth that he by well informed that they by men of many goode partes , skillfull and curiouse in many ingines , and to by verie carefull , and vigilante ; for this office of manadginge of pouder in sundry maner of wayes is of wounderfull danger , excepte it by prudently carefullie , and with greate vigilance handled , as well simple as artificiall ; which be severall triales i caused to be tried by severall persones , ( and often times ) and hardlie coulde i finde any of suche care and vigilance for the manadginge , and keepinge of the same as required , for beinge the moste dangerouse thinge that is , or can by handled in warr . an enemy who giveth no time nor respecte , his treasones are most terrible , speedy , and of unmercifull executiones , and moste comonlie do fall on such as doe moste truste in it , in his exeeutiones there is no appellation , nor grace to by expected . this office requireth many officeres ; firste his leutenante , mayor domo , contador , pagador , his ministeres for the examinationes and executiones of justice , amunitioneres , gentelmen of the artillerie , his ingineres , masteres of severall sortes of ingines of fire-wourkes ▪ canonieres , masteres of the mine , or minadores , gastadores , or wourkmen , with they re captaines , a furiell , smittes , tembermen . a greate store of tentes is required for the saftie of thies variable sortes of amunitiones and pertrechos , as pouder of all sortes , led , match , and all sortes of bulletes , and in quantitie for greate and smale ordenance , it is alsoe necessarie he be a compained with a curiouse inginer curiouse in all sortes of fire-wourkes , necessarie for verie many exeeutiones , if one of such aprooved partes can by hit uppon , he is also to have masteres who hase goode skill in makinge and refininge of pouder : when ocasion shall offer to plante his greate ordenance to beleager or batter a towne , cittie or castell , his leutenante , ingineres , mine-masteres , and pouder keeperes , and gentelmen of the artillerie , are all to by in a readines to dispose of the artillerie and amunitiones , when occasion shall offer , that it muste by planted , or sente from one place to a nother , and his leutenante is to gett a relatiō , who many cannones shall by apointed in each place ; and consider suche as are fit for one execution , and for a nother , but thies resolutiones muste com from the captaine generall , or master de campe generall , which of them doth comaunde in the fielde , but the execution belongeth to the generall of the artillerie , and to such under him to whose chardge they are recomended , the leutenante of the generall of the artillerie is to see that they re by horses and wagones inoughe , and to be verie , vigilante , and carefull to visite often times the store houses , where the pouder led or math doe lye ; of which doble cinteries oughte allwayes to be putt uppon , for many goode respectes , and specially for feare of spies to use industrie to give the same fire , wherfore prudente generalles of the artillery are wonte to divide thies munitiones , in sundrie and secure places , ( fearinge of a sodaine disgrace . ) alsoe he is to see that his canonieres or gunneres doe lye every nighte by they re canonnes , that they may in a readines uppon the firste advice , and it were necessary that each canonnier shoulde have a boy to assiste him . the leutenante is to by verie curiouse and vigilante to see that the greate ordenance by still well provided with all necessarie instrumentes , and rather more then less , fearinge of urgente necessitie , and that they re wante no kinde of munition , nor instrument fitt for theyr sundrie executiones . it is necessarie that theire be a certaine quantitie of goode refined saltpiter three times refined , camphora , vinager , sal armoniak , sal gema , rosen , colofonia , stronge brandevin , a store of o kom , linsat-oyle , gineper-oyle , all which are required for severall executiones of fire-wourkes , when occasion shall offer , but for the curiouse orderinge of thies compositiones , for there severall and rare executiones , wee finde but verie feowe : ) it is necessarie that he be a companied with good carpinteres . he oughte to by curiouse and carefull in seinge that all sorte of munitiones be boughte before he shall have neede , for offten times we see that in times of moste neede . verie litle can be had , and sometimes all moste none at all , and specially pouder and matche , for often times oure enemy secretlie under hande buyes all that can be had ; soe the generall knowinge this matter to be of suche importance to his majesties service , is to see it prevented before hande ; greate consideration oughte to by taken in knowinge where beste to plante the ordenance , and to fortifie and intrinche with speede , as time and ocasion shall require , and to keepe good watch , and to by a companied with good controulers , for to provide all sortes of provisiones . he is to knowe who to a proach , and who with prudence and good watch and vigilance to secure him selfe and artillerie , and in many ocasiones not to truste to many , butt rather in person , and with speede to see thies thinges putt in execution as the importance of the occasion shall require , ( and to be well garded on every side , ) he is to see that his artillerie doe orderly marche , and such as do not obey the orderes by him given , to see them severelie punished ; he is to knowe at nighte who his ordenance shall by planted for the execution he shall exspecte , and by day see the same ordered , in takinge the heighte and line for his purpose , eyther a farr of or neere , if it by into a cittie towne , or forte , or in the fronte of the enemy , or if by chance they shoulde come to defeate him to by prevented . when occasion shall offer to pass an army over deepe riveres , it is necessarie to by well provided of boathes of two yardes and haulfe deepe , wheruppon bridges are to by framed , which are to be made of stronge tember , and plankes to pass the artillery , and the whole army , as did that famouse and prudente conductor marques spinola in takinge of reinbarke , and the scounse over the rhine , and in takinge vesell , and in the honorable regaininge of breda . they are wonte to carie for thies bridges sometimes . boathes sometimes more : firste consideringe the greatnes of the river , where they meane to pass over . to which purpose is required a captaine for every fiftine boathes , and to each boath foure marineres , some , times more , and sometimes less , acordinge as the generall shal thincke fitt and as many carpinteres as shall by toughte necessarie , also-smittes to sheowe horses , and for many other purposes , a store of anccores , cables , graplinges , while wrightt with such necessaries ; befittinge his purpose , and allwayes muste not faile whiles to spare , for the cannon , and greate ordenance , fearinge least any while shoulde breake , that presently prevension may by had . the thirde chap. the artillerie whiche is to by conducted with an army , is to by comaunded by the captaine generall , consideringe the executiones he doethe pretende , and the greatnes of his army , and the circuide they may ocupie , they carie . or . canonnes of greate cice for batterie some more , sometimes lesh , acordinge the execution , some shoote a bullet of . . . . pounde , from . to . inches in heighte . . haulfe cannonnes from . pounde bullet to . . culverines from . to . pounde bullet . . demy culverines . . falcones and falconetes . . greate store of cannon-pouder , and alsoe a goode quantitie of pouder , for smale shott , a store of leader bagges to carie pouder behinde men a horsebake , when any sodaine occasion soe requireth , hides to cover the pouder in the cariadge of the same , pices of chaines and broken yron , cartages full of musket bulletes to shoote oute of greate ordenance in the fronte of a battel , or any order of men a prochinge neere to execute thire intente : in suche and semblable ocasiones the aforesaiede instrumentes bienge well handled by goode and skillfull canonieres in due time , are of wonderfull executiones , and do putt the enemy in mightie terron , in many occasiones by sea and lande , greate quantitie of bullettes for youre greate ordenance , and goode store of match , and bulletes for the smale shott , a store of mattokes shoules and pickaxes , hatchetes , and axes to cutt woode and fagotes , and a store of wood houkes , a store of plankes , and peeces of timber , whiche may serve for many purposes , greate store of basketes to carie earthe to fill the gabiones and cover the smale shott in trinches and fortificationes , sledges and yron barres to breake rockes , greate and smale sawes , laddeles of brace and they re staufes , sponges , rameres for eache sorte of the greate ordenance ; greate store of a table for to finde oute the names of the greate ordenance nowe used for ofensive and defensive warres , the height of their diameter or height of their bullettes , and theire weights , the compass of the same , weight of the pouder required to each peece , the weight of eache peece of ordenance , lenght of the same , their thicknes , linght of their laddells , and the breade of the same , the number of men sufficient to drawe each peece , and the number of horses requisite for to drawe the same , the distance of paces eache peece cariethe at point blanke , the distance of paces eache greate peece shootes at utmoste random , the lenght of the coyler rope requisite for to drawe eache peece . the names of the peeces of greate ordenance . the height of the diameter of everie peece in enches and partes . heighte of the bullet in inches and partes . vveight of the shot in poūdes and partes . compas of the shot in inches and partes . vveight of corne pouder due to charge each peee in poūdes . vveighte of the peece in poundes . the lenghte of the peece en feete . thicknes of the mettall at the touche hole in in●hes and partes . thicknes of the peece at the neck of the same . lenghte of the laddel in inches and partes . the breade of the laddell . lenghte of the planckes of the cariage in feete . the number of men , suficient to drawe each peece , when nede require . the number of the horses requisite to drawe each peece of ordinance . distance of pases the peece carieth at point blanke . the distance of pases each great peece shootes at utmoste randon . the lenght of the coyler roape requisit to drawe each peece . cannon . ¼ / ½ ⅔ cannon serpintin ½ ¼ / ½ ½ ¾ ¼ ¼ frence cannon . ¼ ½ ¾ / ¼ / ● ¼ demi canō eildest ½ ¼ ⅝ ● / / ¼ ⅛ ½ demi canō ordin . ½ ¾ / ½ ½ ½ demi canon . ¼ ¼ ½ / / ½ culveringe . ½ ½ / ½ ¼ ½ ½ ordinari culver . ¼ ¼ ¼ ½ ¼ ¾ / demi culveringe . ½ ¾ / ½ / ● ½ ¼ demi culveringe , somvvhat leshe . ¼ ● / / ⅔ ● / ½ ½ / / ● s●k●r ordinary . ¼ ½ / ½ ¾ / ● ¼ / saker or minnon . ¼ ½ ¾ / ¼ ¼ ¼ faucon . / ½ ● / / ¼ / ½ ● / fa●conet . ¼ ⅛ / ½ ¼ / ● / / nayles litle and greate , coradge of smale sortes , horse sheowes and horse nayles , litle and greate bandes of yron for the whiles , and spare whiles withoute faile , lanternes and store of candles , for carpenteres to wourke at night time when necessitie soe requireth , talowe and tarr for the whiles , torches , wax , candeles , scalinge leaderes , a quantitie of musketes and pikes ; a store of compositiones and mixtures for fire wourkes , saltpiter , camphora , solfer , armoniacke , sal gema , colofonia , rosin , red wax , stronge brandevin , a quantitie of o cam , smale cordes , and yron wires , giniper oyle , linseede-oyle , turpintin non preparata : the saltpiter used for fire-wourkes is moste comonly refined three times , of thies mixtures there needeth no greate quantitie because that they are seldom used and besides they are verie costly and feowe can by founde for there due orderinge for severall executiones . to drawe a cannon of greate cice in faire weader is required . or . horses , sometimes more if the situation by not goode , but in foole weader is required . horses , sometime more if the situation by not goode , thies horeses is to by chosen both greate and stronge , for a demy cannon . or . horses , in foole weader . or . a stronge and goode wagon will carie . cannon shott and of otheres of lesher sieze acordinge to that rate , to the drawinge of which is required . or . horses , and acordinge to that weighte are all the other wagones loaden , with pouder and other munitiones , bridges , barckes requires more horses acordinge to the greatnes of the loade . for the manadginge of thies amunitiones , and of the greate ordenance is required many men , a monghst the which it is moste necessarie that they re by goode and experimented carpinteres , canonieres , gentlemen of the artillerie to governe and conducte the same , prudently . a contador , mayor domo , pagador , comesaries or muster masteres , a harbinger to whose chardge , is . horse , and a provoste over the horses that caries the artillerie , some smittes and many pioneres or wourkmen , to make trinches rampares , mines , and contra-mines to make plaine and eiven bad pasadges , that the greate ordenance may pass , skillfull ingineres to under-mine walles of townes , and fortreshes ; to digg welles for water , over thies pioneres are a pointed captaines to governe and comaunde them , which of necessitie oughte to by experte in fortificationes , contramininge , trinchinge , and knowinge who to manadge ingines of fire-wourkes to burne boates shipes , or any suche combustable thinge , and in knowinge the compositiones fitt for them , and who to make them . there oughte to by one of perfecte skill for a condestable or master gunner to governe , comaunde , instructe , oversee and examine all the reste gunneres , and to by verie carefull to see that they doe theyr dutie , and knowe who to a complish with theyr obligationes , for some rawe and unexperimented men do undertake the charge of a gunner who knoweth juste nothinge : they re oughte to by instrumentes to take the leavelles , ingines to monte and dismonte all sortes of ordenance . the generall of the artillerie , as a superior comaunder , oughte to procure and take a speciall care in due time to see all matteres provided and put in order , rather then to thincke theruppon , when occasion shoulde presente , and specially in the lowe countries , where warres are dayly in exercice , and sundrie interprises , and brave exploites executed of a sodaine . he is to get a liste of all sortes of amuninitiones and armes , as well defencive , as offencive both for foote and horse , givinge order and chardge of the same , to the mayor domo , the which they oughte to give oute by librances or ticketes , from the generall , because that goode acompte may by yealdeth of provisiones of suche greate importance , in as much that no fraude mighte by suspected : when occasion shall offer to plante youre cannon or greate shott , to batter a cittie towne foote or castell , or any other occasion . and pretendinge to effecte well youre purpose , youe shall place them by . . . as occasion shall require , a leowinge a certaine distance betwexte every two peeces , acordinge as the occasion and situation shall require or permit , firste orderinge the place where they shall by put with plankes or tables all a longste under theire whiles , a leowinge . foote litle more or less behinde they re whiles , for the retiring of the peece , soe that of it self , or with litle paines it returnes a gaine to his due and former place ; and alsoe before the artillerie is to by set a resistance of tables , betwext it and the gabiones and parapet , and soe of a neowe bigin to chardge it . and when the artillery bigines to be hott , it is not to by refreshed with vineger , but rather weathinge the trimer in water , and with the same to refress the cane or barrell . this observation beinge fullfilled in due time youe may still shoote of , if occasion require : it is alsoe to by considered the thicknes and mettal , advertisinge that the masteres of the ordenance doe a leowe no more then . or . shott a day , if the occasion by not of suche importance . he who taketh this honorable chardge in hande oughte to by skillfull in the arte of warr , and of greate care in givinge all orderes and instructiones in due time , and see that with greate care and punctualitie his orderes be observed . he oughte to knowe the names of every peece , and they re severall weightes lenghtes bignes , and the juste boare of the cilender , the weighte and thicknes of they re bulletes , the quantitie of pouder necessarie for every peece , their beste advantadge att poincte blanke , the diference and goodnes of they re pouder , the laddels , sponges , and rammeres necessarie , and befitinge for eache one , they re ought to by bulletes and a rowes of wilde fire . it is still to by considered the goodnes or badnes of the pouder , for the pouder beinge goode the lesser will serve , and is of farr better execution , and doth less heate the peece : to knowe who much pouder youe oughte to a leowe to eache peece take in pouder the waighte of the ⅔ partes of the bullet , and soe with all sorte of ordenance of whatesoever cice , as for example a cannon of . pounde bullet requires . pounde of pouder , which is the ⅔ . of the waighte of the bullet , and soe with the reste . the laddell beinge filled two times is the righte chardge of each peece , but that consideration oughte to be taken in the goodnes of the pouder and peece uppon the pouder and artillery ought alwaies to be a pointed a goode and vigilante watche , soe that no fraude may take effecte , in naylinge the ordenance , or givinge fire to the pouder , both foote and horse ought to garde the same if neede require , and specially goode roundes . the setinge , montinge , or placinge the artillerie belongethe to the campe master generall , or highe marshall of the fielde : they re oughte to by a speicall care taken that of all sortes of munitiones theire shoulde by rather more to spare then that they re shoulde wante , for two many goode respectes , for the more youe have allwayes to spare of pouder , and other munitiones , the more honoure youe gaine and the quieter youre mynde . if youe shoulde chance to come to conqueste a foraigne countrie where youe are well asured to get both horse and foote , and beinge fullie resolued to overcome that countrie , and remaine in possession of the same , it is verie necessarie youe carie a longe with youe a greate quātitie of saddeles , briddles , spurres , and masteres to make suche wourkes , and alsoe to carie a longe with youe a quantitie of many sortes of weapones and munitiones , which suchc countries can not a fourde , and to take a speciall care that youe receive no men whiche mighte by suspected , for fidelitie is a preciouse guel of greate wourth , for nexte under god they re is nothinge of so greate importance to a prince as to have loyall subjectes , for trough they re love and unitie , the fertilitie of the countrie , a companied with good lawes , goode discipline , prudente and brave conduction of his captaines and comaunderes in warr , as alsoe a companied with thies saied a faithfull and resolvte determination of his souldieres , who beinge exercised and experimented in warr is a wounderfull comforte securitie , and repose bothe to the kinge and countrie . the fourthe chap. when occasion is offered that a smale or greate number of souldieres are besiedged in a citti towne forte or castell , where they are apointed by they re kinge or generall for to defende the same , like faithfull and true subjectes , where rather they shoulde dye honorably in defence of the same then yealdeth it , excepte greate extreamitie , and goode reasones , constraine them therunto , and makinge notoriouse there prudence , valoure , and fidelitie ; and if it shoulde chance to fall oute they re comaunder or governoure of such a place trough a covardelie minde , or by meanes of sellinge the same for money to the enemy , and findinge that he shoulde presume to yealde the same to the enemy , litle regardinge his prince is service , nor his owne reputation , and knowinge that such a place mighte be defended ; they all with a brave resolution are to comforte the comaunder , presentinge they re reasones that suche a place may be well defended , and at lēghte , findinge his minde yealde to the base acte , and seinge that reasones can persuade not a vayle . they are with a brave and resolute determinotion to say that to honoure they re prince , and mantaine they re one reputation , that like unto faithfull subjectes and honorable souldieres they rather chouse to dye in defence of the place , then yealde the same , till they knowe the will of they re generall ; and if the generall finde no oportunitie to advertice them with answer , or in soucorringe them ; they are withe a brave and noble determinasion to proteste to die in defence of the same , with aresolute minde then yealde the same covardly , estiminge but litle the honoure of theire prince and their one reputasion , and findinge that the governor of that place will not agrie but still goe forwarde in his base minde they may lawfully aprehende him , and electe another in his place , to whome they oughte to obey and respecte as if he were elected by the kinge or generall , protestinge to fulfill with him as a superior , and for the better performance therof to putt all theire conclusiones in writhinge ; soe that the enemy beinge informed of their valerouse determination brave spirites and fidelitie , they shal hardlie fall uppon them , but uppon greate and extraordinary advantadge , seinge that they are resolved rather to die in defence of theire honoure and reputasion then to yealde or hasarde their fame in rinderinge the same to the handes of theire enemy , whiche may use there one discression in a matter of so heavie importance , in eyther gaininge honoure or disgrace , so considerenge the diferince betwext thies two pointes in the noble profession of armes , better and more honorable it is to die in defence of a iuste and honorable cause , and perpetuate the●e fame to all posteritie , then yealde to any lowe or base imagination . when an army doe inter into a foraine country and determineth to remaine theire that winter , and conquest the same , firste he is to fortifie him selfe , or com in pocession of stronge places if it mighte by posible : secondlie to gather all the corne cattell wine bire and all other sorte of vituales necessarie for the manteinance of his army : soe that his may not wante , and that his enemy may by driven unto greate extreamitie ( and that trough meere extremitie they may come to offer them selves to serve as faithfull subiectes ) so that of materes whiche bienge prudently and diligentely manadged doe often times resulte prosperouse and goode successes : a necessarie thinge in warr that the souldiores of eache army doe carrie theire device and token wherby they may by knowen by theire owne as frendes , rather then to fall uppon as if it were an enemy not knowinge them as it may well fall oute . when a generall of an army doth inter to conqueste a kingdom the provinces or places trough which he marcheth , he is to take care to leave them well fortified and sure , with goode and stronge garisones that his soucors munitiones and convoyes , may with the better securitie pass and repass , for cause that importeh muche for the better securitie and goode success of his jurney and pretended purpose : and if by chance in suche places his convoyes by beaten or broken , as it may well fall oute , he may retire to the nexte adjoninge forte castell or towne , for his securitie , and soe shall all sorte of trade , marchandise , munitiones , and traficke freely pass from place to place , conducted with stronge and vigilante convoyes both foote and horse . suche persones as shall by chosen to recnoledge citties townes , fortes castelles , they re fossose and walles , and the places easieste to by won , as alsoe to recnoledge the place more conveniente to cutt trinches . thies persones oughte to be chosen of men of longe experience in warr , as well in the theorick and practice of the same , ingeniouse and of a grtate spirite , of a setled minde to houlde and take notice of whate he seeth , the perill and danger of the matter , the necessarie preventiones for the same in as much as may be possible in takinge advantadge of the enemy ; some that are employed in thies ocasiones doe carie armes of proofe and targetes , otheres do onelie carie targetes , whiche i thincke is inoughe , by reason of the greate weighte of both , such men are to arme them selves with a setled minde , not fearefull but of a brave spirit scilente and patiente , for otherwise hardly can they bringe to perfection they re purpose , nor give a goode relation of whate is recomended to their chardge whiche by experience is often tried in the ocurrantes of warr . when ocasion shall offer to give an escalada to a towne citti or forte it is necessarie it by at nighte alitle before day , and in an obscure nighte alitle before day , and that to be verie scilent and secretly , and with greate expedition to execute his purpose , but firste and before hande oughte to be taken the heighte of the wall and place of youre execution , that the laderes may juste conforme with the place and that it be nothing higher for bienge dangerouse , for the parte within discoveringe him , with litle paines may turne the ladder and hinder the execution pretended , and the ladder oughte not to be soe shorte but it may come within two foote to the upper patre of the wall , or juste to the same litle more or less ; for otherwise time and ocasion may be loste , and the firste that are to by chosen for suche exploites are to be pikmen and chosen of persones of brave spirites and valerouse determinationes to intertaine the place with theire pikes till the shott do inter ; and as the pikes do inter they are to turne theire faces towarde both sides of the wall to kepe of the furie of the enemy till the shot do inter ; and then the leader is to marche forwarde in goode order till he come to the beste poste of the enemy , and moste fitt for his purpose , with a troupe of chosen and resolute muskettieres in the uangarde who dischardginge that value giueth greate terror to the enemy , and let them make theire rekoninge before hande that theire is no turninge bake , but with a brave resolution step forwarde with a ualerouse determination , otherwise athousand to one they are loste , for suche and semblable executiones is required prudente and brave conductores of tried ualoure and resolusion . nexte under god , true religion and pure concience , there is nothinge to be so highlie esteemed and comended in the profession of armes as obedience , acompanied with goode discipline and examples , for otherwise all other goode partes in him are to litle purpose and of litle estimasion , yea and of what sover qualitie or condision he be of , from a private souldier to a master de campe generall ; alwaies the lower is to respecte the higher in degree ( for the prosperouse succeses of warlike afaires . ) and it is moste necessarie that those who doth militate in the same doe serve withe agoode , will cencerly and faith fully , sheowinge them selves louinge and loyall , in all ocasiones to theire prince , and generall , whiche they are to sheowe by testimony of goode examples , soe they shall be beloved and gaine goode fame , and by all likhoode shall have goode successes ▪ and many souldiores who bienge assured that theire cheefe doth inbrace and recompence all brave actiones in warr do venture them selves with a better couradge , and resolute determination ; then if they were constrained by force , and of litle hope of recompence . iulius caesar that famouse captaine of greate renoome who in all his actiones sheowed him selfe with suche a generouse minde and lovinge towardes his souldiores , acompanied with his military prudence did triumphe and over com in battelles and incounters of greate hazarde and dificulte , with the slaughter of . persones for the space of eighte yeares he governed wourthie to be noted and kepte in perpetuall memory when he touke his jurney to pass over the river of the rhine in germany to fall uppon the suitseres , to revenge the injurie and treason comitted by them againste the republicke of the romaines in killinge casio a famouse romaine consull , and all his people : but iulius caesar for a revenge therof gave them a battell , they bienge in number . men ; notwithstandinge he defeated . of them , and they askinge for peace after that cesar did overcome them he came to a gremente and composition with them . a nother thinge wourdie to by noted that when the suitsers did pass the river of the rhine , with . men to inhabite , and overcome france , borgondie , and flandes . julius caesar heeringe of they re presomtion , presentlie departed to meete them , and defeated and overcom them , and for the moste parte suche as escaped the battell , for the greate renoome and relation they had of his brave govermente , and kinde intertainemente , they were contente to remaine in service under him , soe that trough his prudence , bra ve conduction , and the greate contentemente souldiores had to serve under his comaunde , he did overcome all the provinces of the suitseres fleminges , and frence , and passed into inglande and did put them under subiection , and after pasinge over sea , the inglish begon to rebell againste him , so that he was forced to returne a gaine to recover thē , and leavinge them setled , wente into spaine and drived a way pompeo , and mastered all that he had under subiection : so that this laudable and renoomed captanie lefte to all warriers many brave examples of perpetuall memory . his brave and prudente conduction , liberalitie clemencie and mangnanimitie made him victoriouse , so that he triumpheth over asia , africa , and europa . and soe many more brave and valerouse warrieres for bienge beloved by theires , kepinge them still contented , have optained manny rare victories . and to the contrarie o there 's who were of bad conduction , and careless to contente theire armies had but litle goode succeses ; as did happen to atilla kinge of the hunos a proude and cruell man , an enemy and scourdge of cristianes , was overcom in the battell betwexte him and theodorico kinge of the burgonones in the campe of cathalanos , thoughe he had more men then the burgonones he was overcom with the loshe of men , in whiche battell the kinge theodorico was slaine , many more comparisones mighte be related , but nowe a dayes the warres are so diferente in usinge no tyranny , but rather by industry brave and prudente conduction goode discipline , dayly subtilitie engeniouse wittes , inventenge of fire wourkes and other military actes in warr , to which helpeth muche the readinge of antiente histories of prudente and valerouse captaines to sharpen the witt of men , and increase the hartes and understandinge of suche as do followe the noble profession of armes : but let none presume that by onely readinge he can be apte to governe in warr ( in governinge of an army ) nor truste to the same withoute havinge exercised him selfe and practisinge him in many ocurantes of warrlike afaires , but the learninge becometh none better then the souldior , for it bringes him to greate perfection , firimnes and auctoritie . many kinges emperoures and captaine generalles do imbrace the letteres with armes and finde it moste necessarie , and are of rare importance , and finde that learninge is moste required to the executiones of this profession more then to any other profession , for bienge the true fundamente of nobilitie : in the profession of armes the wicked uice of invie is moste odiouse and uileste of all actes ; for bienge master of many vices which resulte of rude and blinde ingnorance , subjecte to quareles , murmurasion , backbitinge , disgraces and bad examples , enemy to all goode proceedinges , truth and vertue , whiche doth so penetrate the unconsiderate and base understandinge of many of litle conscience and reputation , daylie decaienge and fallinge unto many crimes and disgraces , enemy to frindshipp and acorde , subjecte to afrontes and vices , of bad life and bad ende : in the profession of armes greate care oughte to be taken of suche as are given to suche and semblable vices ; and when by faire meanes and goode instructiones they do not a minde to see them severelie punished , or drive them a way , like base factioneres inclined to vices troubles and bad examples . the fifth chap. whosoever woulde wish to be a perfecte souldior and desirouse that matteres of importance were refered to his care and chardge , firste he muste by exercised longe time in warres , sheowinge him diligēte in a plienge him selfe in the theoricke and practick of this arte , to be couriouse and ingeniouse in many ocurrantes and warlike exploites , in fortifienge him selfe in ocasiones of necessitie eyther in plaine or hilly grounde , riveres or pasadges or where soever . he is to be couriouse in understandinge the dificulties of the situation , the uantadge and disadvantadge of the place , and howe he may intertaine the place , in as muche as industrie can a fourde , in consideringe how soucor can be kepte from him , and the necessary prevension , if he by inviorened with wood gardines ditches valeyes ould buildinges in . or . paces , and if theire be any suche empedimentes to see them with speede plained and prevented that he may discouer every way , and let him looke well that he be not deprived of water , and in as muche posible to informe him selfe in knowinge all meanes the enemy may use to cross him of soccoure ; and the sureste way or meanes who he may receive soucor , and use all industrie posible in so muche that the enemy do not cross him of the pasadges , and put them selves in posession of the same : he is to fortifie him selfe in as muche as may by posible , and as the situasion shall permit , not grudginge at the greate paines required to that effecte , in raisinge the walles in the heighte and forme requisite , the ditch of the breade and heighte conveniente . to raise the bulwarkes of the same in the heighte that they may discover the sircuide and places befitinge on eache side , let him by provided in due time of all necessarie munitiones , and as much as may by , and rather have to spare then wante , alsoe to be provided of severall sortes of fire wourkes whiche are of rare emportance in many ocasiones , let him by alwaies vigilante and warie , and feare of the suddaine plottes and stratagemes of his enemy , whiche may fall uppon him when he leaste thinketh , so let him not wholie truste to his and his souldiores valour , but rather alwayes be readie to receive the alarme with greate vigilance and brave resolusion , so shall he a complish the obligationes of a prudente carefull and vigilante souldior , and defende his reputasion . when any stronge place is beseeged and that yove woulde cut atrince to win the same , the person that undertaketh this chardge muste by curiouse and skillfull , the trince is to by five foote deepe and the earthe to be caste up on both sides then it shall be seaven foote deepe in some places it is to by ten foote broade , in some places eighte , but in the biginenge it needeth not to be above eight foote broade , and in every place it muste by five foote at leaste deepe . thies trinches are to by cutt and goe on crossed ( and crouked ) so that the enemy do not discover oure fronte , but givinge them still oure side , and so shall the companies inter with the better securitie and feowe men kilth , and they may goe upp and downe the trince at theire owne ease , but they muste beware and by in all redines leaste the enemy shoulde chance of a soddaine come to trye theire valour , and kill suche as they finde in the trince , and nayle the artillerie if they can come so farr , therfore let theire by chosen the beste and moste valerouse pikemen , and order them in thre in ranke to hinder the entinte or empetue of the enemy , in thies and semblable ocasiones in warr where carelelie officeres and souldiores do assiste they finde them selves amazed for there litle care and vigilance in soddaine prevented exploites of the enemy , after bienge well informed of trustie spies of the litle vigilance and care of the enemy it is an easie thinge to triumphe victorie of them , so in ocurrantes and ocasiones of warrlike afaires all securitie is to by prevented in due time in as muche as industrie vigilance and care can afourde , and such as do not thinke uppon them selves to prevente the necessarie remedies , are moste comonly loste , and suche as do escape remaine tatched with greate disgrace , for bienge overthrowen trough careless mindes and litle discipline , so let none by ingnorant but that vigilance and care acompanied with military prudence and brave resolusion is of rare importance in warr . the sixte chap. treatinge of the office of a captaine generall of an army . this office beinge of so high dingnitie and degree , the kinge doth chuse and electe it be the advice of his prudente counsell of state and warr ; and in this election greate consideration oughte to by had , for bienge the office of higheste degree in the fielde ; which of all reason oughte to by comended to the care and chardge of a personadge indued with the befitinge partes for the executinge of so honorable a chardge : therfore he oughte not onely to have the perfection and aproved partes of all other officeres under his comaunde ; but to excell them all in experience , gravitie , policie , secrecie , temperance , valour constancie , vigilance , care liberalitie , and to by of brave and resolute determinations , preventinge and executinge in due time with care and prudence all thinges apertaininge to his chardge : to relate of all the goode partes in him it were tedious , for he is to by of suche perfecte judgemente of all thinges which hath and shall by writen of this arte , so that the goode partes in him required are infinit . he is not onely to by of perfecte judgemente in excellinge all the reste , but alsoe to by of a verteouse life in givinge goode examples , as apateerne lighte and lanterne of all the army ( soe that they may imitate him ) for moste comonlie averteouse prudente and valiante generall will chuse valiante verteouse and prudente captaines and officeres ; prudente and valerouse captaines oughte to estime verteouse valiante and skilfull souldieres . the accidentes of warr are so many that it altherethe the houmore of some professores of this arte , excepte they by indued with singular vertue and constancie , which are founde but in verie feowe . very many dificulties doe offer in the daylie ocurrantes of warr , but greate abilitie is requiered to see them prudently ordered ; and hardely can any master be had of suche perfection , but that some times he muste err . to relate in particular of the partes required in a generall it were tediouse , wherfore i will name the foure princlpal partes the greekes and romaines desired to occurr in such personages ; firste to be skillfull in the arte of warr , to be valiante and of brave and prudente resolution , to sheowe him selfe with greate gravitie and auctoritie , and to be fortunate in his sucesses . if he be acompanied with the partes and proprietie before declared it is inough . nevertheless he hase inoughe to learne . for the better securitie and success of his army it is necessarie that his person be still well garded in all plases where he marches with his army . ( and trough his valeoure and mangnanimitie ) findinge that he is inclined to presente him selfe the firste in all dangeres , his consell of warris not to permitt him for many respectes , for bienge kilth or taken prisoner it were no smale matter . that besides it is an ocasion to animate the enemie , and to disanimate oures , wherof greate consideration oughte to be taken . the greekes and romaines for the defence and repose of theire republike have chosen theire captaine generalles of souldieres of greate and longe experience in martiall actiones , wherby they mighte prudentlie governe and comaunde with full auctoritie and due respecte . and therfore they alwaies did chuse thies personadges of men of longe practice , greate experience in warr , and of reepe yeares and judgement . it is true that alexander magnus , beinge but of yonge yeares begon to governe and comaunde an army , and conquered all asia and did put the worlde in amace . somtimes it is moste conveniente that kinges and princes in person be presente withe theire armies for many respectes , thouge theire experience be not greate ; but when suche ocasiones do presente they carie with them the moste anciente and experimented captaines they finde as did alexander of those captaines whiche kinge philip his father had for his counseleres and conductores of warr . and as did kinge philipe of spaine when he elected don juan de austria for his captaine generall , he a pointed for his lieutenante don luis de suniga the gran comendador of castilla . and to the contrarie who infortunate hapened to don sebastian kinge of portugall not to imitate thies renoomed examples of perperpetuall memorie , in his infortunate and disastred journey made into barbarie , he beinge yonge and vnexperimented in warr whiche was cause of his and his armies perdicion , so that yonge princes in warres oughte to have for theire counseleres grave and experimented captaines , none can denay but this kinge was of a high conceite and of amoste brave and valerouse determinasion but by reson of his yonge yeares and lesse experience in warr , he wanted prudence for the due conduction of such an honarble action . in the honorable journey made by the famouse and renoomed conquerour kinge edward the thirde into france , sendinge his eyldest son the prince of wales for generall , naminge for his counselers and captaines the valiante prudente and renoomed earles of oxforde warwick , suffolk and salisbury , where at the battell of poytieres they made knowen theire vndeniable prudence and greate valour , that at lenghte they overthrewe the whole power of france , and theire kinge iohn and his son philipe were taken prisoneres , with very many of the frence nobilitie , to the inglish is perpetuall glorie and fame . aniball that renoomed captaine of perpetuall memorie was but very yonge when he began to governe an army , but he had for his counseleres anciente and prudente captaines , and was ruled and governed by them till he came to understandinge , givinge many famouse battelles and overthrowes to the romaines , till at the ende he was overcome with cipio africano that renomed captaine of the remaines . the captaine generall oughte to informe him selfe well of the forces qualitie and condiciones of his enemy , if bisonos or rawe men , or oulde and experimented souldiers , alsoe to be well informed of the cituation strenghte and forme of theire citties townes , fortes , and stronge houldes , and of the convenienteste plases to passe over thire riveres . alsoe to informe him selfe of the situation of their campes , so that he mighte be the better prevented when ocasion shall offer , alsoe to be well informed of persones of goode judgemente and truste of all the dificulties that maie hinder him , so that in due time he may prevente all necessarie prevenciones , and specially see that he trusteth the relatinge of thies and many more ocasiones to persones of greate fidelitie and truste and of goode understandinge . when the captaine generall shall inter to conqueste aforaigne country he is to indevoure with speede to put him selfe in pocession of the principaleste pasadges of riveres casteles and stronge plases , and with speede see them well provided with all necessaries , that thereby he may put the country under subiection , and that his amunitiones and all other necessaries may be transported with the more securitie from one place to another , and withe speede to see all places fortified in as muche as can posible , where any parte of his army beinge constrained trough extreame necessitie may safelie repaire unto . for it faleth oute often times that the ocurrantes of warlike affaires are subjecte to many disgrases , and may be when we leshe feare . wherfore aprudente comaunder oughte in due time to prevente suche dificulties , which is the kea and securitie of his army , and specially to see thies plases well provided with all sorte of amunitions , and to see that they be recomended to the care and chardge of carefull vigilante prudente and valerouse captaines . when resolution is taken to scale any towne forte or stronge place , firste information oughte to be taken by skillfull and trustie persones of al dificulties which mighte be suspected or feared , as alsoe of the juste heighte of the walles that ladderes may be made for that purpose , and not to be overlonge for bienge dangerouse for cause that the enemy may easilie turne them up side downe . thies ladderes are not to be so shorte but that they may reache to the place of theire execution ( for thies executiones moste comonlie are firste imploied pikemen of chosen and valerouse souldieres ) to make way till the shott followe to socoure them , duringe whiche time they are to mantaine the place with greate valeoure till all the shott do ioyne , and then with speed goe forwarde , well and prudently ordered , and with abrave and resolute tetermination til they come in pocession and master the place , and strongeste watche they finde . in thies and other semblable ocasiones there is no lookinge after , still goe forwarde with greate couradge and valeoure , whiche execution oughte to be recomended to the care and chardge of prudente and valerouse captaines and chosen souldiores , which bienge so hitted uppon , greate expectasiones mighte be hoped of theire goode sucesse . and order oughte to be given that in paine of death no souldier shall stir oute of his order till the enemy be wholie vanquised and all thinges dulie ordered and prevented . goode successes are often times optained by meanes of military prudence care and diligence , wherfore it is necessarie the captaine generall be verie industriouse in knowinge who to invente neowe occasiones of warr to diverte and intertaine the enemy when ocasion shall require , and to corupte them with money , for many ocurantes in warr it is necessarie to have many trustie spies whiche serve for many purposes , it is moste necessarie that thies persones by knowen for men of truste and fidelitie ; for otherwise beinge of double dealinge they are moste dangerouse . in all ocasiones he shall atempte he is to be verie carefull and diligente , and to knowe the qualitie and condision of the enemyes comaunder wheader he be raish and inconsiderat or prudente and reposed in his actiones , and wheader he be a man of a high minde to come to the facte of armes , and to knowe the qualitie of his counseleres conductores and officeres , and of whate determinasiones , and to be well informed if his army be of bisones or rawe men or of anunciente skillfull and practised souldiores , and of whate nasiones and of whate desingnes . a generall can helpe him selfe in many matteres havinge goode and trustie spies , whiche are to be verie well rewarded and paied for be their , meanes often tymes matteres of greate momente is prevented in due time , and to the contrarry for wante of suche trustie and carefull persones greate disgraces doe happen , and brave interprises loste , thies persones beinge of confidente truste care and abilitie is agreate repose of minde to the generall . moste necessarie it were that some captaines and alferises reformed of longe practice and experience in warr shoulde still asiste nexte his person , to informe of many matteres which doe occurr unknowen to the generall , and of greate importance to his majesties service , and which shoulde by prevented in due time . thies persones for cause of there longe experience and a proved fidelitie in materes of warr shoulde rather by imploied then otheres ordinarily sente with comisiones in visitinge frontieres , fortificasiones amunisiones magasenes or storehouses , and of verie many more ocasiones of importance to the furtherance of his majesties service , and in givinge true relasion of the extreame necessities of souldiores for wante of the ordinary and inescusable necessaries ordained for them be the prince in theire garisones as lodginges bedes , &c. and seinge that none do procure nor pittie them they run away from theire coloures which mighte be prevented in due time be meanes of faithfull and trustie relatores , to the better performance of his majesties service and repose of the comon wealth and poure inhabitances , it were verie necesary he shoulde have trustie persones of good skill and understandinge in warr who shoulde in due time advertice him of many matters which doth ocurr unknowen to him or his counsell , and verie necessary for his majesties service . to by prevented in due time againste the poysonous designes and practises of the enemy , it were moste necessary to get faithfull and trustie spies to knowe the intentes of the enemy , and to whate ende they aspire , and to see thies spiees well rewarded , so that with the greater care they acomplish the truste emputed in them , so that matteres of greate importance may by discovered and prevented withoute facte of armes , onely with military prudence . his ceasless care and high conceite , ought never to be weery in toylinge after vertue , and to attaine with travaile care and military prudence the gloriouse issues of his deepe designes . in thies oure later warres for the moste parte all electiones goes by favor frindshipp or affection to the greate discomoditie of his majesties service ; wherfore the captaine generall as a supreame iustice over a whole army shoulde have aspeciall care in informinge him selfe well in due time , to see amatter of so greate importance prudentely prevented . it alsoe falethe oute that when the generall caules for arelasion of the master de campes to reforme so many captaines of eache regimente of eache nasion to reforce other companies . in such and semblable ocasiones , the generall shoulde take aspeciall care to by well informed , for cause that by dayly experience wee see thies afaires sinesterly handled ; reforminge those of greate service suficiency and valoure , which is manifeste , and to no smale discomodity to his majesties service , in the atemptes of many honorable interprises and incounteres , and to the greate decay of military discipline . so that for wante of prudente conductores , many honorable ocasiones are dayly loste . and that resultinge of the litle perfection of many officeres in military discipline . to see thees ocasiones and many more duly prevented , the captaine generall for many wourdie respectes oughte to informe him selfe well , in as much that favoure frindshipp nor affecsion may take place , but rather forwarde and advance those of longe and faithfull service , prudente cariadge , renoomed actes and valoure . so that in the administrasion of justice he shall by reputed for one inclined to minister equitie and righte , as alsoe for one of greate disgression and wisedome , and soe moste comonly by all reason the sucesses of military discipline shall prosper , to the greate renoome of the prince , repose and furtherance of the comon wealthe . happy is the prince and renoomed is the generall who in his electiones doe imitate the greekes and romaines , in electinge the conductores of theyr armyes of men experte and skillfull in the arte of warr , and moste comonly wise vertuese and valiante generalles , will chuse wise valiante and vertuese captaines , of longe practice renoomed actes and goode examples ; so with the asistance of the divine powere ( greate hopes oughte to by expected of theire happie successes ) as alexander the greate , scipio africano , aniball , and many more renoomed warrieres lefte in writhinge suficiente examples of the same . the ende of the seconde booke . the thirde booke treatinge of firewourkes of rare executiones by sea and lande . after which followes a discourse of the confines of a kingdome ; and the goode lavves to by observed in the same , and hovve it is to by fortified , and stronge by arte , or by nature , or by both . the firste chap. treatinge of patarres . to chardge a pattar to breake a bridge is required six pounde of pouder , or six and haulfe , and to breake stronge portes or gates , foure pounde , or foure and haulfe , and for palisados two pounde , or two and haulfe . this pattares are to be chardged of the fineste and beste pouder that can by had , whiche to do well for the perfecte execution of the same . pouder shoulde be made for itt of refined mixtures of saltpeeter and solpher , and at the chardginge of the same it muste be well beaten , but not so much that the graine of the pouder by brocken , and when it is chardged , the mouth of the pattar muste be very well stopped with apeece of tember ( and wax ) oboute the which on the outwarde parte , or abouth the mouth of the pattar muste be wrapped and tied apeece of canuas dobbed in wax , fearinge that water mighte come to touche the pouder to hinder the execution of the same , if in case it shoulde chance faule into the water . ( advertisinge that the pattar is not to be wholie filled , rather to leave three or foure fingeres voyde , and to fill the moste parte therof with okum , and the touch hole is to be coated with apeece of waxte canuas , and well tied to the same for feare of water and fire . the touche hole muste be filled with mixtures ready and quick to kindel fire , but sloely to effecte that the patardier may have tyme to retire after giving fire . the compositiones required to charge a pattar . for this purpose take three partes of fine and strong pouder , five of solpher , eighte of refined saltpeter , or eight and haulfe , afterwardes mingell all thies mixtures well togither til yove corporate them , and put to them alitle petrol oyle , so muche that they corporate togither , and let them drie well in the sun , and beinge well dried , fill the pattar with the saied mixtures , for the tienge of thies pattares aforck with two teethes is estimed the beste , and in tyme of execution to putt the same trough the eares of the pattar to fasten the same both with a chaine and corde . when yove woulde surprise a ny place of emportance by scalinge pattar , or by meanes of any faulte in the walles of the same , wherby yove may easilie come in , or by inteligence or treatment of treason . ifby pattar yove determin to win the same , yove muste firste by well informed of skilfull and trustie spies , or of persones of truste , of the strenght and entrie of the gates , batteries bridges , palisados , bucketes , and chaines of the bridges , the height and distance to come to the place of execution , and if the ditch by drie or with water , and who deepe and lardge , and if there be any forlorne centeries , or corpes de garde that may hinder yove , and in whate place they lay , and if theyr by any greate ordenance that may play on yove , and on whate side it layeth and in whate distance· the place beinge well discovered , to effect youre entention , yove are to vse stratagemes to divert and ocupie the enemy another way . juste aboute the tyme that yove are ready to execute youre desire . the tyme beeingh well hit uppon , with oportunitie , and being well informed by trustie spies of no deceite nor fraude , fasilitateth much the interprice , which is moste comonlie alitle before day ; at which tyme the centeries are moste laesie and have more desire to sleepe , beesides that the obscuritie helpeth much the interpricce and aprochinges . when the pattares are to be planted to their execution betwexte the mouth of the same and the gate or bridge yove are to put aplancke of stronge woode , of two foote broade and two foote and haulfe longe and three foote distance from the place of execution , and if yove finde that the plancke be not stronge inough , you are to take two barres of yron and put them cros wise for the better performance of youre execution , and that betwexte the saide planckes and the place of execution , and to order all thies thinges in areadines with every thinge apertaining , before yove com to the place of execution . greate consideration and curiositie is to be used be the engenious and skilfull person that taketh in hande this busines , in givinge fire to the same , whiche is easie and enfalible for suche as are of perfecte skill in fire wourckes but to otheres verie dangerouse . the seconde chap. how to make a torche to endure againste the force of winde and raine . take of fine cotten threede , which is used for candles the one thirde parte , and the other two thirde partes of threede made of fine ocam , and make of this acorde as thicke as youre finger . then take a quantitie of saltpeter , and let it by finely stamped , and then tacke a quantitie of aqua vitae , and let the corde boyle therin a goode while till it almoste be drie , then put into the same a litle quantitie of gineper oyle , and one parte of pouder , two of refined saltpeter , and one parte of rosen ; and corporate them all togither , and let them boyle over a softe fire till the corde be almoste drie , and turne the same often times with much vigilance or it will kindel fiere if any extraordinary hett come nere it . beinge drie inough tacke it up , then take one parte of wax , one parte of rosen , haulfe parte of colofonia , one fourth parte of linesatt-oyle , and so muche of camphora , one parte of saltpeter three times refined , one parte of pouder , and boyle all thies mixtures togither , and when they are well corporated dob youre corde in the same mixtures as if youe were to make a candel , and after beinge dobbed in thies mixtures often times , set the candel a parte till it be drie inough then let it be dobbed in wax , as youe doe other candels till such time as it be of the thicknes youe woulde have it to be , then lay it upp till it be drie , and in lightinge the same it will burne with greate furie and force , and no raine nor winde can quince it , and it will yealde a greate flame , and terrible noice , that the behoulderes will muche admire at the same . to trie who to reduce saltpeeter into water take three onces of raine water , and put it in acaldrō over the fire , and put into the same two onces of saltpeeter well stamped , and let it boyle so longe till it come to be water , whiche for many effectes of this wourke is goode , and specially to guie more force to mixtures that are not in they re full substance and perfection . to refine solfer and make it more stronge put into the same one eighte parte of quicksilver , and ⅔ . partes of refined saltpeeter , and melte them over a softe fire till they corporate well , and after , takings the same up and beinge alitle hote caste it into strong veneger , and within alitle while take itt up and it will by of full strenghte . to discover the enemy at nighte when yove woulde fall to do any execution , cause aquantitie of fagotes secretly to by put in the moste convenienteste place for that purpose ( that will give yove inogh light ) en vsinge them in this maner followinge and also will indure longe . take agoode quantitie of ro sen , and foure times so muche turpintin de venetia , and haulfe so muche of colofonia as yove take of roosen , and put aquantitie of the saied mixtures on each fagot and give the same fire with awad of okum , dobbed in pouder brandevin and turpintin , which wad beinge dried will presently give fire to the fagotes and yealde agreate flame and indure longe , and if yove will have it to indure longer put aquantitie of colofonia uppon the fagottes in the thickeste parte of them and the fire will endure longe inoghe . the thirde chap. to arme tronckes or canes made for severall executiones of this arte , the figure of which canes youe shall see hire followinge whiche are made of lighte woode and are to be of two foote or two and haulfe longe , and som shorter for cause of their weighte in time of execution . thies canes are hollowe within and made of lighte tember like the barrell of apeece of ordenance , and they muste by well bounde all rounde aboute with stronge marlin corde , fearinge leaste it shoulde splinter by meanes of the stronge compositiones , and mixtures put into the same , of whiche we will nowe treate . after yove have well tied the same alongste with the corde all aboute , yove may doabe or coate the corde in a mixture made of pitch and wax for the more securitie of the cane in keepinge it from water , and not to splinter . which douptles they will exepte they be well handled by men of goode experience , and practice in this arte , and let none presume that for the readinge of many goode bookes he cā bringe this wourcke to perfection , for it is of suche rare and deepe judgemente in the orderinge and measuringe in proportion of the seaveral sortes of mixtures required for the same . in the drienge and manadgeinge of them is required greate consideration , good skill , vigilance , and rare judgemente of longe exercice ; wherof i have seene many dangerous triales bothe in the handlinge and executiones of this wourcke , in his due measure and proportion , therfore confideration , care , and vigilance is required . the compositiones required for the saied canes , take six partes of musket pouder , foure , of solfer , a haulf parte of quicksilver , one parte of cristal glashe beaten into pouder , one parte of armoniacke alsoe beaten into pouder , one parte of camphire , three partes of saltpeeter three times refined , two partes of rosen , all whiche cause to by well stamped and mingled togither , then tacke of gineper-oyle , or petroll oyle , as much as will wet a litle all the saied mixtures , then put as muche stronge brandevin , as shall be sufficiente to weate well all the saiede mixtures , and mingel them togither , and let them be dried in the sun or over a softe fiere till they corporate well , then putt a monghste them a litel quantity of fine cotten made or a nointed in fine beaten pouder and gineper oyle , and when all thiese compositiones are drie , fill youre cane or troncke , putinge in the bottom of the same three musket-shotes of pouder , or more , acordinge to the greatnes of the cane , then a quantitie of youre mixtures then a litle pouder , then mixtures , then alitle pouder , and so till youe almoste fill the cane to the brim , leavinge two enches emptie where youe shall put drie mixtures quicke and apte to kindel fire , and haulfe , a quarter of an once of fine pouder in the very mouthe of the cane , and stike into the same a peece of match made of fine cotten , and boyled in aqua vitae , gineper oyle , and fine pouder of the beste youe can finde , to presently kindell fire , when occasion shall require ; and when youe will bigin with the execution of the same , youe are to give fire in the mouthe of the cane , and it will yealde a moste furious and greate flame till it burne oute , and the execution of the flame will reache some . foote , and with a greate furie and force , which artificiall canes are excellente to inter per force into shippes , or into a breache or trinche , alsoe it is moste excellente to breake any order or array , and specially in narrowe or straighte places , as the draught marked with the letter a. sheoweth . a. the fourth chap. another way to arme artificiall canes of fire-wourcke . take three partes of rosin , two partes of brimstone , one haulfe parte of the grease or fatt of a hog ¼ . parte of red wax , cause the rosen and brimstone to be beaten into pouder , and mingell them togither . then put to them the grease , and red wax and put them over asofte fire in a caldron , or earthen pott , stirringe them still til they corporate well , and remaine a goode while over the fire : then take five partes of serpintin pouder of the beste , and of saltpeeter three times refined three partes , whiche muste be beaten to pouder , then take two partes of camphire stamped , then one parte of cristall glash , whiche muste be beaten into fine pouder , alsoe one parte of armoniak whiche muste be beate in into pouder , all which yove shall putt into the saied mixtures , and let them all boyle over asofte fire till they be well corporated and dried , or if yove will tacke them up when they are well corporated and reasonable drie it emporteth nothinge , by reason they are quick to kindle fire , and required not over muche drienge , and if yove finde that the mixtures be not well wet that they may the better corporate , put alitle a qua vite or petroll oyle or of bothe to them , till yove see that they be very well corporated , he that undertaketh to macke any store of thies fire-wourckes muste make up a furniesh for the beater securitie of the same , for putinge the mixtures in caldrones or pottes over the fire as many do , it is dangerouse exepte it be handeled be one of perfect skill and greate vigilance whiche jhave often times tried . for the fillinge of youre artificiall canes or tronkes withe the aforesaid mixtures , needeth much consideration and practice , for the perfecte execution of this wourcke . put in case it is acane where aboy is arme can inter into , yove muste fill it as foloweth but if greater or lesher consideration muste be taken in fillinge the same with the mixtures in measure and proportion , or it will faile in burninge all of asodaine or verie sloe so that greate practice and curiositie is required for the perfecte handelinge of this wourke . for the fillinge of the saide canes before spoken of put into the bottom of the same two handes and haulfe full of musket pouder , then three handes full of the drieste mixtures , then two handes full of pouder , then foure handes full of the mixtures , then a litle pouder , then five handes full of the mixtures , and soe still in this course , till youe fill youre cane within three eaches of the mouthe of the same , which youe shall fill with verie drie and quick mixtures apt to kindle fire , and on the upmoste parte or mouthe of the cane some pouder . that don take a peece of matche made of fine cotten , and sod in aqua vitae , gineper-oyle , and fine beaten pouder , and well dried , in the sun or over asofte fire till ib be verie well dried of this matche cutt three enches and sticken itt into the mixtures that is in the mouth of the cane , and when youe are ready for youre execution do but give fire with youre ordinarie matche to this gunpouder matche , and presently at the firste touch of youre ordinary match , or of any other fire it will instantly kindel fire : advertisinge that youe are to cover the mouth of the cane with a peece of stronge parchmente , and binde it well , so that the mixtures may not faule oute of the cane , the veri end of the match muste a peere trough the saied partchment to give it fire , when occasion shall require , and then the cane shall presently bigin to wourcke with greate furie and terrible to the behoulderes , for the wonderfull flame and terribel noyce . i have seene trial made often times that theyer is nothinge that puteth one in more terror then thies instrumentes , beinge well made and duelie handled , and douptles the flame and noyce of this fire will put the enemy in greate terror , when it bigines his course of execution , and none so valiante durste stay neere it as longe as the flame indures , and questionles it will make a way as farr as the haulfe pike and flame can reache though ever so valiante youre enemy be , and it is a moste excelent instrumente to bourde shippes per force , or to give fire to they re mines if youe perceive where the same doeth laye , advertisinge that the saide cane shall shoote of two shottes one after a nother , the firste that layes in the thirde degre , and the other that layes in the bottom . thies canes can be made severall maner of wayes be such as are curiouse in the manadginge of this arte , whicc none can bringe to perfection , but with longe practice , and muche chardges , be reason the compositiones and mixtures required for the same are wonderfull deere , so that for the saide respectes hardely can youe finde one in ten tousand that will undertake the executinge of this wourcke ; may be some will that are curiouse in readinge many brave auctores , thinckinge that onely by the same they knowe inough , they are farr deceived , for i knowe that withoute practice they shall fall into very many errores , wherof i have seene verie many triales made , and besides greate chardges before they coulde come to the perfecte judgemente of the deepe secretes and curiousities of this rare arte . thies canes or tronckes of fire-wourcke , are handled severall maner of wayes be suche as are curiouse ; for some are of quicke executiones , otheres of slow acordinge as the ocasiō shall require , in putinge to thē mixtures agriable for that purpose , some yealde a flame of . foote but thies indures but verie shorte , otheres yealde a flame of . or . foote , whiche indure lōger , whiche are made for sodaine executiones , otheres are made which do yealde a flame of . or . foote , whiche do indure lōge i nogh for any sodaine exploite , for thies are made for suche executiones : suche as doe not indure a bove the ⅛ parte of a quarter of an houre wil almoste wholy burne the cane , i meane all the inner parte of the same , suche as are made to indure haulfe a quarter of an houre will wholy burne the cane into a eishsees as faste as the mixtures or compositiones do burne . so any boddy may perceive that thies compositiones are of wonderfull force , and of rare executiones , whiche questionles shall soe by founde by such as will take the paines and chardges , to make triall , and beinge experte in the due handlinge and manadginge of them . thies mixtures are to bee putt in canes made , like the figure folowinge mareked with the letter b. b. the fifte chap. artificiall bullettes , and cross barres made of fire-wourke , to shoote oute of greate ordenance to burne shippes or houses , or to be shot into magasens or munition houses of the enemy oute of greate ordenance , or to be shot into the enemyes campe to burne they re quarteres , whiche are to be made and ordered in this maner folowinge . take foure partes of saltpeeter thre tymes refined , of brimstone two partes , of camphire one parte and haulfe , of rosen two partes , of armoniak one parte , of cristal glash beatin into pouder halfe aparte , of bay saulte one fourth parte ; all thies compositiones beinge beaten into pouder mingle them togither , this beinge don take one haulfe parte of the fat of ahog , of turpintin one fourth parte , of linsat oyle so much more , of aqua vitae one parte , then putt thies mixtures togither over a softe fire in acaldron or stronge earten pott , and mingel them altogither till they corporate very well , then when they are a goode while over the fire put to them six partes of serpintin-pouder , and corporate them well , and when youe finde that they are reasonable drie take them upp , and make a plaster or cover of oecam , so thick as the backe of a knife , and so broade as shall cover the bullet or cross barr . all that beinge ordered as before declared take . partes of serpintin-pouder of the beste , and cause it to be beaten into pouder , take of refined saltpeeter two partes , of rosen two partes , armoniacke one parte , brimstone one parte , all which muste be beaten into pouder , then wet thies mixtures with two partes of stronge brandevin , or aqua vitae , one parte of gineper-oyle , one parte of turpintin , haulfe parte of linsat-oyle , that don put over the fire the rosin , brinstone aqua vitae , the geneper-oyle , the turpintin and linsat-oyle a bove mencioned , and when they are melted , and well corporated putt into the same the saltpiter , armoniack , and foure partes of serpintin-pouder , and corporate all thies mixtures togither , and a noynte the twoa in them till youe finde it full of the subce of the same . then let the ocam be all over covered with the firste mixtures made for the bulletes a boute a finger thicknes or more ; alwaes tackinge regarde that it doe agree with the peece oute of which youe entende to shute the same , and when the coate of the saied bullet is covered , and full of the saied mixtures , then wrappe it rounde a boute the bullet , or cross barr , and tee it very well with stronge marlin corde , and benge well bounde with the said corde , and shot oute of a peece of ordenance it will burne with terrible force , and greate furie , and water can not quince it , of the which for curiositie as alsoe to knowe of the operation therof i made severall triales . thies mixtures needeth not much drienge when they are well corporated over a softe fire , but the outewarde plaster of twoa of the three , wherewith youe are to cover every bullet , and in suche sorte that presently it may kindell , and give fire to the inner cōpositiones , to the which when youe give it fire , it will burne with greate force . thies bullettes are excelente to burne shippes , and to by caste into townes to burne houses , they re execution is of suche wonderfull force that questionless they will burne an oaken boorde , and if youe caste water uppon them the more they will burne , and will make suche a wonderfull noyce able to putt the behoulderes in greate terror , and specially suche as have no understandinge of they re operation , for when the water is caste uppon them they shall give a greate crie juste as if it were of a wilde boare , wherof i made severall triales wourdie the lookinge uppon , and none of the behoulderes of the same durste stay neere in a greate distance for the strange operation of the same , and the terror whereunto they put the behoulderes but such as knowe of the course of they re operation , whiche is almoste incredible but to suche as are a quainted with the same . for the better execution of the cross barres and specially be sea they shoulde be made with yron chaines fastened to the end that firste muste by put into the peece whiche is moste excelente to cut sayles of shippes ropes mastes , and to make other greate spoyles , the figure of whiche yove see heere folowing where the lette c. sheoweth . thies cross barres are to be coated as before taughte and with the selfe same mixtures , the bulletes are alsoe to be coated takinge regarde that the bullet be made no greater but that it mighte inter into the peece of ordenance oute of whiche yove meane to shoote the same . and they are to be doble bounde all rounde aboute very well with stronge marlin corde , fearinge that be the greate force of theire roaringe and wrastlinge oute of the peece the ocam and compositiones , beinge not well bounde shoulde be untied , and tacke no effecte , which questionless it will excepte it by verie well bounde as before declared ; of the whiche i caused my selfe triall to be made . the figure of thies bulletes and cross barres youe see hire marked with the letter c. c. the sixte chap. to arme a haulfe pike with fire-wourcke to inter or bourde shippes per force or to inter into a trence or baterie or breake any order or array where the balles fastned to them shall fall , thies balles are to be made of lighte woode of the bignes or somwhate greater then abuter box , and of the very selfe same makinge , but that it muste be bored with foure holes crosswise , and of the greatnes that youre thom might inter into them , whiche shall by filled in this maner folowinge . take of the same mixtures and compositiones that was ordained for the artificiall canes to whiche youe are to ad two partes of rosen and one parte of brimstone of the beste , and melt thies togither putinge alitle aqua vitae to them of the strongeste yove can finde , and bienge well corporated and molten , put the other mixtures over the fire and when they are hote put the molted rosen and brimstone to them , and corporate all togither , and beinge almoste coulde fill youre artificiall balles therewith as full as they can houlde , putinge a litle of the drieste mixtures and pouder in the mouthe of each hole of the foure , and alitel cotten boyled in gun pouder , brandevin and gineper-oyle , and afterwardes dried verie well , that therby they may presently kindel fire . that don take as much ocam or towe as will cover or coate them , makinge aplaster of the same of ahaulfe ence thik or litle lesh , this coate or plaster cause to by sod over asofte fire in fine beaten pouder to the quantitie of foure partes , of saltepiter two partes , rosin two partes , armoniacke haulfe a parte , brimstone one parte and all thies beinge firste beatē into pouder let them be wet in brandevin and giniper-oyle and well corporated togither , then take as muche ocam as will cover them as before declared , and when all thies mixtures are well corporated and dried over asofte fire , then spread them uppon the ocam with whiche yove entende to coate youre ball and put on the same to the thicknes of haulfe anence or litle lesh of the saied mixtures and wrapp the same rounde aboute the ball and let it be tied verie well with marlin corde , and when all this is don take a peece of gunpoder matche beinge well handled and dried , and binde it in severall partes of the ball that in touchinge the same with youre ordinarie matche it will presentlie kindell fire , and withoute delay and it will bigin to burne with amoste wonderfull flame and terrible noyce that it will put the behoulderes in greate terror ; and if it fall uppon abourd or any other thinge apte to kindle fire it will burne it into aeishes , and alsoe the cover that goes aboute the same : the terror wherunto thies balles do put the behoulderes of rhem when they burne is vncredible but to suche as do see the same , wherof jmade severall proofes and founde it soe that no boddy durste stay neere , thies haulfe pikes somtimes are armed with skubbes made of fire wourcke which alsoe are goode to offende or defende , thies balles and haulfe pikes are of rare executiones which draughte yove see hire vnder marked with the letter d. d. a prudente and brave conductor of aforecaste considerasion , bienge determined with military prudence , and resolusion of his and of his souldiores valoure to fall on any execusion moste comonly they are wonte to have goode sucesses , to which effecte many stratagemes and military prudence is required . and bienge in the fielde and resolved to give battell or at leaste to dommadge or put the enemy in greate terror ; verie necessary it were to by provided withe bulletes cross barres and yron chaines armed with wilde fire to by shutt oute of greate ordenance , the which in suche ocasiones , as also in sea servicees are of rare execusiones bienge prudently armed and manadged , by one of perfecte judgemente and longe practice in this arte . thies bulletes or cross barres bienge shoote oute of greate ordenance in the fronte of abattell or of an army in areasonable neere distance are of wonderfull executiones , and specially yron chaines and cross barres they are alsoe goode to cut the tackle of shippes shroudes mastes yardes top mastes sailes , &c. the draugh of which bulletes yove see hire folowinge where the draughte with the letter a. sheoweth . and howe to chaine them togither when yove put them into a peece of ordenance . and the draughte with the letter b. sheoweth howe the same flieth trough the ayre when it is dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance , and who it spreadeth a sonder , in some execusiones they are armed with artificiall fire-wourckes to burne townes , shippes , the quarteres of the enemy as also theire store houses or magasenes whiche cross barres are envented for that purpose and bienge prudently handled and armed by one of perfection in fire wourckes i am asured that if they fall into any thinge apte to kindle fire withoute delay they shall burne and kindell fire , for often times i made triall of theire operasion and vncredible force and terror and often times to trie theire nature and course of theire execution i caused to caste water uppon them , notwithstandinge they burne with the more vehemence and terror , and when the water is caste uppon them they give suche aterrible noyce wourdie the admiringe and burne with suche force . thies haulfe pikes are armed another maner of way with fire-wourcke , that is to say take apece of the strongeste canuas yove can finde as big , or of the greatenes yove thincke fitt for youre purpose , and fashionige the same as yove shall see here folowinge be the figure marked with the letter e. this peece of canvas yoveshall cause to be dobbed in molten colofonia and when it sukes i noghe of the licor take it up and put aforme into the same or fill itt with drie sande , and when it is drie caste the sande oute and fill it of the receite made for the artificiall canes . but that they muste be mingled with two partes more of rosen , and ahaulfe parte of brimstone , whiche muste by smelted over asofte fire , and corporate the same and the other composiciones togither , and fill the saide canuas with them , beinge well fastened with marlin coarde and the half pike trouge the midel of the same as the draughte followinge sheoweth , and in the mouth of this scuibb yove are to putt a quantitie of verie drie mixtures , and some pouder , that withoute delay it may kindell fire , the execution of this instrumente is execellent to bourde shippes , to burne sailes , to inter atrince or anay narrowe place , or to break any order or array , if yove please yove may fasten or sticken into the saied scuibb in degrees lighte pipes or canes of yron or brace of five enches longe , beinge of apistol or caliver boare , placinge the touche hole therof towardes the oute warde side of the mixtures , beinge well bounde to the pike so that it doth not fall , at leaste till the execution be finished , and let the touche holes be primed with goode pouder ; also yove may put abullet into each one of thies pipes , beinge chardged with goode pouder , and well handled they will doe greate execution . e. to arme haulfe pikes with fire-wourcke , which is rare to burne sayles of shippes or to bourde or inter per force into shippes or assaultes , trinches or any narowe place , they are both goode in many defensive and offensive occasiones be sea and lande , they are to be filled with the selfe same receite before taughte , and alsoe coated in the self same maner . for executiones at nighte to inter into a trince or forte , per force they are of moste rare executiones , and douptless they shall put the enemy into greate terror by reason of the furie , terrible noyce , and force of theire flame , in the executiones of patarres and camisadas they are wonderfull goode , beinge recomended to the chardge of brave souldieres of aproved valeor and resolute determinationes , for douptless they will put the enemy into greate terron , for sodaine ex ecutiones in trinches or breaches at nighte they are wonderfull goode . the figure of theire draughte youe may see hire under set downe , as marked with the letter f. f. for to offende or defende in diverses occasiones of importance youe may arme a halbarde with a device of fire-wourcke in the selfe same maner as before taughte to arme pikes . and with the selfe same mixtures and coated , with the like coatinge as before taughte for the arminge of pikes , to whiche youe may binde with copper wire thre or foure shorte pipes like caliver barreles , of six or seaven enches longe made of brace , and loaden with pouder and bullett , as the draughte by the letter g. sheoweth ; which alsoe beinge plased betwexte pikes is goode for severall ocasiones of service ; youe may alsoe arme targetes in the selfe same manner which for verie many executiones in warr are goode , and let none be ingnorante that thies engines of fire-wourcke , beinge well and curiously handled doe put the enemy in wonderfull terror , and specially in sodaine occasiones , and stratagemes used often times at nighte . g. the seaventhe chap. the figure followinge beinge armed and well ordered is ofrare execution in narowe or straighte places , eyther to ofende or defende , and are verie necessarie in many ocasiones be sea and lande ; on the two shoulderes wherof youe may arme two scubbes filled withe the receites before taughte , and in the inner parte of the instrumente , whiche is made of yron for this purpose whiche youe see by the figure followinge and goeth cross the pike , youe may put five pipes of yrō or brace prepared and made for that purpose , and that eache of them be of eighte or nine enches lōge , and soe greate in the boare as a pistoll barrell , whiche are to be fastened with nayles and coper wire , and to chardge them with goode pouder bullet and wad , that don youe may cause them to give fire one after on other , in layinge all a longhste the touche holes a peece of fine linenge clath filled with fine pouder , and wett in gineper-oyle , that the fire may take hir course by degrees ; soe that the saide pipes shall shoute one after a nother as youe woulde desire it to doe , ( eyther quicke or sloe ; ) advertifinge that the lininge wherin youe put the pouder to give fire to the touche holes is to be well fastned or bounde yuste uppon the touche holes with marlin corde , so that the course of they re execution may tacke effecte in juste the due time ordained , the which in givinge fire to the firste the reste will dischardge one after an other . duringe which time the two scubbes placed on the two shoulderes of the instrumente , beinge fired will burne ; duringe the time of the execution of thies pipes , and rather more , and will yealde a greate flame , the compositiones that goes to this instrumente are the selfe same before taughte for to arme scubbes , soe that this instrumente beinge handled by one that is skilfull and curious in this arte , the execution wherof is wourdie the behouldinge , and shall see who orderly shalll those five shottes dischardge one after an other , eyther quicke or floe , as the curious understander of this wourcke will have the same to be , ( soe acordingely shall he put the proportion required for the execution he desireth ) the draughte of this instrumente sheoweth the letter h. hire after . in ocasiones of triumph youe may cause other pipes or canes greater then thies to by made of the greatnes of the boare of an arcabuse de crocke , and of fiftine inches longe in the barrell , whiche beinge filled in this maner followinge , is wourthie to by admired , fill each of the saide canes as foloweth firste take a caliver shott of pouder , and chardge the firste cane therwith , then beate uppon the same a stopp● or wad of fine cotten boyled in pouder brandevin and petrol-oyle , then fill uppon the same to the quantitie of a goode musket shott of the mixtures made for the artificiall canes , and uppon the same a stoppel of cotten as before taughte then amusket shott of pouder , then fill the reste of the cane or barell to the mouth of the mixtures made for the artificiall canes , and take heede that youe doe not beate them harde uppon the pouder and see that thies mixtures be verie drie , for beinge soe required for this execution , and observe the selfe same order for the fillinge of the reste of the canes and all alonge the mouthe of thies putt apeece of lininge full of fine stamped pouder wett in gineper-oyle and brandevin and see that it be verie well fastened juste uppon the mouth of thies canes , that no fire can touche the same , but that whiche is ordained as before taughte : soe in givinge fire to the firste cane or barell , the reste in order one after another will dischardge , and each of thies bareles or canes shall yealde two shotes and aflame , whiche shall indure but very shorte , the mixtures required for this execution is of that which is made for the artificiall canes the draughte of this instrument sheoweth the letter h. advertisinge that thies mixtures are to by very drie and apte to kindell fire , and in they re putinge to the barrell to beate them very softe for beinge soe required . h. the eighte chap. to arme a rowes with artificiall fire-wourckes . ahies artificiall arowes beinge shote oute of greate ordenance are goode to burne houses , or in cāpain̄a they are alsoe goode to burne the enemyes quarter , the maner who to arme them is to tacke apeece of stronge canuas boyled alitle in colofonia and to fill the same with the compositiones before thaughte to arme haulfe pikes , and that it be well bounde to the arowes with marlin corde , for the due proportion lenghte and weighte of thies arowes is required the asistance of acuriouse matematisian , or of one of goode judgemente in givinge the necessarie instructiones for the makinge of them , severall man̄er of wayes , some to pearche shippes from side to side eyther above or under water , otheres to be shote afar of to burne houses or quarteres , greate curiositie and perfecte judgemente is required for the severall maner of wayes which thies arowes are to be handled and made acordinge to there severall executiones , some are made to burne the amunition of pouder in shippes if they chance hitt the same and whiche will pearche any shippe from side to side and are of farr greater execution then youre bulletes the draughe wherof the letter i. sheoweth . i. the ninthe chap. to arme artificiall instrumentes ordained in potes made of mettall filled with composisiones and mixtures of fire-wourcke , to burne of asodaine shippes gates bridges palisados or any other combustable thinge apte to kindel fire . take foure partes of rosen , one parte of armoniak foure partes of salpiter thre times refined , a haulfe parte of bay saulte , all whiche cause to by beaten into pouder , then take one parte of linsatt-oyle , of the fatt of a hoge one parte , then cause all thies composisiones to be mingled togither and putt them in apott made for that purpuse over asofte fire , and let them boyle till they corporate well , and then take them up , and put into them one parte of camfire , and thre partes of musket pouder and mingell them well togither , and put them over asofte fire till they corporate well , then take them up and put to them smale pices of gun-pounder match made of fine cotten and boyled in fine beaten pouder , stronge brandevin and giniper oyle or petroll-oyle , then take foure partes of colofonia and cause it to be beaten into pouder , and let it be mingled with the reste mixtures . then cause the instrumente or pott made for this purpose to be filled till youe come to the thirde parte of the pott or instrumente , that don take of the other mixtures withoute colofonia , and fill the reste of the instrumente with them , and on the upermoste parte of all putt of the drieste mixtures , and let them be so drie that they by apte to kindell fire , and in the verie mouth of the instrumente cause to be putt a quarter of an ence of pouder and of the beste , and sticken to the same apeece of gunpouder matche some foure inches deepe into the instrumente and cause itt to be well covered with apeece of canuas till time of execution , soe that water nor fire can touche the mixtures nor the pouder . and when occasion shall ofrer to give it fire , do but touche the gunpouder match with youre ordinary matche , and it will presently kindell fire , yea and muche sooner then pouder , to which effecte this gunpouder matche is made of purpose . thies instrumentes in times of execution they have they re stronge chaines of yron that they may by bounde and fastned , to the place of they re execution , soe that they do not fall , nor that the enemy may use any endustrie to cut or put them of ; so that the executiō may take effecte . it were verie goode , for the securitie of theyr execution to arme two or three artificiall canes on both sides of them , whiche are ro be rocomended to persones of brave spirites , and of aproved valeor and determination . thies compositiones when they bigin with they re execution they re operation and execution is moste rare ; advertisinge that they muste be putt in to yron or brasse pottes made for that purpose , as the figure folowinge sheoweth , and also withe they re stronge yron chaines , for in putinge thies compositiones into veseles of woode questionles the force of this fire will burne them at an instante , which for curiositie , and alsoe to knowe the operation of this fire , y caused triales to by made , and founde that thies instrumentes made of woode did presentlie burne , and consume into aieshes , and was sooner consumed then the matter that was putt into the same , be reason of the wonderfull force of the fire of the saied compositiones , which rare and wonderfull breef execution is wourthie the admiringe , the orderinge and figure of the saiede instrumentes youe see hire under where the letteres k. l. m. sheoweth . k. l. m. the receites wherwith fire-wourck instrumentes are armed in findinge they re operation sloe , youe are to augmente them with drie mixtures apte to kindel fire , as pouder , saltpeeter , brimstone , armoniake , and migell thē well togither , and let them be corporated with the sloe mixtures in theire due proportion , also the mixtures youe finde quicke and apte to burne , and do not indure , acordinge as they re execution requireth youe are to augmente thē with a litel sloe mixtures , as linsat-oyle , turpintine , colofonia , rosen , and wax , but greate consideration , and curiositie is required in put them in theire due proportion . an artificiall baule of fire wourcke beinge dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance in a cleere day can not by discerned nor seene till it declines to the earthe , but beinge shot oute of a peece of ordenance at any marcke in a darcke nighte , may by perceived , and specially when it begines to decline oute of his righte course or line , and the more darcke the nighte is , when it is dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance the better youe may discerne it ; but in the begininge of the range or line youe can not see it so perfecte as when it begines to decline to the earthe , which i have tried at the leager of breda , the nighte a pointed for the triumphe don for the regaininge of that place . if for curiositie youe woulde have a ball made with wilde fire to burne within the water , let the coate therof firste burne a litle before youe caste it into the water , soe that it gives fire to the compositiones there in ordained for his execution , whiche beinge fired , ( to wit ) that parte or partes where in the vente is , beinge filled with ayre doth cause the other partes of the same to shume and burne a bove the water , with a wonderfull noyce admirable to the behoulderes . the balles made for this purpose are lighte , and if youe put them into a peece of ordenance , beinge loaden with the ordenary pouder required for the executiō of the same , in their roaring and wrastlinge of this ball it will burste unto peeces ; soe that for to shoute bulletes or balles oute of greate ordenance armed with fire wourcke the cross barres nowe of late invented is the beste , the maner of arminge and coatinge thies bulletes and cross barres , i have set downe before , who and with whate compositiones , whiche are of rare executiones by sea and lande , beinge well ordered by one of perfecte judgemente in this arte . i have alsoe put downe neowe invented cross barres to be shot oute of greate ordenance , whiche beinge armed as before taughte , are excelente to burne townes , and the enemyes quarteres , and iam well asured that no comprabell device , for that purpose was as yet invented , neyther to by shoot in the fronte of a battell , i meane those cross barres invented with chaines for beinge dischardged oute of a peece of ordenance in a reasonable neere distance in the fronte of a battell , or any order or array , y doupte not that it is the beste invention , that hase beene divised as yet for that purpose , the enemy beinge a reasonable distance of ; but the enemy beinge very neere at hande the cartadges and bagges filled withe musket bulletes , nayles peeces of brocken yron , peeces of chaines , which beinge shoote oute of greate ordenance are of wonderfull executiones , beinge handeled by prudente and curiouse gunneres of perfecte judgemente , and longe practice in this arte . the draught marked with the letter n. sheoweth howe the saied cross barr shall be put into the peece ; and the letter o. sheoweth howe the same flieth violently trough the ayre , and howe it spreadeth a sonder when it is shott oute of the peece , givinge a terrible noyce in his motion and range . n. o. the draught marcked with the letter p. sheoweth howe this other cross barr is to be put into the peece , and when it is dischardged the letter q. sheoweth howe it spreadeth a sonder , and flieth withe greate violence in his line and range . p. q. the tenthe chap. treatinge of the confines of a kingedome , as alsoe of the goode lawes to by observed in the same , and of many necessary instructiones thereunto apertaininge , and who the same is to by fortified and stronge by arte , or by nature , or by bothe . such as are desirouse to be couriose and experte in warlike afaires it importeth that they be of goode judgemente in fortificasiones , as well to offende as to defende ; notwithstandinge that for this purpose in all kingdomes and states are elected ingineres a luinge them a goode pinsion : yet suche as are of longe practice in warr , and do aplie them selves well in hope to by advanced , by theire a proved goode partes and suficiencie oughte to exercice them selves in fortificationes , bienge very necessarie in owne who profesed to be experte in this arte of warr , and knowe howe to intrinch and fortifie him selfe in many ocurrantes in oppen filde , howe to cutt a trince to win a towne or any stronge place : as also to knowe howe to drawe the plott of townes fortes and castelles , and also in knowinge all necessaries for the defence therof , and to know howe to prevente the stratagemes to be feared of his enemy . douptless thies thinges are of greate consideration , for the strenghte of akingdome consisteth much in beinge well fortified , togither with the quantitie and qualitie of his subiectes , and in the goode qualitie of his dominion and country : those princes and reepublikes are judged mighty and stronge , whiche in theire kingdomes and states do montaine goode religion , goode lawes and goode armes , and do exercice the same , and do inioy holsom ayre , fertill grounde and naturall strenghte , with suche other conveniente comodities therunto required ; to by vnderstoode that all countries are strōge by nature or by arte or by both ; by nature they are stronge when they are inuiored withe the sea rounde aboute , or on parte therof , or backed with marrasses or riueres , and those to be stronge by arte , and in theire frontieres nexte adjoyninge and places moste conveniente to haue townes castelles and fortresses fortified by arte . all confines are eyther maritime or mediterraneall or both the one and the other , whether they are montanouse places or in plaine campaina , or do participate of the one and the other , if they by mediterraneall it muste by viewed and considered on whate parte the enemy might come to offende the same , and where he mighte moste comodiouse come to atempte , and it is alsoe to be considered on whate partes he mighte make his inroades , and retire a gaine with safetie , and whether their by any situation whiche beinge fortified by the enemy mighte moleste or a noy the country nexte adioyninge : if the confines of the kingdom by maritime or on the sea coaste , all the coaste and circuide of the same are to by viewed and remarcked , that prevention mighte be taken in due time , in as muche as may posible to hinder the enemyes imbarcasion , in the places moste fitt for the same ; yea and in all places whiche mighte by suspected ( if it be posible ) for the better securitie of the kingdom or state , but in some kingdomes the circuide and places on the sea coaste are so greate that hardly all can be fortified , and so the enemy ariuinge with a mightie army , and mighte be in a place litle suspected , may put the kingdom and country in greate perill and danger , as was seene by the spanishe navie at the conqueste of portugall , when they landed neere cascales in a place never thoughte vppon by the portugeses , so that they founde them selves deceived , thinckinge that the disembarcation shoulde have beene betwexte the citti of lisboa and sangilians castell , where they stoude fortified in theire trinches , with determination to hinder the disēbarcation of the spanish navie , but he landed in aplace far better for his purpose , and of muche lesh danger , whiche was on the other side of cascales towardes the northe litle toughte of by the portuges , so that it is toughte that sea coastes are with greate coste and dificulties defended , thouge theire be many places stronge by nature or by arte ; and for asmuche as theire be diveres and variable qualities of confines , and hardlie any rules to be given for theire proporsiones , nor whate distance from frontier to frontier , it muste be presumed that the confines of akingdom doth houlde some corespondance with the circuide of a citti , in fortifienge wherof the bulwarkes are of the moste importante memberes , the which moste comonlie are put in the places where they can moste offende the enemy , and defende them selves , and the place , regardinge due distance in suche sorte , that the one may defende the other in as muche as may by with their artillery and smale shott . and in like maner the curtines and n. i. flankes betwexte bulwarck and bulwarck , with other conciderationes therunto apertaininge , and even so the fortes to be made in the frontieres are to houlde the like proportion and correspondance with the confines of the contry as do the bulwarke with the curtines of acitti or stronge place , the one to be placed so neere and in due distance vnto the other , that they may asiste and socour one another , and in suche partes that they may damnifie the enemy , and defende them selves in as much as can be posible . num. i. the places bienge viewed and found apte to receive offence by the enemy , and also to offende him , it is necessary to fortifie the same as well vpon the sea coastes as the inlande with strōge fortificationes , takinge goode advicement and carefull consideration in choisinge the situation therof , whether it by on plaines or hilles or marittim , or consistinge of al the thre , understandinge that the circuide of the place or fortification is to have aconveniente space rounde aboute ( neyther to much nor to litle for many respectes . ) the situasiones in plaines , are stronge whiche are invioroned with deepe lakes greate moores greate riveres , and suche as may by sonke vnder water in time of necessity , as in holande and zelande , and suche as have acampaina raza or plaine , sufficient distante from all thinges that mighte over comaunde the same . the situation that is uppon a hill , that is stronge that standeth on the moste higheste parte therof , and all vnderlaied with naturall rockes rounde aboute , not havinge neere it any superior nor equall moante , as is the castell of lisburne . for all situationes which have a dificulte access are stronge when they can not be offended from other adioyninge moantes and the muche more stronger when it is not minable . all stronge places moste comonlie are won eyther be force of armes , battery , treason , surprice , or by longe beseedginge , or by assaulte , scalinge , or underminige : the maritime situationes are stronge when they are compased by the sea , or parte therof , and the reste divided from the maine by greate and deepe ditches as is the castell of san jean in portugall , who hath on the shore side a deepe ditch digged uppon a rocke , and the maine sea on the other side , or buitlte uppon the topp of some rocke with the saied comodities , as is the penon of veles or the castell of cascales in portugall . citties and townes are made stronge by nature and industrie of those by nature we have all ready spoken in the strenght of situationes : citties by industrie are stronge by the forme and by the matter , stronge by the matter when they haue thicke walles , greate terraplenos , broade and deepe ditches . by the forme they are stronge when it is framed in suche sorte that the moste fardeste and all quarteres may haue corespondance to offende the enemy with the cannon and fyry shott . of this sorte are those which do moste neere a proach , vnto the sircular figure but with goode regarde of the due lardgnes and proportion of the curtines , and equall distance from bulwarke to bulwarke . theire intereth amongste thies all townes and stronge fortes consistinge of five , six seaven , eighte , nine , or ten ravelinges , and curtines , by directe line , and who many more angeles , so muche the better the foure anguled of all is the weakeste . it is to be vnderstoode that smale places of them selves are weake because they can not so sufuciently resiste any excessive battery , and other offences as greate places may which haue roome capable inough to raise defences and necessary rampares and horne wourkes , a gainste any greate force , neyther oughte they to be so lardge that the circuide therof woulde require awhole army to defende itt . num. ii. the fortificationes of citties and castelles is principally grounded a gainste the offence of greate ordenance , and alsoe defended with the same and with other fyrie weapon : it is to be considered that the artillery is devided and differensed into greatnes or zices royall , and into lesher zices . of the zice royall is that peece that shooteth of seavintine pound upwarde , as is the culverrin the quarter cannon : the demy cannon , the cannon and double cannon , the pedrero basalisco and such like . and for the lesser zice the diference is to be vnderstoode that all pices that shoote bullet from seavintine pounde weighte downewardes as is the demiculverin , the saker , the minnon , the falcon and falconett even to the rabinet and arcabuse de crocke . the bulwarkes are uppon the angles or corneres of the forme of the citty or forte , and of such distance and due proportion , as shall seeme to the skilfull inginer , and they oughte to by made optouse or blunte , and not sharpe , for so they are more stronge and capable . the partes of the bulwarke are the travesses or flankes orechion , pum , garde , or shoulder , the fronte or curtine , the conter-fronte or spurres , the pestilles or parapettos , the place or roome for the artillery . the bulwarkes as i saied are placed within the angles where place is to be made reddy for the artillery , and to mounte the same in suche a heighte , that it may discover the campe or circuid on every where in at much as is posible . it is to by considered that the curtines of the bulwarke shall stande in suche sorte that they may be touched or beaten from the firste corner from whose flanke or traves it taketh his defence , and the line or pointe is to be taken som whate more from the flanker , and in suche distance agreable to the greatnes of the bulwarke , soe acordinge to the greatnes of the same , the measures are to by increased or deminised , observinge the due proportion required ; it is necessary to make in the bulwarkes certaine issues , the whiche are made in the parte that looketh towardes the flanker or travess , thies are moste necessarie to put men oute for the ditch . the conterfortes and apertenances of the bulwarck , have alsoe theire measures and proportiones , the whiche i leave to avoide prolixitie , and because that they may by more or lesh acordinge the discresion and plates of the curiouse and perfecte inginer . the cavallero within side adjoyninge to the curtine in the mideste of them are builded , and from suche cavalleros are the curtines or walles of the bulwarke defended , and alsoe the fielde , and for this cause are the bulwarkes wonte to by made , and to raise them so high , that they may discover well the places of they re executiones . num. iii. the gates or portes of a towne cittie or forte , are to by placed in partes , moste comodiouse for the service of the same , both in peace and war , conveniente to receive in , or to put oute people moste safe and sure from all offences ( in as much as can by ) the gate muste have his drawen bridge made of stronge timber and yrones necessary for the same , it is to be reasonable broade for the comoditie of the wagones and artillery , and very stronge , if they re by no more then one drawen bridge or gate let them not be directe . necessary it where that no high wales nor hedges of gardines , nor ochardes nor such like by permited on the outewarde partes of the gates or walles of any cittie or place of importance ; and a distance of . pases , but all razed and made plaine on all the circuide rounde aboute , which do offten times serve for ashelter to the enemy to aproache of asuddaine neere the walles , that they can not by discerned , till they com into the ditch , by reason that trees and hedges do shelter them , by which meanes many places of importance are soone loste . the terra plena is the onely remedy againste the furie and execution of the artillery , and is to by made with in , and behinde the wall close to the same ; and the cavallers and bulwarkes oughte to by made in suche forte , that the wall bienge fallen , the same mighte remaine and stande like amightie mounte againste the enemy , and shoulde by made of suche faste and massie earthe ( that it cromble slipp nor roule not , and so fall downe ) as do many fortificationes made of runinge sande ; the heighte and bread therof oughte to by suche as the comoditie and seate will require : all thies thinges are the memberes of a fortification , the which how muche more fitt and proporsionally they by placed aboute the boddy of acitti or place of importance , so much doeth it make the same more stronge and beautifull . num. iv. thies conciderationes duly had , and resolusion taken , then aploott muste be drawen with conveniente rules and measures to reduce the citti forte or place to the beste forme that may by , with as litle ruine or defeatinge of houses or churches as can be , plasinge the bulwarkes , and cavalleres and other edifices conveniente to theire seates and purpose in the place moste fitt for the same , and that to be don withe as litle loss to the inhabitantes as may be possible . resolution taken uppon the designe forme and greatenes that the place or fortress is to haue , he is to fortifie the feobleste parte or partes therof firste , and the apteste to by offended . the fortification well fortified and finished , it is necessary that it be furnished with a conveniente garison of souldiores for the better securitie and defence therof , for otherwise it were like a boddy withoute a soule ( and biside this ) if it haue not provision of all sortes of vitualles , artillery and munitiones , and of all armes defencive and offencive in goode and sufficiēte store , and of shoules spades mattokes pickaxes , sawes , hameres , yron , sledges , barres of yron , nayles , ropes , &c. and many other necessaire instrumentes to wourke in earth , or in walles or in stones or in tember , and alsoe in water , mandes , basketes , hand barrowes and wheele barrowes , plankes , beames , stakes , watlinges gabiones , and other thinges at batteries and beseedginge , withoute the which it is impossible to repaire and intrinche againste batteries asaultes and other ofences of the enemy , all which belonges to the office care and dutie of the generall of the artillery : to see them provided in every towne or place of any importance within the realme , as also all other places which standes for the defence and safetie of the same . thies fortificationes wee treate of are very costely , and hardlie to by performed but by a mighty prince , and specially suche as are made with brike stone goode earth and thurff , as is the castell and citti of anwourpe , gante , and san gilian in portugall , and the castell of millan , and sundrie otheres the licke , are hardlie broughte to perfection but with expence of millones , so nowe adayes all places are fortified with earth and thurff onely , as is for the moste parte the greate towne of gante , mastrick , dam , ostende , hulste and many more places in the lowe countries , as sluse , weasell and the towne of breda , which haue indured such gallante batteries , sufficiente to weare oute a greate and mightie prince , both in his power and purse , whiche was to be seene in the famouse siedge and regaininge of breda , where all kinges and princes in cristendom for the moste parte on both sides , sheowed theire forces and mighte , not withstandinge it was won by the invencible power of that mightie monarke the catholick kinge of spaine , troughe his greate mighte and power , acompanied with the prudente brave conduction and militarie industrie of his renoomed generall marques spinola , and many brave captaines and souldiores , togither with the incomporable power loue and vnitie of his faithfull and renoomed lubjectes of the vnited provinces of the lowe countries , to their greate glorie and honoure , and soe spreade abroade and related by many auctores to their and predecessores greate fame and renoome of perpetuall memory to all posteritie , wherof to relate it were tediouse , and incredible to such as haue not seene the same , with so many thousandes of wagones ful of all sortes of vitualles and amunisiones cominge every day , where mighte by perceived the loue and greate encomparable mighte of his vnited subjetes of the vnited provinces . al which i haue seene and this towne of breda inuiorened with adoble trince rounde aboute som five leages with verie many fortes and redutes , all which was finished in verie feowe dayes with earth and fagotes . in fine suche fortificasiones may serve to goode purposes and indure sufficientlie , beinge well and ingeniouslie made and of goode earth , and carefully remended in due time , and when anny piece of the same should fall or decay , presently to be repaired and made upp . num. v. al stronge places of importance are to be well fortified within as also on the outewarde partes , and greate consideration oughte to by taken that the enemy may not a proach to the walles or gates , withoute beinge discouered before they may come to execute theire intente , for which in all stronge houldes and places of importance , moste comonlie , are placed on the outewarde partes roundes and cēteries , and places for theire defence and retreate , with such consideration and previntion , that the enemy do not a rive vnknowen to the desired place of theire execution as related by their spies , withoute firste beinge spied oute in due time be the outewarde cinteries and roundes , so that all the reste may haue time to by all in armes , and each company to repaire in time with speede , with the firste advice or alarme to their culoures , and there in all readdines to repaire where they shall be comaunded by the comaunder or governor of the place . advertisinge that for many conciderationes no company oughte to repaire or budge withoute order of the governor or sardgente-mayor , for feare of inconveniences and secret corespondance . to see thies and many more ocurrantes in warr prevented , it is moste necessary that the governor and sardgente mayor do lodge as neere possible to the place of armes or meaine garde , so that vrgent ocasiones may by prevented in due time , and with all speede as ocasion shall require , the cintery perdue and outewarde roundes oughte to be chosen of vigilante and braue souldiores , advertisinge that the roundes oughte still to goe forwarde , and very scilente , and to make no alto nor staies as some careless roundes do , and that for the greate truste and care refered to theire chardge ; to see thies well ordered and fullfilled , the governor and sardgente-mayor by turnes shoulde goe the rounde , and findinge the roundes and cinteries not acomplishinge their obligationes to see them severely punished . such fortificationes as are planted on hilles or high rokes , greate consideration oughte to by taken for theire due defence , thoughe the asendinge of such places by dificculte , yet it were goode they shoulde by compassed with double palisados for their better securitie , and with a parapet made of thurff or brick at the foote of each of them , and way for the rounde betwexte them and the wall . num. vi. for the more security of castelles and stronge places are moste comonly planted in theire fronte haulfe-mounes oppen on the inwarde side , in which for theire better securitie , is wonte of righte to be agarde every day and nighte , vnder which shelter the gates of the towne or castell are made for their better security from the fury of the greate ordenance , as also for other respectes , and that they may discover the enemy , and hinder theire designes . it is very requisit that the fosso or ditch be deepe and broade inough , and that the curtines be of goode heighte that withoute greate dificulte it can not be scaled . for the better asurance of all stronge places , it is necessary that they by well provided with stronge and vigilante watches , and for many goode respectes that no company which shall inter the watch shall knowe theire a pointed place till the verie time that the watch is set ( or alitle before ) for feare of treason by some provooked by interes , or proceedinge trough afrontes , or greate injuries received from the governor touchinge theire reputasion or honoure or meanes . it also may procede of some of bad govermente and inclinationes , for which cause they are not prefered nor advanced , it may alsoe by invented by burgeres , who bienge overmuch opressed with tiranny , and findinge no conveniente remedy nor justice executed for hainouse factes and disorderes comitted , do procure treasones and revoltes . n. vii . num. vii . the security of stronge houldes and fortresses dependeth of the goode order and vigilance of the governores and reste ministres of the same , and that , as well within as withoute side bothe by polecie and military discipline , in ministringe goode justice betwexte the inhabitantes and souldiores , and in ordaininge a goode and vigilante watch , and to be well provided of all necessaries in due time . and preventinge the stratagemes and plottes of the enemy in as muche as can be , havinge alwayes an eye towardes the burgeres and souldiores , concideringe theire humores condisiones and fidelity , theire shoulde by alwayes secret spies to learne of theire estate and humores , and whate they comunicate in secrett and publike , and finally theire actiones and inclinasiones , and to haue goode regarde of suche strangeres as do arive into such places , if they be people well knowen or not faithfull or suspected . in the ocurrantes and courses of warr , greate and many are the considerationes required in the generall of an army , and in his counsel of warr , in prudently preventinge manny materes of greate importance , of presente and future ocationes ( with aforcaste prudente prevention ) which otherwise bienge induced ( do often fall oute to the greate discomodity of his majesties service ) in atemptes of manny honorable interprises and incounteres , to the greate decay of military discipline , whiche by dayly experience wee see , that for wante of prudente conductores of care truste and fidelity , many honorable interprises are loste , resultinge of the litle perfection of many officeres . a matter wourdie to be noted examined and prevented for the due orderinge of future ocasiones , of whate resulteth that so many oulde and experimented souldiores of the late reformasiones in germany and lowe country wente on the countrary side to the greate discomoditie of the house of austria , sence which time who many millones were consumed in raisinge of neowe levies and recrutes for the furtherance of the warres of the lowe countries , yea to my judgemte as muche as mighte intertaine an invincible army of oulde and experimented souldores , duly paied and satisfied . by dayly experience we see that thies neowe levies for the moste parte , in ocasiones of service feowe were founde to asiste ; whiche i haue noted and pitted often times , for bienge so greate alet to his majesties service : the omnipotente inlighten his majesties faithful ministeres in preventinge in due time the conveniente course of a matter of so greate importance : and agreate enemy for the vnprofitable consuminge of his majesties treasure and indies . let none thinke that i disalue recrutes and reforsinge of companies in theire due time and conveniente course , profitable to his majesties service . vndeniable it is that an army well disciplined ordered contended , and conducted with prudente and braue comaunderes , though lesher in number are by all reason masteres of the victorie , which all auctores that wrote of this arte do afirme , and by dayly experience we finde to be true . the ropose and securitie of a kingdom or state dependes for the moste parte in observinge goode lawes , goode warres , and continual practice of military discipline , wherof theire are very many probable examples , as plainely hapened to anibal that renoomed captaine of warr , and to the invincibel romaines that at lenghte in neglectinge military discipline and exercice of armes was cause of theire perdition ; and when they leaste feared of any a tempes of theire enemy , and that resultinge for biengc wholie given to vice , regalitie and repose , and forgetfull of all military exercice . happie is that kingdomme where goode lawes and goode discipline is in continual vse and exercice , and alwayes ready for the prepared vice and malice of their enemy , ready for the alarme when it shall presente , whiche offten happen when we leaste thincke uppon . happie is the prince , and renoomed the generall who prudently doth prevente the prepared malice and stratagemes of their enemy and of future ocasiones . i doupte not but those of perfection and deepe judgemente in the arte of warr shall both admire and comende the extraordinary paines taken for the due orderinge of this wourke and in explicatinge and putinge to lighte many deepe curiosities of rare importance in the office of the sardgente-mayor , and ingienes of fire-wourkes , as also the due and prudente orderinge of severall sortes of weapones manadged in warr . all which with theire neowe invented impalinge of shott and winges , and theire singular order to fighte , as also other deepe curiosities of this arte whiche were leifte in obscuritie by many auctores who wrote of this profession . and that to disperte the ingeniouse wittes of those inclined to learne the rare and deepe curiosities of military science , that they may imitate them ( in optaininge theire desire ) with longe and continuall practice and goode aplicationes , which nowe i reduced to lighte in as muche as military science , the rules of mathematicke and aritmeticke can affourde , withe theire generall rules proufes , proporsiones and tables , neowly invented for that purpose , plainely sheowinge the reasones of eache particular , breefly declared in the tables of the battelles , and in severall figures cut in coper and wood plates : not douptinge but those of perfecte judgemente in the deepe and rare curiosities of this arte will comende the same , and a firme that as yet no auctor did explicate more plaine nor better of many particularities leifte in obscurity in fire-wourkes and specially in the office of a sardgente mayor , which nowe are redused into the perfecte forme ordained for their executiones in as muche as military science and the generall rules of the same can afourde . so that suche as are couriouse and inclined to continual goode aplicasiones , and determined by vertue prudēte cariadge and perfection in military discipline to by advanced may in shorte time learne all the particularities in the office of a sardgente mayor , leifte in obscuritie by many auctores ; whiche nowe in this wourcke are plainely broughte to lighte in as muche as military science can afourde or declare , whiche is not obtained by vaine glory nor heere say . but rather with longe and continuall practice and aplicationes in the theorick and practice of warr ; with intente and desire to inlighten my beloved countrimen and otheres , that they may knowe howe to acomplishe theire obligationes with prudence and auctoritie , and aplee them selves withe care and affection , in learninge this noble arte of warr , and not to be inclined to i delnes and bad examples , garded with malice , inuy , puffinge pride and rude ingnorance , overcaste withe afaulse fisnomy and aneowe malisiouse conterfet countenance , enemy to vertue , truthe , plaine dealinges and goode examples . but rather by vertue and goode aplicasiones wounde the hartes of raylinge spirites ful of ambision and changinge dispositiones , misled with blinde malice , venemouse and slanderouse tounges , harbored in theire cancored hartes , full of crucked dealinges and invy , subjecte to afrontes and vices , of bad life and bad ende , but honorably to imitate and followe the steppes of those inclined to vertue and continuall goode aplicationes . the conclusion . gentle reader consider that vertue and continual goode aplicationes and plaine dealinges is a presiouse guel , and moste comonly are wonte to haue goode proceedinges , and finish with a happy ende . suficiente examples oure irish nasion gaue nowe of late for to imitate vertue plaine dealinges and goode religion , by divine power bestowed , on that noble and renoomed coronell butler , in prudently preventinge the trechery and prepared malice of valstene and his counseleres againste the house of austria . whiche the omnipotente bestowinge on him that special grace , and that to be toughte resultinge of the vndeniable truth , and plaine dealinges of his , and his predecessores , and of his renoomed captaines and souldiores that were with him in that honorable interprice of perpetual memory . plainely mighte it by vnderstoude that thies irish bienge so feowe in number , that for the executinge of so greate , so dangerouse , and almoste vnespected and impossible acte of armes . ( that it muste by a gifte bestwoed of the divine power , for the benefit of truth and vertue of theires ( and predecessores ) stil groundinge and observinge true religion and vertouse life , so that they warded this renoomed warrier valstene with ablowe of his mortal ende , with abucler inuiorened with divine defence , and prosperitie to the house of austria , and of perpetual renoome and glorie to oure irish nasion . the omnipotente inlighten vs to imitate the vndeniable true dealinges , vertue and resolute determination of thies famouse warrieres , and otheres of this nasion , inclined to vertue and goode examples . so that rooted rancor of inuy , slanderouse railinge tounges and croucked maliciouse dealinges may not take place , in equallinge them selves with the honorable observeres of trueth , vertue , goode aplicationes , and military discipline . but rather banish thos inclined to the wicked vice of inny , moother of mischifes and base inclinationes , resultinge of barbarouse proude blinde ingnorance , enemy to vertue trueth and goode proceedinges , subjecte to quarells , bakbitinge , murmuringe , disgraces , and bad examples , a penetrater of ranckored hartes , of unconsiderate understandinge , litle fearinge god or man , of litle conscience or reputation , dayly decayenge and falinge unto many odiouse crimes and disgraces , enemy to frindship and accorde , subjecte to afrontes and vices , of bad life and bad ende ; and which of all thinges is moste untollerable , and moste odiouse in this noble profession of armes . gentle reader youe see who many goode and probable examples set downe in many places of this wourcke , ( for to imitate vertue ) and followe the steppes of the renoomed , prudente , and valerouse souldior , and that in many places youe finde sufficiente examples , howe many borne of lowe degre , and bace linadge , have atained unto greate degries , dingnity , and fame of perpetuall memory , and that resultinge of theire vertuse cariadge , renoomed actes , resolute determinationes , and continuall goode aplicationes ; and by dayly experience we see thos inclined to vice , unruly factes , and bad examples do fall unto decay , and many disgraces , and are hated by those inclined to vertue , and moste comonly suche as do not amende do finish theire lives with an unhappy and miserable ende . soe i take leave besechinge the omnipotente to give us the grace , that we may live in his feare with unity and acorde , and finish with a happy ende . amen . the ende of the thirde booke . the contentes of this vvourcke set dovvne in breefe . in the firste booke are contained the military instructiones necessary to be observed in the noble profession of armes a mongste the infantery , from a private souldior , till the election and office of a campe-master of a regimente of infantery . the seconde booke treatinge of the election of a campe-master generall , whiche nexte to the captaine generall is the cheefe conductor of an army , after followes the election of the captaine generall of the artillery , and finishenge with the office of a captaine generall of an army . the thirde booke treatinge of fire-wourckes of rare executiones by sea and lande , and of the confines of a kingdome , and the goode lawes to be observed in the same , and howe it is to be fortified by arte or by nature , or by bothe , to withstande the enemyes a temptes , and the necessary courses convenente to be taken . a brife table of the chapteres , and moste notableste thinges contained in this wourcke . the i. chapter declaringe the partes required in a private souldior . fol. the ii. chapter treatinge of the election and office of a corporall of a company of infantery . fo . the iii. chapter declaringe the aproved partes , and suficiencie of a sardgente of a company of infantery , and howe he is to be elected . fo . the iv. chapter treatinge of the election and office of an ensigne bearer , or alferis of a company of infantery , and the goode partes ordained in him . fo . the v. chapter treatinge of the election of a captaine of a company of infantery , and many goode partes and suficiency required in him . fo . the vi. chapter treatinge of the office of a sardgente mayor , marchinge with his regimente to garison . fo . the vii . chapter treatinge of the office of a sardgent mayor , marchinge with his regimente in campaina . fo . a discourse of sundrie and variable sortes of squadrones of severall sortes of armes withe theire generall rules and proufes with neowe invented breviationes to that effecte , in bringinge to lighte many deepe curiosities of importance leifte in obscurity by many auctores ; which nowe are reduced into they re perfection , as muche as military science , and the rules of mathematike and arithmeticke can a fourde , with neowe envented tables and brevasiones of importance . fo . the election and office of a campe-master of a regimente of infantery , with whiche finisheth the firste booke of this wourcke . fo . the table of the seconde booke . the i. chapter treatinge of the election and office of a campe-master generall of an army . fo . the ii. chapter declaringe the election , and suficiency required in the captaine generall of the artillery . fo . the iii. chapter mensioninge the artillery conveniente to by conducted with an army , acordinge the executiones to by pretended by the generall . fo . the iv. chapter sheowinge many reasones for the defence and securitie of a towne , citty , or forte withe necessary instructiones therunto apertaininge . fo . the v. chapter treatinge of many goode partes required in a perfectc souldior , howe woulde disire to have matteres of importance to by refered to his care and chardge , and many goode instructiones touchinge the same . fo . the vi. chapter treatinge of the office of a captaine generall of an army , and of many goode partes and rare suficiency required in a personadge of so high dingnitie and degree . fo . the table of the thirde booke . the i. chapter treatinge of patarres , and theire severall executiones , and howe they are manadged , and the compositiones and necessaries required for them , and the stratagemes that are to by used for theire executiones . fo . the ii. chapter sheoweth howe to make atorche to indure againste the force of winde and water with artificiall compossiones , which will burne with greate vehemence and force , and strange to the behoulderes for the noyce and terror of the slame . fo . the iii. chapter sheowinge howe to arme artificiall canes armed with fire-wourcke , for severall execusiones of importance be sea and lande . fo . the iv. chapter sheowinge howe to arme tronckes or canes armed with wilde fire , another maner of way . fo . the v. chapter treatinge howe to arme artificiall bulletes , and neowe invented cross barres armed with fire-wourkes , declaringe howe they are to by manadged , and the composiones required for theire executiones , and howe some are to by vsed and armed for severall execusiones of sea servises , as also by lande , to burne townes , or the enemyes quarteres , as alsoe neowe envented cross barres withe longe chaines of yron , to be shot in the fronte of a battel or any order or aray , whiche bienge prudently handeled are of rare execusiones , yea ten times more then youre ordinary bulletes . concludinge with goode instrucsiones to followe and imitate the stepes of the vertuse , renoomed , prudente and valerouse souldior , and abandon those tached with vglie crimes , and with the wicked rancored vice of envy bad inclinasiones , and bad examples , and the necessary instructiones and probable examples both of the one and the other . fo . a table of the notableste thinges contained in this booke . a. a bad and covardly inclination to be givin to quarelles and disputes bienge on the watch . folio abase and odiouse acte in the persuenge of a victory to fall a spoylinge til the enemy by wholy yealded and licence granted . folio alferis oloa his valour and brave determination . folio alferis or ensigne bearer is not to give licence to any souldior to leaue the company nor put any souldior at liberty withoute the consente of his captaine or superior officeres . folio an alferis tudesco his valoure . folio a good cristian of vertouse life and goode applicationes moste comonly is wonte to haue good succeses . folio a necessary thinge in warr to haue some horses in each company of foote for many respectes . folio acomendable thinge in warr to see matteres prudently prevented in due time . folio asouldior ought to conforme him self with his hoste for bienge comendable . folio . agenerouse and louinge minde of an officer in warr , is highlie to by comended . folio alouinge prudente and kinde officer causeth alouinge and obediente souldior . folio abad custome , and not to by tolerated that souldiores do lende theire armes . folio a perfecte sardgente-mayor is wourdie to by emploied in any execusion in warr . folio alarme bienge presented , the necessary instructiones . folio a souldior of a prudēte cariadge is wourdie to by esteemed by his captaine . folio a sargente oughte to by inclined to continuall good aplicationes and examples . folio auditor his election and obligationes . folio arcabusero , a spanish wourd singnifiethe a souldoure which carieth acaliver for armes . aguasiill , a spanish wourde one tha● doth asiste the executiones of justice . ambuscado , a spanish wourde signifienge an ambuish . armada , a spanish wourde signifiethe anavall army of shippes of warr . alerta , a spanish wourde singnifieth that when theire is any suspicion of the enemy , the souldiors to by presently reddy with their armes in hand . artillerie , a spanish wourde whiche wee call in englishe greate ordenance . alferis , aspanish wourde singnifieth an ensigne bearer . a dangerouse thinge the manadging of pouder . folio amunitiones of pouder led and matche are to by put in secure places . folio amater of greate emportance to by well provided before hand of all sortes of amunitiones for many respectes . folio artillery required for the executions of an army in the filde . folio a governor of any place of importance bienge determined to yealde the same covardly , or by meanes of intereses , the necessary prevention . folio a prudente conductor of aresolute determination of his and his soldiores are wonte to haue good successes . folio a general inclined to rewarde all braue actiones in warr , agreate comforte to honorable soldiores . folio atilla kinge of the hunos a proude and cruel man overcomed be theodorico kinge of the burgon̄onos . folio alexander mangnus bienge yonge of yeares begon to governe . folio anibal after triumphinge so many victories was overcomed by scipio africano . folio a rare invencion to discover the enemy at nighte bienge resolved to fall on any peece of service . folio . artificial canes or tronckes armed with fire-wourck for many rare executiones by sea and lande . folio artificial enstrumentes of fire-wourk armed . folio artificial arowes . folio artificial instrumentes to burne any combustable thing . folio b. base facsioneres are not to by permited amongst hon̄orable souldiores . folio barberes necessary instrumentes in acompani . folio beste ordered and disciplined in warr , are moste comonly masteres of the victory . folio bad customes prevented in due time . folio barber his election and what resulteth . folio . bagadge and the order given to march . folio . battelles of severall formes , and theire generall rules and proufes . folio battell square of men of . souldiors . folio . battell square of men of . souldiors . folio battell of . souldiores folio battell or cross battell of . men . folio battell square of men of severall sortes of armes proporsionally devided and guarnished by the rule of proporsion . folio . battell of so muche and the one haulfe more in fronte then in flanke . folio ● battells of proporsions of inequality , and the generall rules for theire framinge . folio . battell of so much and the ● / . parte more in fronte then in flanke . folio . battell of two times more in fronte then in flank and the general rule for theire framinge in proporsion . folio battell square of men . folio battell square of men with a center for hurte men and bagadge guarnished proporsionally withe drie pikes , corseletes , and musketes . folio battell square of men of six nasiones aluenge by the rule of proportion to each nasion his parte of the vangarde . folio . battells of the saied . nasiones devided into . battelles . folio battell square of grounde . folio battell square of grounde . folio battell square of grounde devided into five battelles . folio battell or cross battell of broade fronte devided into . battelles . folio . battell of broade fronte of . folio battell with a center of arcabuseros . folio battelles or an army devided into severall battallones of broade fronte . folio battell of . men devided into . battelles of broade fronte . folio battell of the forme of a triangle . folio battell or an army divided into five battelles square of grounde . folio battell or an army devided into . battelles square of grounde by the rule of proportion . folio boates necessary instrumentes for an army . folio better and more honorable to die in defence of a juste and honorable acte then yealde to any base imaginasion . folio . brimstone and howe it is to be refined to give it more force . folio bulletes or cross barres armed with wilde fire theire rare execusiones . folio . balles of wilde fire and their rare execusiones . folio balles of wilde fire made to burne with greate vehemence within the water . folio bisono a spanish wourde whiche singnifieth in english arawe souldior vnexperte in his armes and military discipline . c. corporall and the goode partes and qualities in him required . folio corporall is to instructe and give goode examples to the souldiores of his squadron . folio captaine de campaina is to observe . folio captaines , and howe they oughte to by elected . folio chaplen mayor his election and goode examples . folio captaines and expectasiones of theire military prudence , and goode examples and aplicationes . folio comessaries theire instructiones and priviledge . folio captaines theire sinister election to the greate decay of military discipline . folio captaines electinge corporales and devidinge the company into squadrones and howe . folio captaines and the military prudence and goode partes ordained in them . folio captaines of prudente cariadge and goode examples are to by imitated . folio captaines to take their turne in marchinge . folio chaplenes necessarie instrumentes in acompany . folio captaines in march when they are to goe ahorsbak . folio captaines in marchinge or in garison and who they are to by imitated trough their good examples . folio captaines marchinge troughe acountry and howe they are to behaue them selves givinge good examples to dischardge them selves and ministring justice . folio cause of decay of military discipline . folio centery perdue . folio captaines chosen to by imploied in executions of importance . folio centery whate he is to do , the enemy aprochinge . folio captaines oughte to asiste theire souldiors in time that they are driven to extreame necessity . folio centery perdue , cauled the security of the campe . folio captaine de campaina to cause the bagadge to by charged in due time in ocasiones of marchinge . folio campe master general of an army his election and office and the aproved partes and suficiency required in him . folio convoyes and howe they are to by emploied . folio convoyes to take a convenient course for their goode order and security . folio ciro kinge of percia for revenge of the drowninge of adeere frende of his did overcom the force of the greate river of gange folio . compositiones and mixtures required for the executiones of fire-wourkes . folio . conductores of the greate ordenance . folio . generals to prevente many matteres in time . folio careles officeres and soldiors are wonte to by puzeled and amazed . folio captaine generall bienge resolued to conker aforaigne country . folio cause of discontentement of souldiores . folio corporal or cauo de esquadro a spanish wourde singifieth acomaunder vnder the captaine over . or . souldiores . camisada , a spanish wourde signifieng the investinge or putinge on a shurte over the souldior is armor or a parell which is used in night time in ocasiones of soddaine exploites on the enemy . campaina , a spanish wourd which signifiethe a filde . campaina rasa , a spanish wourde is to say an open filde rased plaine withoute any incombrance . campe master generall a spanish derivative is to say the high marshal of the filde . castallano , is the cheef comaunder of a castel . cannonnero , signifieth a guner . cavalleria , a spanish wourde singnifieth souldiores a horse bake . cavallero a spanish wourde singnifieth a gentelman , in some places , it singnifieth a high mounte of earth wheruppon greate ordenance is planted to discover the filde . center is the juste midell of a battel or other thinge . cintinell , a spanish wourde a souldior standinge in poste . coronell or collonell , singnifieth a campe master over a regimente . coloures a wourde in vse in english for the ensigne biēge of variable coulores . corselete , a spanish wourde is the complet armor of a foote souldior . convoy , a spanish wourde singnifienge a garde of souldiores sente for the safe conducte of munision , or any other thinge to be safe-conducted from one place to another . contra rounde , a spanish wourd and is a number of officeres goinge to visite the corpes de garde , watches , cintineles , and also the ordinary roundes , to see if they a complish theire dutie with vigilance and care . captaine generall inventinge neowe ocasiones in vvarr to diverte the enemy and corruptinge them vvith money . folio . compositiones ordained for artificial canes . folio . d. disobedience breedeth many mischifes . folio don pedro conde de feria his goode examples in the expungnation of dura . folio decay of military discipline and of vvhiche it doth resulte . folio ducke de alua examples of his administrasion of justice and severitie for disorderes comitted . folio doctor of fisicke his election . folio drom mayor his election . folio device or token amongste the souldiores of an army that they may knovve one another , necessary to by prevented . folio . don sebastian kinge of portugall the cause of his perdition . folio decay of military discipline . folio deposito or center is the midle of a batel or of any other thinge a spanish vvourde . e. ensignes at theire firste deliveringe to the alferishes the seremonies vsed folio . examples of punishmente resultinge of disobedience , and disorder , and theire due revvard . folio examples of constancie , pascience , braue determination and resolution of souldiores . folio examples of the diference betvvexte oulde experimented souldiores and ravve men . folio . executiones of pouder , no apelasion nor graoe to by expected . folio envie dayly decaienge into many crimes and disgrases . folio escalada , a spanish vvourde singnifiethe the scalinge of a vvall vvith ladderes . enginero , a spanish vvourde , it is one skilfull in fortificasiones , and other stratagemes for vvarr . f. furieles , of companies are to by chosen of men of aproved fidelitie and goode partes for many respectes . folio furieles , in the distributinge of munitiones and makinge of quarteres theire instructiones . folio furieles , sometimes do comit disorderes wourdie of severe punishmente . folio furious countenance of officeres some times are odiouse when it resulteth of a proude inconciderate minde . folio furieles marchinge their instructiones for to make the quarter . folio fidelitie a precious thinge in warr . folio . for wante of trustispies many goode ocasiones and interprises are loste . folio favor frendship and afection in military electiones is cause of greate decay of military discipline . folio fosso a spanish wourde singnifieth the ditche of a towne or forte . flanke a frence wourde singnifiethe the side of a battell of men . fronte , a frence wourd is the face or foreparte of a battell , fronte is alsoe the fore parte of a wall or bulwarcke . furiel a spanish wourde singnifieth ac learke . fortificasiones and confines of a kingdome and necessary instructiones . folio fortificationes their memberes . folio fortificasiones and the consideration to by taken for the placinge of the gates of a citty or any stronge place . fortificationes and prevention to be taken for their better security . folio fortificationes and the conveniente course to by taken for theire situasion . folio . fortification and severall necessaries for their defence and to be prevented in due time . folio g. goode aplicationes furderethe the prosperitie and goode success of many ocasiones . folio greate considerationes and military prudence is required for severall executions of captaines and brave comaunderes . folio goode examples of aniball and his military prudence , and the cause of his decay and overtrowe . folio gardes or watches , are places of greate respecte . folio gamesteres theire instructiones . folio gastadores necessaire to prevente and remedie dificulties in march . folio generall aproachinge nere a place which he determines to beleager . folio general of the artillery the care he is to take in the election of his officeres and gentleman of the artillery . folio greate ordenance when it is planted to batter . folio goode and vigilante watche is to by putt upon the storte houses and amunisiones . folio greate store of pouder and other necessaries required for an army . folio generall of the artillery verie necessary he by acompanied with persones of perfection in severall sortes of fire-wourkes . folio generall of an army conquestinge aforaigne contry necessary preventiones to by taken . folio generall , in chosinge persones for ocationes of importance and of whome . folio general , oughte never to by weery in toilinge after vertue . folio garitas a spanish wourd singnifieth a centery house . generall of an army the glorious issues of his deepe and prudente designes . folio general , in ocasiones of reforminge of companies , to by well informed for bienge conveniente to his majesties service . folio h. hard it is for a souldior to acomplish his obligationes with the punctualitie and care required , if he by maried . folio how a souldior is to serve in a juste vvarr , and not to serve againste goddes true religion . folio horse to recnoledge pasadges and places to by suspected , to by prevented in due time . folio happy are thos that do not intermidle in thinges oute of scence . folio horceses required for to carry several sortes of greate ordenance . folio hovv a perfecte souldior is to dischardge matteres of importance refered to his care and truste . folio hardly any master cā by had of such perfection but some times he muste err . folio i. imitate those of prudente and vertouse cariadge , and good aplicationes and tacke notice of those decayinge trough their bad govermente . folio iulius caesar his examples in executinge justice for disorderes . folio in ocasiones of marchinge prevensions to by taken againste the enemys desingnes and stratagemes . folio instructiones for the defence of any place of importance and how the same is to be honorably defended . folio instructiones to give ascallada or to scale any place of importance . folio iulius caesar with his generouse minde towardes his souldiores a companied with his military prudence triumpheth victori of . battelles . folio iulius caesar pasinge over the rhine his renoomed victories . folio iulius caesar triumpheth over asia africa and europa . folio in the profession of armes the wicked vice of invy is moste odiouse . folio imitationes of the greeckes and romaines comendable . folio k. kinges and princes to asiste in person with their armyes it importeth much . folio kinge edwarde the thirde his happie sucess in france and overcomed the whole power of france . folio l. longe yrones are vsesed in the gardes or watches apointed on the gates of townes , to visite wagones loaden with hay strawe , &c. for prevention of fraude . folio legion in time of the romaines was that vvhich vve call a regimente , tribunus vvas that vvhich vve call a master de campe . folio learninge becometh none better then a souldior for many good reasones . folio m. many goode partes vvished in a souldior . folio many disgraces do resulte troughe the filthie vice of drunkardes . folio master de campe may marche vvhere hi thincketh more conviente . folio mutineres and revolteres of base actes , and inclinationes their due revvarde . folio marvelouse examples of the resolution of experimented oulde souldiores in the sacke of anvvourpe and other places . folio marchinge trough an enemy contry necessary instructiones to by observed . folio many instrumentes necessary for the greate ordenance . folio many matteres in vvarr are discovered and prevented vvithoute facte of armes . folio n. necessaries required for manuall fyry vveapones . folio necessarie observationes the firste nighte when the army is to pitche theire campe . folio necessary to knowe the qualitie and condisiones of the enemye is generall , and conductores . folio o. obedience duely observed amongste the professores of warr , is laudable . folio odiouse in a souldior to by inclined to the bace vice of dronknes . folio of greate importance that officeres by exercised in warr for many goode respectes . folio orderes of the proclamationes or vandos to by put in writhinge on the watches or gardes . folio observationes to by kepte when the kinge or generall comes to vieow the army . folio opiniones betwexte the infantery and cavallery . folio officeres of the generall of the artillery . folio . obedience and military prudence . folio ocurrantes of warlike affaires are some times subjecte to disgraces and may by when we lesh feare . folio ocasion of greate repose to the general . folio . officeres reformed to asiste nexte the general for many goode respectes . folio p. partes besitinge and ordained in a souldior . folio prevention to by taken for the overmuch liberty of stragleres . folio prevension to be taken when the enemy is superior on horse . folio preventiones taken in narow pasadges to by secure and prevented . folio pouder required for eache peece of greate ordenance , is the ⅔ partes of the weighte of the bullet of the peece and other necessaires therunto apertaininge . folio pouder rather to spare then to wante . folio prevencion for the defence of a place of emportance . folio prudente captaines , resolute and experimented soldiores bienge hit uppon , greate expectasiones ought to by hoped of theire prosperouse succeses in ocationes of importance . folio pattares theire several executiones and industry used for to efect the same . folio prevensiones to by taken in due time for the executiones of pattares . folio pikes armed with artificial fire-wourkes and theire execusions . folio q. quarter master to him belonges the recivinge of armes and munitiones . folio r. resoninge the cause that a souldior is to respecte other officeres . folio roundes , and howe they are to by prudently ordered to acomplish . folio roundes and howe they shall acomplish theire obligationes . folio roundes and the care and punctualitie they are to take in acomplishinge their obligationes . folio remedy for the preventinge of fraudes vsed in deceivinge the souldiores of theire righte . folio resolution to by taken to conqueste a foraigne country . folio resolution taken for to remaine in posession of aforaigne contry preventiones to by taken . folio s. souldiores to by reddi vvhen alarme do presente vvith speede . folio souldiores stealinge at nighte to the enemy prevention for the same . folio sardgente mayor and other officeres are to take great care that in ocasiones of persuinge a victory the souldiores do not fall a spoylinge for bienge bothe odiouse and dangerouse . folio spies of doble dealinges very dangerouse . folio sardgente mayor is to animate the souldiores in many ocasiones . folio shot in ocasiones of skirmish . folio sutleres and instructiones to by observed withe care and punctuality . folio souldiores of vertues and prudente cariadge are to by honored and rewarded . folio sardgentes are not to by elected by favor nor affection for many goode respectes . folio souldiores missinge theire rankes . folio sardgentes to instructe and learne the souldiores howe to manadg their armes . folio shott and opiniones for their divisiones . folio shott to observe goode order , and howe to serve with their armes . folio sardgent bienge well disciplined can redress and remedy many disorderes . folio sardgentes are to haue the roale of the names of the souldiores of his company aboute him . folio sardgente mayor is to apointe the table ordained for gamesteres . folio sardgente mayor arivinge neere the quarter in ocasiones of marchinge . folio souldiors oughte to by devoote . folio sardgente mayor how he is to be elected . folio scipio africano with his sagacitie and extraordinary military prudence did overcome aniball . folio sardgente mayor now and then is to visite the walls and watches for goode respectes . folio souldiores carefully exercised is comendable . folio sardgente mayor oughte to carefulli instructe the souldiors in the exercice of armes . folio sardgente mayor is to take a special care to see the souldiores provided with fire in the watches . folio souldiors exercised . folio souldiores bienge on the watch instructions . folio sardgent mayor givinge many good instructions . folio sardgente mayor in ocasiones to be provided with pouder match led it importeth . folio souldiores to prevente theire bad customes . folio souldiores prevensiones of false alarmes . folio souldior how he is to governe him selfe standinge in poste or centery . folio sardgente mayor givinge instructiones to the cinteryes when the enemy are aprochinge , for to be prevented . folio souldiores breakinge order or array theire due reprehinsion . folio spinola provided of boathes and other necessaries in takinge reinberk and breda . folio suitchers with . men resolved to conquest france , borgondy and flanderes defeated by caesar . folio singular vertue and constancie are founde but in feowe . folio scaling of atowne or forte necessary instructiones . folio saltpeter reduced into vvater vvhich is goode to give more force to many compossiones of fire-vvourkes . folio t. the imitasion of the discipline of the ianisaros turkes . folio the professores of armes oughte diligently to learne the arte of vvarr . folio trough sinister election do resulte many disgraces and loshes . folio the acomplishinge of orderes som times are hurtefull , for certaine considerationes . folio thesarios their military goode instructiones . folio table to by put in memory for the framinge of battelles for suche as are notable in aritmeticke . folio to refresh or coule greate ordenance vvhen it is very hote by overmuch shutinge . folio the order for the setinge of the greate ordenance belonges to the campe master generall and the executiones to the general of the artillery . folio torches to be artificially made vvith compositiones of fire-vvourke to indure againste the force of vvinde and vvater . folio v. un fitt that a souldior by inclined to delicate meates . folio un fittinge to see a souldior leadon vvith much bagade or traish . folio very many raised into greate dingnitie be theire vertue . folio vandos or proclamationes to by duly observed for many respectes . folio very many instrumentes necessary for the executiones of the artillery . folio vigilante and goode vvatch to by apoincted on the pouder for many goode respectes . folio vando a spanish vvourde an acte or lavve made by the generall and counsel of vvarr and published by sounde of drum and trompet to the souldiores . w. vvatch vvourd and conciderations touchinge the same . folio watch vvourde in campaina and conciderationes touchinge the same to by in due time prevented . folio when the army shall encampe the firste nighte the houre vvhiche is apointed for the scoutes of horse to rerire . folio for the breefe explicatinge of the divisiones of several sortes of armes and of several sortes of battelles , i did put downe amongste the chiferes of theire divisiones and tables the letteres followinge for theire breefe explicatinge . the letter a. amongste the chiferes of the divisiones signifieth arcabuse . the letter p. singnifieth drie pikes or vnarmed pikes . the letter c. men armed with complet corceletes . the letter m. musketieres . the letter r. ranckes . the letteres fr. fronte of the battell . the letteres fla. flancke of the battell . the letter g. singnified gilted corseletes . errores in the printe . errores . corected . folio . line . harely hardly yerie very hoth both avartiones avaritiouse toe two turkose turckes respeed respected lodgedh lodgheth hut but discomndiouse discomodious craptaine captaine oficerer officeres sprine spaine practe practice coddi boddy minth ninth ot of bridged bridges plainelle plainly folowet folowe wolled woulde weather weader campiana campaina this his patre parte the he foote forte truth trueth parte partes doabe dob eaches enches smelted melted some letteres of smale importance in the correction may be is forgotten , which i refer to the judgemente of the curiouse and gentle reader . aprobation . thies military instructiones of captaine gerat barry bienge visited by order of his majesties privy counsell , by the censor of bruxeles , and aproved by the archbishop of maklin the . of december , . his saied majesties privy counsell founde it profitable and comodiouse for the advancemente of his majesties service ; wherfore they granted licence for the printinge of the same , as by the contentes of theire patente and broade zeale doth a peere : defendinge that in paine of the penalties contained in the saied patente , that no printer , or any other boddi , shall printe , conterfet , or sel the saied booke within the limites of their jurisdiction for the space of six yeares , nexte insuenge withoute full consente and commission , in writinge of the saied captaine . dated at bruxells the . of january , . henricus calenus , sacrae theologiae licentiatus , archipresbyter bruxellensis , librorum censor . fidem facimus positam censuram esse legitimam , ab eo nimirum qui ad hoc à nobis commissus est . actum bruxellae . decembris . jacobus archiepiscopus mechliniensis . the priviledge . philippe by the grace of god kinge of castille , leon , aragon , and of both the sicilles , of hierusalem , portugall , navare , granade , toledo , valencia , galicia , mallorca , sivilla , sardena , cordoua , corsica , and murcia , jean algarues , algesire and gibraltar , of the iles of the canaries , easte and weste-inges , of the iles and continente of the ocean sea . archducke of austria , ducke of burgondie , lothier , brabante , limburcke , luxenburghe , gildres , and millan : earle of habsburgh , flandes , artoies , burgondie thiroll , palatin , henawe , holande , zelande , namure , zutphen : prince of suban , marques of the holly impyre of rome , lorde of friselande , of salinas , machlin , of the city and countrie of vtreghte , over-yssel and groninge , dominator of asia and africke . be it knowen to all men to whom thies presentes shall a peere that we haue received the homble suplication and peticion of oure wel beloved captaine gerat barry irishman , oure pensioner at the zass of gante , specifienge that wheras he is desirouse and willinge for the goode and advancemente of oure service ; as alsoe for the goode and generall vtilitie of his countrimen , and otheres who followes the warres ( to inlighten them and cause to by printed ) a certaine booke which he hath writen in inglish , cauled and intitulated military discipline , conteininge diveres obligationes , instructiones and directiones , apertaininge to the professores of this arte , as alsoe of fortificationes and inventiones of artificiall fire-wourkes , offencives , and defencives be sea and lande . and in respecte that the saide impressiō can not be permited or suffered withoute oure speciall warāte and permissiō ; he hōbly beseecheth vs that we woulde by pleased to grante him the same for seavē yeares . be it knowen to all men that wheras we havinge considered the aforesaide , and seene in oure privy conunsell the aprobation of the censure done , and performed be the archbishop of macklin in the revewe of the booke above mencioned . and oure speciall favor inclininge to the suplication and petision of the saide captaine gerad barry oure petisioner . we haue permited consented and auctorised , and by thies presentes oute of oure speciall grace ( we doe permit consente and auctorise ) givinge him full permission and power to cause printe the saied booke by any printer dwellinge in oure countries in thies partes ; whome he shall please to choose , and afterwardes to cause sell and distribute them in and trough oute oure foresaied countries , prohibitinge , and defendinge all other printeres booke , seleres and other persones who soever , not to conterfett , printe , sell nor distribute the same duringe the time and tearme of six yeares nexte insuenge ; withoute permission and express consente of oure saied petitioner , or of whome he hath chosen and given auctoritie for the saied impression ; as alsoe for the sellinge of them . and that in paine of cōfiscation and losse of all that shall be printed , and moreover to incurre and pay the some , of six florince for every copie that shall be founde to by printed , soulde or distributeth , withoute the aforesaied comission and consente of oure petitioner captaine gerat barry , and the one haulfe to be applyed to oure profit , and comoditie ; and the other to whome the saied captaine hath chosen as before declared , and that in the maner , and acordindinge to theire agrimente and a corde paste betwexte them . to be vnsterstoode that the printer who is chosen shall be oblidged to conforme him selfe with the proclamation made and published uppon the arte of printinge . besides that when the whole impression shall be finished , he shall be obliged to deliver in the handes of oure secretary havinge singned thies presentes , two copies of the saide bookes , and that verie netly bounde ; to be given for the augmentation of oure library , as it is apointed and ordained . oure wil is therfore and we comaunde oure wel beloved and trustie counselleres , oure presedentes , and all otheres of oure privy and greate counsell , and all other oure officeres , justises , and subjectes , that upon oure presente grace , priviledge , aprobation , permissiō and consente . they doe cause suffer and permitt , the aforesaied petisioner , as also whome he shall choose to printe , fell and distribute the saide bookes , to injoy fully and peaceably , and to vse duringe the time , and acordinge as before declared and ordained , withoute doinge , givinge or suferinge , to be made don or offered any trouble , hinderance , or wronge to the contrarie . for suche is oure will and pleasure , in witnes wherof we haue comanded oure greate zeale to be affixed and put to thies presentes . given at oure city of bruxelles the twelfe of december one thousander six hondereth thirty of three yeares and of oure regne thirtinth . by the kinge in his counsell g. ottingnus . post tenebras spero lucem . foure paradoxes, or politique discourses concerning militarie discipline, written long since by thomas digges esquire. of the worthinesse of warre and warriors, by dudly digges, his sonne. all newly published to keepe those that will read them, as they did them that wrote them, from idlenesse. digges, thomas, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) foure paradoxes, or politique discourses concerning militarie discipline, written long since by thomas digges esquire. of the worthinesse of warre and warriors, by dudly digges, his sonne. all newly published to keepe those that will read them, as they did them that wrote them, from idlenesse. digges, thomas, d. . digges, dudley, sir, - . aut [ ], , [ ] p. by h. lownes, for clement knight, and are to be solde at his shop at the signe of the holy lambe in saint paules churchyard, imprinted at london : . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military discipline -- early works to . soldiers -- early works to . war -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion foure paradoxes , or politique discourses . concerning militarie discipline , written long since by thomas digges esquire . of the worthinesse of warre and warriors , by dudly digges , his sonne . all newly published to keepe those that will read them , as they did them that wrote them , from idlenesse . horace . me castra iuuant & lituo tubae permistus sonitus , bellaque matribus detestata . imprinted at london by h. lownes , for clement knight , and are to be solde at his shop at the signe of the holy lambe in saint paules churchyard . . to the honourable theophilvs hovvard , lord hovvard of walden , sonne and heire apparent to the right honorable earle of suffolke , lord chamberlaine to his maiestie . a generall report ( worthy lord ) of your honourable disposition bred in mee euen at my first cōming into france , an earnest desire to see you , which through your courtesy & my good fortune was happily effected : but when i perceiued with what vertuous industrie you indeauored to make the best vse , of your wel spent time , in those parts ; i cōceiued great hope to receiue much greater contentment , in so truly honourable acquaintance , and the tast i had of your fauours assureth me i had beene happy in my hopes , had not my vntimely returne , such were my vnfortunate crosses , depriued mee of the comfort i tooke , in the company of your admired vertue . notwithstanding i haue hitherto fed my selfe with the hope of your returne &c. hoc equidem occasum troiae tristesque ruinas solabor , this shall bee my refuge . in the meane time as lewes of france did his country friends rape roote , or as the percian king did the poore mans apple , i intreat your lordship to accept these sleight discourses as a token of the dutifull respect i owe you : they are i know most vnworthy your maiden patronage , yet my first fruites they bee , and i earnestly desire , that my first borne should beare your honours name . your honors deuoted dudly digges . to the reader . that there are many faultes in these fewe leaues i doubt not , neither would i but you should finde fault , yet not maliciously with wrested and vnnaturall applications , yet not too peremptorily till you haue children of your owne : onely this , if you bee such a merchant as hateth a souldier , thinke it no victorie to picke matter of aduantage out of my weake handling of their good cause : if on the contrarie you loue the profession , take in good part these slight endeauors , till some one of better abilitie speak more effectually , and let this publike protestation assure you i am no dissembler , but one that heartily desireth to shew himselfe a louing countreyman to men that so well deserue the loue of their countrey . farewell . the first paradox . that no prince , or state doth gaine , or saue by giuing too small entertainement vnto souldiers , officers , or commaunders martiall : but doe thereby extreamely loose , and vnprofitably waste their treasure , besides the dishonour and foiles , that necessarily thereof ensue . i confesse sparing of treasure , and all due prouidence for the preseruation thereof , to bee a thing verie necessarie , especially in the warres of this our age , where treasure is indeed becom neruus belli ; and therefore by all reasonable prouisions to be regarded . but there are in all actions some sparings , or pretence of profit , that are vtterly vnprofitable , fond , and foolish , and woorking effects cleane contrary to that end , for the which such pinching is pretended . as , who seeth not , that , if a husbandman ( that hath first allotted a reasonable proportion of graine , for euerie acre of his arable ground ) shall ( of a couetous minde ) abate a quarter , or one third part of his due proportion of seede , thinking thereby to saue somuch ; who , ( i say ) seeth not , that by this foolish sauing in the seede , in the crop hee shall loose thrice as much , besides the hurtfull weeds , that , for want of seede sufficient , grow-vp , and spoile the rest ? or , if a merchant , setting forth his ship to the seas , fraught with marchandize , shall know that ( to rigge her well , and furnish her with all needfull tackle , furniture and prouision ) it will cost him full . pounds : yet , of a coueteous and greedie minde to saue thereof some . pounds , or two , hee shall scant his prouision , wanting perhaps some cables , ankers , or other-like necessaries , and after ( by a storme arising ) for fault thereof shall loose both ship and goods . who will not condemne this miserable foolish merchant , that ( peeuishly to saue one hundred pounds , or two ) hath lost both ship and goods , perhaps of . times greater value ? much more is the folly of this error in martial causes , where the tempests are as sodaine , and no lesse perrilous . and therefore such fond sparing , is farre more absurd in these actions , than in eyther of those , of the husbandman or merchant . for proofe whereof , if i should produce antique examples out of the romane and graecian chronicles of such kings and princes , as ( by such fond sparing of their treasure ) had lost both their treasure , and their kingdomes also , i could easily make of this subiect a great volume : but for breuitie sake ( leauing many antiquies ) i come to our present age and time , and to matters of our owne remembrance , and experience . for who knoweth not , what course the states of the vnited prouinces tooke , for payment of their souldiers , before the arriuall of her maiesties lord generall , the earle of leicester . who , for sparing , or to make ( as they pretended ) their treasour stretch , did pay their bands after . daies to the moneth , their pay being so scant and bare at . onely to the moneth , as it was verie hard for souldiers , or captaines , to liue honestly vpon it : and the same being now stretched to . daies , vtterly impossible for them to liue without frauds in musters , and pickories , besides on their countrey and friends . hereof it came to passe , that the honest , and valiantest men retired themselues from the warres , and the worst disposed free-booters were readiest to enter with these base conditions . for such a captaine ( as intendeth onely dishonestly , by fraud and robberie to enrich himselfe , to the ruine of his countrey ) will especially desire to serue on such base conditions , as honestly it is impossible for euerie man to liue vpon : and so hauing iust colour thereby to shift , hath all these meanes ensuing infinitely to enrich himselfe . first , ( in the choise of his officers ) to get , or accept such free-booters and theeues , as ( onely to haue the name and priuiledge of a souldier , to escape the paine due by martiall lawe to such vnsouldierlike persons ) will serue without pay , or with halfe pay . then , euerie of these his officers lieutenaunt , ensigne , serieants &c. ( being men of that crewe ) will draw in as many also as they can of the same moulde , to liue on pickorie without pay , and therefore very readie to serue in their loose manner with halfe pay . of such rakehels then the captaine hauing rayzed an ensigne , passeth his muster , and is sent to his garrison , or place of seruice . now , the prince or state that is serued with such as will accept these vnhonest base conditions , is much deceiued , if hee thinke to bee souldierly serued . viz. to haue their watches and wardes strong , vigilant , and carefull : for in steede of one thousand fiue hundreth souldiers past in muster , they shall neuer finde fiftie on guard , or sentinels , vpon any round : as all honest serieant-maiors , and other officers ( that haue past their rounds ) can testifie : the rest ( if he keepe any more ) being eyther abroad in the country at the picoree , or in the garrison more vnhonestly occupied , in abusing some honest burgh●r his wife or seruants : ( for , to drudge in watch or ward the gallantest of this crew disdaine . ) if any faults bee complained off , the excuse is readie : alas their pay is so small , as wee must winke at faults . but if at any time the commissarie of musters come with treasure to passe a muster , ye shall euer finde them strong . present and absent orderly set downe in muster rolles . and for their absents such formall testimonials , protestations , and oathes , as among christians were horrible to discredit , and their fraudes so artificially conueyed , as will bee hard to trie : but the treuth is , forgery & periury are the first lessons such freeboters learne , and then pallardize , murder , treachery , and treason are their attendants . heereof it came to passe ( for many yeares together ) that after the death of don iohn de austria , the states lost such a number of cities , townes , forts , castles and sconces , yea whole and entier prouinces reuolted from thē , by reason of the exextorsions , oppressions , & robberies insolently committed on the country people , and best subiects , by these insatiable cormorants , lyons to their friends , and hares in presence of their enemies , hauing not only , linguas sed animas venales , manus rapaces , pedes fugaces , & quae honestè nominari non possunt inhonestissima , verè galeati lepores et hyrudines aerarij . and this base beggerly pay the onely ground-plot of all these horrible villanies , odious to god and man , and not tollerable in any christian gouernment . for , if princes or states will giue such conuenient pay , as men of value , and honesty may sparingly liue-on without fraud and robbery , they may boldly execute martial discipline , & purge their army of these idle drones , and carowsing picking caterpillers : and in stead of these , they shall ( in short time ) haue their ensignes compleat with valiant , honest , sober , loyall souldiers , that shall carefully and painefully in watch and ward execute their martiall duties . the earle of leicester with his owne eyes beheld before zutphen campe nigh arnhem two or three regiments of scotts and dutch in the states pay , sent for by count hollock as the most choise bands that followed him , hauing sixteene or eighteene ensignes in their regiments , and paid for nigh three thousand souldiers : that ( marching in ranke , and after embattailed ) were found not full one thousand , besides their officers . now , if the states had paid truely but ensignes after . daies to the moneth , ( as her maiestie did ) and by martiall discipline haue kept them strong , they should haue had . more heads and hands to fight at least in such . than in these ensignes paid after . daies . and at the very same time , & the same place his excellency saw eight english ensignes embattailed in the same field , that for heads of men were more than . of the other ensignes , and for armes & weapon ful double so strong : and yet these eight ensignes stood not her maiesty ( paying honourably ) in somuch as the other . so dishonourably paid by the states , by many thousand gilders a moneth . most foolish therefore , and peeuish is such sauing in these martiall causes , being more absurd farre and fond than other of those my first examples of the paltering husbandman or miserable merchant that stumbleth at a straw , and swalloweth a blocke , and by greedie pinching for a penny , fondly looseth or wasteth pounds . but that dishonour that falleth out in these actions is much more to bee respected : for , if eight ensignes ( well and truely paid ) shall euer bee stronger in all martiall encounters than . of the other : how much more honour shall it bee with eight ensignes to haue performed any honourable action than to haue done the same with eighteene ? as contrariwise the foile , to loose eight ensignes is farre lesse than to loose eighteene . againe , if the states had rayzed a meane army ( not of such mercenarie vagabondes as would serue on any conditions , resoluing by pickorie and extortion to enrich themselues ) but of temperate , honest , painefull , valiant souldiers which full easily with sufficient and compleat pay they might haue done , and then haue kept a steddy hand on martiall discipline , seuerely to haue punished such cormorants as should any way haue spoyled or extorted on the countrey booer , or honest burgher . they had neuer tasted those horrible ruines of their townes and desolation of their countries , that afterwards for many yeares they did . for it was not the great subsidies or leuies made on brabant , and flaunders , and other vpland prouinces by the states vnited that made them all reuolt afterward to the prince of parma , but onely these abuses , spoiles and pickories . for in holland and zealand they haue euer since , and doe still leuie as great and farre greater contributions than euer they did on those malcontēted prouinces : but it was the wrongs , iniuries , insolencies and extorsions committed by this crew of degenerate bastardly souldiers or rather picke●s , the seruants or rather idolatrous slaues of their misbegotten mistresse madam picorea that alienated the harts vtterly of these prouinces . the people hauing reason to reuolt to the gouernment of papists or turks rather than to endure the outrages committed on them , their wiues and daughters by those their owne hirelings so deepely wounding them in wealth and honor . for what tribute , subsidie or taske had not beene farre more tollerable to any honest or christiā people than to haue such a crew of hell-hounds laid vpon them ? as , not content to haue the best chambers , beds , and fare that their host could yeeld them ; yea wine also bought and farre fet for them , but would enforce them to pay money also , and yet at their parting ( in recompence or their good entertainment ) rifle them of all that was portable of any value , besides other indignities not to bee spoken of by honest tongues , or heard by modest eares . the horror of these villaines hath made holland wisely and prouidently these douzen yeares and more yearely to giue ten folde greater contributions ( yearly i say respectiuely weighed ) than the greatest subsidie or beneuolence that euer our nation gaue during all these . yeares of her maiesties most gracious and happie reigne . the which they doe most frankly and willingly stil continue to maintaine the warres out of the bowels of their owne country , and to free themselues of those horrible oppressions which they sawe executed among their neighbours , which wise resolution of theirs god hath also so fauoured and blessed with extraordinarie aydes and fauors many waies , as these of holland are not the poorer , but rather much richer than they were before the warres began , notwithstanding their huge contributions are such , as in commō reason a man would thinke were able to begger any mightie kingdome : that little countrey of holland onely ( being for scope of ground and firme land not comparable with the least of any one of many shieres in england ) yealdeth to the warres yearely a greater contribution than halfe the fiftie shires of england euer yet did in any one yeare by any subsidie . it is not therefore the great charges or contributions that beggereth or spoyleth any countrey , but the ill disposing of the treasure leuied , and the ill gouernement of the souldierie therewith maintained , which becommeth indeed more odious and intollerable to any christian nation or people farre , than any tax or subsidie that is possible to bee cessed or imposed on them : neither is it the multitude of ensignes that terrifieth the enemy , but choise election of the souldiery , and the true execution of martiall discipline . herof it hath come to passe that so smal handfuls of spaniards ( while they were wel paid & discipline ) did at sondry times foile so many ensignes of these mercenary freeboters : and contrariwise after those spaniards fell to mutenies ( for want of pay ) and to committing of like extorsisions and insolencies on the country people , they caused a sodaine reuolt of all the prouinces . but for our owne nation i holde it a maxime most assured , and hardly by any one example , to be disprooued : that euer wee receiued any foile where our ensignes were compleat , but only in such places , and at such times , as our ensignes were maintained ( not like the eight ensignes before mentioned in the earle of leicesters time in her maiesties pay ) but rather as the other eight in the states pay , as will bee found too too true , if it bee deeply examined . the like i say in pay of officers and superiour commaunders , that to giue them honourable and conuenient entertainment is not onely not vnprofitable , but most profitable and gainefull to any king , prince , or state : and the contrary ( i meane by accepting or admitting such commaunders or officers as will offer themselues to serue for small or base entertainment ) is a thing vnto the king or state not onely dishonourable , and most hurtfull ( in respect of the seuice ) but also euen in regard of their treasure onely most vnprofitable , damageable , and discommodious , as i will prooue by manifest and true reasons . but because the discourse would be ouer-long & tedious , if i should particularly enter into the office or charge of euerie seuerall kinde of officer or commaunder , i will only choose two , of either sort one , which ( to coniecture and discerne of all the rest ) may aboundantly suffice to prooue my present proposition . among commaunders therefore i will onely entreate of the collonell or maestro del campo . and among chiefe officers of the comptroller , censor , or muster master generall . and first of collonels i say , if they take vpon them that charge to command any conuenient number of ensignes appropriat to their regiment , it is fit their entertainment bee proportionall to their reputation and charge : the which as it farre surmounteth a priuate captain , so ought his allowance to bee accordingly , as wel for maintenance of a conuenient table , to entertaine the chiefe officers of his regiment . as chiefely such gentlemen of value as many times ( without charge or office to see the warres vpon their owne priuate expences ) will follow him . for if this collonell , haue not such entertainment from his prince or state , hee must of necessitie eyther spoyle or vndoe himselfe to maintaine that port is fit , which fewe in these daies will , or sor remedie helpe himselfe by tollerating frauds in musters , and suffering the captaines of his regiment to keepe their bands halfe emptie : out of the which both captaines and coronell may pay themselues double and treble the greatest entertainment that euer any king yet gaue , but not without the very ruine and vtter dishonour of their nation . for what captaine is there so foolish miserable , ( if hee make no conscience to gaine by robbing of his prince or state ; ) that will not bee content to giue one halfe of these his foule and corrupt gaines , to enioy the other ? knowing otherwise hee shall not onely quite loose that base gaine , if hee bee called to account for it , but his reputation and life also , if iustice bee duely executed . but if by his chiefe collonels fauour , hee may bee paid for . and keepe scarce . to defend his ensigne , and so gaine a thousand pounds a yeare cleare , to giue the moytie yearely thereof to go scot-free with the rest , and escape the shame thereunto due , hee maketh a verie profitable bargaine if such dishonest lucre deserue the name of profit , which course of gaine is so much the more damnable and perrilous to bee suffered , because it vtterly discourageth the honest valiant captaines , and enricheth the contrary : and so tendeth to the verie ruine and ouertherthrow of all true vertue and value . for if the chiefe commaunder bee so affected as hee will bee by any such deuice to supply his wants : in very gratitude and pollicy hee must most countenance those that yeeld him most benefit : and those captaines may be most beneficiall to him , that ( by keeping their bands most feeble ) doe most rob their prince or state. and so the worst persons ( of such commaunders ) must of force bee most fauoured and countenanced . farther these fauorites if they commit any other extorsions on their countrimen , friends , or allies , being entered into such a league with their commaunders , it is likely they may finde the more fauour also , and thereby more boldly by all deuices and extortions rake-in wealth to maintaine themselues , their patrones , and followers in excessiue brauerie . whereas the right valiant captaine indeed , that ( keeping his band strong and compleat with armed souldiers , gaining nothing aboue his bare wages , nor will extort vnhonestly vpon any friend or allie , and his wages ( besides his meat and atmes ) scarcely sufficient twice in a yeare to buy him a sute of buffe ) remayneth as a man contemned and disgraced : where the other by his robberies and pickories can florish in monethly change of sutes of silke , dawbed with embroderies of golde and siluer lace , and iewels also : and so countenanced by such commaunders fauour , and by such other mightie friends as his spoiles may procure . that 〈…〉 road and at home also generally this picking , 〈…〉 rousing freebooter shall bee called a braue 〈…〉 ●●llant souldier , yea fit to bee a collonell or great ●●●●ander that can drinke , and dice &c , with the proudest : when the true , valiant , honest , and right martiall captaine indeed is not able in such riotous expences to keep port with the others waiting seruants . but whether these silken , golden , embroydered delicate captaines ( with their demy feeble ensignes ) or the other plaine leather , well armed , sober , painefull , valiant captaines ( with their compleat ensignes of armed souldiers maintained as their companions ) shall doo their prince or countrey more honour at a day of seruice ? if wee haue not yet learned , wee shall i doubt hereafter , if these abuses bee not reformed , with the dishonourable losse of many more english ensignes , than all the chronicles these . yeares before could tell vs of , to remaine for an vnhonorable monument of these our errors , to all posteritie . for i haue euer found it in my experience a rule almost infallible among priuate captaines : the more braue and gallant the captaine is in his apparrell , and wastfull in expences , the more poore , feeble , weake and miserable ye shall for the most part finde his souldiers full of lice many times , & stinking for want of a shirt to change thē , when such commaunders with some few fauorites are ouer sweete and fine . and then is it any meruaile if so braue and gallant a gentleman ( perfumed perhaps with muske and syuet ) disdain to haunt the filthy corps du gardes of ragged , lothsome , lowsie souldiers ? or is it any meruaile then , ( where captains giue this example : ) if lieutenants & ensignes also do take their ease , and liuing in like delicacy , disdaine to associate themselues with their poore flocks . if townes of great importance haue beene lost by the cowardize of some one corps du gard , that beastly haue abandoned without blowes , a ground of such aduantage as was defensible against any royall army : onely , because at the approach therof , there was neither captaine , lieutenant nor ensigne present on the guard , but a knot only of these poore ghosts : and thereby dishonorably a town of great importance lost , very experiēce ( me thinks ) should teach vs rather to choose such captains as would so apparrell themselues , and regard their fellow-souldiers , as they should not disdaine their company , or abhorre their stinke . i haue read , that a worthy generall of the graecians , after hee had with a small army of valiant , rude , plaine , sober , obedient souldiers conquered ten times as many of the rich , silken , golden , riotous perfumed persians , abounding with horses and chariots and armours of golde , because ( quoth hee ) the persians were so delicately and daintily bred , as they were not able to abide the sauor of my souldiers arme-holes . i would therefore wish no captaines chosen but such as should contemne vtterly such feminine delicacy in apparrell and wastfull riotous expences , and could be content to make himselfe a companion of his fellow souldiers , and think his honour consisted ( not in gay garments ) but in good armes , in the strength of his band , in his trauels , paines , watchings , and aduentures , and not in c●rowsing or perfuming , or any other delitious , idle , or rather effeminate vnmanly vanitie . for as marius the romane generall auerred : munditias mulieribus , viris laborem conuenire : so , if souldiers and captaines would contend one to excell another therein , ( i meane in military labours and carefull aduenterous endeauours , contemning all delitious pompes and idle ease , as effeminate and vnworthy their professions ) then should wee see a great alteration , both of the fortune and fame of our nation which heeretofore hath euer been comparable with the best and most renowned . but the onely or chiefe meanes to bring this to passe , is , first to allow vnto the generall and chiefe commaunders so honourable and conuenient entertainment , as may suffice to maintaine the port and honour of their place , without practising or consenting to any corruptions , especially such as vtterly disgrace the good , and enrich the bad , deface the painfull , carefull , sober , valiant captaine , and aduance the idle , negligent , riotous coward . but aboue all things to haue him detested more than a coward , that ( of a base corrupt minde ) shall seeke to make his gaine by keeping his band feeble and weake , and by deceipts , fraud and periuries at musters to contriue the same : for by this meanes hee doth not onely rob his princes treasure , but is also guiltie of the bloud of those souldiers that are slaine for want of hands to fight when the honour of their nation comes to triall . as all true martiall discipline therefore is not to be reuiued and put in execution among our nation : so especially that part which concerneth this mightie and grosse abuse ( aboue all other ) ought most seuerely to bee regarded . and to the end officers of musters may by the generall or chiefe gouernours be countenanced in their honest proceedings ( for discouerie and correction of such abhominable frauds and robberies as so vsually and shamelesly haue beene practized ) i would wish their owne particular bands ( where they haue any ) should alway bee allowed them without checke , for any default : presuming in honour they would bee the more carefull to bee an example to other , when they shall see themselues by their prince so trusted . and then hauing lesse cause ( in respect of their priuate profit ) to fauour any such deceipt in others , there is no doubt , but ( hauing also honorable entertainmēt ) they will ( as they are by a double duty bound ) honorably aduance that course of discipline which shall make their armies victorious , themselues famous , and their countrey felicious ; especially if due regard bee had in the choise of such chiefe and principall commaunders , who ought indeed to bee honorable and not base minded persons . and as good trees are not iudged by the blossomes , but by the fruits : so surely are men rather by their deedes than by shewes or partial fame to be discerned : for , as in all other vocations , so chiefly in the warres by common fame such commaunders euer shall be most extolled of their followers , as most content their humors . now if captaines humors in this age of corruption , be for the greater part infected or depraued , to make choise yet by common fame or opinion , should be an error exceeding great : for as in the pestilent feauers & like violent diseases , the patient many times doth farre better like that phisition which suffereth him to take colde liquors , & other pleasing phancies , agreeable to his appetite , which as very poysons doo cause his death , than such a phisition as prescribeth a seuere dyet , accompanied with such bitter medicines as only is able to saue his life , and restore his health and strength . and as the error therein were great to choose a phisition after such sick-mens appetites : so surely for reformation of these martiall diseases , the error were no lesse absurd at the beginning , to choose such generals or chiefe commaunders by common fame , or liking of most captaines . but after martiall discipline is againe in some good measure restored , & that captaines begin to detest riotous expences in meate , drinke , and apparell ( as effeminate delicacie ) and contend who may exceede other in labour , paines , watchings , diligence , and vertuous martiall actions , hauing a right taste and sence in deede of true honour and martiall valour , and wherein the same consisteth , and by some conuenient continuance of exercise and vse made the same not greeuous but familiar vnto them : then were there no more compotent iudges ( of the abilitie and sufficiencie of a generall , ) than such , as ( aduenturing their lyues with him ) haue greatest neede and vse thereof . but as that famous generall and censor cato at rome exclamed in his time , the publique had neede of a sharpe and mercilesse phisition , and a violent purgation : and that therefore they were to choose ( not such commaunders as should be gratefull and gracious , ) but resolute and seuere : so surely much more in this time and state of warres haue wee cause to proclaime such choise , or rather great princes and magistrates to haue especiall care and regard thereof . now therefore if the collonell or chiefe commaunder be chosen such an honourable person , as of himselfe abhorres deceipt , feare god , contemne gourmandize and quaffing , and other more base and beastly pleasures , or effeminate delicacies , by the example of many worthie romaine generals , as also of that famous victorious lacedemonian generall king agesilaus , it shall be easie for him ( hauing conuenient and honourable pay ) to banish these monsters out of his campe or gouernment , as vnworthie for souldiers professing armes , & fitter for the pompous rich slaues of persia. but if contrariwise any chiefe commaunders be persons that will winke at deceipts or fraudes in musters , and make their profit ( as infinitely they may thereby ) no wonder if all the inferiour captaines insolently put the same in execution , and keepe their counsels and ordinarie consultations how to exploite and execute those deceipts , and by all vnhonest practises , slaunders , and lybels , &c , to disgrace any officer that shall oppose himselfe dutifully against it : and so their bands continued euer feeble , weake , and miserable . or if this coronell or chiefe commaunder be a person that hath no compassion on the poore priuate souldiers , nor care to preserue and maintaine their lyues , but rather ( respecting how largely he may make his gaine by their deaths ( expose them to the butcherie , yee shall presently haue almost all the captaines regard thē lesse than dogges . or if the collonell or generall ( forgetting that right lacedemonian law , that whosoeuer did saue his life by flight in the field , was infamous euer after euen to his graue ) doo take so little shame ( of running away in the field ) as hee will haue for himselfe a horse of swift cariere alway in readinesse vpon any daunger to take his leaue : what meruaile if yee haue inferiour captaines prouided for the like ? yea many times liuetenants , and ensignes also ? and what is then to bee expected , but dishonourable flight , shame and confusion , whensoeuer they are roundly charged by any souldiers ? if the collonell or chiefe commaunder bee a man , that ( regarding wholy his profit ) will winke at the extorsions of his captaines , they haue reason to spare him halfe their pay , or all their imprestes , for that they can full easily ( from the booer or burgher vnder their crushing ) extort much more than the greatest pay any christian king yet gaue , and thereby so enrich themselues with golde and iewels , as they haue no reason any more to hazard their life , but to prouide themselues good horses to escape away with their wealth whēsoeuer they shal be charged : leauing their souldiers to the slaughter , by whose deaths also there may grow a good diuidend , to bee shared among such artificial fugitiues . if coronels or chiefe commaunders of their ease , pleasure or priuate respects holde it no disgrace or shame to bee absent from their regiments : no meruaile if any inferiour captains bee readie to follow such discipline also , and consequently all their fauorites and persons best appointed . and then what meruaile if the silly remnant of the feeble flocke ( hauing scarcely sheepeheard or sheepeheards dogge left to take the care and charge of them ) become a pray to the rauening wolfe , that will not let slip so good an opportunitie . but if the coronell or chiefe commaunder himselfe be such a one as takes no shame in field to saue his life by flight : it is not strange that captaines vnder his charge should imitate his discipline . and then much lesse reason haue priuate souldiers to stand so much vpon their honour , or rather to die than turne their face . but if such indeed bee the true profession of a souldier rather to die reasolutely in his ranke , than turne his face , or cowardly by flight to saue his life . if this bee the dutie of the meanest and most priuate souldier , then how much rather is the captaine , and much more the coronell bound to such an honorable resolution ? if in the most honorable and martiall nations of the world , such cowardize in a priuate souldier hath beene noted with perpetuall shame , how much more ought it to bee detested in captaines ? and then à fortiori in their superiors . but if by corrupt custome and education in licentious loose warres , such principall persons bee growne so farre past shame , as not onely to commit these base and vnsouldierlike errrors , but also ( that most miserable is ) in their ordinarie discourses and banquets amids their sacrifices to bacchus at open tables to vaunt of these their stratagems , recounting in how many encounters , the places where , and when they fled gallantly , and spurred their horses in their violent retreits , who might runne swiftest : what shall wee say but that such degenerate shamelesse persons might ( with much better reason ) vant how many bastinadoes they had receiued brauely ? for surely cowardize in a man ( especially professing armes ) hath euer beene accounted the foulest vice : as incontinency the greatest dishonestie in a woman . and as an honest woman may fortune by violence to bee abused , and yet all her life time after cannot but blush to haue it spoken of : so though an honest man ( i meane a valiant man in the field ) by violence and multitude of enemies vnhappily should be enforced to turne his face : yet ashamed should hee bee euer to heare it spoken of . but as that state were horribly wicked where women should aduant openly of their incontinency : so , desperate is their disease that are so farre past shame to aduant of their cowardize : and miserable that state must needs become , where such impudency should bee tollerable for men professing armes shamelesly to vaunt of their fearefull flights , or as they are termed in their new discipline , their violent retraitz . but ( that most lamentable is ) many times it may come to passe , that these impudent runawaies being escaped ( consorting themselues ) shal by rumors , letters , or printed pamphlets perhaps sometimes disgrace those valiant men that resolutely died in the place , rather than they would shame themselues , and dishonour their countrey with a cowardly flight . and then such fugitiues ( extolling one another with heroicall names , hauing also by their former pikories store of crowns to purchase friends , by such thrasonicall stratagems ) of the ignorant multitude bee counted gallant souldiers , and fit for newe imployments . an error of all other the most daungerous : that ( contrarie to all martiall discipline ) that fault that deserueth death or dishonourable disarming vnder a gallowes , should bee honoured with new imployments , or greater credit . but as the disgrace of a few ringleaders of runawaies and other corruptions would wonderfully repaire the honour of any nation : so the tolleration of them , and much more the imploying of them again in new charges by their example may breed effects most dangerous and fearefull , if in time ( by due execution of right martiall discipline ) such weeds bee not eradicate . the lacedemonians ( by due obedience to their martiall lawes ) were become the most mighty and puissant state of all the graecians , which then for heroical prowesse surmoūted all the world besides , as by the multitude of their victories on the orientall nations , and asiaticall mightie empires is apparant : whose huge armies and innumerable forces they vanquished in a number of battailes with a very few , but choise , painefull , sober , well trained and disciplined bands , being accustomed from their infancy to trauaile , paines , sobriety , and hardnes . and by the same custome and education learned also with all dutie to obey their superiors , reuerence the elders , and to feare nothing but shame and infamie : and of all infamies none so great to a man there as cowardize , being by their verie lawes noted with disgrace perpetuall to his death that ran away from his enemies in the field , or saued his life by flight : which fault was held so soule and base , as the very mothers abhorred and renounced them , yea and some with their owne hands haue killed such of their sons as by flight in the field haue saued their liues , as traitors to their countrey , and dishonorable to their parentes : yea they were disgraded from all honour and imployment , marked by shauing of halfe their heades and beards , derided and disdained of all their countrimen , and lawfull for all men to abuse and beat them as seruiceable slaues . these were the shames ordained for fugitiues in those warlike nations . whereupon a king of theirs being demanded how it came to passe that the lacedemonians so farre excelled all others in prowesse and armes ? because ( quoth he ) they are taught from their infancy not to feare death , but shame . as marius also that famous romane generall said of himselfe , hee had learned to feare nothing but infamy . they therefore that by education in lawlesse warres grow so impudent as to vant of their foiles and flights ( which by true martiall lawes , especially in leaders and commanders should bee noted and punished with perpetuall shame ) are so farre of frō true souldiery , and martial honor as they are fitter ( like most dangerous contagious sheep ) to be expelled & seuered in time , lest they infect with their leprosy the whole troup & military flock : howsoeuer the corruptiōs of this age & ignorāce of the dāgers that ensue by contēpt of true martial honor may excuse or delay their due punishmēt or shame for a time . for if a chief commander shal neither blush to saue himself by flight , nor corruptly to make his gain by the death of his poore souldiers through frauds , periury , and deceipt in musters : his readiest plot to grow rich and puissant is , presently so soone as hee can finger his souldiers pay , or princes treasure , to deuise some desperate vnfeasible seruice , where he may bring his fantery to haue their throats cut , and then hauing choise horses to saue himselfe by flight , and his confederate fauorites with the pay of the dead , they may banquet and riot their fill , and haue so great masses of treasure to make friends , as none of these tragedies can come to vnripping , if once it bee perswaded lawfull or intollerable for a generall or chiefe commaunders to saue themselues by flight . but the tollaration thereof and of these fraudes and abuses in musters , and the immeasurable sweete gaines that bad consciences see they may make thereby ( if they can also shake of shame , and extinguish true martiall discipline ) is the chiefest ●● use of all base and dishonorable corruptions , and will still encrease such impudency and insolency as corrupt persons by sufferance will grow vnto : which ought so much the more seuerely and speedily with the sword of iustice and true militarie lawes in time to bee corrected , as the continuance doth make the disease more desperate and perrilous to their state , and more hard to bee recured , when wealthie wickednes thereby getteth such authoritie and purchaseth such parties , as after by iustice shall hardly bee suppressed , vnlesse the souereigne maiestie or ephores of the state in time i say minister the bitter medicine , that onely must cure this pestilent and contagious sicknesse . for if demetria of sparta with her owne hands killed ( for cowardize ) her sonne demetrien as a degenerate monster not worthy to bee called a lacedemonian or to walk on the earth , being ( as she said ) a monument dishonourable to his countrey and parents , and the like done by diuers other ladies and worthy women of that state to their owne children , for abandoning onely of their ranke , to saue their liues when they were forced with violence and multitudes of their enemies : what could these woorthy women haue done to such sonnes as premeditately before hand prouided them horses of swift carrier to saue themselues , so soone as they shall finde any danger growing . or if this fault of flying or abandoning their rank only hath beene in a priuate souldier so abhorred , as his owne mother hath executed martiall iustice vpon him , with detestation of his cowardize as vnworthie to drinke of the riuer eurotas , or to beare the name of a lacedemonian : how much more is the same to bee detested in a commaunder , on whose error or cowardize the liues of so many as are vnder his charge dependeth , besides the dishonour of his nation ? or if that fault could receiue in that martiall nation no excuse , though they were enforced therto by the violence and multitude of their enemies : how much more abhominable is it in them that of purpose before hand are prouided of their meanes to runne away and abandon those for whose safetie it were their duty to sacrifice their liues ? and by leauing their souldiers to the butchery , to make their excessiue gaines by the payes of the dead and robberie of their prince and countrey . if so many woorthie generals both greekes and romanes ( that full easily at sundry battailes might haue escaped and saued their owne liues ) haue refused vtterly both horses and all other meanes offered them to saue themselues , and chosen rather ( when all hope was past ) to sacrifice their liues among their troupes , than to returne to yeeld a dishonorable account of the blood of their souldiers : how much more should wee abhorre such as not onely commit these base errors , but impudently also are not ashamed to make their vauntes thereof ? if manlius torquatus when his sonne was challenged by a chiefe commaunder on the contrary side , ( onely because without leaue he did accept the particular combate , although hee had the victorie , and strake of his enemies head in sight of both armies ) would neuerthelesse haue executed the martiall law vpon his valiant son ( onely ) because he brake one point of martial discipline : what reward doo wee thinke this generall would haue bestowed on one of our shamelesse fugitiues ? if this famous generall so highly respected the honor and safety of his countrey , as hee resolued to execute the lawes martiall of this his onely and most valiant sonne : not for any cowardize or corruption , but onely for want of due obedience ( in accepting without leaue the combate ) choosing rather to depriue himselfe of his onely sonne and incomparable iewell , than the martiall discipline of his countrey should in the least point bee corrupted . how much more hath the sacred maiestie of a prince and honourable ephores of any state cause with seueritie in time to see due execution of martiall iustice on such ( as not mooued by magnanimitie or hautie courage , but contrariwise of a corrupt custome and base minde , for lucre , pleasure , or ryot onely ) commit ( premeditately ) not one but many of those grosse and shamfull abuses and breaches of true martiall discipline : that in those daies and states the most inferiour souldier of an armie for feare of perpetuall shame would not : faults i say so farre surmounting this error of the worthy manlius sonne , as the foulest leprosie or pestilent feuer doth the ephimeris ague , tending indeed not onely to the robbing of their prince and publique treasure , and to the spoyle and betraying of their fellow souldiers ( men many times of better valour and woorth farre than such leaders or superiour commaunders ) but also to the vtter ouerthrowe of all true martiall valour , and dishonour perpetuall of their nation , and smally tending to the vtter ruine of their prince and countrey . but to passe ouer infinite honorable praecedents of antiquitie , to returne againe to our owne age , i say , that euen by experience of the warres , and nations of our owne time it is manifest , that these abuses and corruptions haue beene the verie ruine of the realmes and states where they haue beene practized , as in time they will be also of all other that shall admit the continuance of them . and first for france that woorthy souldier mounsier de la nôe in the military discourses plainely sheweth , how with these ciuill warres these corruptions there began , and by what vnlawful generation mistresse picorea was at boygenye first begotten , which bastard in short time had such a multitude of seruants both in france , and after in the low-countries , as they created their mistresse a ladie : and that mightie ladie madam picorea hath now so many braue seruants , ( not onely among the french and dutch , but of other nations also ) as it is to bee feared they will make her a queene , to the ruine of all kings , queenes and realmes that shall endure her , and not suppresse in time both her , and her shamelesse presumptuous , lewde , licentious seruants . what extreeme misery they haue within these thirtie yeares reduced all france vnto , wee see : what desolation in flaunders , brabant , and other base countrey prouinces , by the ruines remaining , is manifest . shal wee suffer her and her followers also in our nation , to see what they can likewise doo of england ? absit omen . but the french prouerbe saith most truly ; qui par son peril est sage celuy , est sage malhereux : and , foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . he telleth of an honorable executiō done by that worthy souldier the armirall of france in hanging vp a captaine & or other chief seruāts of this basterdly lady picorea adoring their gallows with their booties , which honorable souldier ( shattillion i meane ) he commendeth highly to haue beene a most fit and meete phisition to cure this maladie : for hee was ( saith la nòe ) seuere and violent , neither could any fauour or vaine friuolous excuses take place with him if the partie were faultie : which is indeed the onely way to cure it , for it is most fond and vaine to imagine that eyther by verball perswasions , or printed lawes or proclamations it is possible to cure this fore , but with armed iustice some of the ring-leaders must be seized and roughly chastized , to bring a terror vpon the rest . for if these mischiefes ( saith that woorthy souldier ) were like to other crimes , where men ( condemned by publique sentence ) are quietly content to bee led by the executioner to receiue their due , they might full soone bee banished . but they fare more like a rough and restife horse , that ( being touched with his riders spurre ) lasheth , yerketh , and biteth , and therefore such a iade must roughly and rigorously bee corrected and made to know his fault : for if ye spare him or seeme to feare him , hee will sure vnhorse you , for generally these militarie vices are presumptuous . and if they smel you feare them they will braue you : but giue them the terror of lawes , and their due punishments seuerely , and so shall you cure their maladie . for most mercifull is that rigour , that ( by dispatch of foure or fiue ) many saue the liues of so many hundreds , or rather thousands , and recure such a pestilent contagion as is able in time to subuert the most mightie realmes and monarchies . when yron is fouly kankored , it is not inough to annoint it with oyle , but it must bee roughly and forcibly scoured and polished , to make it returne to his perfect brightnes . and if in pleuresies and other like corrupt exulcerations wee haue no remedie but to open a veine , and content our selues to part with many drops of our blood to saue the whole bodie from destruction : so must we be content ( though it were with the losse of many such corrupt persons ) to recure our militarie bodie from vtter confusion : seeing thereupon dependeth the health or ruine also of the whole politique body of the realme : for the french haue a true prouerbe . le medicin piteux fait vne mortelle plaie and most wisely the poet. obsta principijs , serò medicinaparatur , cum mala per longas inualuêre moras . as france and flanders both our next neighbours by their calamities may teach vs , where no kinde of abuse or corruptions haue beene practized : their bands not . for . strong . which kinde of picoree mounsier de la nôe termeth desrober enfalquin non pas engentilz homes : but of gentlemen all piciories ought indeed to be detested , as fitter for base minded slaues , than honouable free minded souldiers . but for other extortions and robberies vpon the poore payzants , booers , or husbandmen , it were as hard to name any one kinde that hath beene omitted , as to recite particularly euery sort that hath bene executed by these insatiable cormorants , whose maw is neuer full though their gourmandize be infinite , besides the defacing of so many goodly churches and stately pallaces in the countrey , as by the remnants of their ruines is to bee seene , and the ransacking of villages , castles , townes and cities , and infinite outrages otherwise committed in all places where this misbegotten ladies seruants or filching followers could lay their gracelesse hands . but seeing the first pretext and colour they had in france to engender this monster , and since in the base countries to foster her , was by reason of want onely of conuenient pay : which enforced euen the most famous generals of our time ( i meane the prince of condee , and the prince of orange ) at the first to tollerate these cankers , which after wrought the very ruine , of those states . it is a singuler warning to king and princes that haue realmes to commaund , that not yet so farre corrupted , and able to yeelde maintenance for honest and right martiall souldiers , by no meanes ( for want of conuenient wages , stipend , and pay ) to giue any colour or excuse to this degenerate bastardly kinde of seruitors , or rather pickers , to excuse their corrupt artes , or diuellish craftes and abuses . and for their subiects of all degrees rather to giue double and treble subsidies yearely to continue an honourable pay , for maintenance of sober , valiant , painefull , honest , obedient souldiers in true martiall discipline , than to become a praye to these mercilesse carrowsing , degenerate insatiable monsters . and it is to bee hoped the present king of fraunce ( if god blesse him with any obedience of his subiects ( as were to bee wished , and his constancie in religion , and other heroicall vertues meriteth ) will no doubt by all due meanes in his territories endeuour to procure a reformation of these horrible disorders , which is yet vtterly impossible for him to redresse , being in that state , by long continuance growne to a most difficile and hard cure . but as the estates of the vnited prouinces ( by meanes of such bad pay and collections of corruptions in their martiall or rather mercenarie commaunders ) did also for many yeares together continually lose by peacemeale a number of strong fortes , towers , and prouinces in their possessions , being driuen almost on euery side downe into their marches where they were enforced to implore her maiesties present ayde to escape their impendent ruine : so , hauing of late ( by honourable example of her maiesties bands ) well reformed that their base kinde of pay , and in part thereby also their other abuses ( which of late yeares hath crept in among their enemies ) haue beene able to make head and recouer againe , many of those important places that before they lost : repayring thereby somewhat the fault of their former errors . yet when i perswade to giue vnto all colonels and such like chiefe commaunders such entertainment as may suffice them contentedly to liue , without seeking so much as ( by tolleration or suffering of frauds to enrich themselues , or to supply their wants . it is no part of my meaning to haue collonels so commune , or such multitude of needlesse officers , as in disorderly warres hath beene accustomed . for one collonell or maestro del campo may very well suffice for three or foure thousand men , and the contrarie is but an abuse and embasing of that name which should not bee bestowed but on olde souldiers of iudgement and experience , able to discharge a place of that importance . and this officer hauing ( for himselfe , his martiall , his serieant maior , and other necessary chiefe officers of his regiment ) conuenient allowance to maintaine on honourable table , the inferiour priuate captaines may and ought to content themselues with meaner port till ( by vertue and desert ) they bee aduaunced to higher place : and ( abhorring all vanitie in apparrell , and wastefull expences in baser appetites ) endeuour themselues by trauell , care , good armes , and trayning of their companies ( in right martiall exercises and exploits in the field vpon their enemies ) to make their value knowne , and by such aemulation one to excell another , whereby they may bee chosen and aduanced to higher offices : the priuate captaines place being indeede but the first steppe toward martiall honour : and therefore not to bee accompanied with such pompe , as now is too too vsuall . it may perhaps be replied . so long as men are content to accept these glorious names only ( without any charge to their princes purses , or crauing any encrease of pay ) it is a small matter to content phantasies with feathers . i answere , it it a matter of farre greater consequence than is conceiued : for , first it embaseth those degrees of honor which chiefly should allure right martiall mindes , and makes them seeme vile , when they are so common as they fall to the the lot of persons vnworthy such degree , and so grow in contempt ; and not affected after by the true honourable mindes : besides wanting maintenance for the due port of that place , they are enforced to bee patrons to all or many of those disorders and abuses before mentioned , vnlesse they would choose to vndoo themselues and friends to maintaine it otherwise , which fewe i thinke now a daies vse to doo . farther hauing once taken a greater name , they disdain euer after to serue in any inferiour calling , fitter indeede for their experience : and so become persons altogether vnprofitable , and to maintaine those glorious names enforced ( by shift of braine ) to trie conclusions : and so by all these meanes the cause of greater inconueniences . i conclude therefore by all these reasons before alleaged , and the successe of plaine experience also ( both of old time , and in our owne age ) that as it is more honourable for the prince , and most necessary for the aduancement of the seruice , to haue all chiefe needefull commaunders to haue such compleat entertainment , as they may ( without extortion or corruption in themselues , or alteration of abuses in others ) maintaine their place with reputation , and execute martiall discipline with seuerity . so discharging their duties honorably and honestly they shal saue at least one third part of the royal or publike treasure , and yet the forces ( though not in shew of ensignes to scare dawes ) yet in armed hands to conquer enemies farre more strong and puissant than those multitudes of colors farced with freebooters or other seely vnarmed ghosts or disordered mutinous persons , that by licentious education will scarcely endure the paines of watch and ward , or abide the due execution of any true martiall discipline . and as these superiour gouernours and commaunders ( doing their duties ) are worthie of all reputation , credite , aduauncement , and honour : so contrariwise , after they haue conuenient entertainment , if they shall be found the patrones or pandars to such corruptions and abuses as tend to the ruine of all true discipline militare , i would wish them disgraded , and with all shame disarmed as vncapable euer after to their graue , of any true martiall honour . and for proofe of this proposition in all the chiefe officers also of an armie , for a taste of the rest hauing chosen to treate of the martiall censor , or generall comptroler of musters . i say there are of this kinde of officers ( as likewise of all others ) two sorts : the one , honest , iust , fearing god , & respecting the honour , commoditie , and aduauncement of their princes seruice . the other , neither iust , nor honest , nor possessed with any feare or reuerence of god : but ( ayming onely at fauour , wealth , and aduauncement in this corrupt world ) care not what becomes of the seruice , so they may by any meanes enrich themselues , and purchase friends to backe them in all their vnhonest proceedings . but more briefely or plainly to set forth the different or repugnant pathes of these two sorts of officers , i cannot better than by these briefe conferences of the good and bad ensuing . a conference of a good and bad muster-maister , with his inferiour commissaries of musters , by the fruites to discerne the tree . the good. this officer will not willingly serue , but with such a competent & conuenient entertainment both for himselfe and for his inferiour commissaries , clerkes , and substitutes , as hee neede not take bribe or beneuolence , or depend on the fauour of any , but the generall alone . this officer will bee in his expences temperate , rather sparing than wasting : that hee bee not by want enforced to straine his conscience , and deceaue his prince . this officer seeketh by all meanes to cause the generall to establish lawes and ordinances , whereby orderly entrances and discharges of souldiers may bee registred , and thereby neither the prince , nor the souldier abused . this officer deliuereth these lawes to his inferiour commissaries with other strait particular instructions , and calleth them to account how they haue discharged their duties . this officer will not set down any penny check certaine vpon any captaine or band without apparant proofe : and for such as cannot bee decided , wil respite them to farther triall , that neither prince , captaine , nor souldier be defrauded or iniured . this officer if any such doubt arise in the checques as hee cannot determine by the lawes established , hee either desireth the resolution of the general , or that it may bee determined by a counsell at warre , or some commissioners , especiallie aucthorized to assist him . this officer ( if the captains shew any reasonable cause to be relieued out of the checques , either in respect of the losse of horse , or armour in seruice , or such like that deserueth consideration ) hee presenteth his proofes thereof , together with his checke to the lo : generall , desiring his lordship to haue honorable cōsideration thereof . this officer ( if hee see ouermuch familiaritie betweene anie of his commissaries and captaines ) is presently iealous of them , and calleth them to account : and if hee finde them conniuent or faultie , presently displaceth them , or if he finde no other proofe but vehement suspition , yet remoueth them to another garrison , and placeth such other in their roomes , as may sift and examine their former behauiour . this officer , as hee would not ( to gaine a million ) doo anie captaine apennie wrong , so wil he not for the fauour of the greatest persons in the armie , or his neerest kinne or friends staine his conscience to abuse his prince one pennie : and therfore presents the checque truly as he findes it , and leaues all fauour to be shewed by the lord generall onely . this officer procureth orders also to bee established for trayning of the souldiers , and himselfe requireth the captaines to performe them : and to encourage men to doo well , will not spare out of his owne purse to giue rewards to such shott as by proofe hee findes the best marke-men . this officer will not accept penny nor penni-worth of any captaine , or souldier , more , than the fee due to his office , and that not as a beneuolence secretly , but as his due openly . this officer reposing himselfe onely on god and his cleere conscience , laboreth not to make other friends but his prince and generall : and for the generall himselfe will not straine his conscience any way , though hee bee sure of many enemies and small backbiting and euen to his prince for faithfull seruice store of false backebitings : yea the swanne must bee made a crowe , and the faulcon a bussard . this officer as hee is thus precise himselfe as neyther to giue penny for such an office , nor to receiue bribe or beneuolence more than due fees : so maketh hee a matter of conscience whilest hee carrieth such office to giue to any of his honourable friendes any present , lest they or others should haue cause to suspect , hee did it to bee borne-out in any lewde action . the bad. this officer careth not howe little entertainment certaine hee haue for himselfe or his substitutes : presuming hee can make what gaine hee list of his office : & make such friends thereby also , as may beare him out of his lewdnes . &c. such an officer hauing so good meanes to get immeasurablie by playing the good-fellowe , wil spend infinitely , especially in keeping company with such as must ioyne with him in deceauing the prince . such an officer can no more abide lawes and ordinances in musters , than lucrous captaine , saying , it barreth the officer of his discretion , whereby the office ought to be directed , & braue men gratified . such an officer likes none of these strict courses , saying , among martiall men a man must play the good-fellowe , and not to be too pinching of a princes purse . such an officer calleth this examination nice curiositie , and sayeth , so there bee some checques for fashion sake it is no matter : make them little enough that the captaines be not angry , and all is well . one good-fellowe must pleasure another . such an officer saith , it is great folly to loose that prerogatiue of his office , to resolue these doubts as he sees cause ; and to subiect him selfe to commissioner that is maister of the musters himselfe . such an officer will bee chauncellor himselfe , & neuer trouble the lord generall with these matters , who hath matters of greater importance to thinke vpon : saying , princes purses may not be spared , & braue men must be rewarded , & officers must get loue & honor by dealing bountifully . such an officer likes none of these seuere iealousies , but liketh well such officers as be plausible and gratefull to the captaines , knowing the captaines bee liberall , and will not be vngratefull to him , seeing hee mindes and hath good meanes to requite their curtesie tenne folde out of the princes purse . such an officer , being of another molde , will none of these melancholie courses : hee will pleasure his friends , and crosse his enemies , and make them know he is an officer can please or displease thē : but displease he will not for all that , and for his excuse alledgeth that princes cookes may giue a good fellowe a piece of beefe , and the butlers or cellarers a cup of wine or beere , and that he wil shew his friends a cast of his office . such an officer will none of this , saying , it is but a turmoyling of captaines and souldiers , and intruding on the captaines offices to offend and discontent them , and that braue men should not be comptroled , or the imperfection of their souldiers discouered by such open exercises , and that such expences are foolish , and make more enemies than friends . such an officer wil accept any thing money or ware , so it come secretly : and like a good-fellow will ( on the princes purse ) requite it tenfolde , as easily he may doo , and none but his fellowetheeues able to accuse him . such an officer will not onely for the generall , but for any other person of authority strain his conscience any way , and to all other captaines also so kinde and liberall of his princesse her maiesties purse , as he is generally extolled for a braue man ; an honorable officer , an honorable minde , yea & his prince also whom he deceiues horribly shal be perswaded the daw is an eagle , & the cucko a nightingale . such an officer hath no melancholy conceipt , but as hee will take lastly , so will hee giue frankly to thē that cā beare him out : and such a one as captains , collonels , great officers and all shall extoll , how shall his prince but like of too , considering the more he robs , the more friends he maks , & the more he shal be praised : so as if there were no god , the honest were indeed to be begged for a right natural foole . but this conference of either kinde i hope it appeareth plainly both how many enemies the honest must of necessitie in this age of militarie corruptions drawe vpon him : and likewise how great a multitude of friends the vnhonest may make by their confederacy with others of that humor in robbing of the prince or publique treasure : and therefore how necessarie it is that aswell the honest bee honoured with entertainment and maintenance answerable to their reputation and credit of their place , as the contrarie well sifted and extraordinarily punished in terror of abuse . but as it is apparantly best for the honor of any prince or state to haue this honest office so backed with honourable entertainment & authority as he may boldly without feare or regard of any offence controll fraud , thereby to enforce all captains to keep their bands compleat , or dul to checke their defaults aswell for armes as men : so is it also asmmuch for the profit & benefit of the king prince , or state ( in respect of the sauing of their teasure , which no way in the world shall bee so extremely and vnprofitably wasted , as by the ignorance , confederacie or abuses of these officers , if they be vnskilful , base-minded or dishonest : as none can better testifie ( if they wil truly confesse their errors ) than the states of the low-countries , who i think haue had ful exeperiēce of the extreme mischief ensuing by imploymēt of base cōmissaries with poore wages , in place of so great trust & importāce . but somwhat to say of our own nation , omitting theirs , i thinks there is no indifferent person but will confesse , that in the earle of leycesters time of gouernment , the english bands generally in the queens pay ( a very few excepted ) were maintained euer farre stranger than eyther before or since , and great reason it should be so : for as neither her maiestie , nor any prince of europe euer paid more iustly and honorably than in his time , hauing euery foure or six moneths at farthest till the last , a full pay : so was there also so facile & easie meanes for all captains in her m. pay frō time to time thē stil to supply & reinforce their bands without the captains charges , as neuer was neither before nor since . for besids the , footbdās & cornets of horse ( by contract in her ma. pay ) there was euer at the charge of the countrey also many other english ensignes all the earle of leicesters time , somewhile , somtime fortie , and sometime , ensignes at a time , which being by the states as extreme badly paid then , as the queenes maiesties were honorably & well : any english souldier that could get out of their bands into the ensignes of her maiestie thought themselues aduanced from hel to heauen . hereof it came to passe that all the earle of leicesters time the captains in her maiesties pay needed not to send into england for souldiers at great charge , for their leuying , arming , & transporting to supply their bands as since they haue : but continually suite was made vnto thē by souldiers of this ill paid voluntary bands to be receiued into the queens maiesties pay : for those soldiers would rather frely forgiue their own pay to their captains , thā tary in the states pay , if they could obtain a place in any of her ma : bands : and so the captains of her maiesties bands ( without any charge at all ) had meanes then still to maintaine and keepe their ensignes compleat , which ( neither before nor since ) they euer could ( without their charges in sending for and transporting of new souldiers out of england ) for the which they can haue no allowance but vpon speciall petition to her maiestie . farther the earle in his time of gouernment tooke such courses to make the captaines keepe their bandes strong , as neuer were before nor since . for at the first , finding many bands of fooftemen left vnto him extream weake , not . souldiers in a band of . and halfe a doozen such bands at one muster and one place : his excellency gaue a generall day to all captaines in her maiesties list to haue their bands reinforced strong , or else to be checked according to to their weaknes at the next future muster : as they should likewlse for his time receiue the benefit for the time past , not to bee checked , if they were found compleat , and strong for seruice at that their appointed day . this generally made them all , or the greatest part contend , who might reinforce their bands strongest . againe his excellency ( being both gouernour for the states , and generall for her maiestie ) had the commaundement of both forces , and thereby caused musters generall in his time to bee alwaies made of all souldiers in euery garrison at one instant : whereby the souldiers in the states pay could not fraudulently bee lent or borrowed to fill the queenes bands at musters , as otherwise they might haue doone . there was also such ordinances for musters established by his excellency as neuer the like in those prouinces ( or better in any other ) can be shewed , to enforce the captaines that for feare of due checke ( if for their owne credit any reputation otherwise they would not ) to keep their bands compleat : by which precedents the states haue since much reformed their militia . and with all so honourable entertainment allowed the muster-master general at that time , as ( if he would haue but winked willingly at corruptions ) he had beene worthie of all shame and blame : who thereby ( hauing conuenient meanes , carrying a seuere hand ( according to his dutie ) to execute his office iustly , was so maligned of the licentious sort of captaines , as they would vow to keepe their bands more than compleat , rather than he should haue a penny checke out of their bands toward his entertainment , the honest therefore and honourable ( for their owne commendation ) and the licentious and malignant ( for feare of checke and enuie against the muster-master ) contend all , who might keepe their bands fairest . and yet i thinke there will bee found more checks certaine , notwithstanding in the earles gouernment fiuefolde for respectiue time , than other before or after ; when the bands were farre weaker , besides the checkes respited to farther examination , which would haue amounted vnto much more , if by conning practises they had not procured his disgrace . but as the bestowing some time of a thousand or two thousand pounds a yeare on the maintaining of sluces and milles for the drayning of marshes , may in some leuelles by clearing of the waters encrease their goodnesse & value of their grounds twentie thousand pounds a yeare to be bestowed on these necessarie engines may leaue them so insufficient as they shall not bee able to drayne the waters . and thereby the whole leuell of marshes improfitable , or many score thousand of pounds in their value yearely lost . so fareth it in the due maintenance of these important officers in causes militarie . the like i say of the marshall and serieant-generall , and many other , who if they haue wil and skil to execute their duties without regard of offence to the bad and licentious in matter of iustice , and vse their office as they ought , to aduance the profit and seruice of the prince ( which without compotent and honourable entertainment is not to bee expected ) they may not onely be able ten-folde in the aduancement of the seruice to deserue their wages , but euen ( in sauing of treasure ) requite it ten-folde also . and therefore soundly may conclude , that neither the sparing of seede by the fond husbandman , nor the pinching of pence before mentioned by the miserable merchant , in the rigging and furnishing of his ship , nor want of due allowance for drayning of marshes by conuenient engines is halfe so fond and absurd , as the omitting of such necessarie officers in martiall causes , or the sparing of such entertainment as should enable them to discharge their offices iustly and honourably , that by corrupt and lucrous pettie companions may be managed to the extreme robbing of the prince , and confusion of all true martiall discipline . for euen as in this office of censor or comptroller-generall of musters a corrupt person may with farre greater gaine giue his prince two thousand pounds a yeare to farme that office thā an honest officer can take two thousand pounds yearely entertainment for him and his substitutes faithfully to discharge it : so shall the , pounds giuen by the prince to such a one , bee ten-folde more gainfull and beneficiall to his seruice , than the . pounds taken : which by due consideration of the frauds and deceipts practized , and by mee at large in a particular treatise thereof alreadie reuealed , and hy the very triall or experiences alreadie made ( duely weighed ) will euidently appeare . and therefore may truly say , that aswell for the profit of all princes and states , as for the honour and aduancement of the seruice , it is fit this officer ( as likewise all other officers or commaunders of like importance and necessitie ) should haue such conuenient entertainement for the reputation of their place , as they may ( without feare or regard of any ) syncerely censure and controll all deceipts and abuses , by whom soeuer they finde then boulstered or patronized . and hauing indeed such allowance as the reputation of their place requireth , if any such be found ( for any respect ) to become partie or pander of such corruptions and robberies , whereby the royall treasure should bee vnduly wasted , the forces enfeabled and martiall discipline corrupted tanquam reum lasae maiestatis , i would haue such a one exemplarly to bee corrected with all blame and shame . and for a finall conclusion of this true paradox may confidently confirme . that the most thriftie , and sparing course that any prince or state can take to continue a warre , ( without wasting of their treasure , or ouer-burdening of their subiects with intollerable taxes ) is still to allow all necessary commaunders , officers , captaines , and souldiers such conuenient , large , and sufficient entertainment , as men of true value and honestie may indeed rest therewith contented : and then to execute seuere martiall discipline on all frauds , robberies , and extorsions , without respect of persons . the second paradox . that the antique romane and graecian discipline martiall doth farre exceede in excellency our modern , notwithstanding all alterations by reason of that late inuention of artillerie , or fire-shott . and that ( vnlesse wee reforme such corruptions as are growne into our moderne militia , vtterly repugnant to the ancient ) wee shall in time loose vtterly the renowne and honour of our nation , as all other also that haue or shall commit or tollerate like errors . whereas among many captaines and commaunders of the newe moderne martiall discipline , it is maintained for a maxime : that all ancient romane or graecian militarie lawes and orders of the field ( aswell for gouernment , as trayning of their souldiers ) are for the warres of our age meere mockeries , and that the fury of the ordinance and other rare . inuentions of our time is such , as hath enforced a necessarie change of discipline and order in all those matters : i thinke it fit to open the error and absurditie of this opinion , held eyther of such as of ignorance discommend that they neuer vnderstood , or vnaduisedly are miscaried with the authoritie of others , or of malitious subtilty seeke to aduance such opinions , as may reduce all martiall actions to a turbulent confusion , whereby such corrupt , base minded persons ( as seeke the warres for gaine ) may excessiuely enrich themselues , euen with the ruine of their countrey . i therefore to the contrarie auerre : that neither the furie of ordinance , nor any other like inuentions of this our age , hath or can worke any such alteration : but that the auncient discipline of the romane and martiall graecian states , ( euen for our time ) are rare and singuler praecedents . and that many such customes as wee haue taken vp ( contrarie to those honorable and right martiall praecedents ) will worke our vtter shame and confusion , if we should encounter with such warlike troops and souldiers as their discipline then bred : and yet not impossible but facile for any king in his owne realme ( especially of our nation ) by those ancient praecedents to select and frame a militia as farre surmounting in value vulgar moderne as the lacedemonian , the macedonian , or any other graecian did the effeminate persian , who in sundrie battailes haue vanquished them when in number they were double , treble , yea manifold the greater , and in wealth and riches farre exceeding . and to enter into the opening of this truth ( so much repugnant to the conceipt generally receiued of the greater multitude professing armes ) first i say , that like as in all other artes and sciences it is a matter of verie great importance to haue sure grounds and true principles without abuse or error . so in this art military ( whereupon dependeth not onely the liues of so great multitudees , but also the defence or ruine of the greatest realmes & monarchies ) it were to be wished that men were not to be misled with such false and fraudulent opinions as may bring-forth fruits most poysonous and perrilous . seeing therefore by the ciuill warres which haue risen in this our age , diuers disorders haue spung vp , and for want of abilitie to make due pay to souldiers , the generals and chiefe commaunders to haue beene enforced to tollerate many abuses which in time haue growne vsuall , and by vse of some disciples ( bred in such lawlesse discentions ) not onely learned and practised , but peruersely maintained to bee not onely tollerable , but also laudable , yea farre excelling the auncint discipline of the romane and greeke armies . this error because it tendeth to the aduancing of vice : and defacing of vertue , to the extolling of many corrupt new practised abuses and licentious delicacies , and the reiecting or contemning of the sober painefull , strict , seuere , and sacred militarie discipline of the antiquitie . i thinke it fit to touch some principall points , wherein the moderne militia ( which i reprooue ) doth dissent from the antiquitie ( which i commend ) and propone as a praecedent for vs to imitate : that any souldier of iudgement ( not caried wilfully with corrupt affection ) may see , how farre awrie they are , that somuch extoll the one , or disdainefully contemne the other . but first ( lest i bee misconceiued ) i must explaine a little farther , my meaning not to bee precisely to binde our nation , or any other , to the same very rules or lawes which the romanes or any graecian state was ruled by , which most florished in martiall prowesse , i thinke the same as great an error as that of some diuines , who would haue all nations ruled by the verie same politique lawes and paynes that moyses praescribed to the iewes or people of israell . for albeit those diuine lawes were prescribed by the infinite wisedome of god himselfe , and for those people ( no doubt ) the most conuenient , yet , as times , and states , and dispositions of nations are variable and different , so may the paines or punishments bee made more seuere or remisse , as the magistrates and choise members of each state , ( assembling as physitions to cure the maladies growing in the bodie of their realmes ) shall finde conuenient : so as they make nothing lawfull that is by lawes diuine prohibited , for that were flat impietie . so say i also , there is in the discipline militarie of those martiall states-antique , many things , which ( according to the nature and disposition of our people ) wee may mitigate or encrease , alter or accommodate . but the dissent in the verie chiefe grounds and principall axiomes of the art martiall ( as such men of warre of the new discipline doo ) i holde it a daungerous error , and fit to bee effectually regarded , and speedily reformed . neyther is it any part of my meaning , and to taxe or reprooue all generals , commaunders , collonels or captaines that serue in these our moderne warres , as men corrupted or depraued with these erronious opinions . for my selfe in mine owne experience haue knowne many , that highly esteeme the auncient and true martiall discipline , and condemne as much the intollerable abuses that haue growne in by the late intestine & ciuill discentions . as in france , how much that worthie prince of condie and admirall shattilion abhorred those disorders which in their time began ( and are since growne to their ripenesse or rather full rottennesse ) may partly appeare by their campe-lawes , sauouring altogether of the antique true martiall discipline , as farre forth as the corruptions of this age , and their wantes to pay their troopes would permit . as by that i haue at-large set-downe in my stratioticos touching their militarie lawes , more manifestly will appeare . likewise in the militarie treatize of that famous generall , guillame de bellay seignior le langey of discipline military , more euidentlye dooth appeare : howe much hee disliked also of the corrupt customes in his time , growne into the warres of france , and how hee laboured to reduce it to the perfection of those auncient martiall states , that for many hundred yeares together ( hauing made that art and profession , and thereby mightily aduanced their realmes in fame , honour , and wealth , and also encreased their territories ) had indeed attained to the high perfection thereof . how much also that famous prince of orange disliked with these moderne abuses ( albeit for want of meanes to pay , and also authoritie sufficient to gouerne as hee would , hee were enforced to tollerate in his mercenary commaunders many of those corruptions ) my selfe know by that i haue diuerse time , heard , euen from his owne mouth , besides that appeareth otherwise by his remonstrances and military ordinances . the like i could say of many of our owne nation , men of honour , experience and value , that both know and acknowledge how necessarie it were to haue a reformation of moderne abuses , and restitution of true martiall discipline , but are loath to make themselues odious to such multitudes , as ( hauing beene bred-vp in those base , easie , corrupt lucrous customes ) would extremely hate such a gouernour , or commaunder as should crosse their profit , and in his owne regiment first with seueritie begin such reformation : which is indeed not to bee performed but by the authoritie and maiestie of a prince and royall state , that is able both to pay and punish . so farre am i therefore from condemning all commaunders of this age , eyther of our owne nation or theirs , for patrones of these moderne corruptions and basterdly degenerate souldierie , as cleane contrariwise in mine owne experience and knowledge i can cleare many : hauing my selfe knowne and conferred with diuers of our owne nation that asmuch abhorre them , as that famous souldier of france mounsier de la nôe , whom i haue my selfe also heard , aswel in his priuate speeches , as since in his military discourses discouer his extreme dislike of such our modern vnsouldierly corruptions , which neuerthelesse my selfe saw hee was in part inforced to tollerate , euen then , when hee was martiall of that mighty armie by the states leuied against don iohn de austria , and the prince of parma in brabant vtterly against his will and liking . i can therefore the lesse blame any such of our nation , as beare for a time with these errors , when they see ( by contending for redresse without sufficient authoritie ) they shall little preuaile , and yet make themselues extreme odious . but for such as will not onely tollerate , but ( of purpose to make profit by them ) will impudently maintain their moderne costomes good , and better for this age , than the auncient , as i know them most hurtfull members , so i cannot but wish such bad patriotts reformed by better reason , or in time reiected as infected sheepe , that are able with their leprosie and infection to corrupt great multitudes , to the excessiue danger of their prince and state. first therefore to shew some principall points , wherein the moderne militia i speake of , dissenteth from the ancient by mee commended , i say . it was a very laudable custom of antiquity to haue in their states or realmes cōscriptos milites their chosen enrolled souldiers , not of the base , loose , abiect , vnhonest sort , by cornelius tacitus wel termed purgamenta vrbiū suarū , but of the honest , well-bred , and renowned burghers and other country inhabitants that had some liuing , art , or trade to liue vpon when the warres were finished , aswell to haue them practized and trained in all martial exercises before they came to deale with their enemies : as also that hauing somewhat to loose , they more dutifully and obedienly behaue themselues during the seruice . and hauing whereupon to liue when the warres were done , neede not commit such pickories , extorsions , and outrages , as the common crew of such caterpillers and vermine doo : as , ( hauing nothing at home to loose , or art to liue , ) seeke the warres onely ( like free-booters ) for rauine and spoile . i say , it was also a commendable custome in those states and common-weales to choose captaines and commaunders of credit and account in their countries , cities , or townes , that might traine and exercise neighbours in all martiall and militarie exercises at home , before they led them to the warres : whereby the very children in those states ( only by looking on ) knew farre better both the vse of euerie sort of weapon , and how to march and raunge themselues into any forme of battell , yea , how to defend themselues ( like souldiers ) from euery kinde of charge or assault of their enemies , farre better i say than many of our braue men that haue haunted such licentious warres or pickories many a yeare . i say also that it was a commendable course to make such choise of captaines in those antique warres ( as being men of reputation of the same countrey or citie from whence their souldiers were leuied , might haue the greater care to performe their duties towards their countrimen and neighbours , among whom they should liue at their returne from the warres , and thereby receiue euer after vnto their death from them and their friends , eyther conuenient praise and loue , or infamie and hatred as their gouernement had merited ) so in these daies that the captaines are become not onely the leaders , but also the pagadores or pay-masters of their bandes , there is greater cause to haue them chosen not onely of skill and reputation , but also of abilitie to aunswere an accompt of such treasure as shall come to their handes , for the payment of their souldiers : seeing otherwise ( if they bee base-minded corrupt persons ) they may full easily wrong , starue , and waste their souldiers many waies , to make their owne profit by their death and consumption of their band , especially where fraudes in musters by lewde custome shall also growe tollerable . for if any such captaines bee chosen as eyther haue nothing of their owne at home to liue vpon , or neuer meane to turne into the countrey , whereas the souldiers were leuied , to receiue from them and their friendes the honour or infamy , the loue or hatred that their behauiour hath merited what hope is there that such a one will leaue the excessiue sweete gaine hee may make by the fliecing or rather flaying of his flocke , and not ( according to the moderne discipline ) scrape and rake-in what hee may to liue afterward : hauing neither land liuing , nor art otherwise to maintaine himselfe when the warres are done . likewise where captaines were rightly chosen of such reputation and credit as is before repeated , that they had a speciall care in health and sicknesse to prouide things necessarie to preserue the liues of their souldiers ( being their tenaunts or neighbours , that euer after to their death would honour and loue them for it , and the kindred and friends of those souldiers also , whensoeuer it came to any fight with the enemie , they were euer most assured and faithfull to such leaders , and they likewise to them . in such sort as it was almost impossible to breake such a knot ef vnited mindes : but being otherwise leuied ( as too too commonly in our moderne warres hath beene accustomed , where the captaine neither knowes his souldiers , nor the souldiers their captain before the seruice , nor euer meane to meete againe when the warres are ended ) as the loue is small betweene them , so is their fidelitye and confidence much lesse . and as the captaine taketh small care to prouide for them eyther in health or sicknesse for any necessaries to preserue liues , so haue as smal deuotion to aduenture their liues for him or his honour ( to whom indeed the chiefe reputation of their good seruice alwaies should redound ) but rather in all encounters with the enemie , how to make shift by flight to saue their liues . if then these kinde of captains also ( very prouidently foreseeing the worst which is likely to happen ) will not bee vnprouided of a beast , to run-away , trusting rather to the legs of his horse than to all the hands in his band : what can bee conceiued ? but that heereof chiefely it comes to passe , that in these moderne warres wee heare of so many violent retraits , ( for so in their new discipline they terme that which in the olde warres was called shamefull flight ) i meane when the captaine and some of his officers spur-away on horsebacke , and the rest throwe away both armour and weapons to leape ditches the more lightly , and are shamfully slaine without resistance : and many times by multitudes ( pressing to get boats ) do drowne themselues . now whether such accidents bee too vsuall or no , i referre it to their owne consciences that most boldly will commend this base moderne discipline . and if it be true whether there bee any more likely cause thereof than the diffidence before recited betweene the captaine and his souldiers , and the want of shame ( which in the antique souldiery was euer accounted the highest vertue ) but now by depraued custome in our licentious degenerate warres vtterly lost and abandoned : and such accounted brauest men that are become of all others the most impudent . i say also it was a most honorable order to haue it punished with great shame in any souldier to lose or throw-away his armes , being held among the graecians a perpetuall disgrace for any priuate souldier so much as to loose his target . but if now both captaines and some chiefe commaunders also of the moderne new militia will bee much offended to haue any of their band so much as checked by the censor or muster-master for lacke of his curates or caske . and to encourage either to leaue their armes , wil seldome themselues euer weare any , but take it for a great brauerie and magnanimitie in seruice to bee seene vnarmed . what shall i say but that indeed ( for them that neuer meane to fight , but to escape by flight ) to bee the lighter for a swift carrier , it is a verie politique inuention and a gainfull discipline . it was also an honourable course of antiquitie ( besides the choise of the captaines of such credit in their townes & countries at their entring also into seruice ) to binde them and their souldiers all with a sacred solemne militarie oath , being holden no better than a thiefe or free-booter that followed the warres , vnlesse hee were enrolled vnder some ensigne , and had receiued his militare oath , whereby hee vowed both obedience and fidelitie , and rather to die than dishonourably to abandon his leader and ensigne . but in such new discipline these ceremonies are scoffed at , and captaines chosen sutable to their loose depraued soulderie , it was also a laudable custome to haue the captaine cary his own armes in his ensigne , besides the ensignes of the regiments which were among the romans alway eagles . and that hee that lost his ensigne should bee held a disgraced man , not fit to carrie armes till hee had wonne like honour againe . but now in our new militia in stead of ensignes we haue learned to carry colours , because many captaines perhaps are yet to winne their armes , and thereby make small account to loose their maisters colours , which may bee one cause ( among many other ) that the spaniard within these or yeares can make his vant of the taking of more english ensignes , than i thinke they could truly these yeares before . it was also a most laudable discipline , wherby men from their infancye were taught in those martiall schooles rather resolutely in the field to die , than to saue their liues by flight , the mothers detesting and abhorring their owne children that saued their liues by flying : yea and some with their owne hands doing execution on such children of their own as were fugitiues , rather than they would haue so dishonourable a monument ( as they said ) to their parents and country to walke vpon the earth . but if in our moderne militia this error bee thought so small , as many such braue men will among their cups vsually vaunt thereof , and recount at how many places they haue fled and runne away : taking as it were a glory to tell who had fled fastest , the chaunge is ouer great . as in the ancient martial states it was ( euen in a priuate souldier ) held a perpetuall shame to haue ronne away , or somuch as onely abandoned his ranke wherein hee was placed ( vnlesse it were to step forward into the place of his precedent fellow slaine ) so in a captaine or superiour commander it is much more dishonorable and shamefull : which hath caused many famous generals ( that ful easily might haue escaped & saued themselues ) vtterly to refuse horses offered , and all other meanes to flye , and haue voluntarily sacrifized themselues with their souldiers . but if in our new militia many braue souldiers ( as they are tearmed by their owne crewe ) will not shame to vaunt : in how many places they haue escaped by flight ( belike of zeale to fight againe for their countrey ) the change indeed is great . in the antique militia it was a shame for a leader or commaander of footmen to bee seene mounted on any horse of seruice , but eyther a foote , or for his ease ( being wearied ) on some small nagge , which no man could suspect was any way reserued to escape by flight . but if in such moderne militia ye shal haue both captaines and collonels on horses of swift carrier mounted , and brauely leading their men euen to the place of butcherie , and then to take their leaue ( vnder pretence to fetch supplies ) the discipline is greatly altered . and yet these shamelesse fugitiues perhaps highly commending one another ( when the valiant men that resolutely died in the place , by slaunderous inuentions shall be lewdly defaced ) these fugitiues i say may bee aduanced , and the valiant disgraced , or at least buried in obliuion . in these antique martiall commonweales they vsed to make statuas and epigrams in their honour that resolutely died in the field for the seruice of their countrey : and detested such base minded cowards as saued thēselues by flight . but if contrariwise wee burie their names in obliuion that valiantly died in the field , and extoll fugitiues , and thinke them not vnworthy of new charges : there is a great alteration indeed of martiall discipline . in the auncient martiall states and monarchies , there were publike places of exercise , where the youth ( before they went to the warres ) vsed to inure thēselues to more heauie armes and weapons farre than the vsuall for seruice , making thereby their ordinarie armes seeme light and easie to them . but if such patrones of the new discipline scoffe at these painefull exercises ( because they neyther trouble thēselues nor the souldiers with the wearing of such armes ) it seemeth that as they of the antiquity prepared themselues to fight and conquer . so these moderne commaunders to escape and carowse with the dead paies of their slaine souldiers . the antique martiall discipline was to range their souldiers into forme of battaile by due proportions of rankes , teaching the succeeding rankes ( where any of the former were slaine ) to reinforce their places maintaining their first ranks still full with armed handes of fighting men in martiall order . but if such ringleaders of the moderne pudled discipline , as would haue all brought into a confusion , scoffe at such order & ordinances , & say , there is no better way to make a battaile than aduance pikes , & make their souldiers runne in and fil them : and that all other arithmeticall rules ( for speedie dispatch thereof ) are vnfeazible toyes , because their owne skills will not reach it as a matter they neuer set their wits vpon . whether they were fitter to fould sheepe , or embattell souldiers i leaue it to the censure of honourable & right martiall commaunders . the discipline was to reduce their armies into sondrie battalions and sundry seuerall frounts whereby the general and his chiefe officers and collonels might orderly bring new succours to fight , and relieue such as were tired or weakned by slaughter , and so to renue many fights upon the enemy still with corragious fresh men till they had entier victorie . and for that cause had they so many fronts and seuerall kinde of commaunders , as turmarum praefectos , ouer their principes , hastatos & triarios : tribunos militum also drungarios or chiliarchas , turmarchas merarchas , celerum praefectos , and many others as in my stratioticos is set down more lagely for their fanterie onely : whereon those right martiall nations reposed their chiefest trust , and yet no idle leaders or officers , but euerie one to so necessarie a purpose as they might not conueniently bee spared . but if such men of warre of the new mould scoffe at all these ordinances and supplies , saying : a battell is woon and lost in the twinkling of an eye at the first ioyning , and therefore needlesse : wee may indeede confesse it too true , where they bring their braue men like flocks of sheepe hudle confused to fight , or rather to flight : the battaile is many times indeed gotten before the crossing of pikes . the terror onely of armes glistering is sufficient to scare such pilfering vnsouldierlike freebooters . the auncient discipline was euer to encampe their souldiers close together strongly , and so orderly to deuide their quarters , and set downe their regiments : as their campe was like a well fortified towne , where ten-times so many enemies durst not assault them . but our new discipline , to lodge our armie in villages farre and wide a sunder , as euery captaine may be prouided most for his ease and commoditie like pettie princes , and thereby in no place more easily defeated than in their owne lodgings . the auntient martiall men thought it not dishonourable with their owne hands to entrench their capms . and their great generals would take the shouell in hand themselues when occasion so required . but our braue men of the new discipline disdaine to bee pioners , and will rather lodge abroad in villages at their pleasure and ease like gallant fellowes , where they may take their pleasure , and carouse lustily . the auncient discipline reposed their chiefe confidence in their fanterie , whom they so trained , armed and ordered : as twentie or thirtie thousand footemen forced not of fiue times so many horsemen . but as our footmen of the new discipline are armed and ordered , a thousand horse is able to defeat fiue times as many such footmen . and yet might the footmen of our time carry weapons of farre greater aduantage against horse being well ordered , than were knowne in those daies . so great is the error of the martial discipline of our age among such leaders , as haue beene trayned-vp in freebooter warres , and haue vowed their seruice to their ladie picorea , being carelesse of any thing appertaining to victory and honour , respecting rather their owne priuate profit and commoditie . the auncient martiall discipline tended chiefely to this scope , to carry such an army to the field , as boldly durst march on all grounds , as well champion , as by straights . and in ordinance readie to fight with the enemie by their exercise , order , and assurance , not doubting of victorie . but the scope of such moderne discipline seemeth to bee rather to carrie men ( so lightly armed and loosely disciplined ) as they may bee nimble to stray abroad to picke and steale , and to escape by flight , when they are charged with any enemie of force . and as for losse of ensignes or shamefull flight , they make it a trifling matter , being readie to doe as much againe at any time . the auncient discipline would neuer suffer any souldiers to go abroad to spoile , but with leaders and commaunders to direct and guide them : hauing intelligence before hand , which quarters was best replenished with commodities needfull for the army , and then sent such forces as might not faile to set it in , or honourably defend themselues if they were encountred . but this new discipline will send their souldiers to spoile by handfuls , without captaine , lieutenant or ensigne to guide them : if they get any pickorie , the captaine hath his share : but if their throats bee cut , the captaine will haue their pay , aswell due before their death as after , by mustering them absent , &c , til the muster-master discouer it . and whereas such a captaine should bee disarmed , and by the prouost hanged for such abuse : by this new discipline hee will raile at the muster-master lustely , if hee cheeke him onely the stollen pay . the auncient true martiall discipline was , that all prayes ( so orderly in the warres takē ) should be brought to one place ; where magistrates and officers of purpose appointed should dispose thereof for the ransoming of prisoners , and the remounting of such as had their horses slaine in seruice , and for reward aswell of those that made the stand , as of those that fet in the pray . but in our new discipline it is catch who catch may , and no order in the world for distribution of the pray for any publique vses , nor for redemption of prisoners , or remounting of such as in seruice lost their horses . the auncient discipline was that no armed man on paine of death should step out of his ranke in time of seruice , to catch or spoile , which they easily obeyed , because by their martiall discipline then , they had as good reward out of the pray ( that stood in battaile armed ) as the loose men that brought it in . but in our moderne warres ( where no such order is established , but catch who catch may ) there is nothing but confusion : which cannot be but to their vtter ruine and shame . whensoeuer such vnsouldierly freebooters shall encounter with any enemie of good gouernment . by the auncient discipline ( besides the reward of the souldiers which was left to the discretion of the generall ) there were euer great masses of treasure brought home to the publique treasurie to maintaine the future warres , and thereby no cesses or subsidies on the people for many yeares together , by reason of the treasure so saued and gained by their well disciplined warres . but if by our moderne discipline of land seruices the prince or state hath no benefit by the spoiles , but is riotously wasted among such freebooters and their assotiates and the best souldiers least part of the pray , and by such disordered warre , no ceasing of taxes or subsidies , but continuāce or rather encrease of both , in al realmes and states serued by such spoilers : it is easie to discerne which were the better discipline for the prince and people . by such auncient discipline kingdomes and states by their warres haue encreased their wealth , and their subiects haue growne more wealthie and mightie . but by our moderne warres both prince and subiects grow poore , & few of these vnruly vnsouldierlike free-booters ( how hugely soeuer they get by their corruptions or abuses ) grow wealthie by it , for , badly gotten is euer commonly worse spent . the scope of the auncient martiall discipline was chiefly to preserue the publique treasure of the coūtry , and to maintaine the warres on the treasure gotten by conquests on their enemies . but the scope of our moderne discipline seemeth to bee to enrich priuate captaines and commaunders , and to conuert both the spoiles & the wages of the souldiers also to their particular benefits . and so new taxes and subsidies of necessitie still on the people to maintaine the warres . the auncient generals and great commanders had their chiefest care how to preserue their own people which caused them so carefully to arme them , traine thē , and entrench them strongly , &c. saying the held it more honorable to saue one of their owne souldiers than to destroy ten enemies . as they likewise sought to make their souldiers and countrey wealthie , respecting nothing for themselues but the honour onely of well-doing . but in our moderne discipline it seemeth , the more of their souldiers are wasted and consumed , the richer grow such commanders as by deceipts in musters haue the conscience to conuert all the dead payes to their own profit : which wicked game of all other is most abhominable before god & perrilous to any state : the strength and glory of a prince onely consisting in the multitude and force of his people which are wasted and consumed by such moathes and caterpillers . these auncient worthie generals and commaunders in the field bent their wits and inuentions onely for such exploits as might be honourable and profitable to their countrey . but if commaunders of the new discipline deuise onely exploits to waste and consume the treasure of their prince or state : and care not ( to supply their owne prodigall expences ) though they spoyle their friends thereby , not onely doing their best to breake amitie and make more enemies to their prince and countrey , but also commit such foolish spoiles as their prince or state shall bee sure to repay again double and treble any commoditie or aide they receiued thereby . this abuse surely ought to bee amended . in those auncient right martiall states wee shall heare of generals and dictators ( after they had deposed kings conquered great princes , and brought home to the treasure of the countrey mightie masses of gold & siluer ) were neuerthelesse contēt to returne home to their poore houses , no whit enriched in wealth , but only in honour , liuing soberly and temperately as before on their priuate patrimony , and scarcely a peece of siluer-plate to be seene in their own houses , that haue brought in millions to their state and realme . but if in our moderne discipline wee shall see pettie commaunders ( that neuer brought into their princes realme or state the hundred part of any such masses of treasure , but rather haue had their share in wasting huge sums to little purpose ) to abound in brauery , wast infinitely in all kinde of vanities , that i say no worse , and more siluer dishes on their table than quintus dictator or scipio that conquered hanniball and razed carthage : it seemeth these men serue themselues , as the other did their countrey . wee may read of romane generals that by conquering some prouinces brought so great a masse of wealth to the publique treasurie of rome , that it ceased taxes , tributes , or subsidies there for many yeares . but if our moderne militia ( cleane contrarie ) doo still waste and consume the publique treasure , and bee the cause not of ceasing , but rather of encreasing of tributes or subsidies on their countrey , the difference of discipline indeed is great : but which were the better for the honour and commodity of our prince and countrey , is easie by the wise , honest , and right honourable to bee discerned . by the auncient discipline little macedonie conquered all the large and spacious orientall empire of the proud , rich , & populous persians : and that smal realme of rome subdued so many nations vnder their obedience in europe africke , and asia , and made tributarie so many mightie kings , as their monarchie was of the whole world admired : and that their discipline militarie was the chiefe or onely cause thereof : that famous romane emperour alexander seuerus in his oration to his souldiers declareth , saying . disciplina maiorum rempub. tenet , quae si dilabatur , et nomen romanum , & imperium amittemus . if then not onely by the censure or prophesie of that famous emperour , concerning , that state , but by verie experience also in our owne age of many others our neighbours round about vs , wee may plainely beholde the successe of this corrupt degenerate moderne militia , so repugnant to the auncient : it were wilfull blindnesse not to discerne which were the better . and no lesse negligence to permit the continuance of so daungerous a disease . wee shall also read of generals in those warlike common-weales , that so highly esteemed of the martial discipline of their nation , and were so zealous therein , as they would not haue it violated in the least point . as manlius torquatus that would haue executed his own sonne for encountring in particular combate with his enemie without leaue , and before the signall of battaile giuen ; albeit hee had the victorie and strake-of his enemies head in the sight of both armies , to the great encouragement of the romanes , and terrour of the contrarie side , that tooke that particular encounter as ominous for the successe of the battaile , as it fell indeed out , to the great honour of the romanes , and vtter ruine of their enemies . yet after the victorie this honourable and famous generall , considering the daunger that might haue fallen out if his sonne had not beene victorious , and that the discipline romane was broken by this attempt ( to fight without licence ) hee would not spare it in his owne sonne , but commaunded the serients to apprehend him , and ( after hee had beene whipped with rods ) to bee openly executed : wherein hee so constantly perseuered , as his whole victorious armie on their knees could scarcely obtaine his pardon . if then this breach of one point onely of militarie obedience ( committed of magnanimitie and noble courage , and aboundance of zeale to his countrey ) was in those daies so seuerely censured : as the father would not haue pardoned his owne sonne , notwithstanding by his happie successe also hee was the chiefest cause of that honourable victorie . what shall wee say of such ring-leaders of corruptions in the new discipline , as shall not of any such magnanimitie or haughtie courage or zeale to their countrey , but of a base , corrupt , and lucrous minde breake not one or two , but many points of martiall discipline , and therby not get victorie , but more than once or twice receiue those dishonourable foiles and disgraces , that for shame in those daies no priuate souldier would neuer returne home to abide the due shame and disgrace of . what can be said ? but that it is high time to haue these important errors looked into , least the same succeed heere , which in all other states haue done , where martiall discipline hath beene so neglected , and corruptions triumph vnpunished . it were infinite to recite all the disorders of our moderne warres , and would require a long treatise to lay-open all the commendable ordinances , customes , and prouisions of the famous graecian and romane armies , whereby they honoured and immortalized their generals , and amplified and enriched their states and countries . but these few notes may suffice to shew how great a difference there is betweene the one and the other . neither is it my meaning to call in question the doings of any particular persons , but onely to open the daungerous error of that opinion : that the loose customes of our time should be better than the auncient : or of such excellency as wee neede no reformation or amendement . for i doubt not by due consideration of these few by mee recited it is manifest how great a difference there is betweene that auncient discipline ( whereby meane and poore estates were aduāced to mighty monarchies ) and these moderne corruptions ( whereby flourishing states haue beene spoyled and defaced , and mightie realmes and empires brought to ruine . ) but because some patrones of these new corruptions ( for defence of their bad cause ) alleage : that the late famous inuention of great artillerie and fireshott , vnknowen to the antiquitie , and so farre surmounting all the auncient romane and graecian engines both in terror and effect ) hath necessarily enforced so great an alteration of armes , weapons , and militarie order , as the discipline also must cleane chaunge : i thinke it fit to set downe some of their chiefe and principall reasons . first therefore ( say they ) it is now to small purpose to weare armes , seeing the furie of the fireshott is such , as no armour is able to holde it out . it is vaine to make battailes or battalions in such order and forme ranked , as among the graecians or romanes were accustomed . because the furie of the great artillerie is such as it o●●●eth , breaketh and dissolueth all orders or ordinances that yee can imagine to make : and therefore experience hath taught us ( say they ) to leaue those massie bodies of armed battailes that serue but for buts for the great artillerie to play upon : and to seeke more nimble and light fanterie that may bee readie to take and leaue at their pleasure . and for the seueritie of discipline in the warres ( they say ) it is like the phrensie of some diuines , that would haue men in this world passe an angelicall life , without any fault or errors : which being so farre aboue the nature of man to performe : in aspiring to it many times they commit more foule and grosse faults than the vulgar sort , that neuer reach at such perfection : and thereby become ridiculous to the world as they also will bee that shall attempt such praecise discipline militarie , as is vtterly impossible to put in execution , and vnnecessarie for this our age , where weapons and orders of the warres are so altered and changed . these are the most effectuall reasons that euer i could heare alleaged on that side to maintaine their hereticall opinion . but as there is no cause so bad , but may by finenesse of wit be cleered and made appeare probable . so is there no doctrine so false but by craft & subtilty of mans inuentions shall bee made plausible and to appeare matter of good truth . these reasons indeed at the first appearance seeme probable , but being duly weighed are no thing woorth . and first for leauing armes in respect of the furie of the fireshot which no portable armor is able to resist , is both friuolous and false . for there are many reasons to vse conuenient armes , albeit that were true that they profited vs nothing against the fireshot . for they defend vs from the launco , from the pike , the halberd , the iauelin , the dart , the arrow , and the sword : yea and from the greater part of the fireshot also that any way endaunger vs in the field : i meane euen the portable and indifferent armor that is made ( n●t of musket or caleuer proofe ) but onely against the launce and pistoll . for the greatest part of the fireshot that touch the bodies of any man in the field , graze first and strike vpon the ground : and from all such shot , a meane armor verie portable and easily to bee worne by any souldier , sufficeth to saue a mans life , as ordinary experience in the field daily teacheth . for indeed to lade men with armes of musket proofe ( i am of their opinion ) were not possible to endure , and meere folly to put in vre for many respects : too long to commit to writing in this place . but this light and meane armour is still to bee continued in all battailes and battalions that shall encounter with pike or launce , because it assureth the life of man greatly from all other weapons , yea and from the most part of the fireshott also . neyther is there any martiall commaunder of iudgment , that will obiect his battailes or battalions as a but for the great or small artillerie to play vpon : but will alway aduance forward their owne shot and lightest armed loose men to encounter their enemies shot , and surprize his ordinance before the battailes or battalions come within daunger of the artillerie great or small , to bee plaied on at poinct blanke . and thereby shall the enemie bee enforced eyther to put forward his light-horse or fanterie before his great ordinance to guard and defend them : or else they shall bee possessed or cloyed . if hee protect them with horse and foote of his owne from surprize , then may the squadrons march on safely , and so ( by good discretion ) the armed battailes are in no daunger at all of their enemies artillerie , but may aduenture forward in safety to backe their owne shott and light armed , which were sent to surprize or cloy their enemies artillery . and thē without any more annoyance of the great ordinaunce , the battailes come to ioyne with launce , sword , or pike , as in olde time in auncient warres hath beene accustomed . farther all men know ( that are of skill or experience ) that great artillerie verie seldome or neuer can hurt any footeman , that vpon giuing fire onely doo but abase themselues on their knee till the volew bee past , being much more terrible to vnskilfull and vnexpert new besoignes , than any way hurtfull to trayned souldiers . and therefore ( as is apparant ) no reason in respect eyther of the great or small artillerie or fireshott eyther to leaue conuenient armes , such as the antiquitie vsed , and were able to march withall many hundred miles , or such battalions as the romanes vsed . if any man will obiect that ruytters with their pistolles , and argoletires with their pettronels , ( which the romanes had not ) would beat your massie phalanx of pikes ( vsed by the graecians ) downe to the ground , without receiving any dammage at all by them . heereunto i say , if we had not eyther pistolles or lances on horsebacke to encounter these ruytters and argoletires , they said somewhat . or if we had not musketers on foot to empale or line our battailes , that should more spoile their squadrons of ruitters before they could approach nigh the place where they should discharge their pistols . for there is no souldier of iudgement that commendeth the ancient romane or graecian discipline that would haue vs reiect all moderne weapons to cleaue to theirs onely . but embracing the moderne fireshot also to leaue the abusing of them , and vsing them rightly to vse still the auncient and right martiall discipline also of the romanes and graecians . wee see ( long since the fireshot hath beene vsed ) that the zwitzers notwithstanding haue continued their massie battailes of armed pikes like the gaecian phalanx , and verie honourably dischargd themselues both in italie , france , and germanie . in such sort as the emperour charles & the french king both relied on them greatly , and to this day ( of the mercenaries ) they carry the reputation with the best . so that no furie of the fireshot hath euer caused them to leaue their massie phalanx by the graecians vsed . how much lesse then should the romane order of battallions feare our fireshot ? nay rather is it not the most excellent ordinance that possibly can be imagined ? as well to open themselues ( without disorder ) to giue a way to their fireshot to saly forth , and retire in safety without any daunger of any charge by their enemies horse , and so more fit and conuenient for our warres and weapons now in vse , than they were for the weapons of that age wherein they were first practized ? and if neither the small nor great artillery of our age could euer make the zwitzers or launce-knights to leaue their massie mayne battaile or phalanx , but that in all warres they haue so honourably discharged themselues , as all princes are glad to embrace their friendships and aydes : how much more wold they haue excelled , if they had reuiued also the roman embattailing in battalions , which they inuented onely to defeat the macedonian and graecian phalanx . . now for the . inuectiue against their phrenzie that would haue in souldierie or diuinitie such refined discipline , as is impossible for men , and more fit for angels . i answere i am indeede of their opinion , that it is fantasticke and phanaticall to aduise such a discipline any way , as is impossible for men to obserue . but if the graecians and romanes also ( being men in flesh as we are ) many hundred yeares together did obserue and keepe such discipline as i perswade , then i cannot see any such impossibility as they inferre , or would make princes beleeue . but the truth is , it is not for the profit or priuate benefite of such mercenarie commaunders as most cōmonly manage the wars of our age , to haue that honorable auntient seuere discipline reuiued , which is the cheefe impedimēt . yet somewhat also i confesse in europe the great wealth that most nations are in this age growne vnto , and the delicate education of their children from their infancie doth make that seuere discipline more strange vnto vs , and somewhat more difficile to put in execution , as all things of highest excellencie are also accompanied with greater difficultie . but if it be compared with the greatnes of the good that therby shall ensue , and the great necessity without delay to haue it done , ( if we esteeme libertie and abhorre to be slaues to strangers ) it may perhaps be found more easy far than at the first it seemes . or if at first for meaner faultes we mitigate the paines , and by conuenient degrees proceede to cure the maladie that groweth too too dengerous , we shall at least do some-what if not the best , which is rather to be wished than naught at all . but because these patrones of the new militia haue one-other arch argument ( a verisimili ) to abuse the world withall ; i will also set it downe with such answere as briefly may open the fallacie thereof , and the necessitie of reformation without delay . the fourth reason . if ( say they ) the alteration of weapons considered , there were any better discipline for the warres , the inuention of man is so excellent in this age , and their wittes so refined , as they would put it in vre , aswell as they haue inuented these fire-weapons , so farre exceeding all their antique romaine rammes , scorpions , balistes , and arcubalistes , as we see those old engines now ( in respect of them ) meere toyes : euen so is also their auntient discipline , in respect of the rare militia moderne of our age. to this reason of theirs i answere : that no doubt the inuention of man in this age is in deede excellent , and farre exceeding the former ages for . or . yeares past : as may appeare by all artes and sciences that haue of late more flourished than in a thousand yeeres before . but if we haue regard to the more auntient times of the triumphant graecian states , and rothose mane empire , we shal finde for al arts & sciences ages far excelling ours , & no persons of our age ( either for learning or chiuallrie ) yet comparable with them : if comparing the actions and bookes of the one and the other , we will by the fruites iudge vnpartiallie of the trees . but euen as diuines , phisitions , lawyers , philosophers , mathematicians , and rethoricians , and all other ( studious of any liberall sciences in our age ) are inforced to repaire vnto those antique fountaines , where all arts liberall were in their high perfection : so surely for the warres much more we ought , seeing there was not one science or art then , more reduced to her full and supreme perfection . neuerthelesse i deny not , that the commaunders of our time for that scope and end perhaps they shot at , haue finely framed a discipline as profitable & perfect , as the antique was for theirs . for in this our age ( especiallie these fortie or fiftie yeares , since the emperour charles left his martiall actions : and our renowned king henry the eight , and francis the french king dyed ) there hath scarcely beene any king of europe that hath at any time in any royall war gone to the field himselfe , but only committed their martiall actions chiefelie to the execution of their lieuetennauts and inferior commaunders , which must of necessitie make great alteration . for where a king is oculatus testis , he seeth that which his lieuetenants wil neuer acquaint him with , being not for their commodities . when kings goe to the warres themselues , they see what is profitable or discommodious for themselues and their realmes , and aduance such discipline as may be most beneficiall to them and their state , as their deputies will such discipline as may be most commodious for themselues , howsoeuer it be good or bad for their king or state. againe in this our age kings generally haue made their warres ( not so much with their owne people , as with mercenaries and hired souldiers . who haue reason for their priuate benifite to vse a gouernment and discipline farre different from that they ought & would if they were led and commaunded by a king of their owne . their scope perhaps for the most part being to enrich themselues . howsoeuer the successe of the wars be for the king or state that paies them . i deny not but the moderne discipline and customes for inriching of themselues , ( i meane of superior commaunders ) is most singular and refined to the vtmost . as , if a generall will be content his captaines shall keepe their bands halfe emptie , and yet by fraudes in musters make his prince or state pay nigh compleate . if he will suffer them to pill and spoile the countrey where they lie , oppressing their friends more than their enemies . if when he hath fingred their pay , he will be content to leade them , or haue them led to some butcherie , where most of their throats shall be cut , that their dead paies may be shared among the leaders . or generallie for all those pointes of the moderne custome or discipline repugnant to the antique : who seeth not they are as finelie and wittelie inuented for the profit and commoditie of the mercenarie lucrous commaunders , as possibly can be deuised : and surelie the wit of men can inuent no more than hath beene , to pretend cunninglie the benefite of the prince and state they serue , and yet finelie indeede to inrich themselues with the impouerishing and very ruine of their prince or state that payeth thē . and surelie if mercenary ( leaders that serue not for any zeale , conscience , or duetie they owe to that prince or countrey , but only seeke the warres for gaine ) haue framed such a discipline , i cannot so much blame them though they carrie no such lacedemonian or romane resolution ( rather to dy in the fielde , than saue themselues by flight ) but choose rather to inrich themselues and their confederates by such escapes , hauing thereby the sharing of all their dead souldiers paies without contradiction , seeing dead dogges barke not . but after they haue learned abroad in these mercenarie warres this foule , base , couning and corrupt cowardly discipline , to bring it home into their natiue countries : who seeth not it must of necessity worke in time the very ruine of their state ? for as a woman that hath once made shipwracke of her honestie , easilie maketh a relaps : so fareth it in these mercenary fugitiues , that hauing once cast away shame ( which onlie or cheifelie maketh men resolutelie to sacrifice their liues for their countrey ) afterward become so far past shame , as they hold it no disgrace by shamefull flight at any time to saue themselues . this error alone creeping into england ( if euer we be inuaded by a puissant enemie ) is sufficient vtterly to ouerthrow the state : for it is the honorable resolution of our nation ( to conquere or dye in the fielde ) that must deliuer england , if we be inuaded by a forceable enemie . for we haue no such multitudes of strong townes as other countries : our armes and weapons are our wals and rampiers . we therefore of all other nations ought to reuiue the auntient most honorable lacedemonian resolution . to account the shame of dishonorable flight worse than ten deathes . but seeing it is hard in this age of delicacie to worke in mothers that honorable spartan resolution ( to abhorre their own children that were fugitiues ) yet surelie for all men to detest their company , and for magistrats to disgrace them , ( as persons vnworthy euer after to beare armes ) is a thing not onelie necessarie , but of such necessity as ( if it be omitted , and not in time put in due execution ) i doubt we shall too late repent it when all remedie will be past : the wiseman saith not had i wist . my meaning is not to call in question any priuate persons of our nation , for any errors committed in forraine countries : for surely these foule depraued customes were growne so common among the mercenary seruitors of all nations , as many valiant men by example of others their superiors or leaders haue fallen into them . but when we come to serue ( not mercenarie for pay of strangers ) but our naturall prince and country , ( to whom we owe our bodies and liues ) it is fit this part of auntient true martial discipline be seuerelie reuiued and published , and remerkable exampels made vpon the first breakers , as also a due reformation of all such other abuses , fraudes , and deceits , as allure men thereunto , and tend to the robbing of our prince , the defacing of true valour , and aduancing onely of subtile , base minded , lucrous cowardly caterpillers , tending finallie to the very ruine and ouerthrow of the honour of our prince and nation , & faelicious estate of our countrey . i meane not at this time to enter into the meanes how this discipline should be reformed , or how souldiery should be made obediēt , for it would require a great volume : but by that i haue read of the roman & greeke warres , and by mine owne experience conferred with the opinion of other worthie souldiers and great commaunders of our owne age i dare boldly affirme and with good reasons and authoritie maintaine , that it shal be much more easie to frame such an honorable militia or souldiery by a leauie of our contrey-men ( neuer in warres before ) than of such as haue bene depraued and corrupted in the loose , lewde , lucrous , licentious liberties of the warres of this time : as by that i haue more at large set downe in diuers parts of my stratiotic●s concerning the offices and dewties of euery seueral degree from the priuate souldier to the generall , and the military lawes of seuerall nations ) there set downe also , more euidently will appeare . this much only in this place i may ad . that albeit premium and paena be most souereigne medecines to cure all vlcers and infections that happen to the politique bodie of any state , whether it be in ciuill or martiall causes , yet example speciallie with our nation is the cheife . for as in the meanest matters ( if it be but only in apparrell , or attyres ) the example of our court is able to reforme or deforme the whole land , and by bare example only to doo tenne times more than proclamations , threatnings , and statutes paenall : so in martiall causes much more wee haue regard to such actions as great commaunders doe , which in court are fauoured , aduaunced , or countenanced . if they doo well , full easely will all inferiors conforme themselues : but if they either by custome continue courses inconuenient , or by facilitie of nature be seduced but to tollerate onlie the abuses which are too currant in these daies , and not seuerely chastise the delinquent without regard of pleasing or discontenting the diseased multitude ( how good lawes so euer be established , or proclamations made ) it is in vaine : for the loose licentious sort iudge them either published onely for fashion sake without regard whether they be obserued or no , or els their lewde faction to be so strong as magistrates dare not punish them : and either of these conceiptes ioyned with the profit and sweetenes these licentious commaunders make by their corruptions , is sufficient to embolden them more audaciouslie still to put their fraudes in execution : but , what succeedeth thereof , by example and experience in all ages we may behold . first in rome ( by reason of the ciuill warres between caesar and pompey , and after beetwne augustus caesar , anthony , brutus and , cassius ) the martiall discipline grewe to corruption , no one side daring to vse the auncient due seueritie , lest they should reuolt to his aduersaries . but what ensued , after the right martial legions were decaied , and a licentious praetorian guard maintained ? but the ruine of that famous and mightie empire , ransacked , and spoyled by the hunnes , gothes , and vandales , the most base of all the barbarous people that they before had conquered . the like i might particularlie set downe of diuers of the most martiall graecian common-weales , if we had not our next neighboure the mightie kingdome of fraunce ( euen in our owne age , by the very like depraued customes first learned among the italians , and nourished in that realme likewise by ciuil discentions ) brought into most lamentable miserie . a spectacle to stirre-vp all princes ( while they may ) to preuent those calamities whic● 〈…〉 will be too late . for after ciuill warres were once begunne , 〈…〉 the king , nor the prince his enemies , could keepe 〈◊〉 seuere hand on martiall iustice , lest these dissolute so●●●diers should reuolte , and so were indeede rather suppliants than commaunders of their armies : which beeing for the most part composed of mercenary hirelings , deuised all meanes prodigally to maintaine themselues , whatsoeuer became of their prince , or countrey , the successe whereof wee see . and that is that moderne discipline which so greedilie the licentious of all nations swallow vp , and are infected withall by the contagion of such as they haue conuersed with , tending chieflie to the maintenance of themselues inexcessiue riotous wastings , and to the vtter ouerthrow of all princes or states that shall beserued with them . to conclude therefore this true and needefull paradoxe , i hope ( by the conference of these fewe repugnant points of the auntient and moderne martiall discipline ) it doth sufficiently appeare . that as the latter are deuised wholly for the profit of corrupt persons ( and both dishonorable and extreame dangerous to any state or realme that shall endure them , so the former which i haue named of the antiquitie ) are both for the honour , profit and aduancement of the seruice of any kinge or state that shall embrace them . and therefore too apparant ( not only by euident discourse of reason , but also by plaine experience and successe in other realmes & states ) that where such abuses & corruption of true martial discipline shall be permitted , there can in time ensue no better than confusion & vtter ruine . and yet nothing doubt , but that our nation , as by nature it is as warlike as any other vnder the heauen ( hauing in times past while they were trained & led by honorable generals , conquered their enemies being tenne to one , as appeareth by the chronicles and confessions of our very enemies themselues ) so hereafter also ( by due regard in choice of such commaunders , and redresse of such moderne errors ) we shall leaue to our posteritie also like monuments of fame , as haue beene left to vs by those our right martiall and honorable auncestors . the third paradox . that the sometimes neglected souldiers profession deserues much commendation , and best becomes a gentleman , that desires to liue vertuously , or die honorablie . proeludium . i will neither deny , nor commend , my loue to poetry , some little idle time spent in it for my priuate recreation i repent not , it hath good vse , and is a good exercise for busie yonge heads : the noble adorner of that practise sir phillip sidney though he liued an age before me , i yet honor , i loue his memorie , and in my best wishes to my countrie , i sometimes sadly wish our nobility and gentrie would be his followers : yet being as he was a man of armes by nature , a quem pallas nutriuit in antris , of pallas bringing vp , one that suckt milke from both her brests , a learned souldier ; i would he had left the patronage of poetrie to some more priuate spirit , and saued me a labor by bestowing his much better witte on some requisite apologie for souldiers , whose profession is now as much contemned as to be a b graetian , or as a scholer was wont to be in rome , whose name is as vnpleasing as c iehan in france , or d ione in naples , whose nature is esteemed so vile , that some men thinke it iustice to make a conuertible reciprocation betwixte them and wandring houseles men : but when i call to minde howe e homer the best poet chose as the best subiect to describe f res gest●s regumque ducumque & tristia bella : the exployts of captaines , kinges and dismall combatinges . tyrtaeusque mares animos ad martia bella versibus exacuit . and how mens mindes to martiall fight , tyrtaeus did with rimes excite . when i remember how leonidas and his companions had in memoriall of their euer to be remembred seruice certaine poeticall songs sunge by the graetians how euen the g rude inhabitants of hispaniola like our auncient bards haue their customarie rimes , ad praelia excitantes auorum gesta recitando , to quicken their courages by reciting the acts of their forefathers ; all which i know sir phillip sidney so great a scholer , could not but know : then loe i enuie not the muses good happe , that had one of mars his followers to be their champion : since his worthie deeds and honorable death assure me he would haue spared that defence , if he had not assured himselfe that it was poetries best vse h vt dignos laude viros vetet mori . to labour that the memorie of worthy men may neuer die . sure then i thinke some thankefull poet , that hath drunke store of castalian liqour and is full of fury , cannot doo better than in requitall of his kindnes indeuour i vt gratus insigni referat camena , dicenda musis proe●lia . to singe in verse excellinge wars worth the muses telling . nor needes he feare to want attention , vnlesse he want a poets wit to tell the contents of his booke in proaeme with k bella per aemathios plus quam ciuilia campos &c. i singe the ciuill warres tumultuous broyles &c. assuredly had it befallen me , l in bicipiti somniasse pernasso , to steale a nap amongst the rest in the top of the mountaine , or si quid mea carmina possent , if my verses were of any vertue , i would desire to write some worthy souldiers praise in dust and bloud as dù bartas hoped to doo henrie of france his in pampeluna . but foole that i am . m i neuer dranke of aganippe wel nor euer did in shade of tempe sit . nor am i able to perswade our poets to intreate of warres indeede . n praelia virginum sectis in iuuenes vnguibus acrium dum cantant vacui . while idlely they sing the scarres that yonge men catch in wenching warres . what then , shall souldiers want their due , because i want abilitie to doe them right ? shall i not speake what i can , because i cannot speake what i would ? no sure , that were iniustice , this were folly . horace can tell . o est aliquidprodire tenus , si non datur vltra . t is somewhat to doe somewhat , though not well . it is inough sor me to breake the ice , and let the world see what may be said for the warres and souldiers when one whose whole kyndred almost by father and mother lost their liues or spent their liuings in the wars , is able through bare loue without learninge , without arte to speake as fellowes in defence of souldiers . i euer thought nothing worse for gentlemen than idlenesse , except doing ill , but could not at the first resolue how they might be fitliest busied : to play the merchants was only for gentlemen of florence , venice , or the like that are indeede but the better sort of citizens : ploughing and grazing i esteemed worse than mechanicall occupations : the court was but for fewe , and most of thē liued too luxuriously : to study or trauel was good , but directed to this ende , that they might be fit for some profession the thing in question : for diuinity they many times thought themselues too good , and i was sure they were most times vnfit : lawe was but a mony getting trade , and physicke a dangerous tickle arte , at last i thought on the warres , where the learned might perfect their contemplation by practise and the vnlearned helpe that defect by well gotten experience : and this was my yeares meditation : afterwards that impression was strengthned dayly by the remembrance of my fathers courses , by the experience of some other occurrents and by the obseruation of as many things as my litle reading encountred that might make for that purpose . so i grew to affect scholers such as would speake that , that might be vnderstoode , and could reduce their studie in histories the mathematickes or the like from speculation to practise for the profitable pleasure of their friendes or honorable seruice of their country . i liked trauelers so they would be silent , yet were able when time serued to discourse iudiciously of the state and power of more countries , of the strēgth and situation of more cities , of the forme and force of more seuerall fortifications , than other corkeheaded counterfeits could recken vp of bonna robbas bordeaus or apish fashions : aboue all the perfection of the endeuors of the former . i loued souldiers , such as hated cheating , drinking , lying , whooring , prating , quarreling and lewde behauiour . and either maimed , growne olde or wanting imploiment , had retired themselues to some priuate ( perhaps poore ) life , but that they liued contented : and though mine owne ability were then in minoritie , my heart esteemed him not a gentleman , would suffer such as these to want ought he could helpe them to : thus i spent the fiue yeares following . and now my almost freede body is readie for the warres which i before resolued was most fit for men of my place : but want of imploiment imposes on me an vnacceptable idlenesse which i sorrily passe-ouer with laughing at the lamentable folly of our besotted gētry ; one thinks it is commendation to weare good cloathes with iudgment , another for that he is a handsome man , a third for cunning carding , but if some youth of hopeful expectation attaine some skil in musicke , some tricks in dauncing or some fencing qualitie , the world consisting most of women-fooles and cowards will peremptorily pronounce this compleate gentlemās worth too great for one cronicle . p at quis ferat istas stultiae sordes but who can quietly indure such foppery . i that desire a man should be more worth than his cloathes , the inside best , i that thinke it my good fortune to haue small skill in ga●●ing , i that hate vnnecessarie qualities , as the q aegyptians did musicke for making men effeminate , cannot but dislike our gentry should be of taylors meere creation or spend there time in pastime or make their recreation there vocation , me thinkes our citie-gentlemen as for their slouthfull life , the french-men scoffing terme thē might for their recreation sometimes read how phillip reprehended alexanders skill in singing . how s anthisthines condemned ismenias his playing on the flute , or the like examples and so learne to leaue mispending of their pretious time into too too well affected fruitlesse courses they might remember how much one t alexander did in poore . yeeres , what u scipio was ere he was twenty foure and weghing well how z●ni●-like their actions imitate their forefathers whose honour they vniustly challenge me thinks they might euen hate themselues for letting the world see they haue the leasure to spend whole daies at cardes yet haue done nothing worthie memory saue idely wasted their wealth to purchase infamy . but you whose countrey life hath best affinitie with your true calling the warres as least subiect to luxurie as most affected of auntient souldiers can you not loue hunting because it resembles the warres but you wil neuer leaue hūting ? is there more musicke in a stinking curres howling qualitie than a drumme or trumpet ? will you in these times giue men occasion to aske whether your countrey haue no men you make so much account of dogges that your life seemes brutish still with dogges & your discourse vnreasonable still of doggs ? o rather let the example of our great great maister that worthely loues hunting as the noblest sport yet only followes it at vacante times teach you henceforth to vse your sports as sports and not still to dwell in them nor in the taedious discourse of them . but whither doth contempte of follie carry me ? both th' one & th' other sort of our decaied gentry , haue but the bare name of some auntient house but few sparks of english vertue they are so farre from being gentlemen they neither speake nor liue like men , yet if their charmed sences can indure to heare of remedy as * phillip was put in minde of death or x xerxes of the losse of sardis . i le play the young-man once , and crye to them in the middest of their vaine life and idle talking , remember z pyrrhus whose life and studie spent and imploied in military affaires doth shew what course of life best fits the better sort of men , who being askt who plaide best on the fluite , python or cephesias answered wisely though indirectly , poliperchon in his iudgment was the best captaine to teach the standers-by how noble spirits should discourse . o then remember pyrrhus , be as you ought your selues , leaue vanity & let your liues your words be warlike , your truest honour will be to be souldiers , and your most vertuous course of life the warres . but alas , as through the indirect proceeding of desparate censurers , men oft condemne the warres for murdering our men , and wasting our mony in lingring fruitlesnesse , where many times the fault is in our souldiers disabilitie , poore hunger-starued snakes halfe dead ere they go out of england : such as were a cumber rather than an ayde to the auncient romaines : such as with our moderne a spaniardes are sent a yere or two to take hart at grasse ( as we say ) in italy , before they suffer them to come to seruice , whereas most times the corruptnes of officers ( such as seeke the wars for gaine only , and make no conscience to cousin princes , and the ignorance of leaders , such decayed vnthriftie gallants as to gett a little money by the sale , spoile or slaughter of their companies make meanes to be fauorabl● sent , from the court to the camp , as commanders , before they knowe how to obey ) are true causes of extraordinarie spoile of treasure , of making the warres seeme ( if not be , dilatorie and fruitlesse : so on the other side , those officers , those captaines , and those souldiers , being in their kinds the worse part of our people , are indeed of such inuincible lewdnes that either dronelike sucking wax only frō sweetest flowers , or worse cōuerting holesomest things to poyson , they only vse the warres as naughty ●en doe learning , to increase their wickednesse . pro●●ing the axiome in phylosophy most true , b quicquid recipitur , recipitur secundum modum recipientis . that which is receiued , is receiued according to the qualitie of the receiuer : so that men seeing them spende that most vitiously which they got most lewdly are readie grounding themselues on their example to raile at souldiers as a profession of licentious lawlesse libertie , and repute souldiers for dissolute rakehels in whom there is c nulla fides pietasue , noe feare of god , no thought of goodnesse . yet as the studie of philosophie was not to be condemned , because some phylosophers were d epicures , as the name● of kings was not to haue bin hated because tarquine was a tyrant : no more i thinke are souldiers to be contemned or their profession ill esteemed of for that some bawdiehouse captaines or alehouse souldiers liue loosely ; e or for that many that followe the warres of our time where discipline is too too much corrupted are such as only liue by the warres and so indeuor gaine by all the meanes they can saue honest courses : for were our military discipline as in truth it ought of that powerfull sanctitie that our armes the most perfect politicke bodies might for the goodnesse of their lawes and orders and the iustnes of their exscucion , attaine their true perfection of surpassing the best ruld citties in ciuilitie , that our commanders like the auncient romans that held their faith more firme with enemies than some men now doe neerest bonds of duetie and alleagiance , might know it is their office to punish euen their deerest freinds offences , that our souldiers worthely indeuoring in god their prince or countries quarrell to exchange their liues for honor onely might learne to account it their greatest honor to be an honor to their calling by performing the necessarie duties of their calling . then as the romaines with their victories droue away barbarisme out of our countries by leauing vs a patterne of more ciuill life , from their warlicke gouernmēt , of which most parts of europe yet to this day retaine some remnants i see not but it might please god to reward our industrie by making our conquering swordes the instruments to plante religion amongst turkes and infidelles , and reforme the errors of wandring christians , when they seeing our souldiers such as the f indians did albuqueria and his company of portingalls may stedfastly beleeue that god omnipotent as they did that king worthy , that hath such vertuous seruāts : thē would our warriours like true aunciēt souldiers striue to be religious , vertuous , full of honesty , and we might iustly thinke with the g thessalian those of our countrimē most dull and sottish that went not to the warres : or say with the h aetolian the warre is better farre than peace for him that hath a minde to proue an honest man. for then our campe would be a schoole of vertue where ( by dutifull obedience ) men should be trayned vp and taught what appertaind to wise cōmanding : where religion perhaps the cause of the quarrell should be so feruent , that men would thinke it their cheifest ioy , in midst of greatest miseries , to haue the feare of god their meditation and an vnspotted life their comfort . for thē the memorie of alexander that the night before the battell with i darius cald for aristander to winne the fauour of gods with sacrifice : or of k aeneas . — quo iustior alter nec pi●tate fuit , nec bello maior et armis : than whom there was none more vpright in goodnesse , nor more great in fight . that in virgil leaues his companions busied , et l arces quibus altus apollo praesidet horrendaeque domus secreta sibillae antrum immane petit &c. to high apollos temple hies and to those dreaded mysteries . the horride vault where sibil lies &c. or of m camillus that would begin and end his skermishes with prayers , or of the n romans whose victories built churches , with whom contempt of the gods was a certaine signe of ouerthrow ; would make our souldiers call to minde it is their dutie to be as earnest in holy workes of piety , as they were zealous in their superstition , they blindly did they knew not what , and though through the soules strugling to ascend from whence it came , there arose some sprakes , that gaue them light to see there was ens entium : a power aboue all humane power that lookt for reuerence , yet wanting meanes to apprehende that rightly , their best endeuors proued but fruitles workes of darkenesse , but out of doubt our christan souldiers as they haue much more hope , more helps , and more incitements , i do presume are much more truely and more earnestly religious . these haue assurāce grounded on infallible witnesses that they serue the only true and euerliuing god that giues the victory to thē that rightly call vpon him for it , and rewards plentifully those that deserue it . these by the orders of their discipline , as helps to their weakenes , cōforts to their miseries , and ministers of gods blessings haue necessary leuites to performe to them all rites that may prepare them , that are in health and therefore lesse hindred frō being prepared for death that hourely hāgs ouer them . to assure them when they sometimes beseiged suffer famine as fearefull as that of o ierusalem , as great as king p sous his souldiers that would not sorbeare drinke to gaine a kingdome , yet choose to die miserably , rather than yeeld to change their faith ▪ that that faith shal be rewarded with a happy crowne of immortalitie . to teach thē that to be sometimes for christs cause made gallis●aues , where with the constant spirits of true christian souldiers they indure afflictions , that would make softehearted men such perhappes as speake against souldiers , euē forsake their great captaine iesus : is a sure meanes to gaine in exchange of those bonds the freedome of heauen . to exhort them last of all if by gods mercifull preseruation when death came a tithing on any side , whē multituds of enimies encōpassed them about , they proue the sole remnant of many hundreds , to returne to their natiue countrie there to dye in peace , that whiles they liue they cannot haue a better president to imitate than the worthy captaine q cornelius . besides these minesters , these souldiers haue the scriptures , where contemning play bookes and base pamphlets vnfit studies for dying men ) they may reading learne to imitate r iosua before the battell , that prayed the israelites might not be deliuered into the hands of the amorites : or s moses in the battell that lifted vp his hands to heauen for victorie : or t dauid after the battell that praised god the author of his conquests with ioyfull songs of thankesgiuing : where they may reading learne to giue continually all honor and religious worshippe to that god v that teacheth their fingers to fight and their hands to battell , euen in the midst of their armies from whence he pleases to appropriate vnto himselfe one of his great & glorious titles w the lord of hostes. but perhaps some one obseruing how great y anthony , did sacrifice himselfe to luxurie , or hauing reade the true cause of x charles the of fraunce his posting pilgrimage to paris when he should haue gone for naples may thinke he sees good reason to condemne a souldiers religion as consisting of too much deuotion to shee saints : i must confesse the folly of some souldiers in time of idlenesse hath giuen some colour to the fable of mars and venus , but i cannot see how the profession , can deserue that imputation : for either that fable is a poets mere fiction , and so not to be credited , since through their lyinge madenesse euen heauen i● selfe is defiled , or els is grounded on some naturall cause , and then as sol and mercurie the patrons of poets lawiers and the like are in the celestiall globe neerer to venus as oft in coniunction and for their naturall proprietie more concordant , in reason me thinkes those poets , lawiers , and the like that leade vitam sedentariam , a quiet life , sleepe their fill and eate their meate at due seasons must of necessitie be much more subiect to incontinency than souldiers , that may well with z scipio contemne lasciuiousnesse , since thinking still how to conquere men , their leasure serues them not to become slaues to women , a that may learne of scanderbreg to liue long vnmarried and yet most honest , that their bodies may be the stronger and better able to do or suffer what pertaines to souldiers : that may as b pericles willed sophocles euen keepe their eies from lusting , their course of life being of such singlnes that they are seldom or neuer troubled with the sight of womē that are last of all daily mortifyed with colde , hunger losse , of blood , and perpetual labour : so that if c henry the maiden-king of portingal could , they may well be per totum vitae spatium libidinis expertes euen al their life time free frō incontinēt-desires , at least able with d alexander to resist the temptatiō of a philoxenes or an ephestion though their temper were as hotte as alexanders that by reason of heat brethed forth sweete sauors . and yet not neede to coole their complexions with too much liquour : the death of e clitus and the burning of persepolis may assure them alexanders drunkennes drowned al his other vertues : f so seneca pronounced his happie rashnesse farre from fortitude , tainted with cruelty , the badge of cowardize , and i may well condemne his wisedome for loosing the benefite of his victory which g caesar the best captaine thought was only this , victis donare salutem . for to bestoe life on the vanquishtfoe . it is an idle fond infirmity fit for immodest h babilonish women that first drinke then daunce &c. or for vnwise womenish men louers i meane twixt whom and drunkards there is such affinity that i & in ebrietatē amans , & in amorem ebrius procliuis admodum , the louer is soone drunke , the drunkard apt to be in loue : but the ouerthrow of the victorious k scithians in iustine hath made me euen from the infancy of my reading , afraide to think such weakenesse should be in a souldier , as was in those l german●●s pantaleon speakes of that after many valiant exploites falling to drinking on saint martins day were al slaine by the turkes that inuaded them , as the graecians did troy where the inhabitants were m vino sommoque sepulti . dead in a deepe and drunken sleepe . let the barbarous n brasilians drinke drunke before they enter into consultations , let their light heads be far from bringing forth weightie counsailes : but you in whose hands consists the safety of kingdomes , whose affaires stande so tikle that as o gui●●ardine obserues one commaundement ill vnderstoode , one order ill executed , one rashnesse , one * vaine voice euen of the meanest souldior carries oft times the victory to those that seemed vanquished , keepe you your wittes about you still perfect and still readie to settle vnexpected accidents , though some vsu●ers of your names waste their substance as the p west - indians do their money in their quaffing cups and then like true vnthrifts such as was meligallus a knight of rhodes endeuour treacherously post patrimonium patriam subuertere after the ouerthrow of their owne estates to betray their countrey ; though the weakenesse of some men be such that they first and surest learne the infirmities of the countreies where they liue , as some auntient trauellers were wont to do lying of the cret●ans , perfidiousnesse of the carthaginians , or effeminatnes of the people of asia , as some moderne doo affected grauity of the spaniard . reueng and ielous●y of the italian , and waste and lauish of the french , as some of our souldiers haue done freebooting mutining and the like disorders in the ciuill warres of the french leaguers , as some haue and do this carousing qualitie by seruing among the dutch. yet let your setled iudgments discerne a difference twixt vertue and those mentioned vices , let your wisedome direct you to contemne their folly that betray their owne by drinking to anothers health , let it assure you though somefooles like the r indian chirihichenses thinke him most valiant that drinks most , it can be little praise to you to make your bellies hogs-heads , or your braines spunges , you may and ought to shew far truer and farre greater fortitude by liuing vertuous cōquerers of such vicious affections that so you may dye without feare of death your countries faithfull champions , & go as plutarch tels of s romulus armed to heauen , and 〈◊〉 be as t solon thought of tellus more happy than the richest king. for this forescore yeeres-olde u hippodamus aduised by his king to leaue the warres , and turne into his countrey , replied he knewe not where to dye more happilie than in the wars defending of his country : for this the yong vnmaried x graecians part of leonidas his gallant followers refused to shun a certaine danger & returne vnto their friends in safety , saying they came to fight and not to carry newes , for this i cannot chuse but attribute great honour to the warre , that is of power to make both old and young so honorable . y par ill● regi , par superis erit qui stiga tristem non tristis vidit . he is a king or more than mortall man that vnappalde , pale death incounter can . and they shall be most happy x quos ille timorum maximus haud vrget lethi metus . to whom of all feares chiefe the feare of death doth work no griefe . this is the perfect point of fortitude , this is the hardest point in all philosophy , yet surest learnd by practise and oftnest put in practise in the wars , where priuate souldiers like that z german in osorius wil be sore wounded yet not retire til they dye or conquere where captaines bury themselues in their own colours or like a bayard fight till death seaze on them , yet desire to dye with their faces against their enemies ; where sometimes both captaine and souldiers like b leonidas and his companions dine with a resolution vndismaide , to sup in heauen , & die all of them so happy , that none remaines to carry the vnhappie newes . these then and such as these are souldiers , for these are chronicles , and such as these are ( by c licurgus lawes ) esteemed only worthie to haue epitaphes ; so now i see why d pyrrhus trained vp his three sonnes to be souldiers ; while he himselfe did liue and dye a souldier ; and why within e rome no man might be buried that had not bene a souldier : so now i thinke when alexander dying left his crowne f dignissimo , vnto the worthiest , he did intend a souldier , when the most indians of hispaniola bequeath theirs g fortissimo vnto the valiantest , they can intend none but a souldier : and h pyrrhus when he tolde his sonnes he should succeede that had the sharpest sworde , did onely meane that sonne that prooued a souldier : for why ? should pyrrhus haue resigned his scepter to a sonne as iohn of armenia did to a brother belli ignaro viro , a man vnexperienced in militarie affaires , there might haue well be feared a desolate subuersion of his state like that , that thereon followed , in the kingdom of armenia . but he that saw the romans growe from small beginnings to a mightie nation by continuall warre , and found that for increasing of their fame , riches and power , their loue was setled on the warre ; had reason to traine vp and seeke to leaue an heire that might maintaine his quarell and resist the romans force with force , their warre with warre : and hauing so established his throne , plentie of sutors would haue come from neighbouring princes if not for loue , for feare , if not for feare , for profits sake , to winne such a succeeders amity . for as it is reported of k tubanama an indian king , that he protested solemnly , he euer loued the spaniards , because he hearde their swords were sharper farre than his : so i remember when at the selfesame time , the seuerall prouinces of l graecia , sent seuerall embassadors to the persian artaxerxes , whose frendshippe all affecting , all indeuored by all the meanes they could to gaine : the king did voluntarily preferre the thebā cause and pelopid●s sute before the rest , because the fame went they were the best practised of & most skilfull souldiers of all the rest , litle respecting the power of the athenians , or the wealth or number of other of the citties , who for want of militarie practise , neither knew how to vse their nūber , nor their powerful weath : so then for power in the warre it is , one kingdome is preferred before an other , and strangers euermore do most respect those strangers that are warryers . the poore artificers , the mechanicke switzers were not long since of most meane estimation till that prouoked by an iniury of m charles the last duke of the house of burgundy like horses ignorant of their owne strenght they entered the feilde and got a victorie whose sweetnesse so inticed them on to continue in that course to such there aduantage , that since that time some of the greatest n princes of christendome haue vied thousandes of crownes to gaine their freindeshippe , that in the warres of o italie the victorie did ofttimes follow their inclination , that last of all , all europe at this day respects them well , and him the better whose freinds they professe themselues . thus the lowcountrimen ( a name not many yeeres agone vnknowne ) were once p reputed a dull lazie yea a base nation of poore handicrafts men , contemned of their neighbouring enemies & respected of their friendes no further than necessitie inforced , yet after that as they professe their lords seueritie had forced them against their willes to take vp weopons for their owne defence , they in shorte time redeemed so their reputation that their most powerfull neighbours were content to vndergoe inuirious imputations for protecting thē , whom men that lookt a squinte vpon the cause esteemed too much disobedient , & since that time the warre that gaue life to their force hath so encreased their might , that for this but on part of their power their strenght at sea , t is thought they cannot want good freinds to backe them . since then the benefit of power skill and practise in the warre is such that by it the poore haue growne rich , the weake strong , and those that were reputed vile haue got an honorable reputation , since all sorts of men are either through feare earnest or through loue willing to entertaine frendly amitie with those especially that are renowned for it , since last a commonwealth through it may growe frō small beginnings to vnlookt for height as that of q rome , audendo et agendo , by daring and doeing rose from nothing to be maisters of the world , who is he that remembers how r romulus euen in romes infancie , did lay foundations of romes greatnesse , by choosing out of his followers , those that were able to beare armes to be enroled into legions , that will not wish if he wish well to his country , that his countries gouernors would prouide so , for their citties that they may neuer want souldiers to fight for them so long as they haue citizens to dwell within them . for my part when i remember how the s roman state , as it encreased in power did euermore encrease the well deserued respect it bare to souldiers , so that though while the weakenesse of their poore beginning lasted they only gaue them titulary rewards triumphs to generalles , and to each priuate souldier that deserued it a seuerall garland , yet in the yeere of their citties age , at the taking of anxur the wolsces towne , they ordained for them a certaine paye e publico which was augmented aftetwardes by caius gracchus and doubted after him by iulius caesar , so that in processe of time besides the gift of the gouernement of infinite townes prouinces and kingdomes , besides the sending forth of t colonies one cheife vse whereof was vt praemijs milites veterani afficerentur : that olde souldiers might be rewarded , and besides the ordinarie allowance for those legions that liued in rome , the emperour u augustus allotted out certaine portions of lande for those that had beene souldiers to maintaine them in a continuall readinesse to doe him and their countrie service . when i remember how in imitation of those romans the auncient kings of the * gaules gaue to their souldiers mannors in the countrie where they liued as lords ouer the peasants their tennants , and were tyed to come with a certaine nomber of followers according to the quality of their land to serue as voluntaries at their owne charge so long as the warre lasted , a custome yet obserued by their ofspring the gentrie of france : when i remember how perhappes in imitation of those gaules , william the conqueror gaue to his followers our gentries auncestors distincte circuites in sondrie places of seuerall landes of inheritance ▪ one of the heires of which distribution is reported since that time to haue produced a rusty sword as the euidence by which he held his liuing : when i remember how the kings of france vsed knighting and when that was corrupted in the ciuill warres of the houses of x burgundie and orleans inuented new orders of knighthood , as new honors to rewarde souldiers : when last i call to minde how gentlemen and their coats of armes tooke their originall from the warres as may appeare by z agrippaes obseruation that in heraldry the best coates cōsist of sauage beasts to testifie the bearers nobility gotten by his courage : as saith he , the gothes caried a beare , the saxons a horse , the romans an eagle , the cimbri a bull , and each particular gentleman thinkes it nothing honorable to carry a sheepe , a lambe , a clafe , or such like peaceable creature that is not militiae signum , a token of warfare ; then my zeale to the warres and my loue to souldiers is so reuiued that i can scarse forbeare wishing , that in engiand as in scythia none might drinke of the feasting cuppe , or as in carmania none might marry that had not slaine an enemy to his country : or as amonge the turkes that none might be esteemed noble for antiquity , but for their proper vertue : or as olde decrepite men were vsed among the a trogloditae mētioned in diodorus siculus , that each yong scapethrift that is telluris inutile pondus , a burden to the earth that can doe nothing wel , saue that that is passing ill might be tyed by the necke to an oxes taile and so strangled as well worthy so shamefull a death for doing nothing worthy of life . but on later and wiser consideration i finde it nothing comely that a ciuill country should breake her owne customes to imitate a barbarous people , yet euen these examples with those before mentioned may liuely testifie how necessary al antiquitie esteemed pramiaet honores rewards and honors , to nourish and hold vp the arte of warre , one of the cheifest pillars of a common-wealth i cannot therefore but most seriously wishe that our king a worthy in the worthiest kinde of learning as he is the flower of two stemmes of most renowned warlicke auncesters , whom god hath giuen vs , b to goe out before vs and fight our battelles , to whom the king of kings c et mulcere dedit fluctus et tollere ventos . giues power as well as to appease with calmes , with stormes to stirre the seas . would when it shall please his wisedome adde life , i meane practise to our militia that oft dyes at least decaies much through secure idlenesse , and that then the paie of england that is as honorable as any nations may not be detained from or gelded before it come to the hands of poore souldiers by base vnworthy captaines , nor the due of honest captaines be with helde or lesned through the fraudulēt corruptiō of decitefull officers ; but that seuerity of military discipline may be reuiued to cut of those rotten members , those adulterate counterfeites whose basens hath made true souldiers contēptible , and that true souldiers euen in times of peace may bee as much respected as their vertuous worth deserues . for then as by d licurgus institution it was in sparta our free noble spirits will betake them to the sworde & launce , & leaue al other occupatiōs vnto white liuerd men : thē our yong mē will exercise thēselues as e coriolanus did , in running , wrastling , riding , and the like warlike sports : and our olde men shall be fathers of great experience : so that with vs as with the f brasilienses the yong men shall execute valiantly , the wise counsaile of the olde men : then our gentlemen remembring in what foughten field , or for what speciall seruice their auncestors receiued their badges of honor , will fall to imitate those honorable auncestors and knowing how poore a credite t is g aliorum incumbere famae , for to relie on other mens desert will striue rather to haue effigies tot bellatorum , the images of their warlike auncestors , liuing in their hearts than dead and smoake dried in their houses : h then our countrimen like marcellus in rome or the i mamertines in sicilie , may perhaps haue honorable name deriued from mars : then it may be as many of one name as were of k williams at our king henrie the second his sonnes feast in normandie , or as many of one family as were of the l medcalfes at on assize in richmondshire will vowe themselues like the . fabij in rome to fight for their countrie : m at least we shall haue many breathren , ( noble slippes of some noble stocke ) that like the norrisses of honorable memorie , will striue to be famous for dying valiant souldiers in the bed of honor , rather than infamous like some beasts vnworthy to be named in the same discourse for their noted idle , if not worse life . then we shall haue many captaines , such as were the greekes and romans , and our souldiers shall be as much renowned for valour , honesty and mutuall loue as was the holy bande at n thebes : and then nowe conquests shall make forreinors ashamed to laugh at vs when we tell of our forefathers victories in france , and our displayed ensignes shall keepe vs from blushing at our slothfull life : for then those true souldiers that whiles the warres serue but as sinckes to ridde away purgamenta vrbium , lye hid like diamonds heapt-vp in dunghills couered with weedes , shall be as rich gemmes set in gold and worne and beautified by the comfortable reflex●ion of the rising sunnes smilinge beames , and in the meane time this may their comfort though like old english words they be now out of vse , yet o multa renascentur quae nunc c●cidere cadentque quae nunc sunt in honore . they will be in request that are neglected , and they contemned that are nowe respected . the time will come their countrie will leaue fawningly to offer vp hir wealth to those her vnworthy children that liue by sucking drie their parents bloud , and rather motherlike respect those sonnes that are hir champions , and seeke to perchase her ease with painefull industrie , her honor with effusion of their bloude , her safety with losse of life . the fourth paradox . et multis vtile bellum . that warre sometimes lesse hurtfull , and more to be wisht in a well gouernd state than peace . sweete i knowe is the name of peace , more sweete the fruition , to those ease-affecting men that foolishly imagine it the greatest point of wisdome to enioy the benefit of present time , though one of better iudgmet tell them : a isthuc est sapere , non quod ante pedes modo est videre , sedetiam illa quae futura sunt prospicere . t is wisdome not to cast our eyes on that , that iust before vs lies , but to foresee and to prouide for harmes that one day may betyde . some others without repect of publike benefite , measuring the happinesse of the state wherein they liue by their owne particular contentment do most eagerly make warre against warre , the apparant enemy to persiā luxurie , whose sworne slaues they liue . and besides these the greatest part of men , blinded like these , doo tremble at the name of warre , for feare of his companion charge : not vnlike some wretched pennie-fathers , that in time of this our contagion , by resisting contributions fitting for the ordering of infected persons , are oft occasion of impouerishing themselues and their whole towne , of endaungering their owne and many hundred honester mens liues . but if it may appeare on better deliberation , that the warre , b est de longe temps & continue encor , & durera en sa force iusqu a la fin du monde is of great antiquitie , continues yet , and will remaine in full force to the ending of the world , so that wee may well put it of , but cannot put it away , since like a torrent of waters it rises as occasion forceth here & there , and may a while be stayed , but encreasing so , breakes out in the end more violently , and as virgil saith , c sternit agros , sternit sata laeta boumque labores praeeipitesque trahit siluas &c. the fields it ouerflowes , the corne is dround . plowmen their labour loose , trees fall on ground &c. then it brings with it a confused desolation , whereas without daunger at the first , it might haue passed on by little and little in a continuate quiet course . if it may appeare , that luxurious idlenesse is much more to be feared than those monstrous bugbearers words i sometimes heare alleaged to disswade men from the warres , the meere inuentions of fainthearted and effeminate men , that they may haue some colour for their dishonorable sloth . if last of all it may appeare , that in a iust and good quarrell , which cannot likely want a warre wisely managed , cannot but bee infinitely profitable : i thinke there is none that honours his king , wishes well to his countrey , or desires fame ; but will farre preferre the shedding of his bloud , to procure his kings honour , his countries safetie , or his owne reputation , before the sorded sparing , lazie liuing , or foolish delaying of those blinded men i mentioned . for my owne part , i euer disliked those patient pleasing chirurgions that with fond mildenesse suffer small hurts to fester , & grow dangerous : i euer feared lest temporizing ( like looking on our neighbors burning house ) would suffer the fire to come home to our owne doores , and then i feare our poore louing sheep wil too late see , they onely fed themselues fatt for the slaughter , when men most resolute , shall rather bee , determinate to doo , than skilfull how to . then i feare our conquestes past will little profit vs , when ease like rust in our armour shal haue eaten into and corrupted our valor when by discontinuance of practise , wee shall bee vnapt for seruice , yea by reason of the often change of the course of our warres directly ignorant , and that ignorant vnaptnesse will dismay the most confident : then it may bee feared wee may too late repent our former negligence , our secure idlenesse , our sparing of a little to the endangering of all , when wee see our selues at length enforced to vndergo the danger with disaduantage which in time with ods , our side we might easily haue repelled : then we may wish we had imitated the romanes wisedome , that foresaw inconueniences a farre of , and would not to auoid present warres , suffer mischiefes to grow-on , d they inuaded philip and antiochus in graecia lest othewise they might haue been enforced to deale with them in italy . but my words perhaps are to these peace-louers as winde that shakes no corne , assuredly i know it hard to disswade bewitched men from ease and pleasure , two seducing syrens in whose beastly seruitude too too many are inthralled past recouerie : yet those worthy spirits in whose breasts the sparkes of our forefathers courage are not yet extinguished whose swelling hearts are ready to protest their english vertue hates effeminate , longs to shew it selfe in some laborious course of valiant industrie : they i doubt not will soone call to minde how dishonourable it was to the e aegyptians vnder ptolomie : depositis militiae studijs , otio & desidia marcescere . to pine away in sloth and idlenesse , neglecting militarie profession , or how vnprofitable it was to the f lydians to liue in peace . quae gens industria quondam potens , & manustrenua , effaeminata mollitie , luxuriaque virtutem pristinam perdidit : which nation was once famous for valor and industrie , but they drownde the reputation of their auncient vertue in effeminate and luxurious delicacie . and with a feeling remembrance of those or the like examples , pray with mee that those , and the like inconueniences fall not on vs : that wee may not suffer our enemies or neighbours to grow too mightie , whilest carelesly wee our selues waxe weake and degenerate through sloth and case , vnder the colour of a quiet life : i doubt not but their hopes are like to mine . for as that great captaine g pyrrhus did in some particulars well correct the vaine v●ine voluptuous life of the tarentines , so since god hath giuen vs a gouernour as valiant as , but much more wise than pyrrhus : i hope , and my hope is strengthned with confidence , that that valor will incite , that that wisedome will direct our king , to take in hand the reformation of our idle life , more daungerous than that of the tarentines : in better manner and to better purpose , then did that pyrrhus . a worke worthie a king , that can bee worthily effected by none , but such a king , in whom there is all worthinesse . but heere mee thinkes i heare some obiect to mee the succesfull felicitye of the peaceable reigne of our late queene , whose happie memorie , and euer to be admired gouernment , farre bee it from my thankfull thoughts to touch with the lest tittle of disgrace , whose wisedome such obiectors too too saucely diminish producing her as an enemie to militarie profession : her sex indeed , and in her later time fulnesse of daies might well excuse farre greater ease ; yet see ( that which these blinde men stumble ouer ) from the first to the last in seuerall parts of christendome , she euer found meanes to traine vp her better and more forward subiects in varietie of seruice ; that so they might prooue good members of her estate , and profitable seruants for her potent successor : so wise men know , besides that many daungers were kept farre of , this realme was still tollerably furnished with skilfull souldiers , and prudently rid of many inconueniences : yet i must confesse the open shew of peace bred diuers corruptions , yet such as all states how euer wisely gouerned where peace is are of necessitie subiect to . who seeth not to what riot in apparrell , to what excesse in banqueting , to what height in all kinde of luxurie , our countrey was growne , when the flower of england , the gentrie and better sort , whom the meaner stroue to imitate , for the most part idlely , if not lewdly brought vp , confirmed in their dissolute life , by superfluitie of ill example , became so exceeding foolish , that hee which eate good meat , and ware good clothes , and did some one thing worse , was ordinarily amonst them accounted most happie : how many of our elder brothers consumed whole and goodly patrimonies at dice and cards , hauing no other meanes to passe their time , as i haue oft times heard diuers of them penitently ( but too late ) complaine : how many of our younger brothers in all sorts of riotous expences , did in small time consume their portions , which otherwise imployed in vertuous courses might soone haue equalled their elder brothers sonnes , and then exclayming against their parents , that dealt indeed too well with such vngracious children , fell to lewde courses , and oft times came to such vntimely ends as i shame to tell : and of both these , the likeliest plants to prooue were most of all peruerted , the spirits of best hope , did soonest step awry . so h caesar in his yonger daies , was most prodigall , he grew indebted . thousand crownes . so i cimon in his former time was most riotous , and for it defamed thorow the whole citie of athens : yet see , the warres redeemed the one & he became a most renowned general : the warrs reclaymed , the other & he proued as valiant as themistocles , as wise as was milciades . thus we may read that silla , alcibiades , and diuers other carried themselues most lasciuiously , most wantonly in peace , till the warres taught them to liue like souldiers : and like these ( i thinke ) some of our countreymen , for spirit no whit inferiour to caesar , nor towardnes to alcibiades , might in time haue proued renowned souldiers and extraordinarie instruments of their countries honour , had they not for want of imployment , to our publike losse , and their priuate ouerthrow , spent their yonger yeares like cimon in riotous behauiour , and their age like lucullus in luxurious idlenesse : so that iuuenal had hee liued in their time might haue truly said . k nunc patimur longae pacis mala , saeuior armis luxuria incubuit . &c. now wee indure the discommoditie of our long peace opprest by luxurie . worse farre than warre . but these were such whose finer mould was vncapable of drudging courses , who perhaps as l peter martyr obserues of the spaniards , thought it specialem nobiliū praero gatiuam vt otiosi , ac sine vlla exercitatione praeterquā bellicavitam degerent . the speciall priuiledge of a gentleman to liue solitarily , free from al professions , saue that of armes . this was indeed an auncient custome of our gentry , till peace made some , of gentlemen become boores , who forgetting that their truest honour came by armes , liued as they said to themselues , some grasiers , some ploughmen , all basely sweating in the pursuit of drosse , hating the name of honour because it asked cost , and such as these robbing poore farmors of their practise , like weeds in vntild land , haue and still doe spinge vp in peace the patron of their basenesse , yet such as these might call to minde what ciuill contention , rest and want of forraine warres occasions , they might remember bow many haue beene vtterly vndone by vnnecessary law brables , weighing well the nomber of those that haue shot-vp deciding such controuersies , men i know whose laborious study deserues much commendation , but whē i thinke how m plutarch praises the cornithians whose temples were adorned not with the spoiles of the graecians , their freinds , their neighbours , vnhappie memories , but dekt with trophies of their victories against the barborous people their aduersaries ; then i wish those necessary members of peace , whose good parts i reuerence , had rather gotten their wealth by the sworde from forraine enemies , like our worthy auncestors , then so to haue growen great , through their countrimens contentions . now besids this priuate contention whose nurce is peace , euen that peace is oftimes mother of more perilous dissention , when idlenesse ministers each actiue humour fit occasion of working , to the indangering of diseased , to the distempering of most healthfull bodies , when quite security giues busie heads leasure to deuide the common-wealth into contentious factions ; so that as in n solons time at athens , the people of the mountaines desiring this forme of gouernement , the men of the vallies that ; to both which the inhabitants of the sea-coast maintaine a cōtrary : all catch hold of the opportunity peace offers to plot , and put in practise their seuerall proiects for the aduancement of their perticular , though with the weakning of the publike state , and in the end like o pyrrhus disordered elephants , some rūning backeward , some forward , and the rest standing still , the confusion of their actions me thinkes resembles well the indian dannce described by p benzo where diuerso modo singuli vestiuntur et alij hoc , alij illo modo corpus circumagunt , nonnulli crura at tollunt , aliqui brachia , alius caecum , alius surdum effingit , rident alij , alij plangunt &c. where all are clothed after sondrie fashions , one turning his body this way , another that way , some lifting vp their legs , some their armes , one playing the blind man , another the deafe , some laughing , some weeping &c. but the danger of these differences is the greater because not sensible , till strangers that growe through them couragious , take the aduantage of them , and then too late we may remember liuies warning by the example of q ardea that such dissention hath beene more hurtfull to sundry citties , than fire , famine sicknes or the sworde , or what other calamitie cā be imagined while we too soone forget the last aduertisement dying r scanderbeg gaue his sonne , in these words worthy to liue euer . nullum tampotens validumque imperium quod non corruat quandoque vbi mutuis odijs praebetur locus . there is no gouernment so well established , that will not suite it selfe , if once it harbor partiall emmieties . these enmities haue beene instruments in most countries ouerthrowes , they ouertake vs in our securitie like secret fiers in the night , and are therefore more to be feared , they steale on vs by degrees hidden in the deepnesse of our rest , like the consumption in a body vnpurged , vnexercised , that is indeede lesse painefull yet proues more mortall than most diseases ; they are as plentifully bred in peace s as crocodiles in aegypt , and would in time proue as pr●uitious , but god that for mans good prouides the ichneumon to destroy the egges of the one before they bee hatched , hath left vs a perfect remedie to dissipate the other , if wee bee not to our selues defectiue ; to wit , forreine warre , a souereigne medicine for domesticall inconueniences , wherby those stirring heads that like the t spaniards bellum quam otium malunt , ideoque si desit extraneus domi hostem quaerunt . desire warre rather than quietnesse , and therefore fall out at home if forreine foes bee wanting : shall haue more honest and more acceptable meanes to busie themselues , when as u osorius saith : commune periculum facile omnium animos ab intestinis seditionibus auocabit , ad commune malum propulsandum : the generall daunger will soone withdraw mens mindes from intestine garboiles to resist the generall mischief , both which appeared in that wise proceeding of the w senate of rome in coriolanus time that by this means appeased all diuisions , euen then when as y liuie obserues heat of contention betwixt the people and nobilitie had made , ex vna ciuitate duas : of one o●e two cities . for the populousnesse of that citie , by reason of their peace occasioning a dearth and famine , and their idlenesse stirring vp lewd felowes to exasperate the desperate need and enuious malice of the meaner sort , against the nobility , whose pride & luxurie grown through sloth intolerable , caused them to contemne and iniurie the poorer people , in the end the fire brake forth hard to be quenched , and then the senate hauing as i may say bought wit by this deare experience , were at length enforced to flie to this medicine , which wisely applied before , had well preuented all those causes , and their vnhappie effectes . then they resolued on a warre with the volsces to ease their city of that dearth , by diminishing their number , and appease those tumultuous broyles , by drawing poore with rich , and the meane sort with the nobilitie , into one campe , one seruice , and one selfesame daunger : sure meanes to procure sure loue and quietnesse in a contentious commonwealth , as that of rome was at that time . yet euen then there wanted not home tarrying housdoues , two peacebred tribanes sicimus and brutus , hindred that resolution calling it crueltie , and it may be some now will condemne this course , as changing for the worse : some that wil much mislike a body breaking-out should take receipts of quick-siluer or mercurie , that may endanger life : yet they cannot but knowe euen those poysons outwardly applied are souereigne medicines to purge and clense , and therefore hauing a good physition , i must professe , i thinke it much better to take yeerely physicke , when the signe is good and circumstāces are correspondēt , that may worke with some litle trouble , our health and safetie , than through sordide sparing , or cowardly feare of paine , to omitte happy opportunities of remedy , & so suffer our bodies perhaps crasie alreadie , so to sincke that death followes or at least some grieuious sickenesse , asking farre deeper charge , bringing farre greater torment , especially since the sickenesse of a state , were it as great as a palsie may by a skilfull physition be purged and euacuated at an issue in some remote part . i cannot but therefore commend x camillus wisedome for beseeging the cittie of the faleriens , though it were so strongly scituated , so well stored with victual , and so fortified with all manner of munition , that the secure citizens walkt vp and downe the cittie in their gownes , since not regarding the winning of the towne as appeared , by his ouerslipping weightie aduantages his intente , only was to keepe his countrimē busied about some thing , lest otherwise repairing to rome they might growe through peace and idlenes seditious , & so raise some ciuil tumult : this was as plutarch wel obserues a wise remedy , the romās euer vsed to disperse abroad like good physitions the ill humours that troubled the quiet state of their commonwealth : ce qui s' est antrefecis pratique ' apres les gueres ciuiles des anglois , which hath beene sometimes put in practise after the ciuill warres of england , as z master la noüe deliuers . if then those men that maruaile how philip the second that wanted not his ouersight was euer able to possesse spaine in tollerable quietnesse , his people hauing beene of olde time as their dealing with the romans shewes of a rebellious disposition , the continuance whereof made a ferdinand of portugal refuse to be their king , and b iohn the second wish a wall as high as heauen betwixt his people and them , which turbulencie continues yet , euen in the better of them , how euer some maintaine the contrarie , as some yeares past was manifest , by the ambitious and seditious pride of alanso iulian romero and some other spanish captaines , when don iohn of austria consulted for passing his army out of the low-countries into italy , as hath not long since sundry times appeared by the mutenous reuolts of his c oldest souldiers for want of pay : if yet i say those men that maruaile so , would by that rule of the romans examine that phillips proceedings in imitation of his father charles the fi●●t , it wil euidētly appeare that he procured the place of spayn and his own safety by keeping his actiue subiects in continual employment , farre from home , where their eagle-like piercing eyes might not come to prie into his actions , nor malitiously obserue the distates his gouernment occasioned . hee did not forget that the satute of d pericles was grauen with a helmet on to hide the deformitie of his onion-like head , nor that that e pericles sent . gallies euery yeare to sea , and many hundreds of men away by land , to rid his citie of idle persons : but making vse of both , receiued the fruit of both , besides this further benefit , that as weeds in england proue oft good sallets in france , those his male contented and suspected subiects , while they were at home , by their industrious life vnder seuerity of military discipline became of good members , and were for their experience not vnworthily accounted as readie souldiers as most in christendome , which opiniō was vndoubtedly a great strength to king phillips enterprises , making the temporizing venetians and other states of i●a●●●ore ●ore affraid than needed . then howsoeuer some may bee disswaded by f catoes liuely demonstration of carthage too neere neighbourhood , from drawing on vs such an enemie as may in lesse than three daies sailing knocke at the gates of our great citie : and others in remembrance of some actions past , may seem to dislike sending our forces so farr from home that for want of fresh supply of men or other necessaries , the voyage how auspitious soeuer the beginning bee , wanting sure footing , must of necessity proue as a fading bubble : i for my part leauing the election of our warres as a matter scarce fit to be thought on by so yong a head as mine , to the mature consultation of our senate , and iuditious resolution of our souereigne , with more loyall zeale to my king and countrey , than loue ( which i confesse is great ) to the warres , wish , and with faith wish , that our setled state may reape infinite commoditie by that g politique rule , grounded on ccipio nasicaes desire to haue carthage stand , that for the reasons scipio then alleaged , wils euery kingdome to prouide it selfe an enemy as the h romans had many whose fall was their aduancement , as the i athenians had them of samos whose inuasion appeased their domesticall tumults , as last of all the k macedonians had the thracians and illirians : quorum armis , veluti quotidiana exercitatione indurati gloria bellicae laudis finitimos terrebant : with whose hostility as with a daily exercise they were so hardned that their neighbors liued in awe of their renowned valor : that so feare of the enemie may keep our people from ease and luxurie , the fatall ruine of states and countries , yea sometimes l conquering armies that dealing with that enemie in imitation of l alexander after darius ouerthrow , our men of warre may be so trayned and kept in vre that for want of practise the life of all arts , but most necessary , in the most necessarie arte of warre , our warlike discipline decay not , and so sincke , if not the estate , yet the honor of our state and countrey . but heere whether to haue one and the same still or rather variety of enemies be more requisite would aske a more particular discourse to decide , o than this generall paradox may admitte : licurgus knowing the inestimable benefite of military practise , was desirous his people should haue warre but not with one and the same nation lest they might be blamed as p ag●silaus was by antalcidas , for making the thebans against their willes by continuall inuading them to his owne hurt , skilfull souldiers ; yet some may thinke it best grapling with one whose strength we know , whom by conquering we know how to ouercome , whose fashions our souldiers are vsed to , but i dare not speake all i could , lest my meaning be applyed as i would not , this i say , since it was truely said of the romans , q magis bellantes quam pacati habuerunt deos propitios : that they were more fortunate in warre than peace : it was wisely ( i thinke ) fained of r romulus that the gods told him his citty should proue the mightiest in the world , so it were raised by warres , and increased by armes , and well confirmed afterwards by s proclus , deliuering the same to the people as a message from romulus after his deifiyng to perswade them indeede to warre , which this politicke roman and that worthy king foresawe was like to be most beneficiall for them : this i say , since t plutarch rightly saies that citties by warring with their neighbours , become wise in their carriage and learne to affect good gouernment : it was not vnwisely doone of robert the second of scotland to will his peeres and subiects in his last will and testament , to haue peace neuer aboue yeeres together in respect of the benefit he had found and should receiue by continuall excercise in military matters . that then i may shut vp this short and slight discourse seeing that to speake of peace perpetuall in this world of contention , is but as aristotles foelix , xenophons cyrus , quintilians orator , or sir thomas moores vtopia , a matter of mere contemplation , the warre being in this iron age u si bienenracinèe qui ' il est impossible del l' en oster , si non auec la rume de l' vniuerse . so well ingrafted that it is impossible to take it away without a vniuersall destruction : seeing that the quarrelles of this world are either of christians against turkes , and infidelles , in defence of christ crucified , which ought neuer , and i assure my selfe shall neuer be extinguished till the names of those dogges be cleane extirpated : or between chrians , with such inueterate malice and irreconcileable wrongs for titles so intricate , as in mans witte is to be feared will neuer be appeased , satisfied , decided , seeing that many of the princes of this world , though they talk of peace and amitie to winne time , til their proiectes come to full ripenesse , seruing their turnes with that sweete name which they know is likely to blindfolde ease-affecting people , yet in their hearts desire nothing lesse : when as some of them weakened with the violent courses of their hereditary ambition , that can neuer be tamed , seeke peace as a breathing only to recouer strength : others warely repecting our encreased greatnesse , and their owne vnsetled state make faire shewes now , but are like enough here after vpon aduantage to proue false hearted : others hauing gotten much wealth , gayned much reputation , encreased their power , and maintayned their libertie by the sworde , will neuer endure the losse of these by hearkning to peace , since last there neuer wanted coulorable pretences to breake those truces , that like the * parthians promises are only obserued , quatenus expedit , as farre as is expedient , and made like that of the y samnites who entertained peace with the romans , non quod pacem volebant , sed quia non erant parati ad bellum : not that they desired peace , but because they were vnprepared for warre . let me not be blamed if i speake what i thinke , and as the scope of this discourse directs , deliuer , that is more safe and honorable ( making a league with some of them , so that necessitie of state may force them to be faithfull ) to keepe some other of them at the swords point , while fearing our strength , or their owne feeblenes , cauponantur pacem , they but chaffer for peace , rather than by tēporizing giue them time to turne tables , and fall on vs , when our leaders shall be waxed old , and the nomber of them much diminished , when our best souldiers shall be raw besognios brought to some execution of importance , before they were fitte to learne what was fitting for thē to doe , when our discipline corrupt before shal be cleane rotten and as little worth as our cancred rusty weapons at a day of seruice , whē our ships of warre one of the greatest strengths & honours of our kingdome , shal for couetous desire of gaine , be easlyer in one yeere turnd to hois of burdē , thā cā be reduced back againe , to doe our countrie seruice in an other and . whē our sea-men shal be few , and skilfull only in their owne ordinarie course , passing directly as they are bound at best seasons : where as long voiges , liuing at sea , varietie of weathers , change of climates , searching and sounding all harbors , bayes , creekes , and corners , with ships well stored with men , is it that brings forth store of skilfull maisters , skilfull pilots , skilfull marriners , when last of all our people shal be more luxurious through such dangerous securitie , more contentious among themselues , more carelesse of the honour of the state , and in conclusion more ready to receiue some fatall ouerthrowe than euer heeretofore . these therefore and infinite other weighty considerations spinging freshly out of my zealefull regarde of my countries welfare , and the desire i haue to aduenture the shedding of my bloud might i be once so happy in my kings seruice , makes me with feruēcie of spirit wish his maiestie may euer haue as x charles the of fraunce had once , infinite multitudes of men , resolute of mindes , for seruice apte , of faith assured , of willes tractable , for commaundment obedient , and lastly bearing all one common desire , to com● their liues to any danger for the glory and greatnes of god & their king. and that our cōmon-wealth may neuer want many such worthy patriots as will valiantly when time serues , hazard themselues , their freinds , and their best fortunes , in paineful industrie to procure their countries assured safetie , that their example may make our gentry ashamed of their much dissolute , degenerate dishonorable courses , the scoffing stocke of proude cōtemning forreine nations , that so desiring earnestly to shewe the world their swords can cut as keene as their forefathers , by this first steppe to such desire , they may professe with me and that with constancie , z militia est potior : the warre is better farre : pulchrumque mori succurrat in armis . and thinke how worthelie they die that armed die . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a pallingen in ariete . b montag . lib. essay . . c idē essay . . d guichard . . lib. e hora : de arte poetica . f ibidem et iusti● histo. g pet. marti : dec : . cap. . h hora. od. lib. . i idem . k luna : lib. . l perseus . m sir phillip sidney . n hora : od : . lib. . o idem lib : . episto . p iuuena . sat. . q diodor. sicu . lib. . cap. . vn gentle home de ville . plutar in vita dari : s ibidem . t idē in alexan. u idem in scipiet leo impera cap. . . i. e. cincinatus alluding to caesars speech to the strangers plutar. in vita peric . * plutar. x herodat . in terpsicore . z plutar. in pyrrho . a estate of english fugitiues . b arist. lib. . de a●nimi . cap. . c lucan : lib. . d plutar : libel . contra . epicu . e tit. liui. de. lib. . f osor. de reb . gestis . emanus : histo : lib : : g plutar : in . libell . declaratione lib : h idem in lib : de dictis et factis lacaedemo : i quin● : curt : lib. k virgil. lib. l m tit : liui : lib. deca : : n pluta : in lib. de fortuna roman : ●eo imper. cap : : : & . : & cap : : : o iosc : de bel : iud. lib : : cap : : et : : p plutar : in vitae lycur : : q acts of the apostles . cap. . r iosua . cap. . s exod. cap. . verse . t sam. . cap. v psalm . ver . . w issai . cap. ierem. cap. . y platar : in vita antoni . x guichard : lib. . z plutar. in vita scipi . a mar. barles . lib. . b plutar. in peric . c osor. de rebus gestis emanu . lib. . d plutar. in alexan. e quint. curt. lib . f lib. . de benefic . cap. . g luca. de bel . ciuili . lib. . h quint. curt. lib. . i heliod . histo. aethio : lib. . k iusti. histo. lib. . l lib. . de reb . gestis ioannit . m virgil. lib. . aenea . n osor. lib. . de reb : gest : emanuel . o lib. ▪ * the victorie lost at perousa . guichar . lib. . p their amigdala are their mony . pet. martir . de● . cap. . r pet. marty . dec. . cap. . s plutar. in romul . t plut. in vita solon . u idem in lib. de dict : & fact . laca●emon . x ibidem . y sene : in t●●g . agamem . z lib dereb . gest . emanuel . a montag . lib. . essay . . b apud thermopilas . diod. sicu . lib. . c plut. in licur . d idem in pyr. e lin. . des recrech dela franc. f q. curt. & plut. in alexan. g pet. marty . de . cap. . h plutar. in pyr. pantal de reb . gest . ioannit . lib. . k pet. martyr . dec. . cap. . l plutar : in pelopid . m histor. de co●mes . liure . . chap. n histoire des dernies . troubl : liur . o guiehard : histo. p baptist : lenchi : in politicis obseruat . the king of france and queene of england . q tit : liui : de : . ilib . . r plutar : in romul : vita . s rosin : romani antiquitat : lib. . cap : . t idem lib : ● . cap. . u sueto : in aug : vita : * lui : : de● recerch : de la fran : x lecerch . de la fran. z lib. de . vanit : scienti . a lib. . cap. . b sam. . cap. . ver . . c virg : aeneid : lib. . d plutar : in lycur . e idem in corio . lan . f osor : lib. . de reb . gest : emanuel . h plutar : in marcell : i idem in pyrrh : k montag : liure . essay . . l camde : br●ita : in richmond . m tit. liui : de : . lib : . n plutar. in pelopid . o hora de arte poetica . notes for div a -e lucan . . a ter : in adelph : act : : sce. . b la roque . li. . du māniement : de l' art militaire . c virgil : lib. . aeneid . d machiauel : princ : cap. . e iustin. histor : lib. . f idem lib. . g plutarch : in vita pyrrh . h plutar : in caesa : vita . i idem . in cym● : vita . k iuuenal : lib : . sat . . l cap. . deca . . m in timoleō : vita . n iin solon : vita . o idē in pyrrho . p noua noui orbis historia . lib : . cap : . q ti : liu : lib : : deca : . r mar : barles : in vita scanderb : s diod : sicu : lib. cap. ● . t iustin : histor. lib. . u lib. . de reb : gest . emanuelis . w plutarch : in coriola : vita . y lib. . deca . . x plutarch : in camill : vita . z discours : politi : . a the paraenetical discourse . b ibidem . c in the low-countries at one time . estates of english fugitiues . d plutarch : in peric . e ibidem . f appian . g la noue discour . polit : & militar . . h machiauel : prin : cap. . i plutarch . in vita alcibiad . k iustin : histor. lib. . l as annibals at capua . l quint : curt. lib. . o plutarch : in vita lycur . p ibidem & in lib : de dict : et fact : lacad . q ti : liui : lib. . dec. . r plutar : in romul . s ibidem . t lib : de vtilit : capiend : ex hostibus . u la rocque liui . : du maniement de l' art militaryre . * iust : histo : lib. . y ti. liui : lib : . deca . . x guichard : histo : lib. ● . z hor : sat . . virgil : aeneid : x. proclamation indemnifying deserters, who shall return betwixt and the first day of january next to come. scotland. privy council. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). b wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) proclamation indemnifying deserters, who shall return betwixt and the first day of january next to come. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign ( - : william ii) sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. . caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twelfth day of november, and of our reign the eighth year, . signed: gilb. eliot cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -- legal status, laws, etc. -- scotland -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proclamation , indemnifying deserters , who shall return betwixt and the first day of january next to come . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to _____ macers of our privy council , messengers at arms our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch as we are informed , that several souldiers belonging to our forces within this our ancient kingdom , have deserted ; and we being desirous rather to reclaim transgressours by clemency , than to punish them with the outmost severity ; therefore we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , have thought fit to require , and do hereby require all souldiers that have deserted , to return to their colours , and to our service , betwixt and the first day of january next to come , promising to indemnifie , likeas we do hereby fully indemnifie for their by past deserting , all that shall return in manner foresaid ; but on the other hand , certifying such as shall not return betwixt and the day foresaid , that both they and their resetters shall be prosecute with the outmost severity , conform to the laws and proclamations emitted against them . and farder , we do hereby impower and require all officers whatsomever , belonging to our forces , either at home or abroad , to seize and apprehend after the day foresaid , all such deserters as shall not accept of this our gracious offer , to the effect they may be condignly punished , as said is . our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the remanent head-burghs of the several shires and stewartries within this kingdom , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of the premisses , that none pretend ignorance ; and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twelfth day of november , and of our reign the eighth year , . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb . eliot cls. sti. concilii . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anno dom. . the stratagems of ierusalem vvith the martiall lavves and militarie discipline, as well of the iewes, as of the gentiles. by lodowick lloyd esquier, one of her maiesties serieants at armes. lloyd, lodowick, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the stratagems of ierusalem vvith the martiall lavves and militarie discipline, as well of the iewes, as of the gentiles. by lodowick lloyd esquier, one of her maiesties serieants at armes. lloyd, lodowick, fl. - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by thomas creede, london : . with seven final contents leaves; the last leaf is blank. variant: with a latin quotation above device on title page. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . jews -- history -- early works to . military history, ancient -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the stratagems of ierusalem : with the martiall lawes and militarie discipline , as well of the iewes , as of the gentiles . by lodowick lloyd esquier , one of her maiesties serieants at armes . sap. . candor lucis aeternae est sapientia . london printed by thomas creede , . to the right honourable syr robert cecill knight ; principall secretary to the queenes most excellent maiestie ; maister of the court of wardes and liueries , one of her highnesse most honourable priuie councell , and chauncellour of the vniuersitie of cambridge . alexander the great ( right honorable ) thought long to write the straunge sights hee sawe in india , to aristotle the philosopher in macedonia , caesar made haste to write the celeritie of his victorie in pontus , to his friend anitus at rome . the like desire is in my selfe , with no lesse longing to make my labour knowne to such honourable friends , as will both accept and defend my trauaile herein ; of whom i made choice of your honour , to dedicate the stratagems of ierusalem , as vnto one that is furnished with stratagems , wisedome , and knowledge , of whō i may say , as plato spake of such like , consilium eius est , qui rei cuiusque peritus . such wise and graue councellors the lord euer prouided , to attend on godly and vertuous princes , as eyes and eares , to preuent both home and forraigne stratagemes of enemies , as chusai with dauid , to preuent the wicked purpose of absalon ; and nathan with salomon , to finde out the trecherous intention of adonias . the lord left not the wicked samaritans vnprouided of prophets & councellors , yea euen amōg infidels and pagans the lord stirred vp daniel to counsel nabuchodonozer in babilō , & ioseph to counsell pharao in egipt , that they might confesse & acknowledge god to be the lord ; therfore wel said solon , non quae suauissima , sed quae optima , sunt cōsulenda : it is not the cōsultatiō of the romains with their soothsaiers , that made their empire so to florish , nor of the persians with their magi , that got the monarchy of the assyrians to persia. all stratagems , victories , & good counsell commeth from the lord , so wisdom saith , i dwel with princes in councell , and am among them that seek wisdom & knowledge . plato the philosopher could so say , omnis consultatio quiddam sacrum est : and aristotle his scholler , called councell of princes , diuinissimum consilium . the kings of persia , when they admitted any into councell , tooke their fignet , & laid it on their mouths , as a seale of silēce , saying , anima cōsilij secretū ; so alexā : did to his councellor ephestiō ; neither could any be of councel in persia , but such as were in coūcell most secret , & in gouernmēt most wise & prudent . the cause why demosthenes was so esteemed amōng the atheniās , was his wisdō & policie often to preuent the force & stratagems of phillip of macedon . the cause why vlixes was iudged more worthy of achilles armor then aiax , was his experience and councell to agamemnon in the grecian warres . so it may be well spoken of nestor , who was preferred before all other greeke captaines , for the like cause , multitudo enim sapientū sanitas orbis terrarū est , saith wisdom . it was not the counsel of the nimph egeria to numa , which was ridiculous , but the wisedome & policie of numa , therby to establish his lawes , much commēded . neither the counsell of iupiter in the capitoll to scypio , which was foolish , but the policie & practise of scypio , therby to animate his soldiers , much extolled . but no councell , no policie against the lord , no wisdom nor stratagem to ouerthrow a king or a kingdom , but the sins of the king & the kingdome . so could cratippus the philosopher , to that effect answere pompey the great , fata per causas agunt ; so could phaetenissa the witch answere saul at endor , fatum pietatis appendix ; so could the idoll of apollo aunswere augustus caesar at delphos , the one willing to know what should become of the kingdome of israel , the other of the empire of rome . but such busie ambitious braines , like cornel . lentulus , that dreamed , he should be the third cornelius that should gouern the empire , were banished out of athens by the law ostracismus , & such might not come in rome in gownes or in long cloakes into the senate house , by the law of cincius . many haue iocobs voice , but they haue esaus hands , like balaam , qui vocem non mentem mutant . these dissembling gibeonites were found out by ioshuah ; these bragging ephraimites were tried by pronouncing the letter schiboleth . none can resist the set purpose of the lorde , who could hinder moses of his triumph in the midst of the sea ? or let ioshuah to set his trophey in the middest of the heauens ? euen he that commaunded the seas to be diuided , and commanded the sun to stand ouer gibeon , and the moone ouer aialon ; to whom iustly belong all stratagems , victories , tropheys , and tryumphes . your honors alwayes readie at commandement , lodowick lloyd , to the courteous reader . alphonsus king of cicile ( gentle reader ) was euer wont to say , optimos consiliarios esse mortuos , meaning wise and profitable bookes , both at home and abroad . lucullus one of the greatest captaines among the romaines , and philopomē of no lesse fame among the grecians ; the one by reading euangelus bookes , the other by reading xenophon , became excellent souldiers . in so much that cicero wondred that epaminondas being such a singular philosopher , should become so famous a captaine . a great staine in m. corilianus and in c. marius , ( though otherwise stout and valiant ) not to be learned . caesars commentaries are at this time as much esteemed among the turkes , as homers illiads were in auntient time among the grecians . if these polymarchies and campmaisters confesse , that by holding a penne in the one hand , do profit as much , as by holding a sword in the other , or rather more ; if fabius weakned hanibal more by delayes , then marcellus did by the sword ; if fabritius wearied pirrhus more by counsell , then all rome could do by their warres , then it is truly said , that plura auspicijs & concilijs , quam telis & manibus geruntur . so that sometimes that saying of cicero is true , cedantarma togae ; an other time the saying of lysander is as true , sileant leges inter arma . so all empires ought to be , non ●…olùm armis decorata , verumetiam legibus ornata . therefore alexander seuerus vsed both the sword and the penne , as well in decreeing of his lawes at home , as in mannaging of his warres abroad , consilijs togae , & militiae literatos adhibere . i speak not of such bookes which plato compareth adonijs hortis , fresh and full of sauour in the morning , and withered and decayed at night , like the elephants of india at their first sight in asia , were so wondred at , that antiochus the great , hauing but two , named the one aiax , the other patroclus , the names of two princes : but when these elephants became so common in rome and in asia , that they were in euery cōsuls triumph , they were called but boues lucanias ; a great change frō the names of greeke princes , to bee named oxen of lucania . bookes are no otherwise ; for in auntient time , when bookes were yet rare , they were fellowes and companions with kings & princes in courts , it so seemed by alexander the great , who could not sleepe before he laid homer with his dagger vnder his pillow ; and by scypio affrican , who would not frō rome to carthage , without either panetius or polybius in his company : and now bookes being common , are so little regarded , rather bought for their golden tytles which the printer giueth them for his sale , then for the matter therein by the author written for the revder , much like to mithridates sword , whose scabbard was farre more precious and richer without , then the blade within . of such bookes plato speaketh , qui subitò & vno die nati , celerimè pereunt , therfore seldome seene in sight are most in request . the ebaine tree which pompey the great brought in his triumph into rome , was more wondred & gazed vpon , then all the braue shewes of the triumph besides : so fewe wise words out of a wise mans mouth , are more esteemed then heapes of wordes out of an vnwise mouth , like the abderites embassadors , more desirous to heare fewe words out of zeno the philosophers mouth , then of all the athenians besides : and therfore pau. aemilius , after he had subdued the king and kingdome of macedonia , wrote no more to the senators , but victus est perseus . caesar , after he had conquered king pharnaces , wrote no more words , but veni , vidi , vici : like the lacedemonians , whose writings and speeches were so short and briefe , that they would answer either embassadors , friends , or foes , by writing or by mouth , in two or three words . and so with the like fewe words , i referre my selfe to the gentle disposition of the reader , rather to excuse my trauell in curtesie , then to accuse my goodwill wrongfully . lodowick lloid . the first booke of the stratagems of ierusalem . caap. i. of diuers battels and combats . of seuerall markes of diuers nations vpon the good and bad . of the calling of abraham , and of his praise and trauell . the whole bible is a booke of the battels of the lord , and the whole life of a man a militarie marching to these battells betweene the seede of the womā , & the serpent , which battel was first fought in heauē betweene michael and his angels , and the dragon and his angels , at what time satan was ouerthrowne and cast out of heauen with all his angels with him . the second battell was in paradise , fought betweene the seede of the woman , and the seede of the serpent , where likewise sathan was ouerthrowne , for then it was promised that the seede of the woman should tread downe the serpents head , thereby perpetuall warre was publikely proclaimed in paradise , to continue betweene the seed of the woman and sathan , and therefore are the battels of the lord innumerable , in respect of number , for that euery liuing man must fight in this battell in his owne person for his owne life , and inuincible in respect of power and force : for all battels and victories are of the lord , yea euen amongst infidels and pagans . which if the hebrewes had so acknowledged it , and had marched truly and faithfully in the lords battels , they should haue acknowledged this to haue bin their true oracle , that all victories come from the lord , and not from the arme of man. thē the hebrewes might haue known , that egipt where they had bene bondmen and slaues . yeares , was giuen to them for a pray frō the lord , by the hands of moises and aron , and after egipt , the canaanites , edomites , moabites , ammonites , philistines , and diuers other nations were also giuen into their hands , they might haue acknowledged that the ouerthrow of . kings was no small bootie to such simple men , as were no souldiers by education , but brought vp as shepheards from abrahams time to moises . but they forgot the great armies and legions of frogges , flies , grashoppers , and such armies which the lord prouided to fight for them , while yet they were bondmen in egipt , where they had ten victories , and ten tryumphs , some in the midst of the land of egipt , some in the midst of the court of pharao ; and some in the midst of the red sea , to the wonder , and terrour of the whole world . the hebrues might likewise haue knowne , that the chaldeans were giuē to the hands of the assyrians : the assyrians to the persians , the persians to the macedonians , the macedonians to the romanes . yet all these miraculous victories , which the lorde gaue the hebrewes ouer so many kings and countries , could not make them to acknowledge the author thereof , but what victories soeuer the good kings of iudah got by seruing of the lord , that the euil & wicked kings both of iuda & israel lost by their idolatry and contempt of the lord , vntill they themselues were rooted out of their countrey , slain and ouerthrowne , and their kings taken & carried captiues , the one by salmanasser to the assirians , the other by nabuchodonozer into babilon , of whom you shall reade more , of them and of their warres hereafter . and now i thinke it most conuenient to speake somewhat of diuers seuerall combats , which is the strongest and onely battaile , for in this battaile euery man must first ouercome himselfe , and after be ready armed to fight with sathan and his souldiers , the onely enemie of man , against whom all men are bounde by the vow of cherim , to fight the battels of the lord. we are commanded to be as subtill as serpents to preuent the subtill stratagems of sathan with spirituall weapons , who from the beginning against the lord in heauen , and against man in paradise practised his policies , this is the old dragon which michael threw downe out of heauen , this is the serpent which the seed of the woman subdued in paradise , this is that ghostly enemy which practised his stratagem by his seruant pharo in egypt , not onely by making a lawe and decree first to kill the hebrewes children , and after by a second decree to drowne them in nilus , least he should be deceiued in the first , but also with a like stratagem by his seruant herod to kill to the number of . yong infants in bethelem and in iuda , among the which he sought christ : therefore we are commanded to be strong and valiant , as the lord commanded not only ioshua , dauid , and others of his owne seruants , but also nabuchodonozer and cyrus . in these kinde of battels or combats , euery man must be armed with such spirituall weapons , as is by paul the apostle appointed , to resist the violence of so great an enemy , who doth not only assault vs abroad , but in our chambers , yea in our beds , we must therefore wrestle with this enemy as iacob wrestled with the angell , for the which he was named israel : as iob wrestled with sathan , for the which the lord called him his seruant iob : or as dauid did with the gyant goliah , for the which he was annointed king of israel . in these kinde of combats the prophets & martyrs of the lorde win many victories of sathan and his souldiers , as esay that was sawed in peeces by manasses in ierusalem , ieremy that was stoned to death at taphnis in egipt by the people : ezechiel whose brains were beaten out in babilon , and infinite numbers of the martyrs of the lord , which fought in these battels of the lord with legions of diuels , and armies of spirits , and got glorious victories , and were crowned not with the oliue of olimpia , nor with the lawrell of the romanes , but with crownes and garlandes made of the tree of knowledge , and of the tree of life , crownes of immortalitie , and garlands of eternitie . these might say with paul , we haue runne a good race , and fought good combattes , farre greater combattes then romulus had with acron , and yet it was for two kingdoms : greater then the combat that artaxerxes had with his brother cyrus for the great kingdome and empire of persia , or the combattes betweene hector and aiax , where many kings and kingdomes were ouerthrowne : but the only combat which makes euery souldier stout and valiant , was by the seede of the woman who rescued adam from the bondes of sathan , and restored him to libertie , and wanne a greater victory to adam , then adam had lost to sathan : this is the strong armed man that is spoken of in the gospell of saint luke , that did binde sathan and tooke his rich spoyle out of his clawes , restored to adam his life and libertie , with a condition to stand out and resist sathan , and to fight stoutly against sathan in these combattes and battailes of the lorde , for adam was first a murtherer of his children , before he had children , and adam was the cause that christ was slaine for him , thereby to saue him and his children . vnder this strong armed captaine , all men must march armed to fight the lordes battaile , as elias did , who marched himselfe against . false prophets of baal , in combat of life & death , whom hee ouercame and slue for theyr idolatry , at the brooke kyson . in like sort marched elizeus and led the whole army of benhadad from dothan to samaria blinde among their enemies , for benhadad king of syria had sent to bring elizeus from dothan to damascus , as achab sent captaines with . souldiers to take elias in mount carmel , but elias commaunded fire from heauen to destroy them , as he destroyed baals prophets : thus the prophets of god are for theyr victories ouer kings crowned , for the lord raised among all nations some faithfull seruants of his to fight in these combats , as ioseph in egipt , daniel in babilon , iob in the land of huz , and many such , were crowned victors , and triumphed ouer sathan , for none shall bee crowned saith bernard , but hee that obtaineth victorie , none obtaineth victory but he that fighteth , no man fighteth but with him that is his is enemie : so the lord reserued as he said to elias , . in israel , that neuer bowed , nor bended knee to baal , for the lord hath marked his people in all countreys with the letter tau in their foreheads . so hee marked the hebrewes in the land of gosen , to be saued from the plagues in egipt , the angell also was commaunded of the lord to marke the doore postes of the houses in egipt with the sprinkling of the bloud of a lambe , as a mark to spare his people . so the lord commaunded his angels to goe through the whole cittie of ierusalem , that those that wept and lamented for ierusalem , should bee marked in theyr foreheads with the letter tau . the lord also charged those angels that had power to hurt the earth and the sea , not to hurt the earth vntill the seruants of the lord were sealed and marked in their foreheads . paul as himself said , bare the markes of the lord iesus in his body , opposing the markes of those stripes which hee bare for his maister christ , as a mark of his apostleship against the outward circumcision of the iewes , these were externall markes by the prophets set downe in the olde testament , but in the new testament , the seruants of the lord were marked , with the bloud of the lambe christ iesus , a true marke of our saluation . there is a nation in the east countrey , dwelling in some part of armenia called iacobites , both circumcised and baptised , that are marked both in their forehead and in their breast with the character or likenesse of the crosse . the wicked also haue their inward and outward markes : cain had his marke , not outwardly seene by men , but inwardly so felt of cain , that hee oft did wish to die , and could not , for that was his marke , that whosoeuer kild cain should bee seuen folde punished . esau had also his marke , and such a marke , that all the edomites that came of him had also esaus mark , whose marke was that hee could not repent though he sought it with teares . so had the false prophets their markes , as the messengers of sathan , to speake lies to the people : and so heretiques had their marks , for blaspheming the name of the lord , denying one article or other of our faith . i leaue these inward marks to such as be marked in cōscience with hot irons , & come to the external marke ofthe of the romans , who marked men cōdemned to die , with two letters , cappa & thita , as marks of death : and those that should be saued with t. and a. as markes to liue : this letter tau was vsed in many countries for a marke to liue : so souldiers that escaped the daungers of warres , were likewise marked with this letter tau . as among the romanes by the decrees of honorius and arcadius , both emperours of rome , the souldiers were marked vpō their armes . the thracians were marked in their foreheades , whereof they were so proud , and reioyced so much of these markes to terrifie their enemies , like the old britaines who painted themselues , that they might seeme terrible in their warres . of these markes of souldiers i shall haue occasion to speake of , when i entreat of military discipline to souldiers , omitting now further to speake of letters written in seruaunts foreheads , of rings on bondmens feete , and haires of the head halfe shaued . of which appulius writes , frontes literati , pedes annulati , &c. so that among diuers nations they were marked on the breast , foreheads , hands , and armes . as the syracusans burned their seruants in the forehead with the print of a horse , to be knowne as bondmen , so the sameans burned the athenian souldiers taken captiue in the warres , in the forhead with the print of an owle . and in like sort the athenians burned the captiue souldiers of samana in the forehead with the likenesse of a ship . among the lacedemonians , and in most part of greece , it was not lawfull for bondmen to weare haire neither on head nor face . among the romains for . yeares , there was no barbers seene nor knowne : pub. tycinius was the first that brought barbers f●…om sicilia to rome : and scypio affrican was the first that shaued his beard in rome . it is written that caesar the first emperor of rome , so hated hairie heads , that whersoeuer he met them , he caused the hinder part of their head to be shaued that they might seeme bald , because hee was bald himselfe . phillip king of macedon vnderstanding that one of his captaines died the haire of his head & beard , disgraded him from his place . the like did archidamus king of sparta , when he sawe one with coloured haire , exhorting and animating the people , forbad him straight to speake , saying he could not haue a true tongue , that had a false coloured head : yet both pirrhus and hannibal in italy coloured their haires , but it was a stratagem to deceiue the enemies that they should not be knowne . i come to speake of greater markes , the markes of calling of gods people , both of the iewes and of the gentiles : for as abraham was the first man of the stocke of the hebrewes , that is called the father of the faithfull , so was he the first man marked amōg the hebrewes , to confesse the name of the lord , to whom the first promise was made , who beeing admonished by an oracle at . yeares of age to leaue the chaldeans , remoued to carres a citie of mesopotamia , where he buried his olde father thare , from thence abraham remoued , and went to dwell in the land of canaan , where so great a famine began , that abraham with his wife were forced to flie to egipt , where likewise he doubted that the beautie of sarah should put him into much perill and daunger , and therefore hee named her his sister and not his wife , for he feared pharao , as he feared abimelech king of ierar , saying to his wife sarah , i know thou art a faire woman , and therefore they will destroy me for thy sake , for i know the feare of god is not in these places . but the lorde deliuered abraham from all this care and feare , and vexed both king pharao and abimelech for their wicked thoughts , and intention against sarah : with such terrour and feare by visions , and vexations both of themselues & of their people , that they were warned by their owne oracles , to reuerence and to honour abraham as a prophet , after which time abraham continued in egipt . yeares , taught the egiptians true religion , and read astronomy so long there , in the which science he being instructed in his owne countrey among the chaldeans , the first learned nation and empire of the world . of this abraham , berosus the chaldean writer reporteth these words : post diluuium decimae aetate apud chaldeos , erat quidam iusticiae cultor , vir magnus & syderalis sciētiae peritus . and damasenus also reporteth that abraham dwelt in damascus , that at the time of iosephus , not only his name was much spoken of , but also his house well knowne where hee dwelt in damascus , and therefore we will speake something of the hebrewes , of whom abraham was the first father of the faithful . i am not ignorant that heber was the first of the hebrewes name before abraham . in those dayes seldom was seene any battel , for the first and greatest onely battell among kings that we read of at that time , was the battell at siddim , which was fought in the time of abraham . chap. ii. of the battell at siddim , where foure kings were ouerthrowne by abraham , and lot rescued . in this battell met nine kings togither to ioine battel , foure against fiue , the king of shinaer , the king of ellasar , the king of elam , and the king of the nations , against the fiue kings of pentapolis : in this battell were rephaims , emims and horims , gyants , which liued of theft and robbery in mount seir , and in other places : yet in this battell the fiue kings of pentapolis , were ouerthrowne by the foure kings and fled , and lot the nephew of abraham , was taken prisoner in this battell by the assirian kings , besides they tooke all the wealth and substance of these fiue kinges for a spoyle to the souldiers , they were such kings at that time , as had the whole empire of asia betweene them foure . abraham hearing this hard news of the ouerthrow of these kings his neighbors , & of lot his nephew , vsed this stratagem , made strait after thē in the night time with his onely houshold seruants , which were three hundred and eighteene , came suddainly , and set vpon them , fought with them , ouerthrew them , and chased them to dan , where abraham gaue them another battell , recouered lot , the men , the women captiues , and all the wealth of the fiue cities called pentapolis , and deliuered all the wealth to the kings of zodom and gomorrah , the owners therof , and kept no part to him nor to his souldiers . this was a battell of the lord , that abraham being but a priuate man with his houshold seruants ouerthrew foure of the greatest kings of asia , for in these battels of the lord numbers are not respected . as gedeon marched with three hundred souldiers , against the madianites and amalekites , who were like grashoppers in number , and like sandes of the sea in multitude , yet were they ouerthrowne , chased and slaine an infinite number by gedeon , and his three hundred souldiers : with the like stratagem as abraham did the assirians . so dauid with foure hundred souldiers marched after the amalekites after they had burned ziclags , and had taken dauids two wiues with al the rest captiues , slue & ouerthrew them , and rescued his wiues at bezor , with all the men , women , cattel , wealth , and all the spoyle which the amalekites tooke away frō ziclags . but yet dauid according to his maner , wold neuer begin battel before he had consulted with the lord , commanded abiather the priest to bring him the ephod , and was assured thereby of the victorie ouer the amalekites at bezor , as gedeon was of his victorie ouer the madianites . so abraham rescued lot his nephewe , at the battel of siddim , where melchisedech king of salē , for the victory therof met abrahā , & entertained him & his soldiers with great liberalitie , & melchisedech offered gifts vnto abrahā , and sacrifice vnto the lord , with thanks for the victorie , and abraham gaue melchisedech tythes of all the spoyles hee had by the victorie , and deliuered it to the king of zodom , and the rest of the kings their wiues , and all the men and women captiues which the foure kings tooke away , and abraham refused to take the worth of a shoe latchet at the king of zodoms hand , least he should say i haue made abraham rich . so that abraham was in his own person in the first and greatest battel , where nine kings met in battell : after this abraham returned to canaan , and dwelt in hebron , vntill zodome and the rest of the fiue cities were destroied with fire from heauen in the sight of abraham , who but fewe yeares before defended zodom from the foure kings of assyria . and at that time abraham staied the angels , as they went to destroy sodom , vnder the oake of mambre , where he feasted them , and intreated them on the behalfe of zodome , that if ten godly men might be found in it , the citie might be saued , but none was found there but iust lot , at this verie time vnder the oake of mambre isaac was promised to abraham , for so the lorde named him at that time , sarah his mother being . yeares old . so samuel was borne of anna his mother , so iacob , and so ioseph his sonne were borne of barren women , as isaac was , foure also were named before they were borne , ismael the sonne of abraham by agar , isaac , solomon , and iosias . now againe to abraham , after lot was rescued by him , lot dwelt againe in zodom , among reprobates and wicked vngodly men , being named iust lot , hard it was for lot to liue honest or iust among such wicked zodomites , and yet in zodom lot saued himself , but in zoar lot was ouerthrowne : abraham could rescue lot at the battell at dan from . kings , the angels could saue lot from the fire & brimstone in zodom , yet could not lot saue himself from drunkennesse in zoar , so fowle a fact by so iust a man may not be much spoken off . hence grew the first beginning of the moabites and ammonites , enemies vnto god , so much may be spoken of ismael abrahams sonne , by agar , who grew so great & so mighty on earth , that they would not be called agareni from agar the bond-woman their mother , from whence they tooke their beginning , but they would be called saraceni , as borne of sarah the true wife of abrahā , & as the ammonites and moabites were left to plague the hebrewes , as pricks in their sides , and needles in their eyes , so the saracens & turkes are now left to plague the christians with sword and fire . before the battell at siddim , no battels in a manner haue bene fought , but what was by nimrod don , who liued within a hundred & thirtie yeares of the flood , at what time people liued , not knowing the name of a king , vntill nimrod grew so mightie and so great , that hee brought the people vnder subiection , in such feare and awe of him , that they rather worshipped him as a god , then obeyed him as a king , whereof nimrod waxed so proud , that it grew to a prouerbe , that if any monarke or king should waxe too insolent or proud , he should be noted & named hic alter nimrod , for now nimrod hauing obtained the monarchy into his hands without resistance , he called the people together to make a tower frō the earth vnto heauē , to reuenge the iniuries of his predecessors , and to defend himselfe & his empire , and to resist the violence of any further deludge : he for want of men to fight withal on earth , made a tower that he might ascend vp to goe fight with the host of heauen . so cyrus imitating nimrod , hauing subdued all nations and kingdomes about him , went for want of men to fight against him , to fight against women into scythia . alexander also imitating cyrus , after he had subdued all men , and that no king would fight against him , he went vnto india to fight with elephants . leauing nimrod to build his towers in the aire , cyrus to fight with women in scythia , and alexander the great to fight with elephants in india , we come to ninus , who tooke vpon him to be the first monarch ouer the assirians , . yeares after nimrod , who after hee had ioyned his force with aricus king of arabia , hee went with his army against babilon , subdued it , and brought it into assyria , led his army vnto armenia , gaue battell to the armenians , subdued them also , tooke their king barsanes , and went conquering all the kingdomes about , vntill he came vnto medea , where the king fought with ninus , and the battell was equally fought of both parts , but after that in another battell , ninus ouerthrewe the meades , and tooke their king in the battell , and hangd him , his wife , and his seuen children , in his owne kingdome . so that within seuenteene yeares , ninus subdued all asia , and became so great , that if the authors write truth , hee had such an armie as none is read to haue the like , especially at that time when the world was not populous , within . yeares after the flood . before ninus , the greeke , nor the romane writers , make no mention of any warre or battell , who proceeded forward and marched ( after he had conquered arabia , medea , and babilon ) vnto the bactrians , and fought with zoroastes their king , who is said to haue first found the art of astronomy and magique , but this zoroastes was slain in the field by ninus , and ninus himselfe slaine with an arrow as orosius saith : others say that hee was slaine by his wife semyramis . it is written of this zoroastes , that when all other infants weepe at their birth , he laught . in ninus time , we reade of the first idolatry in scripture , and that by ninus himselfe , who set vp the image of belus his father , in a temple which ninus made & dedicated to his father belus after his death , in niniuie , where all the countries and people , came to worship and reuerence the name of belus , which grew in such credit in asia , and the east kingdomes , that there was no lawe , nor religion , but what by baals priests and baals prophets were allowed . and at that time that nabuchodonozer raigned in babilon , a thousand yeares after ninus , baal was so reuerenced and honored in babilon , that if any man should speake words against baal , or not kneele to him , or worship him , should die for it . so was sydrach and his fellowes throwne into a hot fierie fornace to be burned . so was daniel throwne into a denne to be deuoured of lyons , but neither lyons nor fire had power to hurt the seruants of the lord. this baal was the onely idoll in the east countrey , vntill elias found out the shifts of the false prophets of baal , in the time of achab king of israel , who first nourished baals prophets in israel : after elias , daniel found out in babilon the falshood of baals priestes , how they cousoned nabuchodonozer , for his great allowance , of bread , wine , and meate . leauing belus to be the first idoll , and ninus the first idolater , after whom little mention is made of the most part of the kings of assyria , sauing a catologue of their names , though the greekes ( as theyr manner is ) speake more then needs of them , for the which berosus the chaldean writer doth much reprehend them for it , and plato their owne countrey man called them children , for that they are addicted vnto fables , and not giuen to learne antiquities : but letting the assirians to sleepe in silence , i will returne to the marching of the hebrewes , vnder moses out of egipt . chap. iii. of the calling of moses and aaron to lead the children of israel out of egipt . the hebrewes which were . years bōdmē & slaues vnto pharao in egipt , vntil they multiplied to be such in number , as pharao doubted either to let them goe out of egipt , least they ioyned with the affricans , or with the assirians , to warre vpon egipt , or else least the number of the hebrues should be so multiplied in egipt , as they might ouerthrow pharao in his owne kingdome : and therfore pharao kept them in slauery and bondage , vexing and molesting them , and withall decreed a lawe to put himselfe out of doubts , and his kingdome out of danger , that all the male children of the hebrues borne in egipt , should be presently murthered after their birth , with a great charge giuē that they should bee slaine , his feare was such , that it did not content pharao , but least hee should be deceiued with killing of them , hee made another lawe that they should be drowned in the riuer nilus . but pharao determined , and god disposed , for the lord reuenged the house of israel vpon pharao , with ten horrible and terrible plagues , and at last pharao the king , his peeres , and the most part of the nobles of his land , and almost all his kingdom , were drowned in the red sea to an infinite number , and as orosius saith , more of the egiptians were drowned , then the number of the hebrewes that came out of egipt , yet there is no iust number written by iosephus , who ought best to know it . as the egiptians were compared to the romains for their crueltie , so were the hebrewes compared to the christians for their punishment , the iewish synagogue to the christian church , and as the hebrewes were plagued by the egiptians . yeares in egipt , so were the christians so long afflicted and persecuted throughout all the empire of rome , but as pharao and all egipt were destroied for their vexations of the hebrewes , so rome , and the empire of rome , was plagued for their bloudie persecutions against the christians , and therefore euery seuerall plague in egipt , shall be compared to euery seuerall persecution in rome . the lord now being armed to mannage warre with the egiptians , and to reuenge the wrong of his people the hebrewes , hee appointed his souldiers readie , and diuided them into seuerall troupes and bands . he hath an armie aboue in the heauens , the sun , the moone , and the starres , hee hath another armie in the aire , lightning , thunder , haile-stones , and such souldiers : another in the waters , whales , crocodiles , serpents , and such monstrous creatures in the seas . another in the wildernesse and woods , as lyons , beares , wolues , tygres , and the like beasts . yea the lord hath his armies in ditches & lakes , as frogges and toades , and hath also his armie euen out of the dust & ashes of the earth , lice , flies , and vermines , the captaine that the lord appointed ouer these armies was moses , which was but a shepheard , to dant the courage of pharao , who at the commandement of the lord , marched to egipt with these legions of souldiers , to take his people from the bōdage of pharao , threatening warres vnto pharao , and yet not without conditions of peace , according to the lawe of armes , if pharao would let his people peaceably depart out of egipt , with bag and baggage . moses ( to whome iehouah appeared in the bush burning ) was commaunded to take the charge of the hebrues , and lead them from egipt to the lande of canaan , moses obeyed the lords commandemēt , yet accused himselfe of some imperfection he had in his speech , and therefore had aaron his brother for his orator , who hauing done the lords commaundement in egipt to pharao , their message was reiected , and had no audience at pharaos hand . thē was moses cōmanded by the lord , to stretch his rod vpon nilus , and vpon all the riuers of egipt , the pooles and standing waters , that they might be turned into blood , so that the egiptians were constrained to drinke of that bloodie riuer nilus , the iust iudgement of god vpon pharao , who thirsted for blood , to drink blood , like so tomyris queen of scythia spake to cyrus , whose head she caused to be cut off being slaine in the field , and to bathe it in a great tunne full of blood , saying , drink cyrus of that blood which thou didst euer thirst for . so pharao in like sort was forced to drinke of that bloody riuer , where before time hee commanded all the male children of the hebrewes to be drowned , and where moses him selfe being but three months old , so long his mother kept him secretly vnknowne vnto pharao , but amri moses father , much fearing that he , his wife & family should die for it , according to the decree that pharao made , committed him to gods prouidence in nilus , by whose prouidence moses was saued , to bee a captain ouer his people , to lead them out of egipt , to plague pharao , and to reuenge the . years calamities & miseries of the hebrues in egipt , vpō pharao & his kingdom , with ten such terrible plagues , as was neuer heard or read of before , like in all points to the ten cruell persecutions , which cōtinued in all the romane empire during the raigne and gouernmēt of ten emperors , which persecuted the christians in rome , as pharao plagued the hebrues in egipt . this first plague of the egiptians , may be cōpared to the first persecution of the christians , vnder that cruel emperor nero : at what time there was nothing in rome , nor in italy , but as in egipt , for as nilus & all the riuers of egipt wer turned into blood , so in rome in euery street , was nothing but sheading of christiās blood , vnder the tiranny of nero , by whō paul , peter , & diuers others of the chief members of the church , were most extreamely persecuted , some beheaded , some hangd , & some burnt , so that ( beside his vehement persecutiōs to the christians ) few escaped the cruelty of nero , otherwise he spared none , no not seneca his maister , nor his mother aggrippina , but nero like his cruell vncle caligula , wished all rome to haue but one neck , that he might with one stroke cut it of , for he caused rome to be set on fire , & to burn . daies to resemble the burning of troy , where he in his tower maecenatiā beholding the great flames of fire , recited merily certain odes of homer , touching the burning of troy. thus from one tyrannie to another , he passed all men in tirannie , that as the fish that was in nilus , and al the riuers of egipt , died & stank in the riuers , so the christians were murthered & persecuted by nero , whose bodies likewise stanke for want of buriall : but as nero without mercy or respect slue all , spared none , and at last slue himselfe , being proclaimed by the senators of rome a traytor to his countrey , thus nero liued and ended his life with blood , and for that he could kill no more , hee kild himselfe , in whom also ended the whole stocke and familie of caesar. so abimelech the base sonne of gedeon , slue his seuentie brethren to vsurpe the gouerment by destroying the lawfull sonnes of gedeon , or like proud hamon , who sought with all meanes possible to destroy mardocheus , and all the iewes within the hundred and seuen and twentie prouinces of persia. so nero sought the destruction of the christians , within all the empire of rome : achab was not so greedie to haue his wrath and anger satisfied vpon the prophet micheas , nor iezabel vpon the prophet elias , as nero was to haue paul the apostle and peter slaine in rome , who fild all the streets of rome with the blood of christians , as manasses king of iuda filled all the streets of ierusalem with innocent blood : so that nero could not be satisfied , vntill he had ended his tragedie , killing his mother , his wiues & his sisters , and after himself , as mithridates king of pontus had done before him . the second message of moses was to command pharao to let the hebrues depart out of egipt , which being refused & denied , the lord vsed a stratagem , began to vexe them with a second plague , with an vgly armie of frogges , which assaulted pharao and his country so fiercely , that all the riuers and all the land of egipt were couered ouer with loathsome frogges , pharaos court , his priuie chamber , his victuals , vpon euery man these frogges scrawled , climbed vpon pharao , his peeres , his states , and vpon all his people , without respect of persons they spared none , that all the force & strength of egipt , could not resist the force & violence of these simple creatures , but were constrained to forsake their houses , their beds , and to seeke to escape these filthy frogs , who left no secret place vnsought , but the hebrews in the land of gosen were free from these plagues . pharao being dismaied and fearefull to see such vgly sights & terrible stratagems , was forced to yeeld himselfe to moses the captaine and leader of this armie , at what time moses had his second tryumph in the midst of egipt . this was the second victorie and tryumph , which the hebrewes had in egipt , by an armie of frogs , weake souldiers of themselues , but there is nothing so weak that the lord cannot cause to ouercome the greatest power of man. yet pharaos heart was so hardned , that hee answered moses message from the lord , quis est dominus ? who is the lord saith pharao , most blasphemously , much like to the blasphemy of nicanor , who doubted of the lord being in heauen , and demaunded of iudas machabaeus , is there a lord in heauen , that can commaund you to keepe the sabboth day ? but i haue power on earth to execute the kings commaundement nabuchodonozer , besides him there is no lord in heauen nor in earth , that can defend you out of nabuchodonozers hand , but that tongue which blasphemed the lord was cut off , and cast to the sowles of the aire to be eaten : the head and the hand that fought against the lord , were cut off , he being slain in the battell by iudas machabeus , and hangd vpon the temple in ierusalem . this secōd plague may be well resembled to the second persecution vnder domitianus the emperor , who , with no lesse crueltie persecuted the christians in rome , then pharao did the hebrewes in egipt , or as nero his predecessor did in italy , but as in egipt all men fled from their houses , their beddes , their tables , to seeke some rest from the frogges , so in rome and in italy , the poore christians fled euery where frō place to place to hide themselues in secret caues and dennes , to escape the cruell sword of this swelling toade domitianus , who excelled pharao in tyrannie . pharao saide , quis est dominus ? who is the lord ? i know not the lord. but domitianus named himselfe lord , and god domitianus , and by a decree commanded so to be named of all mē in rome , and throughout the empire of rome : and therwithall caused his image to be set vp in the temple at ierusalem . this cruell and blasphemous emperour domitianus , so persecuted the christians , and so vexed the whole empire , that not only the citizens of rome , but also all italy , sought other places in other countries as banished men , to seeke to auoyd the sword of this bloodie emperor , who passed pharao in blasphemy , and nero in tyrannie , but his end was no better then neroes , for as nero slue himself with his own hand , so was domitianus in his owne house murthered & slain by his owne seruants , for he that killeth many , must of some be kild , and so domitianus was , for blood is reuenged with blood , and is one of those foure sinnes that crieth vp to heauen for vengeance : but rome was euer full of blood betweene their forrein warres abroad , and their ciuill warres at home . chap. iiii. of the third and fourth plagues of the egiptians , compared with the third and fourth persecutions of the christians . moyses againe after two denialls , marcheth with his armie against pharao to his third battell , which was with more simple and weake souldiers , then the second battell was : for the lord commaunded moses to smite the dust of the earth with his rod , that all the dust of the earth became lice throughout all the land of egipt , and these were the armies of the lord , the which crept vpon euery man , and vpon euery beast , and went as in battell raie , and well instructed souldiers , vpon pharao , his lords , and his courtiers , and ouer all the land of egipt , this armie spared no place , feared no man , but the land of gosen , and the hebrewes there dwelling . to this were iamnes and iambres , and all soothsayers and charmers of egipt publikely forced to say , that it was digitus dei , the finger of god , and pharao after them , was ( as afore twise ) now the third time constraited to yeeld to moses , but still without grace or repentance . thus euery victorie had his triumph , and euerie triumph was solemnized without either a stroak giuen , or a sword drawne , but with a white rod in moses hand , so that it seemed rather a combat betweeene moses and pharao , then a set battell betweene the hebrewes and the egiptians . the third persecution vnder traiane in rome , in all points is to be likened to the third plague vnder pharao in egipt , for the bloud of the christians in rome , and the plague of the hebrewes in egipt , crie for equal vengeance and iustice vpon wicked tyrants and murtherers vnto heauen . though traiane was wrote vnto by pliny the second , to admonish him to mittigate the vehement persecutidus of the christians , certifying traiane that the christians liued soberly and quietly , not offending the romane lawes , but by professing their religigion and the name of christ. notwithstanding pliny could do litle good with his letters to traiane the emperour in the behalfe of the christians at rome , no more then philo could do with his perswasions to nero , for the iewes in alexandria , though philo himselfe being learned and graue , and of great authoritie with the iewes , spake in person to nero , and yet appian the egiptian , being but a schoolemaister in alexandria , a man of no reputation , had audience of nero , which was denied to philo , so much rome hated the christians , & egipt the hebrews , that their plagues & persecutiōs may well bee compared together , for still persecution encreased in rome , in so much that the christians that were dispersed & scattered in euery place for feare , were so persecuted , that vnder traiane and vnder sapor king of persia , infinite slaughter was made of the christians , and euery where , where the romane emperours ruled , th●… was but sword and fire , but the more the christians were persecuted , the more they were encreased , the more they were hanged , slaine , and burned , the more were they multiplied , and encouraged through faith , to esteeme little or nothing these tyrants , or theyr tyrannie , which might moue the romanes as well to say , that it was digitus dei in the third persecution , as the egiptians did confesse in their third plague . for if the egiptians had obserued how the hebrews in the land of gosen , had neuer heard , or seene , or felt any plague , being in one countrey , and at one time , nor so much as a dogge among the hebrewes miscarried , or if the romanes had but considered the workes of the lord , how hee encreased the christians to surmount the slaughters of the persecutions , and strengthened the christians to conquer the crueltie of these tyrants , that as the hebrews multiplied in egipt to the ouerthrow of egipt , in spite of pharaos killing & drowning : so the christians multiplyed in all the romane empire , for all theyr slaughter and destroying of the christians . but no amendment appeared in pharao by the three former plagues , then marcheth moses forward with his fourth army , commaunding with one message still ; thus saith the lorde , let my people goe , or else to bee afflicted with the fourth plague , with the like simple army of souldiers , as before in the second and the third , for great swarmes of flyes came into the court of pharao , and into all the lande of egipt , so that all egipt was corrupted by this infinite multitude of flyes , but in the lande of gosen , ( to the great wonder of pharao and his people ) were none of these souldiers seene : for the lord had seperated the lande of gosen where his people the hebrewes dwelt , that they should not bee touched either with frogs , flies , or lice . pharao , and all his kingdome of egipt , man and beast , were so bitten and infected with these swarmes of flies , and wearied with these souldiers , that pharao againe yeelded to moses , and requested moses to do sacrifice for him vnto the lord , and promised moses that israel should goe out of egipt . notwithstanding he kept no promise , but still hardened his heart , and prouoked the lord to plague him , his court , and his kingdome . it seemed the egiptians hated the hebrewes mortally , being thus persecuted with such horrible plagues , that they still yeelded , but neuer repēted . but no plague , no calamitie , could moue pharao to yeeld obedience to the lord , neither acknowledge his name , but still saying nescio dominum , but by meanes made to moses to remooue these plagues from him , yeelding euer the victory to moses , but neuer yeelding his heart to the lord. in rome , in antioch , in alexandria , in caesaria , and euery where else where the romanes had any gouernment , the iewes were giuen to be deuoured of wild and fierce beasts , as lyons , elephants , and tygres , and to fight vpon publike theaters to solemnize the tryumphs of vespasian & titus . and therefore were the hebrues well compared to the christians , for their manifolde plagues and miseries , and the egiptians to the romains for their tyrannie . yet the hebrewes had some oddes more then the christians had , for they might fight on publike shewes & vpō theaters , with lyons , elephants , and wild beasts , which titus sent frō ierusalem to rome , to beautifie his father vespasians triumph to the number of . iewes : but the christians with present death , with all the tortures that could be inuented , executed vpon them . i may not forget pharao in egipt , for his well deserued plagues , the violence whereof he could not resist , nor defend himselfe frō these armies in his priuy chamber . for that it was the lords battell , as iamnes and iambres , and the charmes of egipt before did confesse . so nabuchodonozer cōfessed , after he was taken from the throne of his kingdome in babilon , to liue among beasts in the field . so manasses cōfessed after he was taken captiue from his kingdome in iudah , to become from a king a bondman in babilon . so iulian the apostata was constrained , after he threw into the aire a handfull of his heart blood , to say , vicisti galile : and so all blasphemers and tyrants confesse , that the lord is god , when they are punished and plagued , and cannot resist it , and yet pharao in egipt would not confesse that it was the finger of god , as iamnes & iambres did , neither acknowledging the lord to be god , as nabuchodonozer and manasses did , neither yeelding the conquest vnto the lord as iulian the apostata did , and therefore moses is sent vnto pharao to denounce vnto him the fift plague , and to giue pharao the space of a whole day to think on it , assuring pharao , the next morning it should come to passe , vnlesse hee would let his people goe . caap. v. of the fift and sixt plagues of the egiptians , compared with the fift and sixt persecutions of the christians . behold the fift plague by the hand of the lord vpon pharao , and vpon his cattell , his horses , asses , camels , oxen , and sheepe , with a mightie great morraine , so that all the cattel of egipt died , and of the cattell of the hebrues died not one . pharao being with this astonished , more fearefull of these plagues and losses , then carefull to auoyd punishments , or mindfull of repentance , not acknowledging god to be the lorde , sent to the lande of gosen to know whether any of these plagues happened among the hebrewes , being instructed and certified that there was nothing in the lande of gosen but loue , mirth and ioy , none of their cattell , nor of their beasts died . it is the nature of wicked men to enuie vertue and godlines , in good men . yet pharao reuolted from the lord , and refused his mercies often offered , though afore-hand he knew , and moses told him , that the next day the lord should bring this fift plague to passe . and so before the waters were turned into blood , before the frogges , the lice , and the flies , who like armed souldiers phalanges wise assaulted pharao , of the which hee was warned before by moses , but yet it mooued not pharao for all this to repentance , though pharao was often astonished , and mooued to yeeld victorie , yet not to embrace penitencie , far worse then esau who would haue repented , but could not , though he sought it with teares . this fift plague may fitly and well be compared to the fift persecution vnder sept. seuerus , for as in egipt both man and beast died of the morraine , so vnder this cruell emperour , as well by bloodie persecution , as ciuil warres , euery where blood was shead , beside the romane legions of souldiers were slain , that the slaughter was infinite . for like as in egipt their horses , asses , oxen , camels , and sheepe , and all their beasts were slaine with a mightie great morraine , so the romane generals , their collonels , captaines , and all kind of souldiers were slain , as wel in rome and italy , as euery where throughout the romane empire , as well with wars , as with diuers sicknesses & diseases , yet not ceasing to persecute the christians , according to their custome , but the martyrs of the lord , the souldiers of god increased still in number in euery country . such euer was the prouidence of the lord , that septimius & the like , were either murdered & slaine in their country , or else banished & died out of their country as this septimius did , or as the great antiochus epiphanis did being the only enemies of gods people , tyrannizing against iudah , forcing them with sword & fire , to forsake god , their religion & lawes , strangling men , hanging some womē with their childrē about their necks , other women they cast downe headlong ouer the walls , with their babes hanging at their breasts ; making search for the bookes of moses , and burning all that he could finde written of the law of moses , prophaned the temple , sacrificed swines flesh against the law of the iews , compelled the iews to eate swines flesh , to forsake circumcisiō , and to adore his gods , his tyrannie was such , that the samaritans sent vnto him messengers for very feare , denying themselues to be iewes , but a people comming out of the meades and persians , ( therin they said the truth for they were not true iewes ) requesting antiochus that the temple which they builded in mount garisim , should be named the temple of iupiter , and that they would bee gouerned by appolonius and nichanor his lieftenants , and become antiochus seruants . yet the lord raised those in iudah that esteemed not his threatnings , waighed not his commaundements , feared not his tortures ; for so the lord said to elias , that he reserued . that neuer bowed nor bended knee to baall , which kept the lawes of the lord , as mattathias and his fiue sonnes in modin , and diuers other in iudah , not weighing antiochus nor his lieftenants . when this cursed and cruell antiochus sawe how little the iewes weighed his threatnings , and how they stil increased in number , and how forward they were in their religion , he thereby fell sicke , and confessed , that the euill that he did to the temple of ierusalem , and to the inhabitants of iudah , was the cause that he must die in a straunge land : for before , antiochus had proudly promised to make ierusalē a graue for al the iewes burial , we leaue antiochus dead out of his countrey in persia , and turne to moses in egipt . this was euer the commaundement of the lord to moses , rise , and stand vp before pharao , and say thy wonted message , thus saith the lord , let my people goe . yet nothing moued pharao , but as a sworne enemy against the lord , stiffe necked and hard hatred , refused al graces and mercies offred : and therfore moses was commanded to take the ashes out of the furnace , & to sprinkle it vp into the aire before pharaos face , & strait out of the same ashes there brake out sores with blaines , botches & swellings both in man & beast : so that iamnes and iambres , & all the sorcerers of egipt could not stand before moses , forthey thēselues were plagued with botches & biles , which manetho an egiptiā historiographer falsly fained a fable , that these blaines and botches which the egiptians had to be a leprousie on the hebrues , naming moses osarphis , a priest & a law-giuer ouer the hebrues . yet cheremon named him tisithes , one contrary to another , and both cōtrary to the truth , and as iosephus saith , both manetho and cheremon affirmed , that what moses had done concerning the myracles in egipt to be done by magicke . so pliny held the like opinion , that moses was a great magitian , and did all those myracles before pharao in egipt by magicke . pliny had no cause so to say , for nero the emperour which was instructed with the best magicians of all the east kingdomes , which tiridates king of armenia brought with him to rome : yet it helped not nero at his need , neither the emperor iulianus apostata being well learned and throughly instructed in magick : it could do him no good , no more then iamnes and iambres to pharao . and therefore i will set downe the true history of moses written by iosephus , a graue & a learned iew , and a gouernour of all the countrey of galiley , farre to be preferred before appian an egiptian schoolmaister in alexandria . who after their fabulous lies most impudently blasphemed their temple , affirming an asse head all of gold , by the iewes most religiously worshipped and honoured in their temple : which was found in the time of antiochus epiphanis , when he sacked ierusalem & spoyled the temple . we wil passe ouer these false egiptiās writers , & come to moses . this sixt plague is likened to the sixt persecution vnder maximinus , a most cruell emperor , being puffed vp with pride & insolency , and wearied with vulgar persecutions , proceeded forward to persecute bishops , doctors , and other learned christians that professed the name of christ , as polycarpus bishop of smyrna , ignatius ; and such he spared no degrees within the romain prouinces : but as the egiptians were plagued with soares , botches , blaines and biles , so hee vexed the christians with sword , fire , and extreame tortures . and as nothing could moue pharao in egipt to acknowledge the lorde to be god ; so nothing could moue this tyger maximinus , to acknowledge christ to be the lord , but without mercy and compassion persecuted & afflicted the christians . thus not only the emperors of rome tyrannized against christians , but also the kings of syria , little inferiour to the romans in tyrannie , against whom the lord did not only stirre men , but women & children to contemne their threatnings , and to despise their crueltie , as antiochus king of syria commanded caudrons & brazen pots to be heated , straitly charging that he that spake but a word with moses law , should haue his tongue cut out : this could not terrifie a woman with her seuen sonnes , who one after another , denied the eating & sacrificing of swines flesh , the defiling of their temple with images , refusing to forsake the lawes of moses , and in this to liue and die . the king straight commanded that the tongue of the eldest brother should be cut out , to pull the skin ouer his head , to pare off the edges of his hands & feete , and after these tortures , while yet there was any life in him , to be fried in the hote caudron , and that in the sight of his mother , and his other sixe brethren , assuring them , that they should suffer the like torments one after another , vnlesse they would forsake the religion & lawes of the iewes , eat swines flesh , and offer sacrifice of swines flesh vnto iupiter , vpon the altars at ierusalem & samaria , but they esteemed the least iot of their lawe , more then the greatest tortures , that either the emperours of rome which persecuted them , or the kings of syria which tyrannized ouer them , could inuēt , saying that they wold onely obey the lawes which the lorde gaue vnto them by moses , and not the commaundement of the king : then were the other brethren one after another put to death with the like tortures as their elder brother was , in the sight of their mother , who spake to her children these words , my sonnes i neither gaue you breath nor soule , nor life , and as you regard not your selues , to die for the law es of the lord , so shall the lord restore vnto you , your soules & your liues to liue for euer . and thus were theyto rtured to death , one brother after another , and the mother after her sonnes . and now i wil returne to pharao . chap. vi. of the seuenth and eight plagues of the egiptians , compared with the seuenth and eight persecutions of the christians . amd moses was sent with his seuenth message to pharao , saying ; how long will it be before thou submit thy self to me , saith the lord ? but pharao being marked with cains marke , who could not die , though he would faine die , or like esau , who would repent & could not , though he sought it with teares . so pharao though he yeelded victorie to moses , yet could not hee yeeld his heart vnto the lord , but refused the offers of the lord , and despised his mercy , and therefore moses was commaunded to vex pharao with the seuenth plague , which he executed vpon pharao with thunders , haile & lightnings , fiery soldiers of the lord , this smote the hearbs , & brake the trees of the field , this smote al the land of egipt , both man & beast , the thunder , the raine , the haile and the fire mingled together , so hurtfull , and so greeuous , as there was not the like in egipt , since it was a natiō : and yet the land of gosen where the hebrues dwelt neither hard thunders , nor saw fire , lightnings nor rain . but pharao stil against his promise , staied the hebrues in extreame bondage in egipt , and yet with terrour and feare of the punishments , requested moses and aaron to cease the horrible thunders , and fierie lightnings , which being ceased , pharao ceased not to sinne vpon sin , neither gaue he himselfe to seeke the lord , for all the terrors of so many plagues past . the macedonians at any eclipse of the moone wold be so frighted and terrified , though the naturall cause were opened vnto them of the defects thereof by many of their captaines , yet would they not but against their will , at the eclipse time enter into battell . so the old romanes were so amazed that they tooke the ebbing & flowing of the sea , to be wrought by some diuine power of the gods . so scipio confessed at the besieging of carthage , and said to his souldier , ducem sequimini neptunum . though the romanes and the macedonians confessed the eclipse of the sunne & moone , and the ebbing and flowing of the seas to be the works of god , yet pharao confessed not the wonders which moses did in egipt . this cruell marching of pharao against the hebrues in egipt , resembleth much the cruell persecution vnder decius emperour of rome , vnder whom raigned stil persecutiōs of the christians , as vnder others his predecessors . but the lord so plagued the empire at this time , euen from the east vnto the west , with plagues , and diuers suche sicknesses , as not onely the earth was infected , but the ayre corrupted , with such slaughter of man and beast by sicknesse , that there wanted in many places of the empire , men aliue to burie the dead , iustly plagued and punished , so that betweene the cruell persecutions of christians , in antioch , caesaria , and alexandria , and the multitude of the romanes that died , made the ground of rome and italy to stink , as egipt stunk with their bloudie water and dead frogs , and as in pharaos dayes , the hebrewes so multiplied in egipt : for all pharaos tirany , so likewise the christians encreased in rome , and euery where in the romane empire in spite of the romane emperours , though they sought euery way to deuour them with sword and fire . moses is sent againe to pharao , and to say , let my people goe , behold to morrowe will i bring grassehoppers into thy land , and they shall couer the face of the earth in euery place , and quarter of egipt , that the earth cannot be seene , and they shall eate the residue which remaineth vnto you , and escaped the haile , they shall eate all your greene trees vpon the fielde , and shall fill your houses , and all your seruants houses , and these threatnings , and cominations of moses could nothing moue pharao , and yet dissembled like an hypocrite to moses saying , i haue sinned against the lord , and against you , forgiue me therefore , and pray for me , it is to be wondred that pharao and all egipt wold suffer such horrible plagues for the hebrews , to them a straunge nation , whom they mortally hated , and yet stopt and stayed them in egipt , against the lawe of mena and bocoris and custome of egipt , and against the custome of all countries . the lacedemonians by lycurgus lawe would not admit any straunger to stay in lacedemon . in athens pericles made a decree , that no straunger might dwell in athens , but such as were banished for euer from their countrey , those onely might stay in athens , bringing their gods and their goods with them . likewise the carthagineans could not abide strangers , for those that sailed into sardinia or to hercules pillers , escaped hardly the carthagineans handes , for that they would suffer no straunger to dwell in their territories . so also in india no stranger might stay among them past three daies , so straight were strangers looked vnto in all countries , that the romanes would not admit any mercenarie souldier being a stranger in their warres . the hebrewes suffered no stranger to dwel among them , to vse forraine religion , & therfore it was not lawfull for the samaritans to come to ierusalem , nor for the samaritans to conuerse themselues with the iewes . yet pharao against the lawes and customes of all countries , and against the lawe of his owne country , admitted strangers , his owne enemies to dwell in egipt . pharao as i said before , had esaus mark , could not yeeld , and let these strange hebrewes goe . how fitly this eight egiptian plague , resembleth the eight romane persecution vnder the emperor valerianus , who like as antiochus compelled the iewes to forsake the lord , their lawes , and religion , so valerianus cōstrained the christians to idolatrie , and forced them to forsake the religion of christ , commanding by his letters sent to his lieftenants , and generalls , euery where to burne , to kil , and to murther all the christians that professed the name of christ , so odious was the name of the christians among the romanes , as the name of the hebrewes among the egiptians . and like as the grasse-hoppers in egipt , did waste , spoile , and eate all that was left vntouched and vnspoyled by the plague of haile-stones and lightnings before , so this bloudie emperour valerianus left no place vnsought to persecute the remnant of the christians , ( which his predecessors could not find ) with sword and fire , vntil he himself was taken , & his army ouerthrown by sapor king of persia , who tooke him and kept him in prison all his life time in bondage , and slauery , vsing him as a blocke to mount on horsebacke , things hard and straunge to the romanes , to haue their emperour in such slauish seruice , & to become a vassal and a blocke for sapor king of persia , to lay his foote vpon his necke to goe on horse . and was not the great turke pazaites ouerthrown , and his army slaine at mount stella by tamberlane , a rude and barbarous scithian , and himselfe taken , and kept in a cage vnder his table , and carried him in that cage in all his warres , during tamberlanes life , so that the great emperour of rome died as a blocke for king sapor in persia , and pazaites the great turke died in tamberlanes cage , as a captiue in scythia . so pharao in diuers battels was ouerthrowne by moses , and vsed as a blocke , and at last drawne as it were by a corde like a dogge , by moses from egipt , into the redde sea , and there to dye as you shall read in the two next plagues that followe . chap. of the ninth and tenth plagues of the egiptians , compared with the ninth and tenth persecutions of the christians . moses is sent from the lord to pharao , and commanded to hold out his hand vnto heauen , that there was darknesse vpon all the land of egipt , & such palpable darknesse , that neither fire , candle , torch , or any light , might giue thē light , it was such palpable darknesse that the egiptians might feele it , and this darknesse continued three daies long , that one might not see an other . yet pharaos heart was so hardned , that now in his furie and rage , he commaunds moses and aaron to goe out of his sight , threatning them with death if they came any more before him , though in the last plague he requested moses and aaron to pray for him , and to forgiue him his sinnes , but then were his words full of dissimulation , and his repentance full of hypocrisie : hee could say , i haue sinned , but he could not say , i haue repented , and beforie for his sinnes . the ninth persecution vnder aurelianus in rome , may throughly bee likened to the ninth plague vnder pharao in egipt . the like threatnings of speech , and the like words that pharao vsed to moses and aaron in egipt , the like vsed aurelianus against the christians in rome : but it contiued not long , for he was slaine as others his predecessors were . and as for the great palpable darknesse in egipt , so was it in rome , when their minde was more darke then darknesse it selfe . the egiptians hated not the hebrews so much , as the romanes hated the christians . for pilate the romane presidēt in ierusalem , which gaue sentence on christ to die , and sawe many myracles done by him , sent letters to his maister tiberius the emperor , and to the senators , recyting the myracles that christ had done before he died , saying hee was worthy to bee canonized & placed among the romane goddes , which all the senators with one consent denied , though caesar requested them first , and threatned them after , yet christ was not allowed to be a romane god. tiberius without effect of his good motion died , & so did that wicked emperor aurelianus , in the midst of his cruel persecutions . after whō succeeded a good valiant emperor flam. claudius , & so valiāt that he vanquished the gothes ; the illyrians , and macedonians , whereby in rome he was so honoured , that the senators sent to him a goldē target , which afterward was set vp in the shew-place , and a golden statue to stand in the capitoll , but he died too timely of a sicknesse at sirmium . after him succeeded his brother aurel. quintilius , a good moderate emperour , equall , or rather to be preferred before his brother , but he was slaine within . daies after hee was elected emperour by the souldiers . these good emperors onely i name , for that persecutions were euer executed by cruel kings and emperors . but these cruell emperours , as they cruelly destroyed others , so cruelly were they destroyed after : as some of them were killed by theyr owne handes , as nero , some murthered by their owne seruants , as domitianus , some suddenly slaine riding by the high way , as decius , some banished died in straunge countreys , as seuerus : others died captiues in bondage and slauerie , as valerianus did in persia : others eaten with cankers & wormes , as maximinius , others murthered one after an other , as aurel. tacit. and florianus . thus were those emperours slaine and murthered that cruelly persecuted the christians . the lorde beeing determined now to finish his plague in egipt , and to bring his people away , willed euery man and euery woman to borrow of their neighbours , iewels of gold and siluer , for moses was verie great in the land of egipt , with pharao , and with the people : for before this , pharao had appointed moses generall of the egiptians , against the king of aethiopia , which i wrote in the historie of moses . yet said the lord , i will bring one plague more vpon pharao , and vpon egipt , and after that he will let you goe hence , for all the first borne of the land of egipt shall die , euen from the first borne of pharao that sitteth on his seate , vntill the first borne of the maide seruant that sitteth in the mill . the lord knew at that time how to saue the hebrewes in gosen from all the plagues in egipt , and to saue noah from the geneall deluge in the arke , to saue lot from fire and brimstone in zodome , and to saue the christians from the destruction of ierusalem in pella . as this tenth plague was the greatest , and the heauiest , so the tenth persecution was the greatest , and the longest , vnder dioclesian in the east parts ; and vnder maximianus in the west , either of them persecuting and afflicting with such slaughters of martyred christians , that for the space of tenne yeares , for so long continued the tenth persecution , there was nothing but the wonted bloudie persecution , sword and fire , by the commaundements of both these emperours with most extremitie to bee executed , and as vnder nero the first persecution began , so vnder dioclesian it ended . for the church of god so flourished , the christians so encreased , and the godly martyrs so multiplyed , that these tyrants were wearie to persecute them any longer . at that very time , when persecution ended vnder dioclesian , then heresie began to spring vnder sathan : for when one stratagem of sathan faileth , he practiseth an other . now arius marcheth with his antitrinitary crew , and set themselues in battell against the lord , with horrible and blasphemous weapons , and as the poets faine , the gyants set themselues in battell against the sun , the moone , and the stars , so this crew of heretikes set themselues to fight against god the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost , some denying christ by nature to bee cod , but onely of accidentall participation of diuine properties as arius . some affirming that christ tooke his beginning of the virgin mary , denying the diuine nature of christ , as samosatenus and photinus . others imagined that christ had not a true and natural body borne of the virgin mary , as the marcionites and manichees . the ebionites affirmed christ to be naturally born of a woman gotten by man. i will omit to speake of simon magus , and his disciple menander , of cerdon , and his disciple marcion , and of saturninus , and a number more of this crewe , who denie one article or other of our christian faith , confounding the diuine nature of the trinitie . these heretikes possessing diuers seates , as arius in alexandria , saturninus in antioch , photinus in lions , and so of the rest , which beeing the verie blast and breath of sathan , haue brought into their heresie many kings and princes of asia and europe , but all these heretikes were by generall councell confuted and condemned . the nicene councell condemned arius and his partners which denied the deitie and diuine nature of christ , this councell held vnder the emperour constantine , where . bishops met together to confute arius and his heresie . the second councell at constantinople , vnder gratianus the emperour , against eudoxius and macedonius , denying the holy ghost to be god. the third councell at ephesus vnder theodosius the great against nestorius , affirming two sonnes , the one of god , the other of man , denying the mistery of the incarnation of christ. the fourth councell at calcedon vnder martianus against eutiches , who confounded the natures in christ for the vnity of the three persons . chap. viii . of the marching of the hebrewes from egipt vnder moses and aaron , toward the land of canaan . of the life of moses in egipt , and of his victories against the aethiopians . now moses and the hebrewes beeing discharged out of egipt , where they had bin in bondage and miseries many yeares , and were called hicsos , now they march like souldiers of the lord vnder moses and aaron , towardes the lande of canaan : but marke the hardnesse of pharaos heart , for while the hebrewes were in egipt , beeing extreame enemies vnto pharao , yet pharao endured tenne horrible and terrible plagues , before he would let the hebrewes goe out of egipt , vntill hee was brideled and hooked by the nosthrils as senacharib was , and compelled to let the hebrewes goe . yet pharao with his wonted hardened heart , with all the power and force of egipt followed after , beeing two hundreth thousand footemen , fiftie thousand horsemen , sixe hundreth chosen chariots of the kings owne army , a sufficient armie against weaponlesse and vnarmed men . notwithstanding he had infinite number of footemen , horsemen , and chariots , out of all parts of egipt , assuring himselfe , by this multitude he would make a full end of the hebrewes , hauing this aduantage , the sea being before the hebrues , the mountaines on either side them , and pharao with all the force of egipt at their back , a narrower straight as pharao supposed , then the greeks had against the persians at thermopyla , and there pharao thought to ende his long desired tyrannie vpon the hebrewes . it was to be wondred that after ten great victories in egipt , gotten against pharao , by no other weapon then with a rod in moses hand , durst not looke moses in the face , & after these victories in egipt , durst follow moses , hauing sixe hundred thousand hebrewes marching in his campe , this was the time appointed of the lord to do with pharao that which pharao thought to do to the hebrewes , for the lord commaunded moses to hold vp his rod , and to stretch out his hand vpon the sea , and to diuide the seas , to let the hebrues goe through on drie ground , and to suffer the egiptians to follow after , vntil the lord commaunded moses againe to stretch out his hand vpon the sea , ( a diuine straragem of the lord ) to let the waters turnevpon the egiptians & ouerwhelme them . so the lord by water saued the hebrewes his people , and by water drowned the egiptians his enemies . yet appian most impudently affirmed moses to haue done what hee did by magicke , whom the common people in egipt named tisithes , and ioshuah peresephes . appian alleageth manetho and cheremon two egiptian writers , to proue his fond assertions . pliny also held that opinion that moses was a great magician , and did many miracles in egipt through magick , yet it is more lawfull for pliny that wrote of so many thinges , to lie in some thinges , then for manetho a poore schoole-maister in alexandria , or for cheremon , two fabulous writers of the egiptian history onely . the best magician that helped himselfe at need , was appollonius thianeus , who beeing accused of capitall crimes before domitianus the emperour , being demanded by the emperour what helpe hee could do now to himselfe by his magick , nothing said he but this , and vanished away out of the emperours sight , so much could not iamnes and iambres do to saue themselues from the botches & blaines , which as they say was done by moses magicke in egipt . and therefore i thinke it best to set downe the true history of moses , before yet he was called by the lord to leade the hebrewes out of the lande of egipt into canaan . moses the sonne of amri , was of the tribe of leui , and the seuenth from abraham borne in egipt , brought vp by thermutes king pharaos daughter and heire , in this childe moses shee delighted so much , being brought vp in all the learning and knowledge of the egiptians , that moses pleased thermutes so well , that she moued her father hauing no male childe but her selfe , that it might please the king to make moses her adopted sonne , least thermutes also should be barren , and want an heire to possesse the crowne . this being agreed vpon betweene pharao and his daughter , moses grew great in egipt , fauoured and well beloued amongst all the aegiptians . it happened at that time that the aethiopians had warre with the king of egipt , hauing wonne two great victories ouer the egiptians , spoyled and wasted egipt vnto the verie citie of memphis . the priests of egipt being instructed by the oracles of ammon to choose an hebrew captaine , to lead their armie against the aethiopians , the king being informed of this oracle , spake faire to his daughter thermuthes through the perswasion of the priests , who vsed the like pollicie to haue moses slaine among the aethiopians , as saul vsed to haue dauid slaine among the philistines , thermutes perceiuing the daunger of her fathers kingdome , which fell vnto her by succession , would knowe of moses secretly his minde therein , moses being therewith contented , the kings daughter brought moses before her father and the priests , to whom thermutes in this sort spake : is moyses the man whome before this time you founde by oracles , shoulde destroy egipt , and now you finde by the same oracles , to haue that man to be your captaine to saue egipt ? but the priests forgat not when thermutes laide the diademe vpon the childes head , which moses being but a very childe , with both his handes tooke the diademe from his head and threw it to the ground , and treaded it vnder his feete ; whereat the priestes of egipt were so astonished , that they told the king , that that childe shoulde bee the ouerthrow and destruction of egipt , they all counselled pharao to take away the feare of egipt , and the hope of the hebrewes . notwithstanding moses , as he was by the prouidence of god preserued , saued from killing & drowning being a childe , so likewise then was he kept from the enuy and malice of the priestes , and of the egiptians , who sought to kill him , as the iewes thought to kill paul , but as paul preuailed ouer the iewes , so moses preuailed ouer the egiptians , and marched forward with this hebrew army towards aethiope , gaue them two great battels , ouerthrew them , chased them , and daunted the courage of the aethiopians , that they were brought lower by the hebrewes , then the egiptians were before by the aethiopians . the aethiopians thus being brought lowe , moses brought his armie , and besieged saba , the chiefe citie of aethiope , at what time the king of aethiope his daughter named tharbis , hauing hard such great report of moses fortitude and prowesse , went vp on the walles of the citie , to behold the armie of the hebrewes , where she saw moses manfully and valiantly fighting before his armie , she much admired his courage , and wondred at his prowesse , doubting much the destruction of her countrey , she sent some of her chiefe seruants vnto moses , by whom shee opened her fauour & her loue towards moses , offering her selfe to him in marriage , and to cōclude peace between the aethiopians & the egiptians , which moses accepted vpon her oath , that the citie saba should be yeelded vp into moses hand , and peace concluded betweene aethiope & egipt , which presently was yeelded vp , and the marriage performed , notwithstanding moses at his returne to egipt , his seruice was more maliciously accused and suspected , then thankfully accepted , such hatred & malice grew in egipt towards moses , by meanes of the priestes , and the king himselfe suspected him for his greatnesse , and successe of his victories ouer the king of aethiopia , that pharao doubted that moses might doo the like in egipt : by these meanes traps and snares were laide to destroy moses , that moses was in such feare of his life , & the rather for that he kild an egiptiā that abused an hebrue ; that he was forced secretly to flie through the wildernesse vnto the madianites , where he maried zephora , iethro his daughter , and there continued fortie yeares , from whence he was called by the lord to lead his people from egipt to canaan ; whose greatnesse then was more knowne then before , as is set downe in exodus , so that appian with his egiptian authors , with their fained fables against moses , are worthie to be scoft at for their impudent lies , for moyses was brought vp with thermutes the kings daughter , & heire of egipt , and married to tharbis the kings daughter of aethiope . but let vs omit appian with his fellow lyers , and come to moses , marching with his hebrew campe . caap. ix . of certaine military lawes and marshall exercise of the hebrewes , vnder moses in the wildernesse . after that pharao and the egiptians were drowned in the red sea , the hebrewes had such rich spoyles by their dead bodies found on the sea shoares , that now the hebrewes became from poore shepheardes called hicsos in egipt , to be rich souldiers , that neither phillip king of macedonia , had such spoyle in delphos , nor his sonne alexander in babilon , nor nabuchodonozer in ierusalem , as the hebrewes had of the spoyle of the egiptians vpon the shoare . for now the egiptians paie them their hires for the seruice and bondage of foure hundred and thirtie yeares . so philo said , that the borrowing of iewels of siluer and iewells of golde , was nothing else but to paie the due debt vnto the hebrewes , for their long bondage and seruice . so rupertus saide , the wages and hires which the egiptians kept so long vniustly from the hebrewes , by an honest guile the hebrewes obtained their long deteined due , for the lord commanded the hebrues to borrowe golde and siluer of the egiptians : and the spoyle which is gotten of the enemies is due by the lawe of armes . the hebrewes marched vnder moses with egiptian weapons , with songs of hymnes and psalmes , for the victorie vnto the lord. myria moses sister , the women and virgins of israel , with violls , harpes , and tabrets , and with great melodie , gaue thankes vnto the lord , so that it was afterwardes a custome among the virgines of israel to sing psalmes and songes , to thanke the lorde for their victories , and withall to aduaunce the fame of the generalls and captaines , as they did to saul and dauid . the lorde sets downe certaine martiall lawes to moses , to gouerne and to rule his people , commaunding him to make two siluer trumpets , to assemble the armie , to call the congregation , and for the remouing of the campe , and charged the sonnes of aaron to sounde out the trumpets in any seruice , onely the priests were appointed by the lawe to sound the trumpets , & to carry the arke , which was their office for euer . when thou goest out with the host against thy enemies , keep thee then from all wickednes , be clean from pollution in the night , for the lorde may not abide in the hoste any souldier that is any way vncleane , before he be washt with water , and purified , and when a souldier must serue the necessitie of nature , amōg other weapons he must haue his paddle staffe to dig the earth , and after to couer his excrement , for the lord would haue his people pure and holie both in soule and bodie , for the lord walketh in the midst of the campe among his souldiers . the hebrues were also commanded whē they went to any battell , that the priest should stand before the whole armie , being called together with the sound of a trumpet , to exhort the armie , and to encourage them to feare nothing the multitude of their enemies , but to fight valiantly the battels of the lorde , assuring them that the lorde would be their captaine , and goe before them , and therfore not to doubt of the victorie . so the lord promised , and said to moses , i will goe before thee to egipt against pharao . so the lord said to ioshua , that he would goe before him and his armie to iericho . so the lord with the like words spake to nabuchodonozer , when he went against ierusalem . and euen so he spake to cyrus , when he went against babilon , all battels & victories are mine saith the lord. as the lord promised , not only to moses , to ioshua , and to others , but also to nabuchodonozer & cyrus , heathen princes to goe before them in his own battels , and therefore the heathen kings made their souldiers beleeue , that the gods taught them stratagems to ouercome their enemies . archidamus vsed a stratagem against the arcadians , commaunded secretly in the night time , certaine horses to goe round about his campe , and in the morning hee shewed his souldiers , the steps of the horses , saying that it was castor & pollux , that would be readie in the next battell to take their parts , and to fight with them against the arcadians . so did epaminandas , he caused the armor which did hang in the temples , and were dedicated to their gods , secretly to be taken downe , by this stratagem he perswaded his souldiers , that the gods promised to be in those armors themselues , to fight in the battell . pericles generall for the athenians vsed the like policie , caused a comely tall man of great stature , all in purple , to sit on a high stately chariot , drawne with goodly white horses , standing in a thicke wood consecrated to pluto , where both the armies might behold him , vntill the signe of the battell were giuen , then he called to pericles , and willed him to goe forwards , and said , that the gods of athens were at hand , by this stratagem pericles got a great victory , for the enemies fled before the battell began . the gentiles & the heathens beleeued & confessed that all victories & good successe , came to them by seruing of their gods , and all their ouerthrowes & calamities fell vpon them by offending their gods , so much stood the heathens in awe and feare of their gods . and like as ioshua , iosaphat & dauid , returned to giue thankes to the lord , with violls , harpes & trumpets for their victories , so the lacedemonians with trumpets and flutes , crowned with garlands made of all kinde of flowers , and with a song to castor & pollux for any victories which they had obtained . the romanes also and the grecians , not only with building of temples and aultars , but with the great sacrifice haecatombae did please their gods for theyr victories . in hercules temple in sparta , the armours that were hanged vp and consecrated to hercules , seemed to make a sound and and a noise , and at thebes in the temple of the same hercules , the gates of the temple being shut , were suddenly of themselues opened , and the shields and the targets that were hanged vp in the roofe of the temple dedicated to hercules , fel downe & were found vpon the ground , which foreshewed to the soothsayers the destruction both of sparta and thebes . now to the hebrewes . the lord commaunded that hee that buildeth a new house , and had not possessed it a yeare , should be spared from warre . hee that planted a vineyard and not receiued the fruites thereof should also be spared from warre . and he that betrothed himselfe to a wife , and had not married her , might in like case be spared from war. after the priest had ended his exhortation to the souldiers , the generall of the army proclaimed that if any timerous or fainthearted souldier were within the army , hee should returne home , least hee through his cowardlinesse should disanimate or discourage the rest of his army . hence the gentiles had the first instruction to vse the like long after this time , for the lawe of armes which the lord gaue vnto his people the hebrewes in the wildernesse , were in all countries of the gentiles afterwards imitated in all their warres . as among the romaines the priestes faeciales in like sort as the hebrewes exhorted and encouraged the romanes manfully to fight for their countrey , repeating the lawe of armes of the hebrewes . so the athenians before they cōmenced any battel , their priests called mantes stood before the army , made a speech to the souldiers , of the iust cause of theyr wars , and would bee further instructed by their oracles to know of their victories . the persians likewise would take no warre , nor battell in hand , before they had consulted with their soothsayers , which were their wise men called magi. chap. x. of the camp of the hebrews , of their exercise in the wildernesse , and of the whole army , deuided vnder foure principal standarts : and of placing of the arke in the midst of the camp. the lord commaunded at the setting out of the army vnto the battell , that the arke should be carried by the leuites , which ark signified the presence of god , & the figure of christ , at what time moses vsed alwaies these words , at the lifting vp of the ark , rise vp lord & let thy enemies be scattered , and let them that hate thee , flee before thee . and when the arke rested , moses alwaies said these words , returne ( ô lord ) to thee many thousands , when the arke was caried , a cloude couered the arke , and where the cloud stayed , there the arke would rest , and when the cloud remoued , the arke was also to be remoued , for by the remouing of the cloud , the arke was also to be remoued . the lord commanded in the wildernesse of sinai to moses and aaron , with the twelue princes of the tribes of israel , to take muster , & to number thē that were able to goe to the wars frō twentie yeares vpward , hence frō the hebrewes , the gentiles tooke their instructions in numbring , and mustring their souldiers . moses numbred the people , and found six hundred three thousand fiue hundred , & fiftie able men to go to wars in the camp of the hebrews , beside the leuites which were appointed to attend the tabernacle . for the leuites were numbred three seuerall times , the first time they were numbred at a moneth old , when they were consecrated vnto the lord : the second time at . yeares olde , when they were appointed to serue in the tabernacle . the third time at . yeares old , to bear the burthens of the tabernacle , and to serue in the tabernacle vntill . yeares , and then to cease from bearing such heauie burthens , and painful seruice . but after that , they should minister in the tabernacle , singing hymnes & psalmes , instructing , counselling , & keeping of things in order . after that moses had brought the hebrews frō egipt , instructed them with military discipline , & giuen them martiall lawes , then the lord would not haue moses to bring his people straight way to the land of canaan , but to lead them too and fro in the wildernesse , to keep thē in cōtinual exercise , & to teach them military discipline by the law of arms appointed , for they might within . daies as philo writeth , haue passed frō egipt to the lād of canaan , but that the lord would haue thē to endure labour , & to be exercised in martiall discipline to become good souldiers , & therfore suffred the amalekites , moabites , edomites , & the philistines to be with thē as needles in their eies , & thornes in their sides , being their professed enemies , to warre , to fight , and to keepe them still in practise and exercise of armes . the lord suffered the camp of the people to wander too and fro in the wildernesse backward & forward , to learne to endure cold and heate , and all kind of hardnesse , remouing their campe too and fro . mansions , before they came to the land of canaan . cai. marius perceiuing his souldiers readie to yeeld for want of drink , shewed them a riuer behind the enemies , saying : if you will drinke , you must drinke in yonder riuer , that i shewed you , either you must win it of your enemies or loose it . cyrus king of persia brought his souldiers to a certaine wood , and caused them all day to hewe downe trees , vntill they were wearie , the next day he prepared for them great feasts , and liberall banquets , and in the midst of their good cheare , cyrus demaunded of them , whether they thought better of their paine and trauell in hewing of wood the day before , or of their feasting and banquetting that day : they preferred feasting before hewing of wood . but said cyrus , you must come to the one by the other , vnlesse you fight valiantly & ouercome the meades , you cannot enioy the pleasures and good cheare of persia. so moses brought the hebrewes to the wildernesse , and said : you must take paines , and exercise militarie discipline , to learne to fight with the canaanites , edomites , moabites , & philistines , the enemies of the lord , before they should passe ouer iorden , and enioy the pleasures of canaan , the land of milke and honey : for as these nations were left as prickes and needles to vexe the hebrewes , so satan is now left , to vex , to tempt , and to be an enemie to gods people withall the stratagems he can . no doubt the chaldeans , the assirians , the persians , and other nations , had their first military discipline frō the hebrews , and were taught to exercise their souldiers to endure labour , as it seemed the gentiles vsed it by imitation from one empire to an other . moses being the onely generall of so great an army , being continually vexed and molested , without any vnder officers to aide him , the lord taught him , and after his father in law iethro , to choose from amōg the whole army . wise , religious , valiant , and iust men , to rule and gouerne the people , as magistrates , and officers vnder moses , to guide & lead them into all seruice . for among the hebrewes no generall was chosen without consultation of vrim and thummim , after moses and ioshuas time . marke the discipline and martiall lawes of the lord to his people . the hebrews were commanded euery man to stand in his place , & vnder his standart , throughout the whole army of the hebrewes , but the leuites should pitch their tents round about the tabernacle , who were three and twentie thousand in number , and when any victory was gotten by the hebrews ouer the enemies , the first part of the spoile was yeelded to the leuites who attended the tabernacle : the second to the souldiers that fought in the field : the third to them that remained in the campe . the whole army was deuided vnder foure generall and principall standarts . the first standart vnder iudah , the second standart vnder ruben , the third standart vnder ephraim , the fourth standart vnder dan. euery tribe should stand , and campe by his standart , and vnder euery standart were three tribes , & ouer the three tribes , three captains , and the number of the souldiers of the three tribes vnder their captaines . the tribe of iudah had seuentie foure thousand and six hundred souldiers vnder their captaine . the tribe of isacher had foure and fiftie thousand and foure hundred souldiers vnder their captaine . the tribe of zabulon had seuen and fitie thousand and foure hundred souldiers vnder their captain . these three tribes were appointed to stand by the standart of iudah , and the whole number of the host of iudah , were one hundred , foure score , and sixe thousand , and foure hundred souldiers vnder their three captaines , and the standart of the host of iudah was appointed to camp on the east side of the tabernacle . of the south side of the tabernacle , was the standart of the tribe of ruben , the tribe of simeon , & the tribe of gad , with their three captaines , and the whole number that marched vnder the standart of ruben , were one hundred , fiftie one thousand , foure hundred and fiftie souldiers , and this was the second principall standart . the third standart of the campe of ephraim was towards the west , with the tribe of ephraim , the tribe of manasses , and the tribe of beniamin , with their seuerall captaines , and the whole number that marched vnder the standart of ephraim , was one hundred , eight thousand , and one hundred . the fourth standart of the host of dan was on the north side of the tabernacle , with their three tribes , the tribe of dan , the tribe of asher , and the tribe of nepthali , with their three captaines , and the whole number that marched vnder the standart of dan , was one hundred , fiftie thousand , and sixe hundred . in this most solemne and royall sort marched the campe of the hebrews . yeares in the wilnernesse vnder these foure principall standarts , where their garmēts and cloathes were not worne , nor any thing they had decayed , heauen gaue them bread , the foode of angels , manna , and euery rocke in the wildernesse gaue them drink , the lord fed thē , otherwise they were simply and slenderly prouided for so great an army , but marching in the wildernesse amōgst serpents , & venemous beasts , and yet without daunger or harme , but had all things at their wils that were necessary to the wars , frō the lord. notwithstanding all these blessings , the hebrewes wished stil to haue staied in egipt , and made diuers profers of return , at any touch or triall of them , they longed for the flesh pots of egipt , of which they made often mention , of the oynions , melons , and garlecke , but they made no mentiō of the slauery , bondage , and seruitude , which they endured for . yeares in egipt . if you looke into the maiestie & state of the hebrew campe , of the presence of the arke , of the placing of their standarts , of the solemnitie of their marching , & of their orders & lawes , & that in a wildernesse , where they had neither castles , townes , cities , or forts , to defend thē ; and yet they far excelled xerxes with his innumerable army , in his voyage against the greeks , the sailed on land , & marched on seas , & much doubting whether hellespont had sufficient roome , and greece had land inough for his souldiers , or the ayre had place inough to receiue his shot . the hebrew campe farre exceeded alexander the great , ( who after he had subdued all greece , and the persians ) tooke in hand to conquer the whole world , and wept because hee heard there was two worlds . yet neither xerxes , nor alexander the great , might bee compared with the hebrewe campe for state and maiestie , euery tribe marching vnder his captaine and euery captaine vnder his standard , euery standard placed to stand about the tabernacle , and the tabernacle was placed in the midst of the camp , because it might be in equall distance from each standard , that all might indifferently haue recourse to the arke , where the lord instructed moses , and instructed him frō the mercie seat , for at the doore of the tabernacle it was commaunded to moses what he might do , and how he should gouerne the army , for the custome of the hebrewes was , to run to the arke , as to their onely oracle , where the presence of the lord was , to crie and to call for help at the lords hand in their most danger and greatest calamitie . as the arke was made by noah to saue himself from the deluge , in such forme & fashion as the lord had cōmanded , the lēgth , the breadth , & the height : so was the tabernacle made by moses , in which the arke was placed , in such proportion as the lord commanded moses , that the tabernacle shuld be . cubits long , & . broad , the arke . cubits & a half long , & a cubit & a half broad . after the vse of the tabernacle , the temple was appointed , where salomon and the priests were instructed to manifest the word of the lord vnto his people . the gentiles also ranne in any danger or doubt , as to iupiter in hammon , to apollo in delphos , to baall , and other such oracles , where their woodden idols and gods gaue false answeres . and where the hebrewes ( as i said before ) had no prouisions for their wars , either in towns or cities , nor any place to flie vnto but the tabernacle , where the romanes in any danger might defend themselues in the capitall . the carthagineans to their strōg fort byrsa . the thaebans to their castle cadmea . and so the argiues to their strong fort larissa . and the syracusans to the castle acradina . these were the forts of the gentiles . besides the gentiles had theyr treasures and theyr money laid vp in strong holds and forts . as tygranes king of armenia , kept his treasure in bambinsa & olena , two strong castles , to warre with the romanes . iugurth king of numidia , kept his mony in two of his strongest cities called capsa , and thola , to warre with the romanes . so likewise mithridates king of pontus , kept his treasure in ptera , to war against the romanes . so the kings of macedonia , and all the kings of asia , had their treasures and store houses to warre against the romanes . the hebrewes had no such store houses prepared , nor mony laid vp , nor prouisions readie , but their foode was such from the lord that they wanted nothing , and yet they conquered more kings , and subdued more countries , then all they . chap. xi . of the maner and order of the gentiles , and of their principall standards . of the setting vp of the tabernacle , and the dedication of the altar by moses . hauing spoken something of the hebrew camp , of their seueral marching vnder their standards , i thinke it not amisse to set downe the orders & maners of the marching of some of the gentiles in their campes for varietie of matters , and for that men may see and vnderstand how farre inferiour were all the nations of the world to the poore hicsos the hebrews . and first of the egiptians , who carried in their proper standard into any battel the image of that idoll which they worshipped in that citie , as in heliopolis an oxe , in memphis a bull , in arsinoe a crocodile , and so in other cities , cattes , calues , serpents , such as they worshipped in the temples , such they carried as their ensignes to the field . the persians carried in the first and principall standart , the image of the sunne , which the persians call mithra . in their second standart they carried the picture of the eternall & sacred fire which they call orimasdes . in their third standart they carried a golden spread-eagle . the old romanes when their empire grew strong had fiue principall standarts , which were carried before their military legions . the first standart before the legion was an eagle , this was chiefe , in the second was carried the picture of a wolfe , in the third the picture of minotaurus , in the fourth the picture of a horse , in the fift the picture of a boare . the athenians carried in their standart the image of an owle , which was likewise printed on their coyne with the face of minerua . the thaebans caried in their standart the picture of sphinx into any battell . the cymbrians caried before their armies in their standart vnto the field the picture of a brazē bull , so did they in the cymbrian wars against marius the romane consull . the old germains vsed to carry the picture of lightnings to lead their armies into the field in their standart . sometimes great kings for their proper standarts in their warres , carried the pictures of diuers and sundrie beasts and fowles , as osiris the first king of egipt , a dog . cyrus also the great king of persia , gaue in his ensigne a cocke , as themistocles did , for the day before themistocles had battell with xerxes , by the crowing of a cocke he was sure of victorie . iulius caesar gaue in his ensigne an elephant , for that he vanquished iuba king of mauritania , who bare an elephant in his ensigne , and so porus king of india , bare in his ensignes the picture of hercules . the hebrues might better haue claimed the sunne in their ensignes then the persians , as ioshua , for that the sun staied ouer gibeon , and the moone ouer aialon , at ioshuaes commandement , vntill he had full victorie ouer the amalekites , and therefore he might aswell haue the image of the sun in his ensigne being aliue , as he had it set on his graue being dead . so might iudah , gedeon , dauid and others , which had the sonne of god , the starre of iacob , & the liō of iudah in their standarts & ensignes . because we may omit nothing that the lord commaunded moses concerning the setting vp of the tabernacle , and the dedicatiō of the altar , the twelue princes of the tribes of israel , at the setting vp of the tabernacle , after the tabernacle was anointed & sanctified , brought their offerings before the lord , sixe chariots couered ouer , and twelue oxen , one chariot for two princes , and for euery one of the princes an oxe , which they before the tabernacle offred to the lord , which were deliuered to the leuites . so for the dedication of the altar , after it was annointed & sanctified , these twelue princes offred their offerings before the altar , euery prince offered a siluer chargior of an handreth & thirtie shickels weight , a siluer bowle of seuentie shekels , a cup of gold full of incense , a yong bullock , a ramme , a lambe of a yeare olde , and a hee goate . this was the maner of the setting vp of the tabernacle , and dedication of the altar . hence grew the building of temples , the dedica●…on of altars , oblations and ceremonies among the gentiles and heathens , to dumbe idolls & woodden gods . it was euer the propertie of sathan like an ape to counterfeit , and seeme to imitate the lawes of the lord. there was nothing so rife among the gentiles as temples and altars , which made paul full of anger to see so many altars in athens , and especially one dedicated ignoto deo to an vnknowne god. athens excelled all greece for the nomber of theyr gods , and of their altars , for they had an altar in athens to lust , another to shame . they had also straunge kinde of altars in delos , one to apollo , made onely of the right hornes of all kinde of beastes , and an other altar made of the ashes of the sacrificed men and beasts , like belesus , who raised vp a promontorie in babilon , of the ashes of the citie of niniuie destroyed , to giue light to passengers that sayled by babilon on euphrates , in the which ashes belesus carried secretly all the wealth , gold , siluer , and all other rich mettals melted of niniuie into babilon . numa pomp. a verie prophane religious king , put vp a temple to faith , another to terminus , and decreed a law , for that terminus was the god of peace , and a iudge of meares and markes betweene neighbours , that whosoeuer would plough any of his neighbors markes , and meares , both hee and his oxen should be sacrificed and slaine to god terminus , vpon the very meare where the offence was done : this temple which king numa builded to terminus , was made vncouered and open aboue , as the greekes did vse to build their temple to iupiter , and to anfidius , which the greeks called hypaethra , both the romanes and the greekes thought it not fit , that that these gods should be honored and serued in close & couered temples , and vpon their altars no sacrifice of blood should be offered , but according to pythagoras lawes , fruits , cakes , hony , flowers , and such because they were gods of peace . againe the romanes , the greekes , and the egiptians , vsed in olde time to build temples out of the cities to those gods that should watch & guard the cities from the enemies . and therefore romulus builded a temple to vulcan out of the walles of the citie of rome : so his successor king numa , builded two temples , the one to bellona , the other to mars , foure miles from the gate ca●…ena , out of rome . the athenians to that purpose as the romains did , builded a temple to hercules out of athens , named cynosarges . neither would the egiptians allow the temple of esculapius to be in any city of theirs , neither wold they allow any temple to saturne , or to serapis , within the citie , supposing by their watching & garding abroad they might liue more safe and sure from the enemies . so among other gentiles , temples were builded to the gods of feare , of pouertie , and of olde age ; because they might pray to these gods to escape the wants and miserie of pouertie and old age : and thus the gentiles tooke patterne of the iewes who had so many synagogues , and but one temple , for the iewes afterwards became so idolatrous as the gentiles , that ( as ieremy said ) euery citie in iudah had a god , & euery where in groues and hils were seuerall altars , that mount oliuet thereby was called the mount of corruption , because they had made altars vnder euery groue , and vnder euery greene tree , to honour their idols . but now let vs returne to the hebrues vnder moses in the wildernesse . moses leading the armie of the hebrewes in the wildernesse from egipt , marched with sixe hundred thousand , and hauing diuers battels giuen him by the king of arabia , by arad king of the canaanites , by zeon king of the ammorites , and og the king of basan , & after them hauing battel with the king of madianites , and the king of moabites , whom hee conquered before ioshua had charge of the armie , and because the battels of the lord were most miraculous in egipt , gotten by a white rod , by the which moses obtained ten victories , and ten tryumphs , ouer the egiptians in egipt . so moses in the wildernesse had the like successe , not by deuised stratagems of their owne heads , but by following the commandements of the lord , which are the onely stratagems of all victories . after that moses had brought the hebrues out of egipt into the wildernesse , as to a schoole to instruct them in military discipline , and to be acquainted with martiall lawes , to arme themselues ready souldiers to fight the lords battels , at ioshuahs commaundement , who in the battell at riphidim was against the amalekites , at what time moses , aaron , and hur , went vp to the top of mount horeb , and moses held vp the rod of the lord in his hand and praied for victorie , for the battell continued vntill sun setting , and when moses hand was weary , aaron and hur held vp moses hand betweene them , and ioshua preuailed , ouerthrew amelech , and all his army , & wanne a great victorie , for moses praiers and ioshuahs sword , were both meanes by the lords appointment to obtaine the victory , for while moses hand was vp the hebrewes preuailed , and when hee let downe his hand amelech preuailed , this great victorie was commanded by the lord to moses , to be written in the booke of the lawe , for a remembrance of so great a victorie . and all other victories which they had aswell against pharao before they came out of egipt , and against the canaanites before they passed ouer iorden , were obtained by stratagems of the lord , in the behalfe of his people , which the lord had determined to place in canaan . king arad hearing of the great ouerthrow that the hebrues gaue the amalekites , their friends and neighbours came with a great army , and fought against the hebrues , and for that the hebrues serued not the lord , and were thanklesse for the last victorie , king arad preuailed , slue , and tooke of them many prisoners . when the hebrues cried vnto the lord , and made a vow to destroy the canaanites , if they might haue the victory , the lord vpon their promise & vow deliuered the canaanites , their king arad , their cities and townes , and the people , vnto the hands of the hebrues , that the canaanites were slain & vtterly destroied , this was the battel of the lord , for the hebrues vanquished king arad , and the canaanites , according to their vowes which they made to the lord. these were lawfull vowes to destroy the enemies of the lorde by the vow of cherim , of which vowe the lord himselfe is the author , the lord himselfe determined and commaunded the hebrues to destroy the canaanites as his enemies . so the prophet published a commaundement saying ; vow vnto the lord & performe it : the same prophet saith ; thy vowes are vpon me ( ô lord ) i will render praise vnto thee , hauing that which i required , i am bound to pay my vowes of thansgiuing , as i promised thee ( ô lord. ) chap. xii . of the vowes and feasts of the gentiles . of espialls sent to the land of canaan by ioshua , with diuers other stratagems . in all countreys of the world , as well the gentiles as the iewes , were wont to make vowes vnto their gods , with praiers and promise to performe those things which they vowed , if their gods would graunt victories in warres against their enemies , or health to their kings and princes , or to remooue any plague or sicknes from the people . the persians when they vowed any thing to the sunne , the king with his councel called magi , ascended vpon a high hill or mountaine , where they made two piles of wood one vpon an other for sacrifice , and vpon the same powring wine , milke , honey , frankenscense , with other sweete odours , for a sacrifice to the sunne , the king himselfe with his soothsayers called magi , with their song theogonia , fired this pile of wood , for the kings of persia would offer no sacrifice without theyr magi were present , nor the auntient kings of rome , without their soothsayers , which they called augures . the egiptians vsed when they vowed , to bring the swords , the shields , the rotten ships & chariots , with all the armours & ensignes of war of the enemies vnto one place , laying thē all vpō a pile of wood , the generall holding a firebrand in his hand , kindleth the pile of wood , the souldiers standing about the pile according to the egiptian maner , with songs , mirth , and ioyes for the victories . in like sort the olde gaules burned and sacrificed to mars and minerua as the egiptians did , their targets and old armours . no victorie was had among the gentiles , but some of the spoyles therof were burned and sacrificed to their gods , some hanged vp to honour and beautifie their temples . so alexander the great sacrificed & consecrated some of the spoiles of his victorie ouer tyre to hercules . the romanes after any victory , hanged vp some of the spoiles thereof in the temple of castor and pollux , the egiptians in the temple of vulcan , according to the old auntient lawe , vulcano armaius esto . the grecians when they prayed for victories to their gods , they promised and vowed to present their gods with images , statues , chaines , iewels , crowns , and garlands , with songs of paeana . the romanes also promised and vowed to iupiter and to mars , to build them temples , to make them places to sacrifice the tenth man , and the tenth beast taken in the wars , and to keepe an annuall feast in the capital , in memorie of their victories . this vow ( the dictator , consul , praetor , & the high bishop going before them ) was made in the capital , before they went to the wars . for both the romanes and the greekes vpon any great victories obtained , celebrated the great feast hecatombeon . the athenians for any prize they brought into the hauen pyroea , celebrated a feast , where many orators and great captains came once in a yeare to solemnize this feast , for in sea victories athens excelled all cities of creece . the old romanes had an auntient feast called consualia , in memorie of romulus watchword talassa , at the rauishment of the sabine virgins . they had an other feast called anoyllia , in memorie of mamurius targets that he made in rome , like the nymphe egerias target which shee gaue to numa pomp. the romanes had an other feast in rome , called tubilustria , in the which the magistrates met in the capital , and celebrated a solemne sacrifice vnto vulcan , with sounding of trumpets about the citie , to purge the citie of their crimes and offences against their gods . the athenians had diuers feastes , they had one in memory of thesius , for his victorie ouer the amazons : an other in memorie that he brought diuers men out of achaia to dwell in athens , being straungers , who celebrated an annuall feast to honour thesius , as milciades had a feast in memorie of his victories at marathon . themistocles had an other feast for his victorie ouer the persians at salamina . and thrasibulus for his victorie ouer the thirtie tirants at athens , these were the tirants that vsed such crueltie , that made the children of athens to daunce in their fathers bloud . the like feasts they vsed in achaia , in the citie cycionium , yearely in the honour of aratus victories . a feast celebrated among the romane youths , called agonalia , wherin they cōtēded about mastry in all kinds of exercise , for triall of agilitie , courage and strength , hauing therevnto many kindes of crownes and garlandes appointed for rewards vnto the victors , imitating the manners and orders of warre , in scaling of walles , in assaulting of forts , in fighting of battailes , and such other militarie discipline , that some were crowned with lawrell , some with pine , some with okē boughes , euery victor bearing in his hand a braunch of palme , in token of victorie . in syracusa also they held an annuall feast to honour timoleon , in memorie of many benefites and greate victoryes that hee obtained to the syracusans . for among the grecians and the romanes , diuers feastes were celebrated , and triumphes solemnized , in memory of victories to stirre vp , and kindle young souldiers mindes to embrace armes , and to imitate the examples of their predecessors . hauing spoken something of the vowes and feasts of the gentiles , we must returne to the campe of the hebrewes , marching vnder ioshua , beeing readie to passe ouer the riuer iordan , who sent certaine espialls to view the land of canaan , one of euery tribe , twelue in number , that should instruct him of the state , scituation , strength , and manners of the people , which beeing returned after fortie dayes , with such fearefull newes , of theyr strong and lustie men , of theyr walled citties , strong fortes , huge and monstrous gyants , of the strength and inuincible scituation of the countrey , that brought the armie to such terrour and feare , that they were more willing to returne to egipt , then to goe forwards to conquer the canaanites , vntill caleb ouerthrew theyr speeches , and founde great faultes in his fellowes and consociates of his iourney , to disanimate the armie . it dooth much amaze souldiers , to see or to heare terrible reports , for at that time the people were ready to stone caleb and ioshua , to force them to fight against such a strong nation , fearefull reports to terrifie the souldiers , were euer dangerous , and therefore wise generalls and captaines inuented and framed many subtill stratagems to conceale and hide the multitude of enemies , to keepe terror and feare away from the souldiers . tullius hostilius vsed a skilfull stratagem to annimate his souldiers against the fidenates , who stood in feare as well of the multitude of their enemies before them : as also the report they heard of messius generall of the albanes , lying in some secret ambush for his aduantage , being indifferent to set either vpon the romanes , or vpon the fidenates . tullius the romane generall perceiuing the terror of his souldiers , spurred his horse forwards before the army , and told them , they need not to feare messius , for he was gone , neither to feare the enemies , which being a scattered army , to make themselues seeme a great multitude , were more readie to flye then to fight . so iugurth in his warres at nunudio against cai. marius , spurd his horse forwards & rode to euery part of the battell , crying aloud in latine as he rode from place to place in the battell , go on forward souldiers , i slew cai. marius with my owne hand , whereby the nunudians were so animated and encouraged to fight the more lustily , that iugurth by that stratagem obtained a great victorie ouer the romanes . val. leuinus the consull in his wars at tarentum against pirrhus , vsed the like stratagem , shewing a bloudy sword in his hand , saying to his souldiers that it was the bloud of pirrhus whom he slew with his owne hand , thereby to moue the souldiers to greater courage , & to fight more manfully . souldiers ought not to be terrified with the multitude of enemies , with slaughters of their armies , wherby cities , townes , and countries reuolt to the enemies , as at the battell at canne , the report of varro the consul , of the ouerthrow of the romanes , caused all the citie of capua to reuolt to haniball . againe the report in praeneste , of the ouerthrowe of sylla by telesinus , at the battell of antemna , and of the marching of telesinus towards rome , with all his whole army , it so affrighted offella one of syllas colonels , that he at that time besieging praeneste , thought to raise his siege , hearing such hard newes of sylla the generall . skilfull generalls and wise captaines vsed euer to couer and conceale the multitude of enemies , as milciades , themistocles , and other greeke captaines kept the innumerable multitude of the persian armies secret from the souldiers . so did mardonius conceale from xerxes the great slaughter of the persians in greece . the romanes being besieged by the gaules , many of the chiefe romanes , to the number of a thousand , fled into their capitoll . the gaules hauing possessed the cittie of rome for seuen moneths , expecting the yeelding of the capitoll , the romanes also within the capitoll hauing welnigh consumed their victuals , vsed this stratagem , to throwe loaues of bread in euery place out of the capitoll , in such abundance , though at that time they wanted prouision of bread , that the gaules were amazed , suspecting they had prouision inough to hold out that they presently fell to composition with the romanes . the thracians beeing besieged on such a straight hill where their enemies could haue no accesse to come vnto them , and readie to die for famine , vsed this stratagem , to feed certaine beasts with wheate and cheese , and to let the beasts goe downe towards their enemies camp , which being takē of the enemies and killed , they found wheate and cheese in the bowels of the beastes , ( thinking thereby that the thracians had bin well victualled and prouided ) remoued their siege . clearchus the lacedemonian , vnderstanding that the thracians had caried sufficient prouision of victuals for themselues vp to the mountaines to their campe , the thracians sent their embassadors , still expecting when clearchus for want of victuals would remoue his siege . clearchus knowing that the thracian embassadors were comming , vsed this stratagem , commaunded one of the captiues to bee slaine , to bee deuided in peeces , and to be distributed betweene him , and other tenne of his captains in his pauiliō , in the very sight of the thracian embassadors , the sight whereof made the thracians so astonished and thereby to yeeld , thinking that they that could feed on such foode , might continue too long for the thracians to endure it . but the sonne of god gaue himselfe to be slaine for his souldiers , to bee their spirituall foode , to feed them both in body and soule , to wearie satan which still continueth his siege against ierusalem . i shall haue occasion to write of more stratagems hereafter , and therefore i returne to the battels of the hebrewes against the canaanites . chap. xiii . of the great victorie had ouer fiue kings , in the plaine of moab by ioshua . of their vnthankfulnesse afterward , & disobedience , and of their marshall punishment therefore . a great battell was fought in the plaine of moab , commaunded by the lord vnto moses , where fiue kings of the madianites were slaine , their names you may read in the margeant , all their villages and citties burnt with fire , all their people slaine with the sword , the hebrewes tooke all the spoile and all the pray both of men and beasts , and moses was angry with the captains of the host , for sparing the women , as samuel was with king saul , for sparing agag king of the amalekites , and elizeus with achab for sparing benhadad , and caused all women that had knowne men carnally to be slaine with the sword , and to saue those that were virgins that knew no man , which were two and thirtie thousand , whereby it appeared that innumerable was the slaughter of men , women , and children , in this battell , where two and thirtie thousand virgins were found and reserued to liue , whereby also the spoyle and pray was very rich in this battell to the hebrewes . in this battell was not one slaine of ioshuas souldiers . all the captains and colonels of the army came before moses , saying : thy seruants haue taken the number of all the men of warre which are vnder our authoritie , and there lacketh not a man of vs. this was a stratagem of ierusalem in the battels of the lord , that not one man died of the army in so great a victory . the lacedemonians reioyced much that archidamus had obtained a great victorie , got great spoile , and slew many of his enemies without the loosing of one of his souldiers , and therfore called it bellumsine lachrimis . yet the hebrewes ( for their three former victories at riphidim , at horma , and in the plaine of moab ) were vnthankfull vnto the lord , and murmured and rebelled against moses and aaron , and after against ioshua & caleb , as at taberah , where they so murmured against moses their generall , that the lord was so displeased with them , that he executed martiall lawes vpon them : for the fire of the lande burnt them , and consumed the vtmost part of theyr army because of their disobedience . moses sister myria , for that she spake against the generall , and began to rebel in the campe , martiall laws were executed vpon her , she was not spared for that she was moses sister , nor moses himselfe when he had offended the lord at the water of meribah : shee was made leaprous , and shut out of the host seuen dayes , vntill shee had due punishment for her seditious mutinie , and prayers made by moses before she was receiued into the host . againe , coreh , dathan , and abiron , conspired and rebelled against their generall , with two hundred and fiftie souldiers that were famous in the congregation , and men of renowme , but the lawe of armes was most terribly executed , the ground claue asunder vnderneath them , and opened her mouth , and swalowed them aliue with all their treasures and wealth , and all their families . againe , they murmured against ioshua and caleb , that the whole multitude would haue stoned ioshua & caleb , so seuere was the lord against his owne people the hebrewes for their disobedience and murmuring , that he vsed martiall lawes vpon them , that all they that came out of egipt , sixe hundred thousand , for their disobedience against the lorde , and rebellious mutinies , from time to time , from place to place , at horeb , at taberah , at massa , at riphidim , at meribah , died in the wildernesse : for the lord accepteth obedience more then sacrifice . and therefore noah for that he obeyed the lord in making the arke , saued himselfe and his family from the deluge . abraham , for that he obeyed the lord , and was readie to offer , and to sacrifice his sonne isaac , the whole world was blessed in his seed , therefore the lord said to salomon , if thou do all that euer i shall commaund thee , thy throne shall be established for euer in ierusalem . the lord commends the rechabites for their obedience to ionadab their father , because ionadab said , non bibetis vinum . mattathias & his children answered antiochus messenger , saying ; wee had rather obey the lawes of the lord giuen to moses and to our fathers , then to obey the king . so the seuen brethren answered that they had rather die , then disobey the lawes of the lord. the prophet saith , fire , haile , snow , ise , obey the commaundements of the lord , hee commaunds seas and windes , and they obey the lord , he commanded rauens to feede elias , and they obeyed . cyrus king of persia obeyed the lorde , for cyrus confest that hee was commaunded to set forwards the iews to build vp the temple in ierusalem , and as obedience is vnto the lord most acceptable , so is disobedience euen in the least things extreamly punished . he that gathered sticks vpon the sabboth day was stoned to death . and the man of god for that he eate bread in bethel against the lords commaundement , he was deuoured of a lyon , and ionas the prophet , for that he fled from the presence of the lord , he was throwne for his disobedience into the sea and swallowed vp of a whale . and moses the seruant of god , with that rod that strooke the rocke that water gushed out , with that rod which diuided the red seas , that turned all the riuers and waters of egipt to blood , that turned all the dust of egipt into lice , & brought frogs , flies , grasse-hoppers , and wrought so many wonders in egipt , yet for that moses disobeyed the lord at the water of meribah , the lord was so offended with moses & aaron for their incredulitie and disobedience before the people , that the lord told them that they should not enter into the land of promise , and that moses should die in mount nebo , and aaron his brother in mount hor , such was the exact iustice of the lord , and his seuere punishment against wilfull and disobedient people , that he spared none , no not moses his owne seruant , aaron his owne priest , ionas his owne prophet , nor israel his owne people . chap. xiiii . of the martiall lawes and military discipline of the gentiles . in all countries , among all nations where militarie discipline was not obserued , there martial lawes were executed . as among the egiptians the souldier that brake militarie rules , to forsake the ranke , to goe out of the campe , and would disobey the chiefe magistrates , officers & captaines of the armie , and would any waies offend the martiall lawes , he should be displaced from his place , were he either serieant , lieutenant , or any other officer , and be placed in the meanest place of the armie ; and if he should bewray the counsell of his captaine , or speake any thing against the generall , he should haue his tongue cut off , and sowed vpon his helmet . among the persians there was a martiall law written , that if any cowardly souldier should steale secretly from the campe , and become a vagabound or a runnagate frō place to place , he should ( being taken ) be cloathed in a womans apparell , and be chained fast with an iron manicle vpon his hands , sitting with both his legs in a paire of stocks , in the midst of the campe , to be flouat , and scoft at of all the whole armie , which in like sort the thrasians obserued ) and after hee should be taken for a woman and not for a man. the romanes were somewhat more seuere against disobedient souldiers , especially against seditious & fugitiue souldiers , and against them that forsooke theyr standart , and turned their backes to the enemies , and from the camp to flee to the enemie , these amongst the romanes were punished with death . the law in sparta was , if any soldiers of theirs should in any great and shamefull faultes in the warres offend , they should be so noted and defamed , that they might not borrow so much as a cup of water , or a brand of fire with their next neighbors , nor light a candle , besides it was not lawfull for any man that met thē in the streets , to speak to them . these punishmēts far differ from the former punishmēt of the lord , fire frō heauen , the opening of the earth , the throwing into the feas , deuouring by lions , & such of which i shall speake in another place . now to the marching of ierusalē vnder ioshua , to whō a charge was giuen of a new army which was borne in the wildernesse , after their fathers came out of egipt , to whom the lord said , moses my seruant is dead , as i was with moses so will i be with thee , and will neuer leaue thee , nor forsake thee , be strong and bold , feare not , and shewe thy selfe stout and valiant , therefore obserue and do , according to all the lawes which moses my seruant commaunded thee . what is spoken here to ioshua , was spoken after ioshua to iudah ; and after iudah to gedeon , to dauid , and others , so carefull was the lord ouer his people , that they should not choose them a generall without the consultatiō of vrim & thummim , to guide and gouerne the armie to fight the battels of the lord. so among all nations in all ages , they were very carefull to haue and to choose wise , stout , and skilfull generalls . for as the romane captaine fabritius said , that it was pirrhus skil that ouercame leuinus the consull , and not the epirotes the romanes , and besides the straunge sight of the elephants , which the romanes neuer sawe before that battell at heraclea , which the romanes called boues lucanias . fabritius thought it a scorne that the romanes should be ouerthrowne by any nation in the world , if they had discreet , valiant & stout generals . the like imaginatiōs the romanes supposed , that they were ouerthrowne at the battels of trebeia , trasimen & cannes , either by the subtill and deceitfull policie of hannibal , or else for that their gods were offended with them ; and not by the strength of the carthagineans nor the affricans . but pirrhus after foure yeares warres with the romanes , was constrained to forsake italy after his ouerthrow at the battel of arusina : & to leaue his elephants behinde to beautifie curius dentalus tryumphe , which was the first sight of elephants in rome : for before nothing could be seene in rome in former tryumphes ; but cattels of the volscians , flocks of beasts of the sabines , broken weapons and old armour of the samnites , coaches and couerings of the old gaules . hannibal the greatest enemy that euer the romanes had , yet after seuenteene yeares warres , hee was forced to retire from italy to carthage , and there in his owne countery to be ouerthrowne at the battell of zama by scypio affrican . hannibal so straightly besieged the citie casselina , that the romanes could by no meanes send a conuoy to relieue the souldiers , the romains deuised this stratagem , to fill certaine tunnes , some with flower , and some with meale , and to let them goe downe vpon the riuer vulturnus , but the riuer being chained ouer by hannibal , this stratagem was preuented . in another stratagem the romanes deceiued hannibal , they scattered infinite numbers of nuttes , and let them goe downe with the same selfe riuer vulturnus , which neither hannibal himselfe , nor his chaine could preuent , so that the souldiers of casselina were relieued and refreshed for a time with these nuttes . such a stratagem vsed ▪ hircius to relieue the poore romane souldiers in mutina , being besieged by mar. antonius , who wanted chiefly salt , hircius let go infinit numbers of great close bowls made like litle tuns , full of salt , to swim downe the riuer saniturnus , & so relieued mutina . so should we vse such stratagems against satan , that if satan shuld ouerthrow vs in the first , we should arme our selues with spirituall weapons to ouerthrow him in the second . againe to ioshua . the lord commaunded ioshua to march forward to vanquish the canaanites , because the cōquest might not be assigned vnto man ; the lord commaunded ioshua & all the strong men of warres to goe round about the walls of iericho once a day for seuen daies , and seuen priests to beare seuen trumpets of rammes hornes before the arke , and to compasse iericho the seuenth day seuen times , and then commanded the priests to blowe the trumpets , and all the men of warre without shot or sword , to shout with a loud & great shout , and then the walles of iericho should fall flat downe to the grounde , this was the lordes stratageme at his battell , at which time ioshua saw a man stand ouer against him with a naked sword in his hand , who being asked of ioshua what he was , said , i am the prince of the lordes host , and am therefore comen now to be a captaine of the lordes people , and ioshua bowed himselfe & worshipped him , and thereby acknowledged him to be christ the sonne of god. now ioshua being instructed of the lorde what to do , the priests and the warriours by ioshua ( the walls being fallen flat downe ) went vnto the citie , destroied both man and woman , young and old , oxe and sheepe , with the edge of the sword , & after burnt the citie with fire , and ioshua cursed that man before the lord that would build vp iericho again to the destruction of himselfe and both his sonnes . that captaine that went before ioshua to the battell at iericho , and was present at the fall of ierichos wall , went likewise before cyrus , as himselfe said to cyrus , i will goe before thee to babilon , and i will breake their brazen gates , and crush in peeces their iron barres , i wil humble the glorious people of the earth in thy presence . the same captaine spake to nabuchodonozer as hee spake to cyrus , i wil send nabuchodonozer as the staffe of my wrath , and the rod of my punishment , and he shall tread my enemies downe like the myre in the streets , so that all victories come from the lord , euen to all good kings and to tyrants . after the ouerthrow of iericho , the lord commaunded ioshua to besiege the citie of ai , where hee slew all that dwelt in ai , and left not one to liue , and tooke their king aliue , and hangd him on a tree vntill the euening , and the citie was burnt , and twelue thousand slaine , for the lord said to ioshua , stretch out the speare that is in thy hand towards ai , in tokē of the victory . now mark the victories of the lord in his battels , the victory at riphidim , was had by holding vp of moses hand , the victory of iericho , by sounding of rams hornes , the victory of ai , with the lifting vp of ioshuah speare , the victory at aphec by shooting of ioas eastward , the victory ouer the madianites by gedeon , with the sounding of trumpets and breaking of pitcher pots , these are stratagems which are often seene in the battels of the lord. so also the lord strengthened many of his people , to vanquish & ouercome their enemies in seuerall combats , one man to ouercome many , as sampson with the iaw bone of an asse slue a . philistines . samgar with an oxe goade slue . philistines . dauid with his fling & litle stone , slue the monstrous & blasphemous gyant golias . who knoweth not , that moses rod , ioshuahs spear , gedeons pitcher pots , sampsons iaw bone , samgars goade , or dauid with his sling & litle stone , had bin but weake meanes to ouerthrow so many enemies , had not the lord strengthened the meanes by the men . these were battels of the lord , which were not fought with swords , shots , nor weapons , but armed with spirituall armours , and fought with weapons of faith , & vanquished theyr enemies . but such victories were onely graunted to the souldiers of the lord , the people of israel , which victories at that time were to them onely peculiar . the great victorie which the lord gaue vnto samuel by meanes of thunderboltes , lightnings , and earthquakes , that therby the philistines were so amazed , that samuel vnlooked for , fell vpō thē , slew them , ouerthrew them , and chased them til they came to cortaeos , which is bethgar , such stratagems vseth the lord against his enemies , as thunderboltes , lightnings , and earthquakes . mar. aurelius hauing warres with the germains and sarmatians , his army being like to be lost for water , requested the legion of christian souldiers to pray vnto their god for helpe , and they were heard of the lord , the emperor confessed the goodnesse of god , naming him iupiter , at what time their enemies were stricken with lightning and fire , that they perished , and therfore these souldiers were called legio fulminea , the legion of thunder , by the emperour himselfe . cornelius , a captaine of an italian band in caesaria , a iust and a deuout man , was by an angell warned to goe to ioppa to bee baptised of peter , and to become from a heathen , a christian captaine , to fight in the battels of the lord. so likewise the centurion , which was at the death of christ iesus in ierusalem , seeing the myracles that were then done , confessed him to bee the lord , and glorified god : these two were called both to be christian captaines . in the battell that iudas machabaeus had with gorgias the gouernor of edumea , where the victorie fell to machabaeus , they found vnder the coates of them that were slaine , iewels consecrated to the idols of the iamnites , but as the lord commaunded the hebrewes to burne such idolatrous iewels , destroy their gilded images , and the gods of the gentiles , and not to take the siluer and golde that is on theyr gods , as achan did against the lawe at the cittie of ai , and dyed for it by the lawe . i will proceed for to shewe , in olde time in what sort and after what manner euery nation entered into battell . i thinke it not amisse , as well for varietie of matters to please the reader , as also of their diuers and straunge fashions of their coming into battell , being then not acquainted with so many sundry shots , with such armors of proofe , but with the sword and shield , the speare and launce , yet euery nation deuised stratagems and straunge meanes to terrifie the enemies , and to obtaine victories . the auntient greeks vsed in their warres the skins of sea dogges for theyr helmets , and for great plumes of feathers which souldiers vse now to weare , they vsed the manes and tailes of horses . the affricans came to the battel with leopards & horse skins . the aethiopians & the scythians , with foxe skins . the troglodites with serpents skinnes . the cydones with goate skinnes . the massagets with barkes of trees . the people called geloni , with the skinnes of the slaine enemies in the field . the old troians came to the battel with hornes of oxen and eares of horses on their heads , and all to terrifie the enemie . the olde brytaines vsed to paint their faces to looke grim and terrible vppon the enemie , and to seeme cruell and fierce souldiers in the battell . the thracians vsed foxe skinnes for their helmets , and painted their faces with such markes as might make them seeme terrible to the enemies , like the olde brytaines . the people of mauritania came vnto the countries of their enemies with elephants & lyons skins : so the arabians vpon camels , and the indians vpon elephants came vnto the wars , which before alexanders time were not seene in asia , neither before pirrhus time in rome , which the romans at the first sight thought strange , but after they had subdued affrica , these strange beasts , elephants , camels , lyons , & such , were in rome , as in india or in affrike , and vsed in rome so familiarly and commonly vpō the theaters to fight with other beasts & with men . and yet pirrhus as i said before , was the first captaine that brought elephants to lucania in italy , where being ouerthrowne in his last battell at arusnia by curius the consul , at what time foure elephants were brought to rome , which were so straunge among the romains , that they called them boues lucanias , the great oxen of lucania , but within fiftie two yeares after , metellus in his victorie at the battell at panormus , sent to rome . elephants , or as plyni saith , a hundred , fortie and two . the auntient kings of egipt were wont to weare on their helmets , the likenesse of diuers kindes of heads of beasts , either the head of a lyon , of a bull , of a dragon , or such , which the grecians imitated , and after them the romanes . in many countreys they vsed to weare on their helmets the likenesse of lyons , wolues , harts , dragons , dogs , eagles , and other such beasts and fowles , as pleased the generalls or captaines to weare for a terrour to the enemie . for in the cymbrian warres against marius , it is written in plutarch , that the cymbrian horsemen ware on their helmets the likenesse of monstrous and terrible beats wide gaping , and open mouthed , thinking thereby to feare their enemie . and what enemie soeuer he slew in the field , might by the law of armes take the swords , targets , helmets and all other weapons of the enemie , and hang them vp as tropheys at the doores and gates of his house , the rather to moue others by the sight thereof , with greater desire to armes , as the belgeans were wont sometime to cut off the head of the slaine enemie , and to take off his bloudie garments , and to hang them vpon postes and trees , as trophies of victories . now after the old and auncient maners and strange habites of diuers nations going into wars , as you haue read of the affricans , arabians , and indians , so also in numbring their souldiers , you shall read the manner of diuers natiōs , when they sent their souldiers to any battell , and first of the hebrewes , who brought account to ioshua of the souldiers slaine and not slaine in battell . the custome among the persians was , that the souldiers that went to the wars should euery one take a shaft out of his quiuer , and write his name theron , and throw the same vnto great chests before the chiefe magistrates , and that the souldiers that returned from the wars again aliue , shuld take their arrows frō the chest , that the persians therby might know the nūber of their lost souldiers . in like sort the romans recorded the names of their souldiers in writing tables , that they might know at their returne from the wars by their names written , how many were slaine in the warres . for among the romanes there could be no greater reproach to the general , then to be ignorant of the names of all his captaines , officers , and magistrates of the field : and also not to be acquainted with the name of any well deserued souldier . cyrus therefore king of persia , and mithridates king of pontus , were both much honoured and much esteemed of their souldiers . cyrus for his skill and art of memorie , for he could name all the souldiers in his army . and mithridates for his knowledge of tongues , for hee could speake two and twentie languages to all those nations that serued vnder him . chap. xv. of diuers battels and victories which ioshua had at iahaz , at edrei , and ouer fiue kings at the battell at gibeon . the hebrewes proceeded forwards in their warres against the canaanites , for the lord said to moses , goe to sehon king of amorites , prouoke him to battell , and conquer his land , for that he denied passage to moses army , to goe through his land to the land of canaan : and therefore the lord gaue sehon king of the amorites vnto moses hands at the battel at iahaz . and the army of israel destroyed all the cities of the amorites , with their king , men and women , from the riuer of arnon vnto gilead , there was not one citie that escaped , the lord had cursed canaan , and therefore he commanded to spare none . in like sort in the battell at edrei , the lord deliuered og king of basan the giant into moses hands , as he did sehon king of the amorites , and the hebrewes smote the king and all his people , destroyed three score strong walled and fenced cities , the hebrewes destroyed all the countrey of argob , and all the kingdome of og in basan , which was called the land of the giants , and possessed from the biuer of arnon to mount hermon . og king of basan remained onely of the giants , for the lord said vnto moses , i will send the feare and dread of thee vpon all the nations vnder heauen , so that when they heare of thee , they shall tremble and quake for feare of thee . as sehon king of hesbon denied passage to moses to goe through his land to the land of canaan , so the cittizens of ephron denied iudas machabaeus passage through their countrey , though he sent with peaceable words vnto them , as moses did to sehon king of hesbon before , that he might passe through their land , doing no harm , but they denied him his request , wherevpon he besieged ephron , tooke it , destroied it , and spoiled it , and slew as many as were males within the citie . diuers kings assembled themselues against ioshua , hearing how ioshua and the hebrewes had conquered two great cities , iericho and ai , fiue kings came together to fight against ioshua at gibeon , for they feared exceedingly the report of the great battels and wonders , that moses before ioshua , had done vnto the arabians , madianites , amalekites , & others , for the lord promised to send the feare and dread of the hebrews vpon all people vnder heauen , and all the nations of the world should tremble and quake at the fame and great glorie of the hebrewes , and therfore came these fiue kings with all their armies most strongly against ioshua , but it was the battell of the lord , for the lord discomfited them before the hebrewes , and slew them at gibeon with a great slaughter , and the hebrewes chaced them from gibeon to bethoron , and the fiue kings fled with the rest that were vnslaine , but the lord cast great stones downe from heauen vpon them , that more of them died by the stones that fell from heaue●… , then the hebrues slew with the sword in the field , and the fiue kings that fled into a caue in makedah , were brought before ioshuah , and he called the captaines and chiefe men of the army , and commaunded them to set their feete vpon the necks of these kings , signifying vnto them , that they should so ouercome all nations , and vanquish all their enemies in the battels of the lord. this ioshuah did to encourage his captains , in the setting of their feet vpon the fiue kings necks , that conquerors may do what please them of kings conquered . so did sapor king of persia vse valerianus the romane emperour , as a blocke to lay his foote vpon his necke , to mount on horsebacke . the like did tamberlane to the great turk pazaites at mount stella , where he ouerthrew him , and tooke him prifoner . there also pompey the great ouerthrew mithridates k. of pontus before , where tamberlane gaue the ouerthrow to the great turke , tooke him , and kept him in a cage vnder his table , and carried him about with him to his warres . obserue how the kings of the canaanites , edomites , maobites , ammonites , and philistines knit themselues together against the hebrewes , feeling in themselues such inward fear of them , as the macedonians , the persians , and all asia were fearfull of the romanes , as you read before of mithridates king of pontus , tygranes king of armenia , and iugurth king of numidia , and yet preuailed not , for the lord had determined to take the monarchie out of the macedonians hands , & giue it to the romanes , as he gaue it before from the persians to the macedonians . cratippus the philosopher could say so much to pom-pey the great , after he was ouerthrowne by caesar at the battell of pharsalia . pompey being desirous to know what should happen of the empire of rome , cratippus answered that all kingdomes and empires are fatall . and as sirach saith , regnum non trasferetur , nisi ob in iustitiam regni & regis , so the kingdomes & monarchies of the world passed one vnto another by the lord appointed . now ioshua proceedeth forward to his last battell at the waters of merom , where diuers and sundrie kings gathered together with all the force and power they had to fight with ioshuah , with as many people as the sand that is on the sea shore , for multitude of men , horses , and chariots , for in this battel al the kings ioyned their force and power together against ioshuah at the waters of merom , for to fight against the hebrewes , but the lord gaue them into ioshuahs hands , for they were so slaine that they fell before ioshua , and fled before the hebrewes vnto sidon , and vnto the valley of mispech . such a great victorie did the lord giue vnto ioshuah ouer these kings , that the sunne stayed ouer gibeon , and the moone ouer aialon , vntill ioshuah had full victorie ouer the canaanites , hauing subdued one and thirtie kings . these are the stratagems of the lord in the behalfe of ierusalem . what stratagems hath not the lord vsed to saue his people from their enemies , enuironed with so many nations against them in the wildernesse , and readie to bee deuoured of so many kings about them in canaan , for the canaanites thought it more straunge , that ioshua should come into the land of canaan with his poore hebrew army , called hicsos , in scorne among the egyptians , then the babylonians thought of cyrus to come to babilon with his most inuincible persian armye , or the carthagenians of scypio , to come to carthage and affrica with his romane armie . both cyrus & scipio vsed stratagems to winne these victories . decius brutus being so straightly besieged by mar. antonius at the citie mutina , to whom hircius the cōsull deuised a stratagem , to write certaine letters vpon lead , and to send them tied about souldiers neckes that swam down the riuer scultenna to mutina , by the which he was certified of the consuls minde . another stratagem of hircius , who tied certaine letters about tame doues neckes , which hee kept to that purpose hungry without meate and in darknesse , which were sent by some of his souldiers in the night time , as nigh as they could to the citie mutina , and then to let them flie , the pigeons being hungry fled straight to the towers and high buildings of the towne , which were brought to brutus . brutus being now instructed with this stratagem of hircius , vsed the like himselfe , to feede pigeons within the citie mutina , and to let them flee , which were for a time carriers of letters betweene hircius the consull , and brutus . it is not read that the hebrues reuolted during the whole time of ioshuah , the hebrues needed not to doubt of victories , if they would serue the lorde , hauing the arke in the midst of their campe , where the lord presented himselfe to giue them oracles , and therfore they might boldly commence warre , or enter any battell , being imboldned by the lord , as hee promised to moses and to ioshua that hee would goe before them with such miraculous stratagems , some in the seas as against pharao , some in the sunne & moone as against the canaanites : some with fire from heauen as against baals false prophets and priests . some with the opening of the earth in swallowing rebellious iewes . and other such stratagems with stones , lightning and thunderbolts , to destroy the enemies of ierusalem . chap. xvi . of the order and manner of the gentiles , how they brought their wiues and concubines , how they ware their best apparell , and how they brought the dearest and preciousest iewels they had in the sight of the campe before they entred into any battell , because they should more manfully and couragiously fight . the kings of asia souldiers whē they went to fight any great battel , they brought into the field their most dearest things and preciousest iewelles which they ware about them ; to signifie how willing & glad they were , to offer their liues , and all that they had in the defence of the country of asia . the persians brought not onely into the field , their iewels , treasures and wealth , but also their wiues & their concubines , which the persians esteemed and preferred before all the treasures of the world , that by looking on their wiues and concubines , they should the more be encouraged & kindled manfully to fight for their country , for their wiues , and for their concubines . the romane souldiers vsed to put all the money and gold they had in bagges sealed , and to laie them vnder the principall standart of the generall , as pawnes and pledges that they would fight the battell lustily and valiantly like romanes . the lacedemonians the onely souldiers of greece ; before they would goe to any battell they would wash themselues , weare the best apparel they had , they would trim their beards and kembe their heads , and therefore called comati milites , & entred into any battel as though they should goe to the games of olimpia , or to the plaies of histmia , but all these nations could not bring such a treasure , nor such a iewell into the field as the hebrues did , which was the arke where the presence of the lord was , and continued with them in the middest of the campe . now after all these victories ouer the canaanites , iosuah returned to gilgal , where the campe was , and where the arke remained , to giue thanks vnto the lord for so many great victories he had ouer so many kings , and so many nations . after that ioshuah was dead , the manner of the hebrues was to consult with the lord , and to take counsell by vrim and thummim of their further proceedings and choosing of a generall , to leade & gouerne them in their warre , as the like in all countries were vsed . the iudges of greece called amphictiōs , assembled together for the whole state of greece , to consult of martiall causes , and matters concerning the state , in the temple of neptune at trozena . so among the latines , before the romanes time , they met at the woods ferentina , to decree and determine of matters of warres : after the romanes had subdued the latins , they agreed vpon all causes of warres in the temple of ianus in rome . the lacedemonians when they had any warres in hand , they met in the temple of diana in the confines of laconia , with the messenians and others , to conclude of great warlike causes , and to prouide for their generalls . the aetolians would allow no decree , nor no lawe passed vnlesse it were done in their counsell house panaetolium , with the consent of the whole state . so the senators of the athenians met in panaegiris ; to consult of warlike causes , there was no countrey or citie in greece , but they had their senate and councell house to determine of warres , and other matters of state concerning their countrey , for at that time all greece was in armes one citie against another through ciuill warres . as among all nations , they euer sought wise , stout , discreet and godly captaines , for the whole force of the armie dependeth vpon a wise , resolute and stout captaine . and therfore the carthagineans and the affricans sent in any great warres to sparta , for a lacedemonian captaine . and so the carthagineans had xantippus sent to them for their generall . so the tarentines sent for pirrhus to be their generall against the romanes ; skilfull generals were so esteemed in greece , that the athethians made phocian twentie seuerall times their generall , and pericles nine times . that made the achaians to appoint aratus seuen times their generall . so the thaebans made pelopidas thirteene times their generall . and the achaians made philopomen eight times their generall . so that it was not hard among the grecians to finde skilfull generalls that knewe how to ouercome theyr enemies , though not by force and multitude of many souldiers , yet with stratagems and pollicie of fewe . as by the stratagem of leonidas at thermopyla , and the stratagem of themistocles at salamina , with fewe grecians ouerthrew many thousands of the persians . the greekes for that they were wise , politique and learned , far exceeded the romanes in stratagems , especially agesilaus and epaminondas , two great noble captaines , whose greatnes was such , that the one enuied the other , as much as caesar enuied pompey , or pompey caesar , though the romanes farre excelled the grecians in armes , yet were the romanes inferiour to the grecians in policies and stratagems , the romanes accepted no trecherie to ouercome their enemies but by armes , they refused to giue money to timocheres pirrhus phisition , though he offered to fabritius to poyson his maister for money , for fabritius thought it an infamie to the name of the romanes , any way to accept trecherie , therein they farre excelled the grecians or macedonians . for philip king of macedonia , got as many victories by corruption and fraud , as he did by armes , and therefore he was wont often to say , that there was no citie so inuincible , but an asse loaden with gold might enter in through the strongest gate of that citie , nor no wall so high but a ladder of gold might scale it , so philip tooke byzantium , and so lysimachus philips successor , tooke ephesus . conon generall of athens , hauing ouerthrowne the persian nauie in the i le of cyprus , hee caused his owne souldiers to put on the armours and cloathes of the persians , whom he ouerthrew , and placed them in persian nauies , and sailed to pamphilia , to another persian army on the land , the persians doubting nothing seeing their owne ships , and their owne souldiers , as they supposed , conon landed with his grecian armie , cloathed with persian garments , and gaue them such a battell at the riuer eurimedon , that he obtained by this stratagem two victories ouer the persians , the one on sea in cyprus , the other on land at the riuer eurimedon . the like stratagem vsed epaminondas vppon a feast day , in one of the cities of arcadia , the womē & virgins of the citie comming to solace themselues abroad , epaminondas caused certaine of his souldiers to be cloathed in womens apparell , in like garments as the women of arcadia had , and to goe and mingle themselues among the citizens of arcadia , and entered the towne among other women , as though they had bene citizens wiues , and in the night time slue the watche , and opened the gate to let epaminondas and his armie come in . as epaminondas vsed arcadian garments to deceiue the arcadians . so conon vsed persian garments for a stratagem to deceiue the persians . so hanibal deceiued the tarentines with hūters garmēts , like the tarētines . so the gibionites deceiued ioshua , but we must deceiue sathan with a contrary garment , we must put off the old garments of the first adam , and put on the garments of the second adam , which is christ. if we meane to obtaine victories ouer sathan , wee must put on our wedding garment , if wee mean to come to the banket . note also the custome and manner of the gentiles , aswell in choosing their generals ( as you heard ) as also in choosing their former & auncient kings , some by flying of fowles , as the old romains choosed numa pomp. some by neying of a horse , as the persians choosed darius : others by swiftnes and agilitie of the body , as in lybia : others by strength , qualities , & comelinesse of person , as among the meades . so the aethiopians , if they wanted one of the kings stock & his name , they made a choise as the meades did , of one to bee theyr king of a most comely personage , that excelled in strength & in qualities . so because the israelites wold haue a king , and were weary of those gouernours that the lord set ouer them , the lord cōmanded samuel to annoint saul to be their king , who was the tallest and the goodliest man in all israel from his shoulders vpwardes . and so xerxes ( though an infidel ) among ten hundred thousand men which hee brought in his army from persia against the greeks , was the only tallest and goodliest man of all his hoste , and so in many countries among diuers nations , they made such choise of their generals & of their kings , that they should be such men as should haue bonum animi and bonum corporis , fit and apt qualities both in mind and body to rule and gouerne an army . but so did neither the grecians nor the romanes : for agesilaus was lame , and had one leg shorter then the other . darius king of persia had one hand longer then another , hanibal for two eyes had but one : & caesar for his baldnes was fain to couer it with a garland oflawrel : yet lame agesilaus for his many victories 〈◊〉 warlike know ledge , was called agesilaus the great . hanibal with his one eye was the only captain of his time of all men reputed called hostis romanis , & caesar ( though bald ) yet had not his peere , nor his equal in martial exploits , captains that farre excelled these goodly and tall kings saul & xerxes , and farre exceeded those comely & tall captains , whom the meades , the aethiopians & the lybians were wont in old time to choose to be their kings . and as the lord is indifferent in bestowing his good gifts vpon the simplest & meanest that serue him , aswell as vpon the comeliest and goodliest men , for the lord hath no respect to the personage of men , as we reade in sacred scripture . moses was goodly & tall , faire of complection , and of yealow haire , and a seruant of the lord. absolon , the comeliest & best made man from the crown of his head to his toe , and yet the seruant of sathan . ioseph the sonne of iacob , the fairest & best fauored in egipt , a godly seruant of the lord. saul the tallest man in all israel frō his shoulders vpwards , yet serued not the lord. so the gifts of nature appeare vpō the good & the bad as you heard . so may it be said of elias a prophet of the lord , being rough and hairy , so we read of him & of esau , rough & hairy like elias , but a reprobate of the lord , for so the lord said ; iacob haue i loued , and esau haue i hated . in fine , elizeus was bald , for so was he mocked and called baldpate , but a bear came out of the wood & deuoured . childrē in bethel for calling the prophet bald pate . dauid the least of his brethren , not able to carry sauls armour to fight with golias , and yet valiant inough to kill golias , and to bring his head to saul . zachaeus so litle a fellow , that he could not see christ among the presse of the people , but climbed a figge tree , where christ saw him , & bad him quickly come down , this day wil i dine in thy house said the lord to zacheus . so that dauid being but of litle stature , elias rough and hairy , and flizeus bald , yet three chosen prophets of the lord. now to the marching of ierusalam . chap. xvii . how iudah was elected to be the third iudge of israel , by vrim and thummim , of his battell at besecke . of ehud , deborah & gedeon with their victories , togither with certaine stratagems as well of the iewes as of the gentiles . after ioshua died , iudah was appointed the third captaine ouer the israelites , by the iudgement of vrim and thummim , elected & chosen to be the leader of the whole army of israel : the lord from the beginning had appointed iudges and gouernors to lead his people frō egipt to the land of canaan , as moses , ioshuah , & after ioshuah , iudah now the third captaine , who fought the battell of the lord in bezeck , and slew ten thousand of the canaanites , and the perezites , and tooke adonizebech , not a king , but a tirant . this king was by the iust iudgement of the lord , vsed in like sort as he vsed other kings , for the thumbes of his hands and of his feete were cut off , as he most cruelly cut off the thumbes of the handes & of the feete of seuentie kings , which he kept and fed with the crummes that fell from his table , for so he confessed himselfe , that as he had done , so the lord rewarded him , for hee was brought to ierusalem and there died . hannibal well nigh plaied the like part , who vsed the poore captiue romanes in like sort being weak & wearied , he cut off their thumbes & pared the soales of the feete of a great number , and so left them that they could neither stand nor goe . fabius seruilianus , equall or rather before these tyrants in tyrannie , after he had vanquished a great number of the barbarous people of scythia , and had taken captiues ( iure deditionis ) very many , yet contrary to the faith and nature of the auncient romanes , hee cut off both the hands of fiue hundred of the principallest souldiers of them , and left the poore scythians without hands , as hannibal left the romains without feete . thrasibulus being a tyrant for his tyrannie , sent one of his chiefe men to periander , another tyrant to consult and to be aduised by him , how he might liue without feare and daunger , he being a tyrant among the milesians . periander brought the messenger of thrasibulus to a ripe corne field , where with the staffe he had in his hand , he did beat the eares of the corne , and turnd to thrasibulus messenger , and said no more , but commend me to thy maister . thrasibulus after he heard what periander did , knew his meaning was that he should destroy & kill all the chiefe men & citizens in milesia , if he would liue in safetie . that tyrant must needs fear some , of whom all men stand in feare . this was such a dumbe stratagem which periander taught thrasibulus , as torquine the proud taught his son sextus , by a seruant which he sent to his father , whom torquine brought vnto a garden , where with his staffe he beate the head of poppies . this was a dumbe stratagem which torquine sent to his sonne , wherby he knew his fathers minde , slew the chiefe citizens , and betrayed the towne to his father . though the israelites fell to idolatrie after ioshuahs death , who ( during the time of ioshua ) serued the lord , and neuer forsooke him , yet the lorde at all times , though they alwaies offended him , deliuered them frō their enemies , when they cryed vnto him for his ayde and helpe . so being now vexed with their euemies , the lord sent ehud as a iudge and captaine , to leade them and to gouerne them as their generall , beeing a stout and a valiant captaine , who was wont to say to his souldiers , follow me , went boldly to eglon king of the moabites , & vsed this stratagē , told the king that he had some secret from the lord to tellhim , wherevpon the chamber being auoyded , and the doore shut , hee out with his dagger , slew eglon the king , and came out and shut the doore after him , and after slew ten thousand moabites at that time : yet ehud was left-handed , and vnable to fight , and therefore it was a stratagem of the lord. iabin king of canaan , an other enemie of the israelites , sent his generall cisera , a mightie captain , with nine hundred chariots of iron , and a huge army of souldiers , to fight against israel , yet the lord still prouided for his people , and deliuered the canaanites into the hand of deborah , a woman , and barac ; euen the whole army of the canaanites , at the battell at meroz , where euen the starres ( in their courses ) from heauen fought against cisera , as deborah confessed in her song of thanksgiuing to the lord for the victorie . for all the battels that the lord had fought for israell , yet they sinned more , and so offended the lord , that they were deliuered seuen yeares into the hands of the madianites for their wickednesse , that israell made themselues dennes and caues in the mountaines for feare of the madianites and amalekites , whose tents were as thicke as grasse-hoppers in multitude , so that they , their cattels , and their camels were without number . yet the lord , when israell cryed for helpe , raised vp sound iudges , as othoniel , ehud , barac , and deborah , who ouercame their enemies , and had many victories ouer them , but still israel offended the lord , and therefore the lord left sidonites , canaanites , and philistines to afflict and vex the israelites , for that they still offended the lorde . hee left these nations among them with their gods and idols , that should be as snares vnto israel , and as thornes in their sides , and needles in their eies to trie them , and to force them to call vpon the name of the lord. the hebrewes as they offended the lord , so were they punished by the lord , who often gaue them ouer into their enemies hands , for their rebellious sedition and disobedience , and therefore the lord made choise of a wise and discreet generall , whom he strengthned to rule his people , sent his messenger to gedeon a husbandman threshing his corne , to bee their captaine before them , who with the three hundred souldiers that laped the water by putting their hāds to their mouthes , as the lord had commaunded him by that signe , and had appointed the number for him to take the lords battel in hand , & to let the rest which were one and thirtie thousand and seuen hundred returne to their home , which were by proclamatiō discharged . the generals that the lord made choise of to rule his people , were but shepheards , heardmen , and husbandmen , as moses , ioshua , gedeon , saul , and dauid , and of the like men he made choise for his prophets . gedeon obeyed the message of the lord , & called at the lords hand for strength and courage to fight his battel , and after deuided the three hundred men into three seuerall bands , and vsed this stratagem , gaue euery man a trumpet in his hand , with an emptie pitcher , and lampes within the pitchers , signifying by these weake meanes which the lord vsed , that the whole victorie should come from the lord , and not from man. so gedeon their generall comming to the side of the enemies with his threee bands , he commaunded all the souldiers at once to sound al the trumpets together , to break their pitchers , and to shout & crie , the sword of the lord and of gedeon , the enemies were so frighted , & the lord set euery mans sword vpon his neighbour , and caused the madianites to kill one an other . he made the moabites , the ammonites , & edomites , in like sort one to destroy an other . they tooke in that battell two princes of the madianites , called oreb and zeb , whom they slew and brought their heads to gedeon from beyond iorden , as they fled from the sword of gedeon . the slaughter was an hundred and twentie thousand that were slaine with three hundred men as the lord had commaunded . obserue the stratagem of gedeon , who commanded his three hūdred souldiers at once to sound al the trumpets together , to breake their pitchers , and to shout and crie , the sword of the lord and of gedeon . it so amazed the madianites that the victory was gedeons . ioshuah in like sort was by the lord commaunded , after he had carried the arke round about iericho seuen times vpon the seuenth day that the priests should blow the rammes hornes , and all the souldiers to crie aloude , and to shout out all together at once , that the walles of iericho fell . with a stratagem also ioshua deceiued the king of ai , who came out of the citie to fight with ioshua , who tooke vpon him to flye from the king , but hauing laide ambushes vpon the way and about the towne , the lord gaue both the towne and the king to ioshuas hand . so did the israelites deceiue the beniamites with the like stratagems as ioshua did , who tooke vpon them to flye , to draw the beniamites from the citie to the high wayes , vntill they were compassed round about with the israelites , who destryed . thousand and . men . these are diuine stratagems , and to be attributed vnto the lords doings . pericles generall of the athenians , besieging a certain citie in greece , who vpon the sudden in the night time , caused all the trumpets to be sounded at once , and all the souldiers to shout and cry as loud as they could : it so terrified the citizens within , that they ranne from all parts of the cittie vnto that place where pericles commanded the trumpets to be sounded , and that loud crye to be made , thinking thereby that the enemies had entred the citie , pericles without resistance made an entrie into the citie in an other place . antiochus vsed the like stratagem against the ephesians , commanded certaine rhodians which were of his army to shout out loud , and to make a sudden out crie in the dead time of the night , their feare and terror was such , that all went to defend that place of the towne , and left the other side of the towne without defence to let antiochus enter in . luc. cornelius after he had besieged and taken many townes in sardinia , he vsed this stratagem , to take a populous strong citie , made a great number of his souldiers to hide themselues in ambush , he hauing but fewe souldiers , prouoked them of the towne to come out , faining himself to flye , the enemie following with great furie after . luc. cornelius with all his hidden souldiers returned vpon the sudden with such a terrible crye , that the enemies turned theyr backes and fled to the towne , and the romanes followed after them close at the heeles , and entred the towne with them all together . so pompey the consull , generall for the romaine army in albania , perceiuing the enemies both in horsmen and in footemen to be farre more in number then the romanes , practised this stratagem , placed his footemen behind the horsemen , being in a straight , and commaunded his horsemen to couer their helmets , least by the sight of the helmets they should be seene of the enemies , and to take vpon them to flye to draw the enemies forwards into the midst of the army of footemen , and then the romane horsemen to turne backe , and deuide themselues , and to set on both sides of the enemies . by this stratagem pompey got a great victorie ouer the albanians . iphicrates the athenian , compared an army in this sort , the light horsemen to the hands , the men of armes to the feete , the battel of footemen to the stomacke and breast , the captaine to the head . but the hebrewes for all the victories of ioshuah , of iudah , and of gedeon , were still vnthankful , and wrought wickednesse in the sight of the lord , for all the battels that the lord fought for them , they were so well acquainted with the gods of the gentiles , yea they serued the gods of acron , the gods of sydon , the gods of moab , and the gods of the philistines , and forgat the god of israel , they serued straunge gods , and attributed victories vnto their idols , and honoured them , and gaue no glory vnto the lord of israel , and therefore the lord gaue them ouer , and solde them to their enemies and were eighteene yeares sore tormented and vexed by the ammonites and philistines , and the enemies , proudly went ouer iorden to fight against iudah , against beniamin , and against the house of ephraim , but they cryed vnto the lorde according to theyr custome in extremitie , and were aunswered by the prophet from the lorde : let the gods whome you serue , saue you , and whom you trust vnto defend you , for you waigh not me , neither will i defend you , and then they put away their straunge gods from among them . thus the israelites did not onely rebell vpon the death of ioshuah , but also vpon the death of iudah , ehud , deborah , and others , neither did they esteeme the victories which they got by deborah a woman , and by gedeon a husbandman , who with three hundred souldiers slew a hundred and twentie thousand , but euer forgetfull and vnthankefull to the lord , more willing to returne to egipt to be slaues vnto pharao , then to stay in canaan to serue the lord. the name of leonidas was famous among the lacedemonians , for his victorie at thermopyle , where leonidas with three hundred , ouerthrew twentie thousand of xerxes army , being innumerable . the athenians gloried much for theyr great victorie at marathon by milciades and callimachus , hauing but . grecians in their army , ouerthrew the generall of king darius army , and made a great slaughter of the persians , to the number of two hundred thousand . the romanes bragge much of the victorie of marius , with fewe souldiers ouer the cymbrians at the riuer of xextas , of sylla ouer mithridates at the battell of orchomenon , and of lucullus ouer tigranes king of armenia , being three great victories , with infinite slaughter , with the losse of fewe romanes . the very schythians can boast and bragge of the ouerthrow of cyrus , hauing two hundred thousand in his army , and that by a woman , which encreased the fame of the scythians , to the greatest infamy of the persians . all nations can bragge and boast of theyr victories , and be thankfull vnto their idols , and to their gods , with sacrifices , with vowes , with games and playes , with rearing of aultars and building of temples , but the hebrewes and the people of the lord , who had greatest cause and occasions to remember theyr victories and triumphes that they had ouer so many kings and so many nations , before they came to the land of canaan , by fire , haile-stones , thunder , and great stones from heauen , and though the lords presence went before them in the arke , and the arke among them in the midst of the campe , yet were the israelites stiffe necked people , euer offensiue to the lord , seditious against theyr leaders , and enuious one towardes an other , so the lord cryed out against them , and said : i haue nourished and brought vp children , and they are fallen away from me , the oxe knoweth his lord , and the asse his maisters stall , but israel knoweth not me , wicked children , sinfull people , a froward generation , which are ouerladen with blasphemies . nothing could instruct them to obey the lord , neither the arke of couenant , neither the tabernacle of moses , neither the pillar of fire , where the lord appeared vnto them , and after the vse of the tabernacle , neither the temple of salomon , nor the prophets to whom the lord manifested himselfe in ierusalem , yea euen in samaria among the wicked samaritans they had the prophets of the lord , elias and elizeus to instruct them . chap. xviii . of iepthas victories ouer the ammonites and ephraimites , the ciuill warres , the tyrannie of sylla and marius in rome . of the slaughter of the philistians by sampson , the reuenge of pulling out his eyes , and of the battell of saul at mich-mash . now after gedeon , the lord sought out ieptha , beeing fledde and chased by his bretheren from his countrey , to the land of tob , from whence hee was called by the lord ( who alwayes appointed a generall ouer israell while they serued him ) to leade his people against the ammonites , which the lord deliuered into iepthas hand . at that time ieptha made a rash vowe to the lorde , ( that if hee should haue victorie ouer the ammonites ) that which came out of the doores of his house , when he returned home in peace shal be the lords , and he wil offer it vp a burnt offering . he foolishly performed that which he rashly vowed . though some of the rabines do excuse ieptha that his daughter died not , but was seperated to dwell by her selfe from common conuersation in a solitary place , to bewaile her virginitie , according to the custome and manner of the virgins of israel , to liue in prayers , and to consecrate her selfe vnto the lord . yet some of 〈◊〉 best diuines , as augustine & ambrose , which both were of a cōtrary opiniō that she was sacrificed according to iepthas vow . but the lord gaue the victory to ieptha ouer the amonits , with the ouerthrow of twentie cities , and with exceeding great slaughter . ieptha againe after his first victory ouer the ammonites , had another victory ouer the ephraimites , who enuied the former victory of ieptha most ambitiously , as they before did vnto gedeon , threatning to burne the generall in his house , wherevpon ieptha with all the men of gilead gathered themselues together against the ephraimites , ouercame them , and slue two and fortie thousand of the ephraimites , the greatest cause of this slaughter was , that the ephraimites called the gileadites , runnagates of ephraim . and yet both the ephraimites and gileadites were israelites , much like to the battell betweene silla and marius , being two romains , who for meere malice one towards another , continued their ciuil warres ten yeares : in the which were slaine a hundred and fiftie thousand romanes , fiue and twenty flaine that haue bene consulls in rome , threescore that had bin in rome , in the office called aediles , & welnigh two hundred senators slaine , equall in number almost to the slaughter of hannibal , for consuls , senators , praetors , and other magistrates . cinna then cōsull , with his romane legions , and marius with his banished men & fugitiues , entred the citie of rome : at what time sylla was with his armie in greece , slue many of the chiefe citizens of the senators , and of diuers that had bin consuls , that whē the heads of these slain mē were presented to cinna & marius at their banquets , it was cōmanded by cinna the consull , that some should be set vp in the market place , some in the oratory , & some in other places . such was the ti●…āny of marius thē in rome , that the rest of the senators that were left vnslaine , sought to escape the hand of cinna , the crueltie of marius , the rage of fimbria , and the force of sertorius , and to flie to sylla in greece for succour . at whose return marius with his cōfederates fled from rome , where sylla plaid a part of a second tragedie , destroying all that hee knew or heard of to be marius friends , setting downe in his first proscription fourescore of the chiefest of marius side , besides marius himselfe , carbo , norbanus , and scipio , who had bin all consulls of rome . marius being at that time in his seuenth consulship , and died in the beginning of it , but too late to his countrey , yet left sertorius , carbo , cinna & others , to plague his country after him , but as before i spake of iepthas victories , & of the sacrificing of his daughter , so now i thinke good by comparisons to shew the maner and custome of the gentiles in the like . the report of iepthas sacrificing his daughter , came ( as it seemed ) first from the land of canaan into greece , wherby agamemnon sacrificed his daughter iphigenia in the citie of aulis in baeotia to please diana . for their voyage to troy , and after ten yeares warres in troy after victory had , they slue polixena king priamus daughter , vpō the graue of achilles , for a sacrifice to neptune for their safe returne from troy to greece againe . so ericthius king of the athenians , sacrificed his daughter as agamemnon did , to haue a victorie ouer eumolpus , generall of the thracian army . it is not onely a common thing among the gentiles to sacrifice their seruants and their children to their idols , but also among the hebrewes , as achab , manasses , and other kings of israel , offred their sonnes and daughters for sacrifice vnto molech , and as ieptha sacrificed his daughter according to his rash vow , so saul king of israel would haue slaine his sonne ionathan , to perform his foolish oath . these kind of sacrifices onely vnto idols , are otherwise then the sacrifice of abraham , being commanded by the lord to offer his only sonne isaac , which was the true type of christ iesus the onely son of god , but these wicked idolatrous kings achab & manasses , offered their childrē to dumbe idols and wodden gods , not following abraham in sacrifice : they far differed frō ieptha , he vowed to sacrifice his daughter to the lord , and not to idols , and ieptha differed farre from abraham , in that abrahams faith was accepted without sacrificing of his sonne , and iepthas affection was reiected though he sacrificed his daughter ; for so the lord himselfe testified , saying : i haue no pleasure in your feasts and sacrifices , neither do i delight in your new moones , how much lesse is he pleased with the killing of an innocent virgin , as ieptha did ? these bloudy sacrifices of achab and manasses , were not like the sacrifice of gedeon , which was but a kid , a fewe cakes made but of an epha flower , a peece of flesh in a basket , and a litle broath in a pot , this sacrifice did the lord accept of gedeon , vnder the oake of ephrah , as a signe of his victory against the madianites . the lord strengthened sampson to plague the philistines sundry times , burning their corne and their vinyards , killing a thousand of them at once with the iawe bone of an asse , and destroyed the fiue princes of the philistines , and aboue sixe thousand philistines besides , by pulling downe of a house vppon them , their wiues , their children , their friends and their seruants , at a banquet . because sampson being molested & vexed by meanes of his wife dalyla , to whom he trusted too much as many do , by opening his secrets where his strength lay to his wife , who betraied him to her owne brood & stocke the philistines , who came and tooke him , bound him , and put out his eyes , at what time the fiue princes of the philistines so reioyced , that they gathered themselues togither to offer sacrifice vnto dagan their god , for that dagan deliuered sampson into the philistines handes as they supposed , being mery and glad they sent for sampson to this great feast , where they offered solemne sacrifice vnto their god dagan , to laugh and scoffe at him , that at that feast so many philistines came to see sampson , that three thousand for want of roome , were forced to take theyr place vpon the roofe of the house . sampson being agreeued that he offended the lord , praied vnto the lord that hee might be reuenged vpon the philistines , and the lord strengthened sampson , that he reuenged their scoffes , their flouts , and the pulling out of his eyes , vppon the princes of the philistines dagans seruants , that sampson sacrificed himselfe vnto the lord , slue & sacrificed them vnto their god dagan . many armies haue bene taken , slain & ouerthrowne in the midst of banquets , as the syrians were at the besieging of samaria , making merry in their tents & banquetting , were forced to flie , and in their flight to be slaine . so was simon the high priest at ierusalem with his two sonnes slaine at a banquet , by the stratagem of ptolomeu who married simons owne daughter , after he had receiued them into his house , and were merry at theyr banquet . so tryphon slue ionathan , and both his sonnes . so ismael being receiued of godoliah into his house and well entertained , ismael slue godolias in his owne house , too many such stratagems are extant . chap. xix . of the priesthood taken away from the house of elie , and gouernment of iudges taken from samuel and his posteritie : and of the first electiō of kings in israel , and of saul the first king , and his battell at michmash . after sampson the last iudge in israel died , eli was appointed high priest to gouerne them , who ( though a godly man himselfe ) yet brought not vp his sonnes in vertue & in the fear of god , therefore the lorde rebuked eli , and said to samuel , i haue sworne that the wickednesse of eli his house shall not be purged with sacrifice nor offering for euer , for the lord tooke away the priesthood from eli , and from his house , for the transgression of his children . likewise the prophet samuels sonnes , for that they followed not their fathers steps , but looked after lucre , and tooke rewards , were reprehended for corruption and bribery . for samuel being olde not able for age to execute his office , he appointed both his sonnes to be iudges in bersabe , but they loued rewards and bribes , and therefore the people complained to samuel of his sonnes refusing to be gouerned by them , but would be gouerned by a king as other nations were . therefore was the priesthood taken away from the house of eli , for the wickednesse of his children ophnes and phineis . so was the gouernment taken from samuel and from his house for euer , through the corruption and briberie of his sonnes , ioell and abiah . who would thinke that so good a king as dauid should haue so wicked a sonne as absolon , that kild his brother ammon in his owne house , and sought the crowne of iudah euen from his fathers head , a murtherer of his brother , and a notable traytour to his father . who would thinke that good king ezechiah should haue so wicked a sonne as manasses to succeed him , that sawed the prophet esay in the midst , and filled the streets of ierusalem with blood ? and againe , who would iudge but salomon being the onely wisest king of the world , hauing a thousand queenes and concubines , yet had but one sonne rhehoboham , that he was so brought vp to offend the people , that ten of the twelue tribes forsooke him , and went to ieroboam his fathers seruant ? such was the care of kings among all nations , that philip king of macedonia , was glad to haue a sonne born in aristotles time , by whom hee might learne to knowe how to be a king , and of whome alexander the great himselfe was wont to say , that he was as much bound to aristotle his maister for his learning , as he was to philip his father for his birth . and therefore cyrus commaunded his sonne cambises , at his going to warres to scithia , to followe the counsell of craesus , to be ruled and gouerned by him : for cyrus knew craesus to be so wise , that by naming of solons name , he saued his owne life . in like sort king antigonus commaunded his sonne helenus , to be aduised and counselled by aratus , whom he knew to be a great learned man & a noble captaine , for that he was chosen to be seuenteene times generall ouer the achaians . the cares of the kings of persia was such for their children , that they made choise of foure principall men in all knowledge to instruct them and to bring them vp . the first schoole-maister should teach them the seruice of the gods , with their sacrifice and ceremonies . the second should instruct their children , in the auncient lawes and customes of the kings of persia. the third should bring them vp in sobrietie & temperancy , to vanquish lust and incontinency . and the fourth should learn them to be valiant and hardy , and to be acquainted with military discipline . and therfore alexander the great brought vp three thousand persian youthes in the martiall discipline of the macedonians . and so sertorius brought vp all the noble mens sonnes in hispaine in martiall discipline of the romanes . this much i thought good to write of the good bringing vp and education of children , for by the wickednesse of eli his sonnes , and corruption of samuels sonnes , the priesthood was taken from the one , and the gouernment taken from the other , and therefore israel cried for a king , therat samuel was much displeased , but the lord said vnto him , heare the voyce of the people , they haue not cast thee away , but me that i should not raigne ouer them : yet saith the lord , tell them the nature of a king , that he will take their sonnes to runne before his chariots , to eare his ground , to gather in his haruest , and the king wil take their daughters , and make them dressers of his oyntments , his cookes , and bakers , the king shall take the best of their fields , of their vineyards , and of their oliue trees , and giue them to his seruants , he shall take the tenth of their seed , and of theyr vines , the best of their men seruants , and maid ▪ seruants , their young men and their asses to doo his worke , yet ( though samuel told al this to israel from the lord ) they would haue a king , much like the fable of the frogs . the frogs would haue a king , being refused of many , they came to the storke , and would haue him to be their king , which he accepted , he got him a block , as a seate to sit on , to heare their causes , and to giue iudgement , but when the frogs came before their king to complaine , he began with his bill to pricke them , and after to wound thē , that some were wounded , some slain , & some made hast away . so samuel spake to the israelites to that effect , as they found in saul , ieroboam , achab , manasses & others such wicked kings . the apology of iothan , may be now well mentioned , who spake in a parable to the sychemites , that the trees would haue a king , but the vine , the figge , and the oliue trees refused to be their king , then would the trees haue a bush or a gorsse to be their king , who did accept of it . this bush or gorsse would easily take fire , and burne all the sychemites in sychem , and did not abimelech so ? after hee killed . sonnes of gedeon his bretheren , he destroyed sychem , and slew all the sychemites , and sowed salt in that place to make it barren for euer , for salt as pliny saith , makes ground barren and vnapt to bring any thing . when the philistines heard that israel had a king , they gathered themselues together to fight against israel , thirtie thousand chariots , six thousand horsemen , and the footemen were like the sand by the sea side in multitude , and they pitched their camp in michmash , and the philistines seemed so many vnto the israelites , that the israelites hid themselues in holtes , in towers , caues , rockes , and pits , and many of them fled ouer iorden , yet the lord deliuered the philistines into ionathans hand , sauls sonne , that israel might know that victorie consists not in multitude , nor armour of men , but onely in the arme of the lord , and therfore ionathan smote the philistines , and the lord turned euery mans sword vpon his fellow , so that there was a very great ouerthrow , and the battell continued vntill they came that fled for feare of the philistines from mount ephraim , and now followed the enemies vnto bethauen , & the victory was great which saul got ouer the philistines . saul in this battel did binde the souldiers by oath , not to eate till euening , and cursed him that would eate any foode till night , for ionathan tasted a little hony with the end of his rod , and saul his father would haue put him to death , sauing that the souldiers rescued and deliuered him , for the lord had giuen a great victory by ionathan ouer the philistines . chap. xx. of the victorie of saul at iabesh gilead , and after how he was ouerthrowne by the philistines , and slew himselfe in mount gilboa , and of the reward of diuers treasons . after the battel at michmash , saul had an other victorie ouer the ammonites , where the ammonites were slain at iabesh gilead , & the lord prospered saul , and endued him with such vertues as were meete for a k. yet saul disobeyed the lord , being commanded to destroy the amalekites , and sley both man and woman , both infant and suckling , both oxe and sheepe , both camel and asse , yet he spared agag king of the amalekites , and the fat beasts and the lambes , the sheepe , and the oxen that were good , against the commaundement of the lord , and therefore samuel reproued him , and tolde him that the lord had reiected him , and that his kingdome should bee giuen to an other , and vpon sauls disobedience , samuel was commaunded to annoint dauid king ouer israel , so saul wonne the victory , but lost his kingdome and his life in the next battell . saul being forsaken of the lord for his disobedience , the philistines preuailed against him in diuers battels , for saul was more desirous to kill dauid the seruant of the lord , then to destroy the philistines the enemies of the lord. but dauid was reserued , and ordained to fight the battels of the lord , & to destroy the amalekites , the philistines , & the rest of the lords enemies , whom saul spared , being commanded to the contrary : therfore the lord gaue saul to the hands of the philistins , at the battell in mount gilboa , that the israelites fled , and fell before the philistines , and the three sonnes of saul were flaine , and saul himselfe sore wounded . such was his cruell life seeking to kill dauid , that he had a desperate death , for he slew himself with his owne sword , seeing the battell so sore against him , his sonnes slaine , his souldiers killed , and all the rest of his army fled . this was the end of saul the first k. of israel , like the end of zedechia the last king of israel . and whē the philistins came to the spoyle of them that were slaine , they found the body of saul and his three sonnes in mount gilboah slaine in the battel , and they cut off sauls head , and stripped him out of his armour , and they laid vp his armour in the temple of their god astaroth , and hanged vp his body on the wall of bethshan in token of victorie and triumph , and they sent the head of saul vnto the land of the philistines , that they might shew it in their cities , and publish it in the temples of their idols among the people , and after to set vp sauls head in the temple of dagon . this was the end of saul , whom the lord raised from keeping his fathers asses , to be a king ouer his people , for not obeying the commaundement of the lord : thus euer the lord punished disobedience in saul , in rehoboam , achab , manasses and zedechiah , that the lord deliuered ierusalem , and the kingdome of iudah to the hands of nabuchodonozer king of babilon . saul being now slaine in mount gilboa , the amalekite which brought to dauid sauls crowne and his bracelets , and tolde dauid that hee himselfe slew saul , ( which was a lye , for saul slew himselfe ) thought to haue a great reward for such good newes , but dauid commanded him to be slaine . the like reward had rechab and banah , that brought isbosheths head vnto dauid , who disguised themselues as marchants to buy wheate , and went to isbosheths house who slept on his bed at noone , and they slew him , tooke his head with them , and presented it vnto dauid at hebron , supposing they should bee better rewarded then the amalekite was , but dauid rewarded them in this sort , that their hands and their feete were cut off , & hanged vp ouer the poole in hebron . the recompence of such treacherous seruants were euer so rewarded , as bessus the onely chiefe captaine vnder darius , who after he fled from the battell at arbela , was slaine by bessus , and his head cut off , and brought vnto alexander , who thought to be aduanced for his trecherous seruice , but alexander commaunded that he should be tyed to the tops of two young trees bending to the ground , that he by the swinge and lifting vp of the trees might be torne in peeces . so septimius and achillas commaunded by ptolomeus king of egipt , to kill pompey , and to present his head vnto caesar from him , though pompey before time had restored ptolomeu his father to his kingdome in egipt , and septimius had beene pompey his souldier in diuers warres , yet they slew him most trecherously in his boate at pellusium , and cut off his head to please caesar , but they were rewarded of caesar as bessus was of alexander , for the king was slaine , and his kingdome giuen to cleopatra his sister . when antigonus sawe pirrhus head presented vnto him by his sonne , though they were both enemies , and in the field in armor one against an other , yet he couered pirrhus head with his hat , discommending the crueltie of his sonne , with such a reward , that he made his bloud run about his eares , saying : how durst thou like a sauage beast bring pirrhus head from his body being dead , whom no prince or captaine in asia or in europe durst in the face meet in the field aliue ? yet most men think that trecherie is allowed though traitors be not accepted . i do not thinke but the head of darius brought to alexander by bessus , and the head of pompey to caesar , were as gratefull as ciceroes head was to marc. antonius , brought by popilius : or as marc. crassus head sent by surena to horodes : for thereby had alexander the kingdome of persia , & caesar the empire of rome , treason hath better successe then traitors haue . to this effect spake iezabell to iehu : had zimri peace which slew his maister elah ? as though she should say , can traitors haue good successe ? but she was rewarded by iehu , ( for that naboth was stoned to death by her meanes for his vineyard ) as the rest were . euen cruel sylla the romane , the enemie of marius and all his well-willers , and especiall of sulpitius , syllas mortall foe . yet when sulpitius seruant would haue betrayed sulpitius his maister vnto sylla , sylla caused him to bee throwne headlong downe from the rocke tarpeia . so much the olde romanes hated traitors and treasons , that when viriatus an other haniball , and a great enemie of the romanes , for . yeares space , gaue diuers ouerthrows to some romane praetors & consuls , as cai. vetulius , cai. plantius , and others , that he waxed so proud and insolent of his victories ouer the romans , that he hanged vp the romane ensignes on high hilles and mountaines , as trophies to shewe his victories ouer the romanes , but viriatus was betrayed and slaine by some of his souldiers , by meanes of caepio the consul , against the manners of the olde romanes , which neuer allowed trechery , thinking to haue a great reward of the romanes for his trechery : but they according to their manners , sent him backe bound vnto hispaine , as a traytor to his captaine and countrey , as they did to timocheres , pirrhus phisition , who offered the romanes if they would to poison his maister pirrhus . so camillus sent the schoolemaister of the phaelicians ( who brought all his schollers beeing noble mens sonnes to betray the towne ) backe naked before his schollers , euery scholler hauing a rodde in his hand to whip his master , for betraying their fathers , their frends , and the citie : so that neither viriatus seruant that slew his maister , neither pirrhus phisition that would haue poisoned his maister , nor the schoolemaister that would betray his citie , could get any rewards at the romanes hands for trechery . now to dauid , whose example of warres and victories vpō the amalekites , canaanites , and the rest , as in this the next booke shal be mentioned . the end of the first booke . the second booke of the stratagems of ierusalem . chap. i. of dauid the second king of israel , and his great victories and good successe which hee had in all his warres against the canaanites , edomites , moabites , ammonites , philistines , and others . dauid a man whom the lord found to his owne heart , a second ioshuah of israel , hee fought many battels of the lorde , and wonne many victories : for when the philistines heard that saul was dead , they sought for dauid to fight with him , and dauid asked counsell of the lord before hee would take any battel in hand , which made his victories so many , and himselfe so famous , that all his enemies feared him . so should all kings , generalls , and captaines , hold that rule for a principall part of theyr charge , and not to commence warre without a iust cause , and lawful meanes to be executed . iosias had no good cause to fight with necho king of egipt , who commaunded his souldiers not to fight with iosias , but against charchemish , a citie of the assirians . so the king of syria charged his souldiers to fight with none but with achab king of israel , at what time iosaphat king of iudah was spared , and therefore returned safe and sound to ierusalem , by the counsell of the king of syria . had iosias followed the counsell of necho king of egipt , as iosaphat followed the counsell of the king of syria , iosias had saued his life as iosophat did . dauid fought with the philistines , smote , scattered them , and slew them , that they fled before dauids face in the valley of gyants , which is , the plaine of diuision , because of their victories , and there they left their images and idols , and dauid burned them , much like to the iamnites , who carried the images of their idols in theyr bosomes to the battell , and tyed them about theyr neckes , for they were so found after the iamnites were slaine : as in auntient time the egiptians carried their gods and their idols , painted on their ensignes and banners into the field , as their standarts . againe , the philistines gathered their force against dauid at rephaim , which is called the valley of gyants , and dauid ouerthrew the host of the philistines , & chased them from geba vnto gazar . an other battell of the lord against the philistines fought by dauid , and he againe subdued them , & tooke the strong citie of gath , which they called the bridle of bondage , out of the hands of the philistines . this citie kept the countrey round about in subiection and bondage . thus all wise and skilfull generals ought to imitate dauid herein , to seize by all warlike policie vpon those strong citties and fortes that can commaund the countrey . so hanibal thought himself sure of rome , hauing gottē capua and tarentum , two of the strongest citties in italy into his hand . so the romanes hauing gotten syracusa , doubted not to take carthage : and hauing carthage in their hands , they soone cōquered all affrike : and hauing affricke , they made no account to win asia : for at that verie time the best souldiers of the worlde were in the west kingdomes . for antiochus the great , the greatest king at that time in all asia , was soone ouerthrowne by a consull of rome . so dauid went forward in his victories , after he had gotten the strong citie of gath , he smote moab , and measured them with a cord , he slue them & cast them down to the ground , he ouercame whom he would , and saued whom hee listed , so that the moabites became dauids seruants , and brought him gifts and presents , that the lord made dauid famous throughout all the world . during the time of dauids warres against the canaanites , and other nations their associates , there was no great warre then among the syrians , neither in any part of asia , and especially in europe , which was scant throughly inhabited in dauids time , and therfore there was no such warre to be written of , as was thē between the israelites and the canaanites , in the time of dauid . for as ioshua slue the canaanites , and gaue the possession of the land vnto israel , so dauid rooted them out , slue their gyants , and brought all the land tributary vnto salomon his sonne , who gouerned israel fortie yeares in peace and quietnesse without warre . hadarezer king of zobah , hearing of the name and fame of dauid , went to establish his borders by the riuer euphrates , with a great army with him , where dauid gaue him battell , fought with him , ouerthrew him , and tooke from him a thousand chariots , seuen thousand horsmen , and twentie thousand footemen . dauid destroyed all the chariots , and hought all the horses , but reserued an hundred chariots for himselfe , so that the lorde was with dauid wheresoeuer he went , and whatsoeuer he tooke in hand . the aramites hearing what great ouerthrow hadarezer king of zobah had by dauid , came from damascus with a very great army to succor the king of zobah : for they knitted themselues against israel with all theyr force and power , but they had the like welcome , as the philistines , the moabites , and the king of zobah had . dauid slue of the aramites two & twenty thousand , & dauid put a garrison in that part of syria where damascus was , and the aramites became dauids seruants , and brought him presents & gifts . dauid so plagued the aramites , which are also named siriās , that they bare such mortall hatred to iudah , for they euer ioyned themselues after with the ephraimites against ' the tribe of iudah . obserue the martiall proceedings of the israelites , to put garrison in euery strong citie and fort where they had subdued . so by these meanes dauid and ioshua before him , brought the moabites , the edomites , and the philistines , and all theyr enemies round about to be vnder their gouernment . so after dauid all nations did the like ( a principall point in all good generalls to strengthen themselues with garrison in strong places . ) herein the remanes excelled all nations , that whersoeuer , or whosoeuer they subdued , there they placed romane magistrates to gouerne . as scypio and pompey the great did in asia , titus and sylla in greece : this made the romanes to be feared and dreaded among all nations of the worde . for after the romaines had subdued the carthagineans , they made carthage a prouince to bee gouerned vnder a proconsull of rome . after they had subdued numidia and lybia , they were made prouinces , and gouerned vnder a consul of rome . so egipt and mauritania , were in like sort gouerned vnder romane presidents . so sardinia , cicilia , achaia , and many others , were made praetorian prouinces , and gouerned vnder the romanes . but wee will proceede forward with the warres of dauid , euery where vnder his generall abishai , ioabs brother , who slue eighteene thousand of the edomites in the salt valley : and he put garrion in edom and all the edomites became dauids seruants , so that dauids enterprises and his battels , which hee fought against the enemies of the lord , had ( wheresoeuer he went ) good successe . dauid euer vsed martiall lawes vpon the lords enemies , when rabbah was taken by ioab , he was presently commaunded by dauid the king , to put all the people to cruell death , and for that they were malicious enemies vnto the lord , he put them to such tortures , as vnder sawes , iron harrowes , iron axes , and cast them into the tylekilne , so cruell and greeuous were the punishments of the lord vpon the cities of the ammonites . the fame of dauid grew so great , that all the kings about him enuied him much , that hamnon king of the ammonites prepared an army against dauid , vnderstanding that dauid would reuenge the iniury hee did vnto his embassadors , whome dauid sent to hamnon of meere kindnesse and courtesie , the cause was that dauids embassadours , by the king of ammon , and the counsell of his princes and lords , had the halfe of their beards shaued , and their garments cut off in the middle euen vnto their buttockes , and so sent them away , which among the israelites was the greatest reproach that might be . thus the embassadors of dauid against the law of armes were disfigured , to make them odious vnto others , but they were commaunded by dauid to stay in iericho , to auoid the obloquy of so fowle a fact vntill they were prouided for . alcibiades generall ouer the athenians , laying siege to the chiefe citie of the aggregentines , which was so strongly euery way defended with forts and trenches , that alcibiades deuised a new stratageme , and thereby sought meanes to haue a conuenient place of parley to talk with them before he would lay siege to the towne , which being graunted , alcibiades appointed certaine captaines , while hee held the aggrentines in parley of peace , to take the citie . ionathan after that iud. machabaeus his brother was slaine in the field by bacchides , and after that the children of amri tooke iohn , ionathans brother , he vsed this pollicie to reuenge his brother vpon the mariage day of a daughter of one of the noblest princes of canaan . ionathan & his men hid themselues , and laie in ambush vnder the couert of a mountain , that when the children of amri came out of medeba , with tymbrels , instrumēts of musicke and great pompe , ionathan set vpon them , slue the most part , and the rest fled , so that their mariage was turned into mourning , and the noyse of their melodie to lamentation : thus ionathan reuenged his brother at medeba . cymon the sonne of milciades , a noble greeke captaine , at the besieging of a citie in caria , vsed this stratagem to burne the temple of diana , which goddesse the carians most religiously worshipped , the temple being builded without the walles of the towne , all the citie ranne to defend dianaes temple from burning , cymon with his athenian armie , entered and obtained the citie , while they were busie about the temple . the like policie vsed demetrius to deceiue ionathan , who hearing that ionathan came in the night time with his men armed , demetrius and all his armie feared and trembled in their hearts , and kindled great fires in theyr tents , and fled away , which ionathan suspected not that they fled , because they saw the fire burning in the tents , and so demetrius by this strageme of fire passed ouer the flood eleutherus , and escaped from ionathan . many such stratagems haue bene vsed by fire to deceiue the enemie , as hannibal by fire tyed to oxens hornes in the night time against the romaines : sampson by tying of firebrands to foxes tayles to burne the corne of the philistines . so absolon vsed the like stratagem against ioab , with many such . now hauing heard that ioabs chiefe captains came in , & that dauid was comē ouer the riuer iorden , fiue kings came against ioab , and pitched their tents before medeba , a citie of the tribe of ruben , but when the battell ioyned together , the ammonites and the aramites fled and fell before israel , so that the victorie was ioabs , and yet had they two and thirtie thousand chariottes , and fiue kings set in battell-raie to fight against dauid , but it was the lords battell , and therefore too fewe if they had had tenne times as many . and therefore the aramites & the ammonites were sore greeued at the good successe of dauid , that they gathered their whole force and power together ; and sent messengers beyond iorden , to draw all the enemies of israel to fight another battell against dauid , and dauid hearing of their great armies , came ouer iorden to hel●… , and fought with them , and the aramites fled before him , and dauid destroyed of the aramites seuen hundred chariots , fortie thousand footemen , and killed sophach generall of the hoste . dauid at length made a generall conquest of the philistines , destroyed the ammonites and theyr chiefe citie rabbah , slue their king and princes , and cut the people in peeces with sawes , with harrowes of iron , and with axes , and dauid requited fully the spitefull & malicious wrong they did vnto his embassadors . and as ioshua brought them ouer iorden , and placed them in canaan , and destroyed their enemies before them , and gaue the hebrewes the possession of canaan , so dauid rooted these nations out , and made a full conquest of them , and left israel in peace and quiet to his sonne solomon , and salomon to his sonne rehoboam , so that the edomites , moabites , and ammonites , became dauids seruants , and paied tribute vnto solomon , during his whole life . chap. ii. of tributes paide to the kings of egipt . and what manner of tributes the old romanes and persians receiued . the rewards of adultery . so ioseph made a lawe in egipt , that the first part of all the land of egipt should be as a yearely tribute paide vnto pharao , so that ioseph enriched pharao by meanes of the yearely tribute , and saued pharaos life and all egipt by gods prouidence and his wisedome , that at that time hee was called in egipt , pater patriae , but soone forgotten in egipt , as was seene after in the tyrannie of the egiptians towards iosephs children , and the whole stocke of the hebrewes . victories and ouerthrowes by warres gotten , imposed such tribute as pleased the cōquerer . for among the romanes before their empire grew great , the lucanians payed for their tribute but swine , the brusians oxen ; the frizians the skinnes of oxen : others paid diuers kindes of wine , others waxe , others fish , and such like . and as the olde romanes tributes were but cattell , corne , wine , fish , and such , so were their tryumphes had ouer the samnites , the volscians , sabines , tarentines , and olde gaules , but the weapons , armors , coaches , garments , cattells , and such like of the enemies . to the persians , while yet the monarchie was in persia , the aethiopians payed but ebanye , iuory , elephantes teethe , frankencense , and certaine measures of base gold euery third yeare . so the capadocians payed to the persians for yearely tribute fiue hundred horse , two thousand moyles . so likewise the townes and small villages about babilon , were to prouide and feede the dogges of the king of persia. but the citie of babilon it selfe , paide for tribute to the king of persia , artabas plenas argento certaine accounts of mony euery day . the arabians likewise paide to the king of persia certaine measures of such sweete odours , as the country did abound , as frankincense and such like . these were but small tributes , as swine , oxen , corne , wine , fish , in former time which the romanes had , in respect of their tributes had ouer asia , affricke , and europe afterwards , which commaunded not only corne , nauies , horses , souldiers and armours , but also after this , a farre greater tribute beganne in the time of paul : aemilius , who after he had subdued the macedonians , and persius their king , the illyrians and their king gentius , hee imposed vppon the macedonians and illyrians halfe the tribute which they were wont to paie to their former kings . so scypio affrican after hee had conquered hanibal at zama , and brought the carthagineans to such composition as pleased himselfe , to paie two hundred talents yearely for fiftie yeares , with such conditions that the carthagineans should depart from sardinia and cicilia , to restore the romane souldiers which hanniball brought captiue with him out of italy , and to deliuer vp their elephants and all their nauies ( tenne excepted ) . to such greatnesse grewe the tributes of the romanes by their victories , that hispaine and carthage were to pay yearely stipendary tributes , not onely in money , but also horses , corne , nauies & armours , and to maintaine stipendary souldiers . and among all other conquered nations by them , they had in their cities and townes places called cripta , for corne and prouisions for souldiers , but especially in egipt , which was for their prouisions called the storehouse or barne of rome . but now to the victories of dauid againe , which after hee had raigned twentie yeares king quietly in ierusalem , he lost two great battels , in the one he lost seuentie thousand , and in the other battell hee had welnigh lost both himselfe and his kingdome : in the first battell dauid committed great faults in setting out his power , his glorie , his victories , and his greatnesse , and most ambitiously to commaund ioab to number all israel from berseba euen vnto dan , as though power , strength , and victorie came from him , and not from the lord. here dauid consulted not with the iudgement of vrim and thummim , and therefore he lost the victory , and sathan gaue him a buffet . dauid againe in the second battel was ouerthrowne by prouokemēt of the former enemie , not only to looke vpon the beauty of bethseba from the roofe of his house , but also to send for her , and lie with her , and to hide the first wicked great fault , he committed a greater , he sent letters to ioab his captaine , to put vriah , bethsebas husband in the front of the battell to bee slaine : in this battell also dauid did not call for the ephod , nor asked counsell of the lord , as he was wont to do , therefore sathan gaue two such great buffets to dauid , that he lost the field and two victories one after an other : of these buffets and stratagems paul speakes , that he was buffetted of sathan , least he should glory too much by reuelation shewed vnto him . moses also had a buffet of sathan at the water of meribah , for his incredulitie , that the lord said vnto him , that hee should not enter into the land of canaan , but dye in mount nebo . iob also had a buffet in the land of huz . sathan vseth many such stratagems , whereby hee giueth many such buffets . if moses , iob , dauid , paul , and others , were thus buffeted by sathan , who can thinke himselfe free from the stratagems of sathan ? wee must therefore watch , if wee will not bee deceiued , and wee must fight if we thinke to haue victorie , our battell is not against flesh and bloud , but against power and states of heauens , against the prince and ruler of darknesse , and against spirituall enenemies . but the prophet nathan was sent to dauid , to open vnto him the rewards of adultery and murther , & that the sword should not go from dauids house , the banishment , the punishment and miserie that should fall vpon him for offending the lord. first his sonne died gotten in adultery by bethseba ; the rauishment of his women by his owne sonne absolon ; the incest of his daughter thamar by her brother ammon ; the murthering of dauids eldest sonne ammon , by his brother absolon ; and the rebellion of his sonne absolon against his father the king. thus dauid sawe the iust iudgement of the lord , and the tragicall end of his children , for offending the lord. euen dauid that subdued so many nations , that got so many victories , that fought with a beare , with a lyon , and with a gyant , and subdued them , is now subdued by a woman ; had dauid after these victories so much temperance and chastitie at the sight of bethseba , as hee had faith and courage at his combat with golias ; hee had conquered both alike ; but the lord punished dauid and his house . the sonne of emor for that he violately abused dina iacobs daughter , her bretheren tooke at it such a spite , that simeon and leui , iacobs sonnes , went and slew sichem and his father emor , and all the men within sichem , and tooke dina theyr sister away with them . thus the gadding abroad of dina to sichem , to see the manner and fashion of the sichemites , was the cause of the ouerthrowe of sichem and the sichemites . the going of the sabine virgins to the feast of consus , to see playes in rome , were rauished and taken by the romanes , to the number of six hundred , were the onely cause of the warres between the sabines and the romanes . in siloth likewise on that day the feast of the lorde was kept , the virgins of siloth came abroad to daunce , to sing , and to play , the beniamites caught the maides of siloth , to the number of . and brought them to the land of beniamin . so the abuse of one woman , the leuites wife , by the beniamite , cost sixtie foure thousand mens liues and more , in israel . for by the taking away of viriahs wife by dauid , israel was plagued with the death of seuentie thousand men , and the taking away of menelaus wife from greece , cost the liues of many millions of men , and the warres of tenne yeares betweene the greekes and the troians . and for that the time of the taking away of vriahs wife by dauid , agreeth with the historie of the taking away of menelaus wife by alexander , otherwise called paris . after the death of dauid , and salomon his sonne , the kingdome of israel was established vpon rehoboam salomons sonne , he forsooke the law of the lord , and reiected his fathers wise and graue counsellors , and followed rash young mens counsell , and therefore the lord raised shesak king of egipt against israel , and he came with twelue hundred chariots , three score thousand horsemen , and his footemen were without number : for from egipt came with him the lybians , the troglodites , and the aethiopians , he tooke the strong cities of iudah and ierusalem , and all the treasures of the lords house , and all the treasures of the kings house , and he carried away two hundred targets and three hundred shields of gold , which salomon made , and returned to egipt with a great spoile , because rehoboam forsooke the lord , and therefore was forsaken of the lord. the temple that salomon his father builded , was spoiled by the negligence of rehoboam , salomons sonne . this was the first victorie that was had ouer ierusalem by shesak king of israel : and here began the first battell of the ciuill warre betweene the kings of iudah , and the kings of israel : and such ciuill warre if you consider the slaughter betweene iudah and israel , and the continuance of their warres , you must needs confesse that in one battell betweene abiah and ieroboam , were more slaine of the israelites , then among the romanes in fortie yeares : to talke of the romanes ciuill warres , which was fortie yeares betweene sylla and marius , betweene caesar and pompey , and last betweene octauius and marc. antonius : or the ciuill warres of the greekes , called the peloponesian warre , which endured seuen and twentie yeares , it was nothing in respect of the murther and bloud betweene iudah and israel , for in the ciuill warres of the romanes , histories doo not record aboue the deaths of three hundred thousand romanes . where in this battell , being the first ciuill battell betweene ieroboam king of israel , against abiah king of iudah , at what time was slaine in the field fiue hundred thousand of king ieroboams souldiers in one battell ; which neither tamberlane nor xerxes ( though they could match them in number , yet could they neuer match thē in slaughter . for as the romanes were full fiue hundred yeares in conquering the sabines , the latines , the vients , the fidenates , the samnites , tarentines , hetruscans & others , frō romulus time to scypio affrican , before the romanes could be lords of italy . the like may bee spoken of the israelites in conquequering the moabites , ammonites , amalekites , philistines , and others , from moses time vnto dauid , welnigh fiue hundred yeares , and as the romans held their empire , so long a time as they were in winning of it frō scypio affrican , who conquered haniball and italy , vnto the emperor probus , which was fiue hundred years , at what time the whole empire fell by degrees to decay . so israel as they subdued their enemies , from moses to dauid , fiue hundred yeares , as you read before : so after dauid by ciuill warres of iudah and israel , vnto zedechias time , which was fiue hundred yeares , they lost both the kingdomes iudah and israel ; the one taken captiue by salmanasser vnto niniuie : the other by nabuchodonozer vnto babilon : so that now the land of iudah called the land of milke and honey , is become athisme , subiect to pagans & infidels , which continued from abraham the first father of the faith , vntill titus vespasian , two thousand and odde yeares , and al through disobedience and contempt of their lord and god. euen so the romanes which were wont to be called lords of the world , whose consuls at that time ruled and gouerned the most kingdomes of the world , are now left without king , emperor , or consull , and many cities in italy at this day preferred before rome , now gouerned by the pope a bishop , as ierusalem is gouerned by the turk an infidel : so that in all things the romanes and the hebrews may be compared : for as the greatest enemie that euer rome had , was italy , and the dangerousest foes that the romanes had were italians : for the gaules , the cymbres , the carthaginians , and the affricans , vexed not the romans as the italians did , their own country men and next neighbors . so iudah had no enemies but the house of israel . so israel had no enemies but iudah , for ierusalem could not away with samaria for their two idols , the one at dan , the other in bethell , so samaria could not brooke ierusalem for the great solemnitie of salomons temple . chap. iii. the great battell betweene abia king of iudah , and ieroboam king of israel , where . were slaine on ieroboams side . of the victories of asa and iosaphat kings of iudah , ouer zerah king of aethiopia , & ouer the edomites , ammonites , and maobites . as it seemed by the long oration which abiah made to ieroboam and his army vpon mount zemaraim , before the battell ioyned together , to disswade them from the battell , saying : that the lord had giuen the kingdome ouer israel to dauid , and to his house , but ieroboam contemned abiahs counsel , and thought by his policie and subtill stratagem to haue ouercome the host of iudah , but he himself was deceiued , to the losse of fiue hundred thousand of his souldiers , that his power and force failed , that he was not able during his life to preuaile against iudah ; for ieroboam had gathered to encrease his army , all leaud , idle , and wicked vnthrifts , to fight this battell against rehoboam the sonne of salomon , like cinna in rome , that made open proclamation , that al bondmē , wicked doers , and banished men , should come to cinna the consul , & they should be restored to their former libertie & freedome , and thus cinna gathered al the leaud and wicked men within all italy : he then being consul , taking part with cai. marius , against his other fellow consull octauius , which helde with sylla , slaine at that time , & a number more of the citizens of rome , but between sylla and marius , one reuenging vpon an other fomi●…g in their countries bloud , that all the streetes of rome . anne of bloud . these two marius and sylla began the first romane ciuil warres ( as ieroboam and rehoboam did ) and yet were they both compared to scypio affrican , for their victories to their countrey , though they were compared to hanibal for the harm & hurt which they had done to their countrey . had ieroboam harkned to the counsell of abiah king of iudah , vpon mount zemaraim , he had saued fiue hundred thousand israelites which were slaine at the battel . if the beniamites had taken counsel of their bretheren the israelites , and to yeeld vnto them the wicked mē that abused the leuites wife , the whole tribe of beniamin had not bin destroied . it was the ouerthrow of iudas machabaeus by bacchides at the battell of laisa , for that he would not be perswaded by his friends to refraine the battell for that time . had the prophet ieremy beene heard of zedechiah and the princes of iudah , zedechiah had saued the liues of his owne children slaine in his sight , and had likewise saued his owne eyes in his head , which presently were pulled out , after he saw his children slaine , and himselfe caried captiue and blind vnto babilon , ierusalem destroyed , and the kingdome of iudah subdued by nabuchodonozer : so it may be said of saul refusing the counsell of samuel , and so of iosias disobeying the counsell of necho . after the great victorie that iudah had ouer israel , by abiah king of iudah , his sonne asa fought with zerah , king of aethiopia , an infidel , who brought an host of ten hundred thousand men , & three hundred chariots from aethiope to iudah , and came to maresha a citie of iudah ; & asa the king of iudah came with an army of fiue hundred and foure score thousand into the valley of zephatah , and both the kings set the battel in a ray . but asa began with praiers , & cryed vnto the lord by praiers for the victorie , putting no trust in his own power , or pollicie , neither fearing the strength of the multitude of his enemies , & so with full confidence in the lord , he set vpō the aethiopians , & the lord smote them before asa and before iudah , that the aethiopians fled , and the army of iudah followed , and pursued them vnto gerer , for the lord had striken the aethiopians with such fear , that there was no life in them , that the slaughter was exceeding great , & the spoyle exceeding much , of camels , sheepe , and cattell . and asa after the victorie which he had giuen him by the lord , returned to ierusalem , and gaue the lord thankes , who giueth all victories , so as all good kings and generals ought to pray to the lord before they enter into battell , so ought they also to giue thankes after the battell , for their victories . this victory was a requitall and a full reuenge vpon the aethiopians , for the sacking and spoyling of ierusalem , and of the great slaughter of the people by shesak king of egipt . in like maner as abiah beganne with prayers before he beganne to battell , so did king asa his sonne follow his fathers rule and order in seeking helpe and aide at the lords hand , which euery king , generall , or captaine should doo . so iosaphat asas sonne did when it was tolde him that the moabites , ammonites & edomites came with an infinit number to fight against him , he set himselfe to seeke the lord , and to aske counsell of him , and all iudah with him prayed vnto the lorde , to aide and strengthen him to fight the lords battel , wherby hee got a maruellous victorie ouer his enemies , for before he went into the battell , iosaphat caused a psalme of thankesgiuing to the lord to be sung before the men of armes , and so entred the battell , and the lord laide ambushments and shewed such stratagems against ammon , moab and edom , that euery one helped to destroy another , and the lord turned euery mans sword to kill his fellow . where the lorde leadeth the armie the victorie is soone gotten , so iosaphat putting his whole trust & confidence in the lord , slue all his enemies that none did escape , and the spoyle was such of golde , of siluer , and pretious iewels , that they were three dayes in gathering and in carrying the spoyle away , and then they assembled together after the victorie by iosaphats commaundement to giue the lord thankes for the victory , and called the place where they got the victory berachab , and they returned to ierusalem with violls , harpes , and with trumpets . these three battels of abiah , asa , and iosaphat , were battells of the lord , and as the lord had done at that battell at michmash to ionathan , so the lord did now at the battell at beracha to iosaphat , and so the lord in all the battels of the good kings of iudah and israel shewed alwaies his diuine stratagems for the defence of ierusalem , as in egipt by moses against pharao , by elias at the brooke kyson against baals prophets : by elizeus at dothan , against king benhadads souldiers . the gentiles in like sort , commence no warre , enter no battell before they sing a song vnto their gods : as the lacedemonians brought vp onely in warre from seuen yeares old , vsed before they went to the warres , to make solemne sacrifice to the muses & to the goddesse feare , with a song to castor & pollux . the thrasians sing a song to their god mars , and bragge much of mars for that he was borne in thracia . others made vowes when they went to any warres . as among the romanes , their wiues , their children , and their friends , should make vowes , and cause the same to be written in tables , and to be set on that gate , through the which they went out of the citie to warre , that vpon their return home they might see and read their vowes and performe them . the three hundred fabians , which were slaine at the battell at crimera , the gate that they went through out of rome then , was euer called after that porta scelerata . so did the romains likewise call the field , where one of the vestal virgins called minutia , for her incest & carnall fault , was buried in the field was called sceleratus campus , according to the romain lawes made for the vestal virgins that so offended . we leaue the prophane marching of the romanes and the greekes , and we will returne to the marching of israel vnder king asa and king iosaphat his sonne , who both by praiers obtained great victories , as all the israelites preuailed more by praier then by fight . as by praier ioshua made the sun to stand stil ouer gibeon , and the moone ouer aialon . by praier elias made the cloudes to fall & raine . by praier moses made his enemies to flie . elizeus raised the dead to life . solomon obtained wisdom . so long as the lord taketh not away thy praying , so lōg he doth not take away his grace & mercy from thee , for a wicked man cannot pray well , and he that praieth wel cannot liue wickedly . and therfore praiers are compared to sampsons haires , for as sampsons strength laie in his haires , so our strength lieth in praiers . ester praied to haue that to come to proud ammon , which ammon wished to haue done to mardochaeus , and the poore iewes . iudith praied at the striking , and the cutting off , of holofernes head , which blasphemed the lord , and wold preferre nabuchodonozer before the god of israel . susan praied vnto the lord for her innocēcy against the false iudges at babilō , that accused her of incōtinency , and they were stoned to death by meanes of daniel . we read also of iud. machabaeus , a noble captaine of the iewes , that he neuer entred into any battell before he praied , yet was hee in twelue set battels , and in euery one obtained victorie sauing at the last , at what time some write hee praied not , where hee was slaine in the field by bacchides , and his people ouerthrowne . as you heard of good kings by praiers that wanne victories , so also shall you heare of wicked & idolatrous kings , as achas who caused an idolatrous altar to be made in iudah , like the altar at damascus , and consecrated his sonne in fire , and offered him to moloch . in like sort the king of moab supposing his idol chemosh to be angry with him , slue and sacrificed his eldest sonne , that should haue raigned next after him king , and offered him as a burnt offering to his god chemosh vpon the walles of the towne . as achab and manasses kings of iudah did sacrifice their children in the valley of hynnon to moloch : for achab was one of the first kings that brought the name of baal into israel ; and mainteined betweene him and his wife iezabel , foure hundred and fiftie false prophets of baal . achas had good king ezechias to his sonne , but achas the father walked not vprightly before the lorde , as his sonne ezechias did , but made moulten images for baalim , and burnt incense in the valley of benhynnon , sacrificed his sonnes and burnt them with fire , and offered them vnto his god moloch , and sought helpe at the gods of damascus , at chemosh god of the moabites , milcombe god of the ammonites , and other straunge gods : and therefore the lord gaue him ouer , and deliuered him into the hands of the king of the aramites , and he smote him , and slue a great number of his soldiers , & brought many prisoners of iudah with him to damascus . againe , the lord deliuered achas into the hand of the king of israel phaekah , and he slue in one day six score thousand in iudah ; and tooke two hundred thousand prisoners of women , sonnes & daughters , and brought them into samaria with all the spoyle . the edomites slue of them of iudah , a great number , and carried many captiues away : marke what mischiefe happeneth where an euil king doth raigne . the philistines also inuaded the cities of iudah , and tooke aialon & gederith , and other cities of iudah , and thus were they vexed by the aramites , edomities , and philistines , and by the israelites being their owne nation ; for that achas king of iudah forsooke the lord , and sought helpe at strange gods , and not at the hands of the god of israel . after wicked achas , the good king ezechias his sonne succeeded , he was to commence a battell with senacherib , who blasphemed the lord , and threatned destruction to ierusalem , but the prophet esay had instructed ezechiah , that this was the lords battell , & that he would be reuenged vpō the blasphemy of senacherib , for proud ashur challenged the lord into the field to fight with him , saying , what god could take iudah out of his hand ? he numbred the kings and their gods which he and his fathers destroied , and with horrible blasphemy perswaded the king of iudah not to trust to his god , but to yeeld vnto him ; but the lord did put his hooke in his nosthrils , and his bridle in his lips , as the lord had told ezechiah the king , by esayas the prophet , that senacherib with all his army should not come to ierusalem , nor shoote an arrow there , for the battel is mine saith the lord. and hee sent his angels that night which destroyed all the princes , all the captaines , and all the valiant men of ashur , and all the whole army of senacherib , to the number of an hundred , foure score and sixe thousand , without the drawing of one sword of iudah , and senacherib fled with tenne men with him , some thinke that nabuchodonozer was one , but i thinke time will not so allow , for he was at that time but a very childe . but senacherib fled to niniuie , where he was slaine in the temple , praying before his idoll nisroch , whom he preferred before the liuing god , & that by his two sonnes ( the iust iudgement of the lord for his blasphemy ) to be slaine , before his owne god , before whom he worshipped and prayed when he was slaine by his owne sonnes ; and thus we see in all iust battels whē we serue the lord , & trust onely in him , that victories come not by man , but by the lord. iosaphat a good king had ioram an euil king to his son , a murtherer of his bretheren . ezechias a good king in ierusalem , had manasses to his sonne , a wicked idolater , who filled all the streets of ierusalem with bloud . iosias a good godly king , had to his fonnes ioachas and ioachim , who were taken captiues by nabuchodonozer into babilon , for their transgressions and sins , at what time daniel was taken captiue , and many other gentlēmen of iudah ; euen ierusalem whom the lord had defended frō the sword of senacherib , and from all the kings of egipt and ashur : yet when the sinnes of ierusalem were ripe , it was deliuered into the hand of nabuchodonozer , to be carried captiue into babilon , as samaria was to niniuie by salmanasher , one hundred thirtie and three years before iudahs captiuitie . after ashur had taken the ten tribes of israel away , he brought from bethel , from cutha , from anah , and frō amath , straunge people , and placed them in the cities of samaria , in stead of the children of israel , and of these people came the samaritans , of whom mention is made often in the gospel , with whom the iews would haue no societie , for so the woman spake to christ at iacobs well , that why he being a iew , should aske water of a samaritan . this time zedechiah the king gaue no hearing to the prophet ieremy , who forewarned the king of their destruction to be at hand , for the which the prophet was imprisoned , first by fashur high bishop of the tēple , who smote ieremy and put him in the stockes , strooke him as zedechiah the false prophet strook micha , who was after commaunded by achab to be imprisoned as ieremy the prophet was , and by meanes of the nobles of iudah to king zedechiah . ieremy was imprisoned in a dirtie dungeon , ieremy notwithstanding spared not to tell them , that they should die an horrible death , and should lie as dung vpon the earth , and no man to burie them ; wherat they were so moued saying , let vs not regard his words , and let vs cut out his tongue . the citizens of anathot commaunded ieremy not to preach vnto them in the name of the lord , & if thou do thou shalt die . ieremies speech was performed to the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of iudah , neither could it be otherwise , considering they sinned still against the lord , and the long ciuill warres betweene themselues , which continued so long from ieroboams time , who caused israel first to sinne , vnto the last king of israel . elias after he had destroied two captains one after another , with their . souldiers seuerally with fire frō heauen , & after he had subdued . of baals prophets , after all these great conquests , and many other such , he feared so much one woman , that for very feare hee fled from place to place from her , & being wearie of his life , he lay vnder a iuniper tree , wishing to die , and prayed to god that hee might die , complaining vnto the lord that there was none left of the prophets of the lord but himselfe , but hee was aunswered by the the spirite of god , that there was seuen thousand more in israel that yet neuer once bended theer knees vnto baall . the like may bee spoken of ionas , beeing like elias wearie of his life , hee sought meanes to forsake his countrey , and to flye by sea to other countreys , but the sea could not brooke him , but deliuered him to be deuoured of a wh●… , and the whale could not keepe him , but was compelled to vomit him vp from the bottome o●… his b●…y to goe to preach to niniuie , so that elias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 die vnder the iuniper tree , and ionas would 〈◊〉 be throwne and drowned in the sea , ●…leane contrary to the purpose and prouidence of the lord. e●… 〈◊〉 ●…ly of his life to see the prophets of the lord so destroyed and ionas to see his labour in preaching profit nothing , that he should be ●…pured a false prophet , the lord not destroying the citie after fortie daies according to his word , but sparing it in mercie as he did pittie the gourd in mercy . after the lord had giuen great victories to many of the kings of iudah . to asa ouer zerah king of aethiope ; to iosaphat ouer shesak king of egipt ; to ezechiah ouer senacherib , yet iudah still forsooke the lord , though ie●…emy tolde them from the mouth of the lord their destruction , when they rather threatned then beleeued . but neither ioachim , nor zedechias , would neither heare , nor beleeue the prophet , and therefore the lord deliuered them both into nabuchodonozers hands , the one was slaine in ierusalem , and his body commaunded to be cast out of the citie , and to be left vnburied like an asse : the other nabucho . tooke prisoner , and caused his owne children & all his chiefe friends to be slaine in his sight , and after hee sawe this tragicall sight with his eyes , nabuchodonozer being then in rebla , before whom zedechia was brought , after he reprehended him for his periurie and trecherie , and accused him for his falsehood , caused his eyes to be put out , and so bound in a chaine and carried prisoner to babilon , where hee lay and dyed in prison , being the last king of the line of dauid , and the twentieth king after saul . there was a mightie king in damascus ouer the syrians called adad , who after many great battels with dauid , was subdued in a great battell at euphrates . this adad was so great for his great victories among the syrians , that they named euery king after his name adad , to the number of tenne , and the tenth king was that benhadad which besieged samaria in the time of the prophet elizeus , whom this king adad could no better fauour , then adad his predecessor could fauour dauid , or king achab did elias . after this great victorie dauid imposed tributes vpon the syrians , as he did before vpon the idumeans , moabites , and others , hee returned to ierusalem , dedicated and consecrated as a trophey of his victorie , the armours and rich spoile of adad , king of the syrians , in ierusalem to the lord. so the philistines vsed the body of saul , slaine in mount gilboa , after they had sent his head to the land of the philistines , and hanged his body on the wall of bethshan , they would be sure to lay vp his armour in the temple of their god ashtaroth , according to the customes and manners of the gentiles : for they vsed to hang the armors and spoiles of their victories in their temples to their gods. chap. iiii. how achab though a wicked king had two great victories against benhadad king of syria , who had . kings in his armies . of diuers great blasphemers punished . of the idolatry of israel . and of the prophecying against ierusalem . benhadad king of aram , assembled an army against the lorde , hauing two and thirtie kings , which were gouernours and rulers of prouinces , with horses and chariots without number , came and fought against achab king of israel , a most wicked king . and yet the lord seeking to winne this wicked king , as well by victories now , as by myracles before , sent a prophet to achab ; promising him ouer benhadad king of aram a great victorie . for the army of the syrians were so many , that benhadad sent a herald vnto achab , commaunding him to deliuer vp to his hand samaria , and all the cities of israel , or else hee would come with such an armie , that the dust of samaria should not be inough for euery souldier a handfull ; much like xerxes king of persia for his vaunts and bragges , who doubted that the sea hellespont had not roome ynough for his nauies , nor greece had land inough for his armies , nor the aire wide inough for his shottes , but xerxes was answered by demarathus the philosopher , as benhadad was by achab : let him not brag that putteth on his harnesse , as he that puts it off , but the king of syria bragged as xerxes did before he wan the victory , for the lord gaue the victory to achab , and such a victory by slaughter , by chasing , by taking of men , horses and chariots , that the king of syria fled and escaped narrowly with fewe horsemen that were his guard , and said that the gods of israel were the gods of the mountains , & therfore they ouercame vs , & chalenged a battel with israel in the valleys , where they assured themselues of victory ; thus they blasphemed the lord in their furie , but to their losse & great ouerthrow . the blasphemy of rabsacis , & of his maister senacherib king of the assirians , saying to king ezechiah , let not thy god deceiue thee in whom thou hopest and puttest thy trust ; was not he slaine praying before his god nesroch in niniuie , by his owne two sonnes ? the blasphemy of nabuchodonozer , saying : what god is hee that is able to take you out of my hands ? was not he punished with the losse of his kingdome , and to liue among beasts like a beast , and not like a king , vntil he acknowledged the lord ? the blasphemy of holofcrnus , saying there was no god but his maister nabuchodonozer , was not his head cut off by iudith a womā , & put vpō the wals of bethulia ? and likewise the blasphemy of nicanor , which said : is there a god mightie in heauē that commands to keep the sabboth day , and i am mightie on earth that comcommaunds the contrary ? but his head , his hands , and his blasphemous tongue were cut off , and hanged vpon the pinacles in the temple at ierusalem . and so the blasphemy of the scribes and pharisies , saying , that christ the lord did not cast out diuels by his owne vertue , but by the power of belzebab , but the lord left not them vnpunished . the blasphemy of benhadad , saying , that the lord was the god of the mountaines onely , not god of the valleys : was not he strangled by hazael his owne seruant , in his owne house , and in his owne bed ? yet the syrians prepared such a number for the second battel , after they had escaped hardly from the first battell , that they filled all the countrie , and the children of israel were like to little flockes of kids in respect of their number : but the lord sent his prophet to achab , saying : because the syrians haue said that the lord is the god of the mountaines , and not god of the valleys , behold , this great multitude of men , and benhadad the king himselfe , withal the two and thirtie kings besides , will i deliuer to thine hand , and he shall know that i am the lord as well of the valleys as the mountaines . and so the lorde brought it to passe , that in that battell an hundred thousand footemen were slaine of the syrians , and seuen and twentie thousand that fled from the field to aphec to saue themselues , were killed by the fall of a wall that crushed them to death , and benhadad the king fled to the citie , from chamber , to chamber , and hid himselfe , according to the prophets saying , vntill many of his chiefe princes that escaped hardly from the battell , came with sackcloath about their loynes , and ropes about their neckes in token of submission , to entreate achab king of israel for the life of benhadad , which he graunted , contrary to that which he was by the lord commaunded for to do as saul did by agag king of the amalekites , so achab did by benhadad , but it was told achab by the prophet , that his life should goe for his life , and his people for his people . this achab a wicked and idolatrous king had such two great victories for that the lord alwayes would haue israel to forsake their calfe in bethell , and their idolatry to baall in samaria , but sinne was written in the table of their hearts , and grauen vpon the edges of their aultars , with a penne of iron , and with an adamant clawe said the prophet , that there was nothing among them more pretious then woods thicke trees , groues , mountaines , hills and fields , for altars to serue their idolatrous woodden goddes , so greatly they offended the lord that he asked the heathens , if any heard such horrible things as his people had done , yea the priests to whom the lawe was committed , the prophets which wanted not the word of the lorde , and the graue wise senators . so that israel would not be instructed , neither take warning by the prophets , before the finall end and suddaine destruction of ierusalem by nabuchodonozer king of babilon , though the lord commaunded the prophet amos to strike the lintell of the doore , that the postes might shake , signifying the threatning of the lorde against israel . so was ezechiel commaunded to take a bricke and to purtray the citie of ierusalem vpon the bricke with a sharpe knife , to signifie the destructiō of the people and of the citie ; and the ●…ame selfe prophet sheweth the destruction of ierusalem by nabuchodonozer king of babel , by a parable of a seething potte , and the day was commaunded to be written by the prophet . ierusalem the the valley of vision , so named , because of the prophets which were also called seers . the lorde said that hee would bring such a plague vpon ierusalem , that the eares of them that should heare it should glowe , for i wil send many fishers to take them , & many hunters to hunt thē from all mountaines and hilles , and out of the caues of stones saith the lord. yet though ierusalem was so seuerely prophesied by amos , ezechiel , and other prophets , to be destroyed , yet they were comforted by the prophet ieremy againe , that they should returne frō their captiuitie after seuentie yeares , and rebuild ierusalem . and as by ieremy by hiding of his leather girdle by the riuer perah , as the lord had cōmaunded him , signifying that by the rottēnes of the girdle ierusalē shuld be rebuilded after seuentie yeares . and by the selfesame prophet they were assured by his buying of the field anothot , and by the hiding of his writing of possession thereof , in signes and tokens of their libertie againe , and that ierusatem should be builded againe , and inhabited : this was but the second ouerthrow of ierusalem by nabuchodonozer . this was like noah that preached the destruction of the world by a deluge , before the deluge , and yet married a wife , much like to the prophet ieremy that preached the destruction of ierusalem , and yet bought lands . the prophets vsed many of these signes as eye-witnesses to confirme their memory better , and to expect with more faith the words of the prophets . the prophet ieremy proceedeth forward to denounce the ouerthrow of those proud kingdomes , that reioyced much at the destructiō of ierusalem , as egipt and babilon , and all the euill that should come vpon babilon , ieremy wrote it in a booke , & sent sheraiah with his booke to read it , and when he had done reading , ieremy commaunded him to binde a stone to the booke , and to cast it into the midst of the riuer euphrates , and then to say , thus shall babilon be cōfounded ; thus the prophets vsed besides their prophesies to adde some action to make the words the more to be remembred . so also the prophet ezechiel prophesied against egipt , and against their great cities , saying : the sword of the lord shall come to memphis , to pellusium , and to alexandria , i will ouerthrow memphis saith the lord , i will destroy pellusium the strength of egipt , and i will make a great slaughter of all the men in alexandria . for as babilon was taken , maradach ouerthrowne , and bel cōfounded , so was the strength of egipt , & the arme of pharao destroyed without any recouery of their empires againe , but so was not ierusalem . nabuchodonozer in like sort as he ouerthrew ierusalem , and made a conquest of the countrey , euen so his great citie of babilon was caried by cyrus away into persia , within seuentie yeares after he tooke zedechiah the last king of iudah captiue in babilon : so egipt was taken by the persians , and last by the romanes . but ierusalem as you heard by ieremy , should not bee so destroyed , but should be defended against all her enemies , and the lord shall destroy all nations that come against ierusalem , for the lord hath deliuered israel out of the fierie furnace of egipt , and from all the stratagems of the heathens . i will make the princes of iudah like coales of fire among the wood , and like a firebrand in the sheffe , and they shall deuour all people round about them , saith the lord. the foure hornes which zachary saw , which scattered ierusalem , iudah , and israel , but the lord appoints carpenters and smiths , with mallets and hammers , to breake the hornes of those enemies , for iacob the patriarke prophesied that the scepter should not depart from iudah vntill siloh should come , so that after the destruction of ierusalē vnder nabuchodonozer , to the last destruction of the same vnder titus , ierusalem cōtinued her gouernment , according to the prophesie of iacob , so that neither force , power , nor strrtagems could preuaile against ierusalem . chap. v. of semiramis stratagems in india , and of tomiris in scithia . of the victories of alexander the great . of pyrrhus warres in italy , and of the ouerthrow of xerxes armie in greece , by leonidas at thermopyles , and by themistocles at salamina . the stratagems which ierusalem vsed in the battells of the lord , were nothing like to the stratagemes of the great monarchies and polymarchies of the world , who reposed their trust in their dumbe idolles and woodden gods , and in multitude of men and beastes , as semyramis did , a woman of great fame and report in histories , willing to excell men in martiall actions , tooke her voyage into india , with such innumerable armies , that staurobates king of india was so frighted with the report thereof , that he caused all his elephants to be brought and to be set in the most shewe to terrifie the assirians , that it made the assirian armie more willing to returne backe , then to goe forwards . semyramis perceiuing that the assirians were afrighted and amazed , at the sight of so many elephants , and that the king did purposely set his elephants in sight to amaze the assirians , which was the order of the indiās to terrifie all princes with the sight of their elephants : she vsed this stratageme , caused . thousand great oxen to be slaine , and their skinnes to be stuffed & filled with heye , and to be framed in forme and fashion like elephants : in euery one of these she put in a camell , and a man vpon his backe , which she placed in the forefront of the battell to terrifie the indians , and their king staurobates , for ( as semyramis thought ) the indians supposed that all the world could not bring more elephants into the field then the indians could . after these fained elephants , she placed such an infinit number of camels behind the armie , that the sight therof much terrified staurobates & his army , that semyramis by this stratagem got two great victories in india . but after these fained elephants were betraied by one of semyramis captaines taken in the warres , who by torture confessed the secresie of semyramis stratageme , that she was glad to leaue india , and to returne to her country . euen so tomyris queene of scythia , to requite cyrus stratageme , by a banquet which he made purposely to deceiue the scythians , fained to flie for feare , and left his tents full of wine and good cheare , and sodainly returning , found the scythians banquetting and feasting , and so charged with wine , that they were more readie to sleep then to fight ; whereby cyrus slue sargapises tomyris sonne , with two hundred thousand scythians . the like stratagem vsed the lorde against the aramites , when an asse head was solde in samaria for fiftie sickles , that such plentie was in samaria as elizeus said before , that the aramites left their tents with all prouisions , and fled without any shewe or likenesse to bee done against them , but this was a diuine stratagem by the lord. tomyris after her great losse which she had by cyrus of her sonne and her people , caused trenches , deepe ditches , and sharpe stakes to be made secretly , and placed armed souldiers in the same , being in narrow & straight places , dissembling that she was not able to giue a secōd battell to cyrus , but faigned her selfe to flie , and al her army with her , to draw the persians after her , vntill shee brought thē vnto these trenches , ditches , & narrow places , where she had set in wait an innumerable multitude of armed scythiās round about cyrus & hisarmy , which vpon the sudden fel vpon the persians , & slew two hundred thousand of them , that there was not one left aliue to bring tidings vnto persia of cyrus death ; & thus cyrus the great king of persia was ouerthrowne with all his army by tomyris queen of scythia , a woman , with the like stratagem as he ouerthrew tomyris before . sampson who ouerthrew . of the philistines at one time by the fall of a house , at an other time slew . of them with a iawe bone of an asse , who burned theyr rickes and their corne , destroyed their vines , & plagued them euery way . yet this sampson was taken , bound , his eyes pulled out , solde and deliuered to the philistins his enemies , by a stratagem of a woman , dalyla his wife . moses being chosen general ouer the egiptians against the aethiopians , hearing by reports of the dangerous passage through the wildernesse frō egipt vnto aethiope , deuised a stratagem to passe through the wildernesse full of noisome serpēts , where moses must needs passe through , he made certain chests of bull-rushes , & caried out of egipt with him a number of the birds called ibes , which bird to kill in egipt was a capitall crime by law made , for that they were so beneficiall to egipt , whose naturall hatred is such against serpents , that when serpents assaulted moses in the wildernesse , he would let out his birds ibes who assaulted them , chased them , & slew them , that moses by this means passed safe through the wildernesse , to the wonder of both the egiptians & aethiopians , and therby had two victories ouer the aethiopians . alexander the great , twelue hundred yeares after semyramis taking his iourney with his armye into india , where , when his army sawe so many elephants set in battell raie , along vpon the riuer of ganges side , it so amazed the macedonian army , that they told alexander that they came not to fight with beasts but with mē , so fearfull at the sight of the elephants , that the macedonians would goe no further : alexander being of inuincible courage that nothing could feare him , without stratagems , but of meere magnanimitie , requested the macedonians & the persians that were in his army , not to leaue him their king to such shamefull reports , as the sight of a few elephants might terrifie alexander the great and his inuincible army . the argyraspides his principall souldiers , hauing perswaded the most part of the army to auoyd shame & infamy , and to stick to their captain alexander , whose only request was to haue them altogither at once to shoote at porus king of india , which being perswaded hardly thervnto , were forced for shame to perform the request which alexander sought at their hands , which they performed , that so many shots lighted vpō the king at once that he fell to the ground from his elephant , and the indians fled , supposing their king to haue bene slaine . thus alexander got the first victory in india , made a great slaughter , tooke their king , being sore wounded , & deliuered him to his generals & captains to cure : and porus was substituted a king vnder alexander in india . alexander had not such a booty in india by taking king porus , as he had by darius in persia : the greatest treasure which alexander brought from india were a fewe elephants , which were not before alexanders time seene in asia : alexander had such treasure in susa , being but one citie in persia , that he found aboue . thousand tallents of gold & siluer in the kings treasury at susa vncoined : he found besides , nine thousand tallents of gold in dariks , which were with darius name stamped on it . a - alexander also found in persepolis the chiefe citie of persia , twelue hundred thousand talents of golde & siluer , which were from cyrus time , ready alwaies kept for the warres , for the yearly reuenewes of persia were kept in persepolis . it is written that alexander the great founde such a maruellous treasure in persia , that he loaded ten thousand moyles , and three thousand camels , with the gold and siluer of persia onely , and the kings warderobes . at what time he was requested by one thais a curtizan of athens , of singular beautie , that the great pallace of king xerxes might be destroyed and burned , to reuenge the burning of athens , and the iniuries which xerxes did in greece , that it might be said afterwards that a woman of athens , requited the wrong which xerxes did to athens , with the burning and destroying of great king xerxes pallace in persepolis . yet got alexander more fame by the elephants he brought out of india into asia , by the ouerthrow of king porus , then by all the wealth he had in persia by subduing of darius , for as elephants were the only strength of the indians against alexander with his macedonian and persian army , and of the affricans against scypio , and others of the romane armies . so in asia in many places camels were their onely force in field . so mithridates furnished his warres against lucullus with camels . so did antiochus the great against scipio . so also it is written of craesus , that the sight of his camels was such , that the horses ouerthrew their ryders , that craesus wanne by his camels great victorie . all the arabian kings vsed camels in their warres , as the indians & affricans vsed elephants , for camels were as plentifull in arabia , as elephants were in india . after alrxander the great , antigonus vsed elephants , after antigonus pirrhus , who grew so great a souldier after he had vanquished demetrius king antigonus sonne , that hee brought from epyre to lucania in italy twentie elephants , to fight with the tarentines against the romanes , at what time elephants were first sent in rome , as i said before : but in hanibals time after affrica was subdued by the romanes , affrican elephants were as cōmon at rome in a maner as horses ( though not so cruel in fight as the indian elephants were ) yet seldome vsed by the romanes in any of their warres , but rather vsed in triumphes . leauing these elephants , & a litle to speak of thais , a curtizā of athens , who was no lesse desirous to become famous vpon some conquest ouer the persians , then was semyramis queene of babylon ouer the indians . if the desire of fame be thus in women found , how much more in men ? and therfore scypio affrican would haue the picture of ennius the poet put vp in the capitoll , for that ennius wrote that while affrica was subiect to the romanes , and as long as the romane empire should flourish , so long the name of scypio should flourish . pompey the great gaue to theophenes a whole citie because hee wrote much of the name and fame of pompey , and alexander the great thought achilles to be most happie , for that his warres and victories were aduanced by homer , and the same alexander ( hearing anaxarchus alledging a place of democritus his maister , that there were many worlds ) wept , for that hee had not wonne halfe a world ; thus great men sought euer to haue their name aduanced on earth . haniball being called from italy into affrick , after his brother asdrubal was slaine , to resist scipio affrican generall ouer the romane army at carthage , hannibal before he returned from italy , caused tryumphant arches and pillers to be set vp to aduance his fame , in many places of italy , in the which hee caused to be ingrauen his great victories , and the number of all the senators , cōsuls , proconsuls , praetors , romane knights & captains , which he vanquished and slue at the foure great battels , tisinum , trebeia , thrasimen and canne , which were set in greeke & punike letters , for a memoriall of his being in italy . pirrhus , after that he had giuen two ouerthrowes to the romanes in the behalfe of the tarentines , had the third ouerthrow himselfe , and such an ouerthrow , that of twentie elephants which he brought with him from greece to italy , he brought none backe from italy againe vnto greece . yet pirrhus caused an epilogue of his victories and fame to be writtē & set vp in the temple of iupiter at tarentum , in these words ; qui antehac inuicti fuere hos vici , victusque sum ab ijsdem , the stout romanes which were by none before ouerthrowne , i ouerthrew , and was againe by the romains ouerthrowne , but being blamed by his chiefe captaines that he confessed himselfe to be ouerthrowne , said ; i so ouerthrew the romanes , that i dare not answere them another battel , lest i should haue no more men come out of italy , then i haue elephants . the romanes in the warres against pirrhus in italy , were once or twise ouerthrowne by meanes of pirrhus elephants , but the romaines thus annoyed in the first and second battel by the elephants , inuented this stratagem , to fling downe bundels of broom-stalks or hemp , besmeared with pitch , tarre , and brimstone , being set on fire from the walles vpon the elephants and the souldiers in the turrets . vpon these elephants were strong towers made of wood , vpō euery tower was . men placed that fought in them , besides the indians that ruled them , but by the foresaid stratageme they were all ouerthrowne , sauing foure which were brought to rome from lucania , to set forth curius his tryumph , but in the time of hannibal to prouoke these elephants to fight , they vsed to shewe them the blood of grapes & mulberies . so did antiochus in his warres against the iewes . in italy , betweene the tarentines and the lucans a great battell was appointed to be fought , in the which battel archidamus king of lacedemonia , taking part with the tarentines was slain in the field by the lucanians . this archidamus was the son of great agesilaus , he had gottē diuers victories in greece his own country , & that victory especially ouer the arcadians called the teareles battell , and yet this king died in italy , being called from greece to aide the tarentines . so pirrhus in the like , was almost taken by the romanes , but he was driuen to forsake tarentum , and glad to his losse to flie from the romanes , though he was the most renowned warriour in the world at that time , and to say that the romanes had their pirrhus , as hannibal said after . yeares warres with the romanes , that the romanes had also their hannibal , and that rome could hardly be subdued but by romanes , for both pirrhus and after him hannibal , found the romanes to be an inuincible nation . for after that cineas pirrhus embassador had returned from rome , being demaunded of pirrhus of what state the romaines were in rome , what rules , what lawes , and what kinde of gouernment the romanes had . cineas answered that the senate of rome appeared to him a counsell house of many kings , and euery man seemed to him in rome to be such as king pirrhus was in epyre. at that time pirrhus said to cineas , were i king of rome , or had i romane souldiers , i should soone be an other alexander . for pirrhus was by hanibal adiudged to be the second souldier at that time in the world after alexander . pirrhus was a man so full of courage and valour , that when he was chalenged into a combat by a generall of the army , and though hee was wounded in the battell , yet bloudie as hee was , hee could not endure the challenge , but aunswered his challenger , and killed him . marc. seruilius for priuate challenges in combats excelled all , who had bene a consul , and had fought in his owne person . challenged combats of life and death , and slew as many as he fought withall . for among the olde romanes and the grecians , ( when two armies met together ) they vsed to chalenge combats to saue bloud , betweene one and one , as marcellus and britomarus : betweene three and three , as the horatians and curatians , betweene three hundred and three hundred , as the lacedemonians and the argiues . for-at the great battell betweene marcellus the romane consull , and britomarus king of the gaules , who challenged marcellus to fight a combate betweene them both in the battell at chastidium to spare bloud , and to yeeld the conquest where the victorie fell . the combat being performed , and the king slaine by marcellus in the field , both the armies ioined their forces together , and fought it out , that foure score thousand were slaine of the gaules , and their king , which honor happened to none of the romans besides , but to romulus , who killed acron king of the caeninians in the like combat , and also to cornel. cossus , who slew tolumnus generall of the thuscanes . the romanes were so ioyfull of this victorie of marcellus , that they caused a massie cup of gold to bee made of the spoile , and to be sent to appollo pythian in delphos . so did xerxes the great king of persia , in his voyage against the grecians , dranke a cup of wine to neptune , and after his draught threw the cup into the middest of the sea , as a sacrifice to please neptune , yet had not hee such good successe as romulus and marcellus had , for at that time xerxes leuied so great an army into greece , that sixe hundred thousand bushels of corne was daily spent in xerxes army , thinking to conquer all greece with terrour and feare of such an army , for that greece at that time was busie in setting forth their olympicall feast . he came to thermopyla , where hee was met by leonidas a noble greeke , with sixe hundred grecians , and was put to flight with the losse of twentie thousand persians . this was one of the most samous victories and rarest battels that euer the grecians had ouer the persians , though the battell at artemisium and salamina , by themistocles , and the battell at marathon by milciades , were farre greater battailes , with such slaughters as xerxes lost three hundred thousand persians , yet none was fought with such a resolute courage , as noble leonidas did to the last man at thermopyla . such was the courage of leonidas , that when it was tolde him , that the army of the persians were innumerable , and so many that they couered the sunne as it were with a cloude with the multitude of theyr archers , we shall fight the better said leonidas , in the shadowe . xerxes armie beeing ouerthrowne first by leonidas at thermopyla , and after by themistocles at artemesium , after much slaughter of the persians , themistocles souldiers thought to take away the bridge , to preuent those persian souldiers , that sought by flight to escape through the bridge . but themistocles forbad the contrary , saying , i had rather haue the persians willing to depart out of greece , then to force them desperately to fight in greece against their wills : this time vsed themistocles a subtill stratagem , he sent to xerxes a secret messenger , and faigned himselfe to be xerxes friend by the messenger , and tolde him what danger he was in , vnlesse he would make hast out of greece . many vsed these kinde of stratagems , as caesar did against the germains , and agesilaus against the thaebans , for it was one of pirrhus precepts left to his souldiers in writing , not to resist the violence of the enemy , being desperately vrged to fight . the like stratagem vsed lu. martius , generall ouer the romane army against the affricans , hauing compassed round about the army of the affricans , that eyther they must fight valiantly , or die . martius knowing well that all men will fight desperately in extremities , commanded his souldiers to giue them way inough for passage , and to hide themselues out of sight , and presently to fall vpon them in their flight disordered , so that the poore affricans being glad to flie , were miserably slaine of the romans , without any slaughter of the romans . clau. nero after he ouerthrew the affrican army , and their generall asdrabal , comming to italy to aide haniball his brother , but being preuented , his army was ouerthrowne and slaine , and his head cut off and sent to his brother haniball on a pole for a present , which so daunted hanibals courage and his army , that he had no longer list to stay in italy , then xerxes had to stay in greece . so lu. sylla sent the heads of marius captaines which were slain in the field , vpon poles to discourage his enemies , being besieged by syllas captaines at praeneste . the very like did arminius generall of the germains , caused the heads of those souldiers that he slew in the field , to be sent & cast in the trenches or rampiers of the enemies , strange sights , and strange reports , doth much discourage the enemies : for q. sertorius stabd a souldier , for that he said that herculeus one of his great captaines was slaine in the field , least hee should discourage the souldiers : these are kind of stratagems which great captaines vse , to terrifie the enemies , and to encourage their owne souldiers . so iugurth said that he killed cai , marius with his owne hand in the warres of numidia . and leuinus said , that he killed pirrhus with his owne hand in the warres at tarentum : but these were words to encourage their souldiers , but it fel out otherwise , that iugurth was taken by marius , and sent to rome prisoner from numidia , and leuinus the consul ouerthrowne by pirrhus at the citie heraclea , by the riuer cyris . chap. vi. of military discipline and reward of souldiers among diuers nations . in all nations military discipline was so taught , and martiall lawes so obserued , that if they deserued by theyr good seruice any preferment , though hee were but a meane souldier , hee should not loose the honour and dignitie of his aduancement , to rise by degrees from the lowest souldier vnto the highest captaine , and so in like sort by faults and offences committed , they should be disgraded and casseerd from their gouernment and regiment , and bee punished further by the lawes military for them therin appointed , which i will intreat of , when i come to speake of euery seuerall country , of their warres , battels , and victories , then you shall finde the seuerall military discipline agreeable to the skilfulnesse of the captaine , the greatnesse of the victory , and the nature of the place . it should seem that all nations of the world had their first instruction from the hebrewes , as well their military discipline , as martiall lawes , for the lord commanded moses first in the wildernes to muster the people frō twentie yeares vpwards , and likewise moses commaunded ioshuah to muster the hebrewes to fight against the moabites , for that the moabites denied them passage through their countrey into the land of canaan . among the persians imitating the hebrewes , their youthes from twentie to fiftie should be brought vp in warres , and no longer by the persian lawe might they continue in warres , but had their maintenance and preferment after to liue at rest , & to teach the yong youthes of persia military discipline , hauing after their long seruice golden girdles giuen them by the king , to shewe their good seruice to their countrey , and their credite with the king of persia. the like lawe among the scythians was duly obserued and carefully examined , that no souldier past fittie sixe yeares old should be chosen a fit souldier for the warres , though both in persia and in scythia , two nations euer in warres one with the other , their captaines and officers were men of knowledge , counsell & authoritie , to instruct the army by whom they should be gouerned . so also the later romanes being polymarchies , and camp-maisters of the world , hauing brought all kingdomes & countries vnder their gouernment , were not ignorant of all forraine , externall martiall lawes , and military discipline , but followed the persians and the scythians in instructing of their soldiers , making choise of the fittest , and yongest men , from twentie to fiftie , to serue the common-wealth . though camillus in his warres against the latines and the volscians , and alexander the great in his warres against the grecians and the persians made choyce of skilfull and olde souldiers , which were brought vp in warres before with philip of macedon his father ; to be in his campe. so likewise did caesar honour much his old souldiers . in later time the kings of syria vsed to send collers of gold , robes of purple , and to be called the kings friends , to the chiefe captaines of the iewes , so the iewes were wont to send to the romanes , and to the lacedemonians , targets & crownes of gold to be in league & fauour with the romains , so that all nations sought fauour and friendship at the romanes . so the carthagineans sent to the romans gifts & rewards for captains & generals . the romane souldiers that were of courage , and knowne as praetorian , legionarie or manupular souldiers , were rewarded with such gifts and presents , as they were in all countries preferred and aduanced from one office to another , esteemed & extolled , with sūdry kinds of gifts & rewards , as crownes & garlands , some crowns made of lawrell , some made of mirtle , some of popley , some of oliue , and some of pine , some made of oaken boughes , for those that had saued cities or citizens . there were in the later time of the emperours , new kinds of crownes inuented , by the emperour caligula , made , some like the sunne , others like the starres , called exploratoriae coronae , tribunes and great captaines had bracelets and golden ringes . the romains wanted no varietie of crownes & garlands , beside mony , lands , and other gifts . besides there were certain speciall crownes & garlands called murales coronae , made like the walls of a citie , for those that scaled walles , as cicinnanus ; for others that besieged fortes , as corilianus , crowns were made of green grasse , called coronae graminea : for those that saued cities , or by sea fight , crowns made like a ship , called coronae nauales wer giuē , as to lu. varro , by pompey the great , in his warres against the pyrates . such crownes & rewards were chiefly by the generall appointed by the law of armes , to be giuen to such souldiers that had either scaled walles , besieged forts , saued cities , or by sea fight . for euen as the consuls & generals might claime a tryumph by their victories , so might the collonels , captains , and gallant souldiers , claime their garlāds , & military rewards for them for their seruice apointed . it was lawful for any roman knight to come with his horse in his hād before the cēsors of rome , declaring euery captaine vnder whō he serued , what countries he had bin in , and hauing declared an account of his victtories and seruice , requesting to be dispenst with for going any lōger to the wars , according to the custome of the knights of rome , he might with licence of the censors take his ease according to the law . so lucullus gaue ouer after he had gotten many victories & triumphs , and much enriched rome & himself , tooke his rest & quietnesse according to the lawe of the romans , though after he was in scoffe called by pompey the great , the romain xerxes , for his great fare , and idle life in rome , yet he escaped thereby the tragicall ende of pompey , whom lucullus called the great agamemnon , to requite the name of xerxes by pompey giuē vnto him , he also escaped the tragical end of caesar , who wold not take his rest before he became perpetuus dictator , to be slaine in the senate . so also of crassus , who could not stay in rome being the wealthiest man in rome , and thought no man wealthy , but hee that could keepe an army of his owne charge , but would goe seek for more wealth into asia , to be slain in parthia , & to haue gold melted in his mouth , being dead among the parthians in reproach of his auarice , as cyrus had his head bathed in blood in scithia , in reproach of his tiranny . had scipio when he had ioyned numantia vnto carthage , and vanquished hanibal , followed lucullus in taking his ease , after his great victories . had cicero himselfe after he had quenched catelines cōspiracy , quieted himselfe , no doubt his head had not bin brought by popilius to mar. antonius . had m. crassus bene not moued with the sight of lucullus triumph , staied in rome , & takē his rest as lucullus did , his head had not bin sent to herodes by surena . but i wil return to military rewards of the persians , among whom diuers military gifts were appointed for souldiers . the king gaue them a golden girdle , and rings of gold that had either by pollicie or manhood gained fame by seruice , whereby they were knowne to be in the kings fauour , and therfore to be accepted and reputed among the persians as gallant souldiers , in any prouince of the persians . among the romanes and the old gaules , as among the persians , the greatest honour that they could giue their souldier , was to giue them girdles , and the greatest infamy and dishonour that might be , was to loose their girdles from them , which was as great a dishonour , as to take their speares out of their hands , or their horse from vnder them . the kings of persia herein followed the hebrewes , for in the time of absolon in his warres against his father in the wood of ephraim , where he hanged by the haire of his head between two oakes , at what time ioab would haue giuen the messenger that brought these tidings , tenne sickles of siluer and a souldiers girdle , if hee had killed absolon ; and therefore girdles were giuen to souldiers among the hebrews , in the time of the kings of israel , before the kings of persia. among the hebrewes before the time of the kings , after they came to the land of canaan from egipt , the souldiers had lands , townes , cities , countreys , and what spoile soeuer they gained by the sword , for all that they wonne in the land of canaan , and other countreys , was equally diuided between the hebrew soudiers and the twelue tribes . the kings of asia so esteemed the olde and chiefe souldiers of alexander the great , called argyraspides , that they sate in counsell with the kings of asia , as iudges ouer other souldiers , to direct and instruct them in military discipline , and after if occasion required , to correct them for military faults , and martiall offences , hauing their allowance out of the kings treasury : for these captaines after the death of alexander the great , contemned to serue vnder antigonus , seleucus , demetrius , or lysimachus , which during the time of alexander , were named but argyraspides themselues . in egipt the chiefe and auntient souldiers called calasiries , had after good seruice done , besides their martiall allowance , a certaine proportion of bread and flesh , and a measure of wine , by the king appointed in seuerall cities and garrisons of warre in egipt , to instruct the egiptian youthes in martiall affaires . euen so the aethiopian kings , imitating the manner of the egiptians , obserued the like law , their old & chief souldiers being bruised and broken in the warres , called hermothibij , with a certaine proportion of allowance of bread and flesh . the grecians very carefull to maintaine their good souldiers , they met together at the temple of neptune in isthmos , and there the iudges of greece , called amphictions did consult , & with iudgement discerne , & throughly examine the deserts and seruice of euery well deserued souldier , with such rewards & gifts as were appointed for them accordingly by martiall law . the amphictions as you heard , were wont twise a yeare , in march and september to meete , the one in isthmos , the other in trozaena , wherein the one seuen cities appeared , and in the other twelue , to consult of martiall causes . so that it was not lawfull among the barbarous scythians , that any souldier should claime or challenge any martiall reward by the law of scythia , vnlesse hee had brought an enemies head slaine by himselfe in the field , vpon his speare vnto the campe , and presented it before his captaine , he might not be partaker of any bootie or pray among other souldiers , without some exploit done worthy of it . chap. vii . of prouisions and maintenance of souldiers . of the honourable burials of them that were slaine in the field , and of diuers monuments . among all nations of the world , the greatest care they had was to prouide meanes to maintaine souldiers , that solon made a lawe in athens , that the rewards due vnto those valiant souldiers that died in the warres , should bee distributed vnto their children , being aliue , and those gallant captaines that died in the field , should be honourably buried , with pillars and arches set vpon their graues , and their names written vpō them in ceramicus and such other places . this law of solon was reuiued two hundred and three score yeares after by alexander the great , who so much honoured and aduanced the worthinesse of martiall men , that he caused to be buried in the field adrasteis , one hundred and twentie knights , that died valiantly in the field , and caused strong arches , and pillars of marble to be made ouer their graues , with their statues and images , and their names written vpon them , with their due commendation as an honourable monument of their perpetuall fame . licurgus lawe was , that no dead man should put his name in brasse , in iuorie , or otherwise vpon his tombe , vnlesse hee had bene slaine in the field like a valiant souldier , fighting for his countrey . these funerall monuments were vsed long time before the greekes among the hebrewes , who vsed to set vp pillars and monuments on the graues of the dead , the auntient fathers did it to testifie the hope they had of the resurrection , not as the gentiles did it , for pompe and pride of their triumphes and victories , but as monuments and vertuous visions . iacob after his vision had in his dreame , tooke the stone that he had laid vnder his head , set it vp , and made a pillar of stones in that place , and after hee had annointed the same with oyle , which was the first annointing wee read of in scripture , hee named it bethel , which was luz before , which name continued vntill ieroboams time , . yeares , at what time ieroboam erected a golden calfe to be worshipped , and therfore was named bethauen , as mount olyuet , for that it was full of images , idolls , and aultars in the time of the kings of iudah , was named the mount of corruption . after this , iacob when his wife rachel dyed at the birth of her sonne whom she named benoni , which iacob after his wiues death called beniamin , on whose graue hee pitched vp a pillar of stones , as ioshua had the picture of the sunne on his graue . so samuel tooke a stone and pitched it betweene mazphah and sene , and called the name thereof the stone of help , as a marke and a trophey of victory which the israelites had ouer the philistines . yet absolon following the gentiles , of very pompe and pride reared vp a pillar , saying : i haue no male childe , and therefore i will pitch vp a pillar as a monument to haue my name in remembrance , and he called it after his owne name absolons pillar , to haue his name great . there was euer care in former age of holy mens burials , long before ceramicus in athens , or the field of mars in rome , these places were appointed , where greek and romane captaines were buried with their pompe and pride together . abraham the patriarke had care for the buriall of the faithfull , and bought a field therefore in hebron for the burial of him , his wife sarah , his children , and posteritie . so iacob did commaund his sonne ioseph to bring his body from egipt to hebron . the like charge gaue ioseph to his children when he died . we read of certain kings of the gentiles , who had such care of their buriall , as menedes king of egipt , imitating abraham , appointed a place of burial for himselfe & the kings of egipt that lineally succeeded him , of his name and stocke , which continued the raigne of . kings successiuely after king menedes . in like manner perdica king of macedonia , shewed to his sonne argaeus a place , where he himselfe and his posteritie after him should be buried , for he was instructed by an oracle , that as long as they buried the kings of macedonia in that place , the kings should continue in one stocke and family , which continued three hundred and three score yeares , vntill the time of alexander the great , who died in babilon out of macedonia , and was buried in alexandria in egipt . this much i wrote to proue the hebrewes to be fathers of all antiquities ; and now to athens , and to theyr souldiers , where with such care they were looked vnto after any victory that their haires should be curled , and trimmed vp with siluer fillets , others were crowned with a knot like the rowle that women weare on theyr heads , others were decked with garlands of mirtle . in this the athenians seemed equall to the romanes , that they brought all the images and statues of their gods , and all the whole state of athens with such solemnitie & pomp , came crowned with oliues , mirtle , and iuye , to meet the cōqueror at their gates with the song of paeana , at what time the orators & poets contended vpon theaters to excell one an other in the praise of the conqueror and his captains , as they did of demetrius , and others . for amōg the grecians diuers places of exercise were appointed for orators & poets , as at thesius graue , & at helicon , where some in comedies & some in tragedies , contended for victories , where sophocles was iudged to bee victor in his tragedies ouer aeschylus , for the which he was rewarded with a bucke goate . againe in the second games and playes the poets met in the citie of elis , where menander was ouerthrowne by philomene in the contention of comedies , for the which philomene had in reward a bull. so theopompus , isocrates scholler , had the garland giuen him by consent of all the iudges . hesiodus in verses cōtended with homer , & had at that time onely the garland giuen him , for the victory therof hesiodus wrote an epigram vpon a pillar , in memorie of his victorie ouer homer in helicon . among all these poets & orators , there was one woman called corinna , so excellent in verse , that shee was named musca lirica , and contended with pindarus the poet in thaebes in verses , & had . seueral victories , for the which victories she was . times crowned with garlāds . and because corinna shall not be alone without fellows , arete , aristippus the philosophers daughter , shal be the second , who after her fathers death ruled and gouerned aristippus schollers , & read philosophie in athens . so leonitum as a third fellow , though light , yet so learned , that she durst write & that in atticall phrase against that great philosopher theophrastus . agamemnon generall of all greece in the warres of troy , so rewarded aiax for a combat that he fought with hector hand to hand , with the sacrificing of an oxe with gilt hornes ; and rewarded achilles for that he killed hector in the field , with tenne talents of gold , twelue horses , and seuen faire women of lesbia , that was the olde custome and manner of auntient time in that countrey to reward such champions . so themistocles was crowned with a crowne of the sacred oliue tree , and gratified with a rich triumphant chariot by the lacedemoniās , for the deliuery of greece at the battell of marathon , from the inuasion of the persians . horatius cocles had a statue of marble to him erected in the pallace of common meetings , for that hee resisted the army of the hetruscans , being but himselfe , standing on a bridge of wood ouer tiber. the reward of souldiers among the scythians was , to drinke out of the kings cup , as oft as they had brought an enemies head to the campe , and might by the law of scythia make claime to drinke of the kings cup , as oft as any souldier slew an enemy in the field , and brought his head to his captaines tent . it was the maner and custome among the scythians , that the kings cup should be carried vp & downe in the field to honor those noble captaines that had wel deserued by seruice to drink out of it . so among the indians the souldier that had brought the head of an enemy to his captain , should haue for his reward , a black horse , & a blacke bull , which colour was farre more esteemed in india then any colour else . chap. viii . of triumphes , tropheys , and victories , and of military lawes , and aduancing of souldiers . no victorie was gotten in rome , without feasts , sacrifices , and triumphes made , to annimate the generalls , captaines , and souldiers , valiantly to stand in the face of their enemies . for pompey the great in his three triumphes ouer affrica , asia , and europe , carried captiue three hundred , thirtie , and nine kings , kings children , princes , peeres , and noble men , brought as prisoners and pledges with him to rome . in this pompey was compared by plutarch to alexander the great , for his triumphes ouer three quarters and parts of the world . others brought in their triumphs withall pomp and solemnitie , crowned with lawrell and with oliue garlands , the formes , likenesses , and pictures of mountains , hills , woods , cities , townes , and riuers , scituated in those regions whom they conquered . lu. cornel. scypio , after he had put antiochus the great to flight , he carried into rome in his triumphe , the likenesse & form of an hundred and thirtie cities & townes which he conquered in asia , and therefore was surnamed asiaticus . luc. sylla in like manner carried in his triumphe all the citties of greece , which were set out very liuely in large ensignes , and painted brauely in banners and flags . so did marcellus carrie the citie of syracusa in his triumph set out on long tables . so did caesar carrie the likenesse and forme of the riuer nilus , and the riuer of rien in long tables painted , with the picture of scypio and cato . pau. aemilius triumphed ouer persius king of macedonia , and his children , whom hee conquered , and brought them captiues and prisoners into rome . in this triumph aemilius brought all the olde auntient monuments of the kings of macedonia , and the greatnesse of alexanders empire , which was brought by alexander from persia to macedonia , was troden vnder foote in one or two victories , and the empire carried by aemililius , from macedonia to rome . in this triumph of pau. aemilius , the rich armours of all the macedonian and illyrian kings , then al the plate , cubbords , and iewels of the auntient kings of macedonia , were carried in charriots , after followed foure hundred princely crownes of golde , which the cities of greece sent to honour aemilius victorie , and to beautifie his triumph , in the which triumph such wealth and treasure was brought to rome by pau. aemilius , as farre exceeded the triumph of scypio asiaticus , who carried in his triumphes the pictures of townes and citties of asia painted in tables , or the triumphes of caesar , who brought but the likenesse of hilles , mountains , and riuers : or of pompey the great , who brought in his seuerall triumphes . kings , kings children , princes , peeres & noblemen , yet none of these were equall to pau. aemilius , in respect of the wealth he brought in one triumph to rome , who brought all the treasure & wealth of two kingdomes , macedonia and illyria , not in shewe , but in substance . others brought in their tryumphes , the images and statues of the kings which were slaine , or otherwise died before they could bee taken captiues , as lucullus brought the statue or picture of mithridates , set out and painted very liuely in ensignes . scipio carried in his tryumphe at carthage , the image of asdrubal , hannibals brother . so augustus caesar brought the image of cleopatra to rome in his tryumphe , after shee slue her selfe to beare company with her friend mar. antonius . others brought in their tryumphes kings aliue , as iul. caesar brought king iuba and his sonne with all their treasures of mauritania , in great tryumphe and pompe into rome . marius brought in his tryumphe iugurth , with all spoyles and wealth of numidia , with all the solemnitie that could be . yet in the infancie of rome , before rome grew to any greatnesse , the first kings tryumphed on foote into the citie , as romulus , who though he tryumphed ouer king acron whom hee slue in a combat challenged , yet he being a king carried vpō his shoulders the rich spoyls of the same king , being set in order vpon a young green bough of an oake , as trophies of tryumphes , without either horse , coach , elephant , or braue shewes , and yet his tryumphe was for two kingdomes . so did corneli . cossus , who slue fighting in the field hand to hand , tolumnus generall of the thuscans . and so did marcellus , who likewise slue with his owne hand britomarus , king of the old gaules , before they were called frenchmen , this honour happened to none of the romaines besides , but to these three , for rome yet was scant heard of out of italy . vechoris king of egipt , by herodot called sesostris , for examples sake of courage & fortitude of souldiers , and to kindle their mindes to attempt great exploits in wars , hee vsed when hee had ouerthrowne a valiant armie , and manly souldiers , he would set vp a marble pillar , and vppon it the picture of a man in brasse , with a naked swoord in his hande , as a trophey in tryumph of his victorie ouer hardie men : and if hee had vanquished but a cowardly company and timerous souldiers , hee would cause to bee put vp the picture of a naked woman with a glasse in her hand and a combe , to disgrace the souldiers which hee had conquered , signifying they were timerous , cowardly and womanish souldiers . for honour and rewarde of military discipline of all kingdomes and countreys , were inuented by wit , and by lawe confirmed , to set vp monuments of fame to great conquerers and noble captaines , to stirre vp young men to embrace armes , and to exercise martiall feates . as pericles in athens had nine seuerall trophies for nine seuerall victories , and vpon euery one his name written . so sylla for his victorie against archelaus had a trophey set vp , and his name written with these words , victoria & sylla . domitius aenobarbus , and fabius maximus , for their victories against the allobroges , were the first among the romanes that builded vp high towers of stone and pillars of wood , and hangd the enemies armors & weapons theron , as trophies & monumēts of their victories . sicinius dentatus , to signifie his singular commendations , had for his noble exploites in diuers warres , eight golden crownes , foure ciuill crownes , three scaling crownes called murales coronae , foure score & three chaines , eighteen pure speares , and had a hundred three score bracelets giuē him in rewards & gifts , for his braue seruice in seuerall battels . the like praise had manlius capitolinus , who besides foure ciuil crownes , had twentie sixe military rewards : and before he was seuenteen years old , wanne two rich spoyles of the enemy . so forward to winne fame and become famous were the old romanes . the old romanes vsed to honour them that saued a citizens life with a garland of oaken boughes , for so was corilianus by the dictator titus largius , at the last battell of torquine the proud , crowned with a garland of oaken boughes . besides these crownes , garlands , chaines , bracelets , rings , and armour , giuen by the generall , they had certaine military garments , and certaine acres of ground , diuided betweene worthy and well deserued souldiers by the lawe agraria , appointed to encourage the souldiers to hardinesse . alexander the great so esteemed the tribune of the souldiers , that he would admit none in the place vnder three score yeares old , vnlesse he had bene of great skill , long experience , and a man of good and long seruice , to whome alexander the great admitted to weare golden rings , as a reward of a military honour , neither was it lawfull to any romaine citizen , vnlesse hee were a senator , or of the order of knighthood , to weare golden ringes in auncient time . this officer called tribunus militum with the romanes , was named with the lacedemonians harmostes , an officer of the care and charge of seruice , as the tribune or the collonell of souldiers , and might not continue in that office past sixe moneths , as long as the dictator of rome was to enioy his office . and when the emperor , prince or generall , would allow and commend the office & place of the tribune to a graue skilful captaine , he would put a naked sword in his hand , signifying his authoritie ouer the souldiers , repeating the wordes of the lawe of armes before the whole armie , set downe in these words ; milites quibus iussierunt , parento , eorumque tribuni sunto . the same forme vsed traiane the emperour in his time , when he appointed zura a tribune ouer the praetorian souldiers , giuing a sword in his hand saying ; accipe gladium , quem prome &c. if i vse this gouernment well , vse it for mee , if i do euil , vse it to destroy mee . none might be with the romanes admitted to be tribunes of the souldiers , vnlesse he had bene before a leader of the band called cohortes , neither might any man be taken harmostes among the lacedemonians , vnlesse he had bene a captaine , or a leader of the band called agema . in all countries the honor of armes was aduanced , and the skilfull souldiers so esteemed , that one nation practised how to excell another in feats of armes . as among the nations called auctyles , people of lybia , who practised to fight in the darke with their enemies , to excell others , they became so prompt & readie , that they made no difference betweene night and day , either to fight on horse or on foote . the people called arij dwelling in russia , delighted so much to fight in the darke with blacke shields , and blacke apparell , for that one should not see the other . so we reade of the lacedemonians , because they would excell others , they would in the darke night goe to the field , and learne to fight in the darke one with the other , to excell others in martiall knowledge . iugurth when hee would enter battell with the romanes , hee would make choyce of his time in the euening , that if his souldiers should be ouerthrowne , they might better escape , and hide themselues in the night time , then in the day time . so mithridates kings of pontus , fled from pompey the great in the night time to saue himselfe , but . of his souldiers were slaine . the souldiers notwithstanding of athens , might not by the law of solon go out of their chamber in the night time without light , such differing of military discipline was betweene athens and sparta , for the busie-headed orators at athens , often troubled and mooued the best captaines to seditions , and therfore solons lawe was obserued , so that no captain might goe abroad in the night without light . in like sort the parthians ( as the athenians ) were by lawe commaunded not to fight in the darke . the persian king had besides the souldiers called homotimi , others which were tenne thousand chosen souldiers , of the best and chiefest men in all persia , named turmae immortales , the immortall band , a thousand of these were elected to be the kings chiefe guard , called mellephori , these had chaines , bracelets , ringes , and girdles of gold , and onely commaunded to attend vpon the kings person , and were such souldiers in persia , as the guard of romulus called celeres , were with the romanes . with the lacedemonians their chiefe and strongest souldiers called neodomadae , which sparta euer kept in store , as their onely staie in any great battell , against the persians , these plagued the persians , and therefore called of the persians gardates . the turke hath in his principall band called ianizari , one thousande , two hundred chosen men of the greatest skill , and longest experience in warre , which is among the turkes , called robur & medu●…la turcici excercitus , instituted by amurates , the second of that name , and resembling much the macedonian armie called phalanges , for the turke imitateth the macedonians , as the patterne of their military discipline in all martiall exployts . for as that litle kingdome was much renowned by the fame & fortune of alexāder the great , who brought the empire from persia to macedonia , so was that kingdome and other kingdomes , by ciuill warres betweene his captaines destroyed within fewe yeares after alexander . now it followeth after we haue spoken of the honour and tryumphes of nobles , captaines , and skilfull souldiers , and after the gifts and rewards of good souldiers , to speake of the punishments due to such idle insolent souldiers , that were seditious & rebellious within their campe . chap. ix . of seuerall military punishments by martiall lawes , both of the iewes and of the gentiles , in diuers kingdomes and countries . diuers punishments by diuers great notable captains were inflicted vpon rebellious , seditious and cowardly souldiers , as first of the punishment of the hebrewes , as chore , dathan , and abiron , were so punished for their disobedience , that the earth swallowed them vp aliue , and many of their complices , to the number of two hundred and fiftie . achan for stealing of the babilonian garment at the citie of ai , hee , his wife ; his children , and all his family , was burnt to death at the commaundement of ioshua , so seuere the lawe of the lord was against disobedient souldiers in diuers places of the wildernesse , as at massa , riphidim , and meribah , that it spared not moses generall of the armie , and the seruant of the lord , it farre excelled the punishment of the gentiles , besides in the wildernesse they were stung and bitten with serpents , and venemous beastes , as also they were left among the canaanites , amalekites , and others , that should be as prickes in their sides , and needles in theyr eyes , to punish them . so the souldiers that obeyed moses , ioshua , and others , were rewarded with all good blessings , with manna and quailes from heauen , and drunke of euerie rocke . besides , moses was commaunded to lift vp a brazen serpent in the wildernesse , that those that were stung , bitten , and daungerously hurt by serpents , by looking on the brazen serpent should be healed . thus were the hebrewes fortie yeares in the wildernesse , where their shooes were not worne , theyr apparell , nor theyr garments chaunged , and thus were the souldiers of moses both punished for theyr faultes , and rewarded for their seruice . now to the punishment militarie of the gentiles . the romanes which excelled all nations for their liberalitie in rewarding good souldiers , and for theyr seueritie in punishing euill souldiers , had such cruell seuerall lawes to inflict punishment , as farre exceeded all people . as fabius maximus , was so seuere for his military punishment , that he would cut off the right hand of any mutinous or seditious souldier within the campe . aufidius cassius , being consull and generall in the field , would cut off both the hands & the feete of those souldiers that so offended , saying , that they should haue no hands to fight with the enemies , nor feete to goe to the enemies . euen so scipio affrican commaunded those souldiers that were seditious , to be deuoured of beastes , and paul. aemilius commaunded them to feed elephants . so iul. caesar thought no punishment sufficient for those that were seditious among their fellowes in the campe , and fled from the campe to the enemies . the romanes woulde not suffer the least offence in a souldier vnpunished . it was caesars rule and order that his souldiers should come as braue to the field as himselfe , that no man knew the difference betwixt caesar and his souldiers . it was not so with agesilaus , as great a captaine accepted among the grecians , as caesar was among the romanes , and as much feared of the persians and of all asia , as caesar was feared among the gaules and all europe . agesilaus went as simple among his souldiers , as the basest souldier he had . many great captaines imitated agesilaus in all his discipline military , who onely among the greekes for his victories and greatnesse of minde , was called great agesilaus , whose stratagems were notable ; for that noble captaine and great souldier agesilaus hauing warres with tysaphernes , the king of persia his generall , faigned himselfe to remoue his campe , and to go to caria , by which stratagem he entised tysaphernes to follow after him , agesilaus in the meane season entred into lydia , sackt cities , slew many , and caried much of the kings treasure , and of the wealth of lydia , into greece . many the like stratagems vsed agesilaus against the persians . antigonus king of macedonia , compelling the aetolians into a narrow straight siege , readie to famish , and beeing aduised that the aetolians would come out desperately to fight , and valiantly to die , before they would either yeeld or be famished , commanded certaine of his captaines to draw backe , and to hide themselues , to giue them an open passage to flie , and in their flight to set vpon them . epaminondas with his thaeban army , being ready to strike a battell with the lacedemonians , vsed this stratagem , to make his souldiers beleeue , that the lacedemonians , if they should haue victorie , had decreed to kill , and to make an end of all the thaebans , and to bring their wiues and children into seruitude and bondage to sparta , to make his thaeban souldiers to fight more valiantly for their countrey , for their wiues , and for theyr children . so christ iesus doth instruct vs to fight the battels of our saluation against satan , with all our hearts & minds , least he should bring vs in perpetuall seruitude , not to sparta , but vnto gehenna . marcellus vsed those souldiers that began to flye from the battell , and for feare forsooke their standart . marcellus brought those at the next time , and placed them in the forefront of the battell , either there to die like men in the battell , or else to recouer the shame and ignomie that they had sustained in the last battell before . appuis clau. appointed those fugitiue souldiers that would first flye , and turne their backs to the enemy , to be brought bound before the whole army , and to number them , and after to take euery tenth souldier by decimation , & to kill them with clubs in the open sight of the army . many romane generals vsed this punishment according to the auntient law of decimation . alexander the great caused two captaines that kept a castle , committed to their charge by alexander , for that they fought not in their place , the one was slaine with the other being bound to a poste , and shot to death by captaines with arrowes . yet alexander was of that gentle and milde nature , that when he sawe one of the souldiers shaking , and readie to dye for colde in the winter time , and colde weather , alexander sitting in his chaire at the fire , made him sit in his seat and warm him well , saying : if thou were borne in persia , and hadst sate in king cyrus chaire , thou shouldest die for it , but not so in macedonia , to sit in alexanders chaire . the like humanitie was in xenophon , being on horsebacke , who commaunded certaine of his souldiers , to take a hill hard by , one of the company murmured , and said , it is easie to command on horsebacke , xenophon presently lighted , and made that base murmuring souldier to ride in his place , and hee marched on foote vp the hill before his souldiers , vntill the armie was ashamed , and forced him to take his horse againe from the souldier , whom the souldiers reuiled and railed on , beating and buffeting him . bochoris decreed a military lawe against offensiue souldiers in egipt , that would not obey theyr captain or forsake their standart , or any way were seditious , they should bee remoued from the place where they serued , and become againe as base souldiers as they beganne . also if there were any souldier that would betray any secrets of the campe to the enemies , hee should haue his tongue cut out of his head by the lawe of bochoris . iuba king of mauritania , for the like offence , for that certaine souldiers of his army fied from their company to their tents , caused them to be hanged vp on a gybbet , in the midst of the campe . the persians thought it no greater infamy to theyr souldiers , then to breake the lawe of their countrey , the penaltie whereof was , that the idle , sloathfull , and cowardly souldiers , should beare on their backs a knowna strumpet , or a cōmon woman , through the whole camp in the sight of all the army , open faced and bareheaded , because hee might bee knowne for euer after to be a defamed ignominious souldier , and therfore scypio in his warres against the affricans , and artaxerxes in his warres in persia , forbad by the lawes made , that no woman should follow the campe , least souldiers should be among women out of the way , when they should be in the way to fight in the field amongst men . yet alexander the great , and alexander seuerus the romane emperour , allowed women to follow the campe . among the lacedemonians , the onely skilfull souldiers of greece , the iudges called ephori , made a lawe in sparta , as the ariopagites made in athens , or as the officers censores did in rome , against vagabounds , runnagates , and idle souldiers . among the macedonians it was not lawfull for any man that was not miles adscriptus , and had not taken a military oath to be a souldier in any warre that the macedonians tooke in hand : neither might a souldier vnsworne bee admitted to fight or draw his sword against the enemie , so carefull then was olde age to keepe the order of military discipline , and martiall lawes . the lawe among the syracusans was , that the generall of the horsemen did write the names of those souldiers in tables that disordered themselues , or troubled others of the army , that they might be punished after the battell , with such punishments as was appointed for them by the lawes of syracusa . the people called daci , had a lawe writren in theyr country , that when their souldiers had not fought stoutly or manfully , they should lie with their heads downward , towards the beds feete , without pillow or boulster , and be at their wiues commaundement , and theyr heads to lye at their feete , if they should breake this lawe , their wiues might haue an action against them in lawe . aurelianus the emperour so seuerely charged the tribunes & colonels , that in any case they wold punish those souldiers , that would either steale a lamb , or pullet , eyther grapes frō the vine , or plucke eares frō the corne . obserue among all nations , the punishments and seuerities of offences , and that by the rudest nation of the world . as among the barbarous scythians , tamberlanes seueritie was such , that a poore woman complained of one of his souldiers , that hee tooke a peece of cheese and a little milke , and after refused to pay , tamberlane caused the army to stay at the complaint of the woman , and to march before the womans face , vntill she found that souldier , hee caused his body to bee ript , and opened in the sight of all the army , and when hee saw milk and cheese in his mawe , he said to the woman , behold , i haue made this souldier to pay well for thy cheese and milke , & so wil i make others that so offend . an other example in tamberlane , being presented by a poore husbandman with great treasure which he found in a vessel as he was digging in his owne ground , tamberlane demaunded whether his fathers name and image were vpon thē , causing the superscription of the money to be read ; being answered that it was caesars the romain emperors , he said , thē they be not tamberlanes , and commanded that none of the souldiers should rob or spoile the poore man of the benefits of his good luck by his trauell . this was that great scythian tamberlane , that had six hundred thousand footmen , & foure hundred thousand horse against pazaites the turke , and gaue him battell at mount stella , a place more famous , for that there pompey the great ouercame mithridates king of pontus : there tamberlane ouerthrew the turks , & tooke pazaites their emperor , kept him , & fed him in a cage vnder his table , whom hee carried afterwards in a cage euery where in his warres . the like infamy hapned to one of the emperors of rome , by sapor king of persia , who kept him al the dayes of his life as a blocke to mount on horse . but sesostris king of egipt , did farre passe the scythian and the persian kings in his victories , for he caried those kings and princes whom hee subdued , bound round about his coach from countrey to countrey , from region to region , as in a great triumph , wherein sesostris gloried much . and yet all these three came short to adonizebech , who kept seuentie kings vnder his table , whose toes and thumbes he cut off . thus cruell tyrants haue the like punishment oftentimes , as others were by them punished . chap. x. of certaine noble romane captaines , compared with greeke captaines . of the force of eloquence , the commendations of diuers great captaines , and their stratagems . plato saith , that from great minds , great vertues , or great vices do proceed , and so it seemed in many noble and heroicall men , as well of the greekes , as of the romanes , as alcibiades might well bee compared to lu. sylla , and demetrius with mar. antonius , al alike giuen to vertue and vice , friendes and foes to theyr countreys , and yet all foure valiaunt and wise , whose fortune seemed not much vnlike in all theyr victories . plutarch therefore very fitly compareth some captaines of the greekes with the romanes , as lucullus compared with cymon the athenian , both of equall fortune in great victories , the one in asia , the other persia. mar. cato , surnamed the demosthenes of rome , compared with aristides surnamed the iust in athens . so hanibal is well compared to philip of macedon , for false , subtil , deceitfull , & craftie stratagems , they weyed not how they conquered , so they might conquer , they were in no wise to be trusted vnto either , by their promise , or by their oathes : so farre differed philip from his sonne alexander , that what alexander wonne , he wonne it onely by magnanimitie , and philip by fraud . demetrius after many victories of ptolomeu king of egipt , and an other victory by sea in the i le of cyprus ouer the same king : the third victory against cassander king of macedonia at thermopyle in greece , this demetrius grew so fortunate and great , that seleucus , ptolomeus , lysimachus and pirrhus , foure mightie kings , enuying demetrius greatnesse , conspired against him , and ioyned their force together , for they all feared and doubted his courage , and enuied the greatnesse of his fortune . demetrius marching on with a great army to besiege athens , crates a philosopher , carefull of his countrey , and fearefull of demetrius least hee should destroy athens , the schoole of learning , and the eye of greece , met demetrius vpon the way with his army , whom he so entreated with sweet perswasions , & eloquent words , that the fury of demetrius was mitigated by crates the philosopher , that he raised his siege , and departed from athens . so demades the orator in like sort did perswade alexander the great , readie with his army to plague and to destroy all the cities of greece . so did arius the philosopher perswade augustus casar to spare the citie of alexandria . so had cicero welnigh perswaded caesar from the battel at pharsalia , with such pithie force of eloquence , with such vehement words , that caesars countenance chaunged , and his body so shooke , that the booke which hee held fell out of his hand . cyrus spared craesus for solons sake ; and alexander spared thaebes for pindarus sake ; the force therefore of eloquence is such , that philip king of macedon euer doubted the tongue of demosthenes more then the strength of the athenians . but againe to returne to demetrius , whose greatnesse grew so great in macedonia , in asia , and in greece , that in sumptuous building of ships , framing of all sorts of engines of batterie , this demetrius excelled all kings of his time : for aeropus king of macedonia , delighted onely to make fine tables and lampes : arsaces king of parthia , in making their arrowes heads keene and sharpe : attalus king of asia , in planting of phisicall hearbes : but demetrius might bee compared for his engines of batteries , and his princely practise , to archimedes himselfe , being the onely geometrer of the world at that time , whose death marcellus lamented more , then he reioyced for the winning of syracusa . for when archimides was slaine in his studie , and syracusa taken by marcellus souldiers , hee sought no longer time to liue , but till hee had ended certaine geometricall conclusions which he had inuented , for marcellus that noble romane feared more the geometricall engines of archimedes , then all the force of syracusa , and therfore pythagoras whē he found any new skill in geometry , he straight offered sacrifice to the muses . demetrius grew so great in greece , that at a generall assembly of the states in greece , hee was chosen lieutenant generall of all the grecians , where none were but foure before him . philip king of macedon , and his sonne alexander the great : before them , none but agesilaus and agamemnon , and yet died demetrius a yeelded prisoner to seleucus , whom demetrius in his greatnesse was wont to call but keeper of the elephants . demetrius laughed them to scorne which called any other prince king , but antigonus his father , and himself . the orators in athēs cōtended in orations who shuld exceed in preferring new titles of honors to demetrius . in so much they decreed that the moneth munichian which is ianuary , should be called demetrion , and their feast dyonisia , should be called demetria , and that demetrius and his father king antigonus , should haue their pictures carried with the pictures of iupiter and minerua in the tryumphe of peplon , in the holy banner of athens . this was the marching of demetrius greatnesse to die a prisoner . chap. xi . of the war like marching of diuers noble captaines , with their famous victories and stratagems . of the crueltie of mithridates against the romanes . of marius , and his reuenge ouer the cymbrians . two other great marchings of epaminondas & agesilaus , the emulation betweene these two captaines , was the cause of the ouerthrow of sparta , in the battell at leuctres , by epaminondas : at which battell cleombrotus the king , with all his captains and chiefest of the lacedemonians was slaine , and that noble greeke cleomenes , was slaine at the kinges foote , with a thousand of the most valiāt spartans about him , at that time there was a great feast at sparta , when this newes came to the ephories of the victorie of the thaebans . this battel was thirtie yeares after the ouerthrow of athens by lysander the lacedemonian , and now the ouerthrowe of sparta by epaminondas the thaeban . these two cities were named the two eyes & the two legges of greece : and yet sparta could not abide athens , nor athens abide sparta : there was neuer such a victory heard of in greece , that the stout lacedemonians , the most skilfull souldiers & warlikest people of all the grecians , should haue their king slaine in the field , and the chiefe captaines and citizens of sparta . in this battell pelopidas being neither generall nor gouernour , but captaine of the holy band , deserued as much honour and glorie of this victorie as epaminondas did , being then generall of the whole armie , and gouernor of baeotia , & this great ouerthrow of the lacedemonians , fel iustly through the malice & enuy that agesilaus their king bare to the thaebans , being therevnto mooued by the stout answere of that most noble captaine epaminondas , giuing no place to king agesilaus greatnesse , nor to his stout lacedemonians . pelopidas the thaeban , laying siege to two great cities of greece at one time , wrought this stratageme , caused foure captaines to come all crowned with garlands of mirtle on their heads , hauing brought some of their owne souldiers , as fained captiues to pelopidas , and withall caused a whole wood , which was betweene the two cities to be burnt , as though it had bene that citie which they besieged , which so terrified the towne , that vpon the sight of that fire , they yeelded to pelopidas . epaminondas being readie to enter battell with the lacedemonians , his seate where he sate , after he rose vp , fell downe , which the souldiers tooke for no good signe , which he perceiued , and said ; we are forbidden to sit going about to win victorie . we must watch and pray , we must not be idle , for satan is most busie , when we thinke our selues most sure : we must say as epaminondas saide to his souldiers , vetamur sedere , so christ speakes vnto vs , videat qui stat nè cadat , you that stand , take heed lest you fall . another famous victorie at mantinea the chiefe citie of arcadia , the glorie thereof fell to the thaebans , by the prowesse and courage of epaminondas their general , and yet died he of a wound he had in that battell . when epaminondas died , died the honor and glory of the thaebans , for before him no great fame was heard of baeotia , and after him nothing esteemed , so litle he weighed glorie , as hee weighed wealth , and so little he esteemed wealth , that when epaminondas died , hee wanted mony to burie him . in so much that cicero said , that he wondred that so great a philosopher and so singularly learned , should become so noble a captain that all greece preferred him for both . many sought to imitate epaminondas , for philopomen followed epaminondas steppes in all his actions , but chiefly in three things : hee followed his hardinesse to enterprise any thing : hee followed epaminondas wisedome to execute all great matters ; and followed his integritie from corruption , bribery , and taking of money , hereby came philopomen to be the most renowned captaine of all greece in his time . philopomen was eight times generall of the achaians , being then seuentie yeares olde , for philopomen delighted from his youth in warre and martiall exercise , and loued alwaies souldiers and armes , for he was in his time one of the best , and one of the last captaines of greece , and therfore reputed a better captaine for war , then a wise gouernour for peace . for at the battell by the riuer of larissus , philopomen being generall of the achalans against the aetolians , where hee slue demophantus generall of the aetolians , in a combat fought betweene them both in the sight of the armie , and after ouerthrew the whole hoste . philopomen grew so great in greece , that the name of philopomen made the baeotians to flie for feare from the siege of maegara , and made the spartans after he had rased the towne to forsake licurgus lawe , and compelled the lacedemonians to follow the achaians maner and customes . the grecians so loued and so esteemed this philopomen , that titus flaminius , enuyed him for his fame and greatnesse in greece , beeing then consull of rome , and had restored all greece to her former libertie . philopomen turned all curiositie and daintie fare , to braue and rich armour , to gallant and warlike horses . philopomen was the last famous man of the grecians , after whose death greece decaied . hee was wont in his youth to reade homers illiads , and especially euangelus bookes of the discipline of warres , for by reading and talking he became an excellent souldier . so lucullus by talking with souldiers , by reading of bookes , and by exercising of military discipline , became one of the noblest captaines that the romaines had : for at the battell at the riuer of rindacus , hee gaue the ouerthrow to mithridates souldiers , that fortie thousand were slain in the field , fifteene thousand taken , and sixe thousand horse of seruice , besides an infinit number of beasts for carriage , the ouerthrow was such , that they which came frō the citie appolonia , had as great a spoyle while both armies were a fighting , as lucullus and his souldiers had after the victory was gotten . lucullus fought with mithridates another battell at the riuer granicus , where alexander the great gaue the first battell to darius king of persia. here also lucullus in a very great battell fought with his romane armie so fiercely and with such courage , that both the riuer of granicus and the riuer of asapus ranne all of blood : and the number that were slaine of mithridates souldiers as mentions are made , were welnigh three hundred thousand men of all sorts of people . this mithridates was the greatest enemy that the romanes had after hannibal , and yet hannibal and all affrica was subdued within seuenteene yeares by the romanes , and that most noble captaine pirrhus , who fought with the tarentines , samnites & others , against the romanes , hee was driuen out of italy within foure yeares , but mithridates endured the fury of the romans fortie yeares , vntill he was weakened by sylla , wearied by lucullus , and at last subdued by pompey the great . mithridates king of pontus , fearing much the power and pollicies of the romanes , frequented hunting , that he vsed no house in towne or country for seuen yeares , that thereby he was able to endure any labour and to preuent any stratagem of his enemies . so did sertorius , with many other romane & greek captaines , that xenophon maketh a catologue of theyr names that became noble souldiers by hunting . hannibal laying siege to tarentum , beeing agreed with one eoneus a tarentine for a certain sum of money to betray the citie tarentū , eoneus vsed this stratagem by the counsel of hannibal , to go out a hunting in the night time , for feare of the enemies , and to bring to liuius the gouernour of tarentum , buckes , boares , and such other wilde beasts , as hannibal himselfe deliuered vnto him , who taught him the stratageme . hannibal seeing that eoneus was nothing suspected , for that he vsed hunting , caused affrican souldiers of his to be cloathed like these hunters , and to enter with these hunters into tarentum , who assoone as they entered into the towne , kilde the watch , and opened the gates to hannibal to come in . lysimachus king of macedonia vsed the like stratagem , laying siege to ephesus the chiefe citie of the ephesians , hauing corrupted one mandro an arch pyrate for money , who often vsed to come to ephesus with a shippe loaden with praie to relieue the ephesians , and by his often comming , being not suspected , brought certaine macedonian souldiers fast bound to his shippe , as captiues taken to please the ephesians , which afterward betrayed and deliuered the towne to lysimachus . so did marcellus take the citie syracusa , by solliciting of one sosistratus a syracusan , whom hee wanne with money to be his friend , who counselled him to be readie , and to come vnder intreatie of peace vpon the syracusans feast day called epicides , by this meanes through the counsell of sosistratus , marcellus obtained syracusa . this great romane enemy mithridates king of pontus , so hated the romanes , that hee gathered together all the poore banished romains , scattered euery where in asia , romain marchants & others , busied about their traffiques , & caused them to be slaine , to the number of . in one day , to satisfie his wrath vpō the romains . lucullus had also two of the most famous and renowned victories ouer two of the most mightiest & greatest princes of asia , tigranes king of armenia , & mithridates king of pontus , at mount taurus : for tigranes armie as lucullus himselfe wrote vnto the senate , was two hundred three score thousand men ; of the which number aboue a hundred thousand footemen were slaine , and fewe of all the horsemen were saued , and the king driuen in his flight to throwe his diademe to some of his friends , who was taken with the diademe and brought to lucullus . it is written by plutarche that the sunne sawe not the like ouerthrow . so lucullus reuenged the great spite of tigranes king of armenia : and mithridates king of pontus , for the spite and hatred they bare to the romanes , as cai. marius reuenged vpon the cymbrians , and almaines , and as camillus reuenged vpon the gaules . ca. marius reuenge was such and that in time , for that the cymbrians , teutons , ambrons , tygurins , and germanes , had conspired and ioyned their force together , after the ouerthrow of both the consuls , to the slaughter of fourescore thousand romanes , that they ioyntly marched together towards rome , at what time cai. marius and luctatius his fellow consull gaue them such a meeting , that two hundred thousande of them were slain , foure score thousand taken prisoners , lugius & boiorex two kings slain in the battell , besides innumerable that fled from the battell , & hangd themselues on trees , and for want of trees , they tyed slipping halters about their neckes , vnto the hornes and feete of their oxen , and prickt them forwards with goades , that they might tread & trample them vnder their feete vntil they were killed , besides the horrible crueltie of the womē , which was most terrible , in strangling their young babes with their owne handes , they cast them vnder their cartes wheeles , and betweene the horses legges , and at last slue themselues . at what time marius for his great fortune , victories and seruice , was called pater patriae , the father of the countrey . after marius had bene seuen times consull in rome , and called the father of the counrey , which was so great a name among the romaines , that none but romulus , cicero , and himselfe had it , and had shewed himselfe a valiant noble captaine , in diuers and sundry great battels , and wanne many victories , besides the victories ouer the cymbrians , teutons , and the rest , ouer the spaniards , numantines and affricans , open proclamation was made by the senate throughout all italy ; that they should apprehend marius , and either kill him wheresoeuer they found him , or to bring him before the senators of rome aliue . this was the ende of marius marching , which if you compare him with sylla , you shall finde them both firebrands to their countrey , for the harme they haue done to their countrey , and yet both great benefactors to their countrey before their ciuill warres . for sylla was either another hannibal in doing harme to his countrey , or another scypio in doing good to his countrey and as concerning marius , scypio himselfe spake , that he was the only next man that should do great good , or great harme to the romains after scypio . the like words spake king antigonus of pirrhus , that if pirrhus should liue till he were an old man , he should proue so great a captaine , that he should be feared of all nations . chap. xii . of the maners and forme of warres , denounced by the prophets of the lord , against the canaanites and other nations which were enemies to the hebrewes . the order and manner of the prophets by the lord cōmaunded to denounce warres to the canaanites , edomites , ammonites , philistines , and all other natiōs that were enemies to israel , was in this sort . the lord commaunded the prophets as his heraulds , to denounce warre after this manner : set thy face against the idumeans , and say , behold ( ô mount seir ) i come against thee , and will stretch my hand out against thee , i wil make thee desolate , and wast all idumea . and so against the egiptians , ezechiel was commanded as an herauld from the lord , to set his face against that dragon pharao , to publish warre , and to say , i will water with thy bloud all the land of egypt , and as nilus ouerfloweth egipt with water , so will i make the bloud of thy army to ouerflowe nilus . against tyre in like sort ezechiel was commaunded with the like words : set thy face against tyre , & say , behold ( ô mount tyre ) i will come vpon thee , and will bring nabuchodonozer king of kings against thee , and wil make thee a desolate citie . so likewise as the prophet ezechiel was commanded by the lord to publish warre against the idumeans , the egiptians , and against tyre , so against gog and magog the prophet was sent with the like words , for it was the charge and commaundement of the lord to all his prophets , being his heraulds , to proclaime warre against the great monarches , and polymarchies of the earth , enemies to his church and to his people , as to the chaldeans , the assirians , egiptians , affricans , lybians , and persians , shewing vnto them their destruction before the sword of the lord came vpon them . so the lord sent moses his first prophet and his herauld , long before this time , to pharao in egipt with the like words as he did to these prophets now , they spared not ierusalē nor samaria , but they had their message told them by the prophet . and so much of the manner and forme of the publishing and denouncing of warre by the lords heraulds , his prophets . and now likewise to shewe the maner and forme of the gentiles in denouncing of warre by their heraulds . the gentiles in olde time proclaiming their warres against their enemies in seueral sorts , as the romains by their priests called faecials , which were first instituted by numa pomp. and after appointed by the romanes to be their heraulds , both for warre and peace : for the law was written in these words . belli pacis , faederum induciarum , or atorum faeciales iudices sunto . the chiefe of thē was called pater patratus , being crowned with a garlād made of verbena ; who went with foure of them to the cōfines of the enemies , reciting the iust cause of the wars , which were it not by the enemies satisfied & answered within . daies after , the faecial priests being sent frō the senators and citizens of rome , should throw after the word spokē , a bloudy dart or an iron speare , into the enemies lands , proclaiming warre against them ( iure faeciali ) . but if the romains had their warres farre from rome , the faeciall priests should goe out of the citie through the gate carmentalis , to the temple of mars , in the which temple there was hanging a bloudie speare vpon one of the pillars of the tēple , called columna bellica , and from that place should the faeciall priest throw that bloudie dart towards those natiōs whom they denounced to be their enemies : then after this , the consul , proconsul , or praetor , should goe to the temple of mars , and take the targets called ancyllia in his hande , and after pricke the image of mars with his speare or launce , and say , mars vigila . the persians also vsed this ceremony , to throwe a bloudie dart towards the confines of theyr enemies , thereby denouncing warre , either to haue land and water by yeelding , or else to abide warre . the manners and customes among the grecians , whē they went to publish warre , they vsed to send their herauld to the confines of the enemies , & after the iust cause of the warre being publikely declared , vnlesse they were perius sanctum legatorum , satisfied , the greekes sent a ramme to the enemies confines , to signifie that they were readie armed for their enemies ; for the sending of the ramme with the greekes , did signifie as much as the throwing of the bloudie dart , or iron speare with the romanes , for the romanes were instructed in martiall discipline by the greekes , as the greekes were by the persians , and the persians by the egiptians . the old gaules vsed this manner of order , that their senators called druydes , called a councell of the chiefe men , which should be all armed , and therefore called among them the armed councell , and after consultation had between these priests druydes , and the armed councell , that whatsoeuer was agreed vpon betweene them , ther of warre or peace , was established for a lawe . the scythians had strange customes in defying their enemies , and in proclaiming of warre , they did send by embassadors to darius king of persia , a bird , a mouse , a frogge , and an arrow , signifying thereby , that vnlesse the enemies would flye away like a bird , creepe away like a mouse , or swim away like a frogge out of scythia , that an arrow should pierce them through . warres being proclaimed by the lacedemonians , warlike people , the herauld should carrie in his hand a vine twig , wreathed about with wooll , which the enemies , if they would accept and receiue vpon conditions by the herauld opened , it should be a full bond of peace , otherwise a denouncing of warre , and withall , the herauld threw the vine twigge out of his hand , as in defiance . the carthagineans though they could neuer abide the romanes , yet vsed they the selfesame ceremonies , ( hastae proiectio ) as the romanes did in pronouncing of their warres . there was a strange maner and custome among some nations , when they proclaimed warre , they would send a herauld with a present to theyr enemies , wrapped round about with the likenesse of snakes , which if the present would be vpō conditions accepted , they would take away the snakes , and deliuer them the present : if otherwise , the herauld would deliuer the enemies the snakes in defiance , and bring the present away : this maner of defiance against their enemies , the old corinthithians vsed , with others . now that you read the maner and forme of proclaiming of warres among diuers nations , you shall also obserue diuers fashions and ceremonies touching composition of peace , for both proclaiming of warre , and concluding of peace were in all authoritie , per vi●…faciale , but altered in ceremonies . chap. xiii . of the maner , and diuers ceremonies in concluding of peace . the concluding of peace of diuers nations , was in this sort , those that were sent as heraulds to proclaime warre , were againe sent as embassadors to entreate for peace in diuers countries , for as bloud was sought by warres , so by bloud peace should be reconciled . for as you heard the lord did threaten warre long before warre came , to the hebrewes , the chaldeans , assyrians , and the rest , by the prophets and his heraulds , and before these nations punished the first age for their sinnes with an vniuersal deluge ouer the whole world ( eight persons excepted ) and after made a league of peace , and gaue the rainebowe as a signe in the heauens , not to destroy the world any more with water , and when the people againe transgressed his commaundements , the lord commaunded his prophets to threaten the hebrues , the chaldeans , and assyrians , denouncing warre to punish them , as you heard of the egiptians , the sodomites , & others , with a condition of peace to continue betweene him and his people , which was written out in the law of moses . this league was signified & confirmed also with the bloud of a lamb , as the bloud of couenant between god and man , the true type & figure of the lambe christ iesus , which gaue vs euerlasting peace by his bloud in the new 〈◊〉 : this peace was proclaimed to the shepheards in the field at bethelem by legions of angels , which came downe from heauen singing , glory bee to god on high , & on earth peace towards mē . this peace christ repeated to his disciples , saying , peace be vnto you , this peace he brought into the world , this peace he left with his people in the world , which the world cānot giue , for there is no peace to the wicked faith the lord. the ceremonies of euery natiō in all countries in concluding of peace , was generally by bloud , and as it were confirmed by an oath in supping each others bloud , or by dipping in of their swords , arrowes , flint-stones or wooll . as the meades drewe bloud out of theyr armes , the lydians out of their shoulders , the arabians out of their fingers : that by sucking and licking of each others bloud they thought it the soundest and surest testimony of peace and friendship that could be . the armenians vsed to draw bloud , euery man out of his thumbe , & that euery man should licke an others bloud , in witnesse that all should liue in peace and loue therafter : so did radamistus king of hiberia , with mitrates king of armenia . but in the place where the scythians concluded peace , they had a great bowle of wine before them , and there euery man letting a vaine to bleed into the bowle of wine , & then dipping a sword and an arrow into this bowle , dranke one to another this mingled wine and bloud , in token of peace and friendship between them . in like maner the carmanes , people in persia , when they met together at a banquet , they would strike a vain in their forehead to draw bloud , to mingle their bloud with wine , & to drinke that one to an other , which was among them the greatest oath , & the surest bond of loue that could be . the ceremonies of the arabians , whē they were to be agreed with their enemies , they would drawbloud with a sharp flintstone out of their fingers into a dish , & therin dip white wooll , & certain small thin stones , with the which stones & wooll , they would rub and die their garments , to continue as a perpetuall league of peace betweene them . the old and auntient manner of the persians was , to bring their wiues , their children , & their dearest friends , and at their banquets , calling their hospitall gods to bee their witnesses , and their friends then present , to bee as pawnes , and pledges of their faith & peace , by drinking one to an other . the thracians and the egiptians also had their ceremonies in contracting conditiōs of peace , which was , to drink wine out of an oxe horn one to an other , being an old ceremoniall custome among them of great antiquitie : for without drinking out of that oxe horne , no composition of peace could be taken in egipt , or in thracia , for the horne was an auntient monument reserued for that purpose . clearchus generall of the lacedemonians , at what time the persians and the greekes were at composition of peace , clearchus sacrificed a bull , a wolfe , a boare , and a ramme , and in the bloud of these sacrified beasts , the greekes dipt their swords , & the persians their launces , as a full record before the gods of peace and amitie . aristides labouring much for vniuersall peace among the greekes , after long ciuill warres , at the concluding of the peace , hee threw hotte fierie iron bowles into the sea , praying vnto the gods , that as those fiery bowels were extinguished by water ; euen so they that would breake this league of peace , and liue in greece with all their friends and confederates , should be rooted out of greece , or quite destroyed in greece . had agesilaus bene so willing as aristides was with epaminondas , when all greece came to lacedemon , to make a generall peace , sparta had not bene so plagued at the battell of leuctres , where king cleombrotus was slaine , and a thousand of the best souldiers and citizens of sparta . fabius max. being sent by the romanes , as an embassador to the carthagineans , vsed these words : i bring you here in the lap of my gowne , warre or peace , wherof you must make present choise . the like embassage the romane popilius carried frō rome to antiochus epiphanis , opening the whole cause of his embassage . antiochus seeming to cast off time with delayes , popilius made a circuite with his rod round about him , saying : you must answere the senators of rome before you goe out of this round circuite , whether you will haue warre or peace : so valiant and stout the romanes euer were , that they offered peace and warre together , and the enemies to make the choise . now hauing opened the maner & order of denouneing warres , and concluding of peace , before i proceed forward to military discipline taught in all countreys , and among all nations , i will set downe the maner and order how diuers nations were wont in olde time to yeeld and to seeke peace at their enemies , being in the enemies hands without hope of life , and readie to be ouerthrowne . chap. xiiii . the manner of yeelding among all nations . of diuers battels and victories , and how the romanes and the greekes esteemed their weapons . the maner of yeelding of diuers nations in old time was , either in the field to their enemies , or else by entreaty of peace , they should come in base and simple apparell to offer theyr lands , their waters , their liuings , their cattels , their temples , and their citties . so the egiptians came with poore simple garments , without weapons , to seeke peace at the enemies , and to yeeld themselues , their priests carrying their gods before them with sacrifice . so the cittizens of alexandria came to yeeld themselues to caesar. so the iewes came out of ierusalem with theyr high priest , to meete alexander the great , yeelding vnto him all dignitie and honour , submitting themselues vnto him . so the gibeonites came to ioshua , faigned themselues embassadors , tooke olde sackes vpon their asses , and olde clowted shooes vpon their feete , and said vnto ioshua , we be thy seruants , we be come from a far countrey ; so ioshua consented vnto peace , made a league with them , and suffered them to liue . so the sabine embassadors when they came to yeeld themselues to the old roman kings , were demanded by torquin : do you & your people come to yeeld your selues to me & my people at rome , your lands , your waters , your cities , your temples , your wealth , your liberties , and all that you haue ? the embassadors answered wee do , and i king torquine accept and receiue your yeelding . the greekes likewise came as the egiptians did , in sad mourning apparell , and offered boughes of oliues , and branches of lawrell to the enemies , as signes and tokens of submission , in yeelding and in seeking of peace . the persians maner was to offer land and water to the conquerour , as a signe of yeelding , for so the persians sought of others , when they tooke warres in hand , before they conquered , which was their pride & brag . but the athenians according to the lawe of armes put the persian embassadors to death ; for that they sought land & water , before any warre was denounced , or battell giuen . the assirians also according to their wonted manner , when they come to yeeld themselues , their priests come with their labels , miters , and holy ornaments , to seeke peace at the enemy . the syrians came to yeeld themselues with halters about their necks to achab to entreat for peace for benhadad their king , who said a litle before that the dust of samaria was too little for euery one of his souldiers to haue a handfull . with the frenchmen and spaniards , it was their custome and maner to yeeld to their enemies in shewing their hands and armes naked to the enemy . the lacedemonians , when they sought peace and yeeded to the enemies , they threw their shields away from them , and tooke the enemies by the hand , saying herbando , a word of yeelding . for in all military discipline amōg all nations , and by martial lawes of all countries , those that were forced to seeke peace & yeeld themselues to the conqueror were to be accepted ( iure deditionis ) . yet the romanes could scant away with yeelding souldiers , for those romane souldiers that yeelded themselues to pirrhus , were not redeemed by the romains , especially soldiers that yeelded in armour , were neuer after accepted as romaines , and the souldiers that fled back from the enemies to his fellowes in the campe , should be met by the way and slaine by their owne fellowes , so that the romaines would neuer grace a yeelded souldier . so philopomen said , hearing certaine grecians much commending a valiant captaine for his courage and policie ; can you said philopomen , so commend a valiant captaine that yeelded himselfe , and was contented to be takē prisoner aliue ? i like the romanes said philopomen , that would neuer pay raunsome for a romane captaine taken aliue in battell , and yet they would raunsome the body of a captaine slaine in the field to bury him . yet at the battell of pharsalia , after pompey and his captaines fled , and his army scattered , the rest yeelded to caesar , holding their targets on their heads , and deliuering their weapons to caesar. so much the romanes esteemed their targets , that laying them vpon their heades , though they yeelded their swords , their speares and other weapons to caesar , yet would they not yeelde their targets but together with their heads . so did the greekes esteeme their targets , that the lacedemonians mad●… lawe , that that captaine or that souldier that had lost his shield in the battell , should loose his life after the battell . and therfore the womē of lacedemonia commanded their childrē whē they went to warres , holding vp , and shewing a target in one of their hands , saying : aut cuns hoc redeas , aut super hoc moriaris : eyther to dye vpon their shields and targets in the field , or to bring with thē their targets from the field . so odious were coward souldiers in lacedemonia , that the women of sparta would meet their sonnes that fled from the battell , and hold vp their clothes , saying : where will you flye you cowards ? will you creep again into your mothers belley ? of all nations , onely the lacedemonians and the old germans , were so seuere against those that lost their shields in the battell , that among the germaines they should not be allowed to come to any publike councell , nor bee admitted to come to the temples , or to the church , to heare seruice . though there was punishment appointed for souldiers that lost speare , launce , or any other military weapon , yet not capitall punishment , which was onely by law appointed to those souldiers that lost their shields , for that both the greekes and the romane captaines had their names written within theyr shieldes , and therefore they thought it moste ignominious , that their shelds should be lost , least their shields should bragge of their names , which made that worthy captaine epaminondas , beeing wounded to death at the battell at mantinea , to enquire if his target were safe , which beeing deliuered vnto him , hee tooke it and kissed it , and saide : now epaminondas dyeth not , but beginneth to liue , for i haue two daughters of mine , mantinea and leuctres , to celebrate the fame of epaminondas , which subdued the stout lacedemodians , subiect vnto the thaebans . scypio affricanus looking on a souldiers target which was most braue and most richly adorned , said i much commend thee to make most of that which defendeth and saueth thy life most often . so marius and catulus both gonsuls of rome , in their warres against the cymbrians , their souldiers , each one had his captaines name , and his owne name written on his shield and other military weapons , that by looking on their captaines name they might do the greater seruice to honour their captaines . so auncient was the fame and honour in olde time giuen to targets and shields among the grecians & the troians , that the name of neptune was written in the shields of the grecians , and the name of minerua on the shields of the troians . i will therefore speake something of the grecian warres against the persians , before i intreat of military discipline , and i will mention but foure principall speciall victories , which the grecians had ouer the great kings of persia , for that the grecians may not be thoght to esteeme their targets for nothing . the first and most renowned victorie of the grecians ouer the persians , at the battell of plataea , where of sixe hundred thousand fighting men , which mardonius generall of the persians had in his campe , there was slaine two hundred thousand persians , and mardonius himselfe slaine by a spartan souldier vnder pausanias . in memory of this victory , there is a common assembly of all the states of greece at plataea , where the plataeans make a solemne sacrifice vnto iupiter protector of their libertie , for those noble grecians that were slaine at plataea , with chariots laden with braunches of firre trees , with nosegaies & garlands of triumphs , then followed a black bull , and some young noble gentlemen , that carried great bowles full of wine , and others carried pots full of milk to powre upon the graues of those dead noble captaines that died for their countrey , others carried oyles , perfumes , and sweete odours in glasses . after this followed the generall , holding a funerall pot in the one hand , & a naked sword in the other , vnto the graues where these noble captaines & gentlemen were buried , that were slain in that battell , and there the general washed the pillars , arches & images of those noble valiant greeks that were wrought vpon them : then annointed them with oyles , sweet sauours , & after beautified them with sweet flowers & nosegaies , & crowned them with seueral kinds of garlands . in this solemne sort the generall tooke a great bowle of wine , holding out his hād towards the graues , saying ; i drinke to you noble captains and valiant gentlemē that died in the defence of greece . alexander the great vpon the graue of achilles , vsed a funeral sacrifice , not altogether vnlike the grecians maner , caused himselfe with diuers of his company to be washed , and after to be annointed with ointments , with garlands of mirtle vpō their heads , and in solemne procession to goe round about achilles graue , all naked , sixe hundred yeares after achilles death . so traiane the emperour in alexandria vsed the like funerall sacrifice vpon alexanders graue . yeares after alexanders death , after the romane maners & custome , with garlands & crowns made of flowers vpō his graue , with sacrifice of frankincense & other sweet odours , in the very same house in alexandria , where alexander dwelt , for he died at babilon , & was buried in alexādria his owne towne . they vsed the like funerall ceremonies in the feast called parentalia in rome , which was celebrated with beanes , pulses , wafers and drie figges , laide vpon a bare flint stone , on the graue of their dead parents , or their great friends and next kinsmen , which graue they deckt with flowers , nosegaies , and all kinde of sweet hearbes , and garlands , going about it naked , and after sitting about the graue of the dead banketting & feasting , much like to the feast called lemuralia , where among the grecians they drinke to the soules of the dead . the iewes held an anuall feast called purym , in memorie of their deliuerance from the malice of ammon , who had obtained frō king ashuerus lycence to destroy all the iewes dwelling in . prouinces in persia , vpon that very day that ammon thought to kill the iewes and hang mardocheus vpon a gallows which he made of ten cubits high , was ammon himself withhis ten sonshāgd vpon the same gallows which he made for mardocheus . but to return to the victory at marathon , for the which victory strife grew between the lacedemonians & the athenians , at what time milciades was generall for the athenians , & pausanias for the lacedemonians , but the victory was by aristides & by all men giuē to the plataeans to end the strife . this battel of marathon was in the morning , and in the euening of the same day was the battel and victory at mycala , though some hold opinion there was some distance of time betweene them . vpon the very day that lu. crassus was slaine by the parthians at carras , and his romain army ouerthrown : vpon that very day fewe yeares after were the parthiās ouerthrown by pub. ventidius , which so reuēged crassus with such a slaughter of the parthians the pachorus the eldest son of the king was slain . and vpō the very day that the cymbrians gaue the ouerthrow to the romain cōsull caepio , and his army , vpō that very fame day marius afterwards with terrible slaughter of the cimbriās requited it . again the secōd victory which the greciās had ouer the persian nauy by sea at salamina , at what time armed men were seen in the aire that did reach out their hands from the i le of aegina towards the grecian galleys , also songs were heard in the aire in the praise of bacchus , and flames of fire were seen in the element , with many moe wonders which appeared towardes the citie eleusina , this was one of the most glorious and greatest victories that euer the greekes had , chiefly gotten by the pollicie and cunning of themistocles the athenian . artemidord , queene of alicarnassus , came to aide the persians against the grecians , as pentheselia queen of the amazons came to aide the troians in their wars against the grecians , but the one died in greece taking part with the persians , and the other died in troy in the quarrell of the troians : yet some writers affirme that artemisia was not slaine in greece . in this battell xerxes king of persia had a thousand shippes of warres , of the which he lost eight hundred of them , and his admirall called ariames taken , the wisdome and foresight of themistocles in this battell was honoured of all the grecians , for it was equall to the famous battell at plataea , for renowne and fame , though not so great a victorie , and yet themistocles being but a young man , at the battell at plataea vnder callimachus and milciades , two noble captaines of athens , shewed himselfe so valiant that all greece much commended his courage . themistocles was euer wont to say in his youth , that the fame of milciades victories & triumphs , would not suffer themistocles to sleep , nor to rest in his bed . so likewise was themistocles the cause of the most renowned victory of the greekes ouer the persians , by sea at artimisium , where xerxes with all his whole nauie was ouerthrowne . this victory made themistocles to be so honoured of the grecians , that the captaines after sacrifice done , gaue him an oliue braunch in token of victorie , and they sent three hundred of their lustie youthes to accompany themistocles . his renowne grew such by this victory , that when themistocles came to the next feast of the olympicall games , all the people cast their eyes vpon him , clapping their hands , and shewing him vnto straungers that knew him not , but themistocles onely at artemisium , was the originall cause of the sauing of all greece , and did then most aduance the honour and glory of the athenians , and was after battell done honoured aboue all the grecians , and also all the grecian captaines , hauing vpon the aultar of their sacrifice , sworne that themistocles best deserued the glorie of that victory , yet was hee banished from athens , though his victories were so great ouer the persians , as hanibals victories were ouer the romanes . chap. xv. of straunge apparitions in the ayre , and prodigious myracles . of seuen signes seene before the ouerthrow of ierusalem , with the last destruction thereof . of diuers great captains by the lord appointed to fauour ierusalem and the iewes . many strange apparitions were seene in the ayre in many places of greece , before the victories which the grecians had ouer the persians , and before the victories which the affricans had ouer the romanes . and first at the battell of salamina , as you read before , where flames of fire were seene in the element , songs were heard in the ayre in the praise of bacchus , and armed men were seene in the aire , as you read before , that did reach out their hands from the i le of aegina , towards the grecian galleys . so at the battell at thrasymen , at arpos , the likenesse of bucklers were seene in the heauens , and the sunne seemed to fight with the moone at carpena ; and two targets sweat bloud at sardinia ; and at the very battell it selfe , such earthquakes hapned , that townes and rocks fell to the earth , mountaines were carried frō one place to an other , and the riuers ranne backwards , yet in the battell it selfe it was neither knowne nor felt of the romans , nor of the affricans : for among the romanes seldome happened any earth-quakes without great losse or harme , either by ouerthrowning of towns and cities , or losse of victories , as the romanes supposed ; and yet in the second affrican war , . earthquakes hapned amōg the romains in one yeare ; also an oxe spake , & said , caue tibi roma . in piceno it raigned stones . in cicilia two targets sweat bloud . at the citie antium in italy , bloud flowed out of the eares of corne , & many such prodigious signes , and yet not so many as were equall to the romanes calamities , during the time of the second punike warre , but it was euer the greatnes of the romanes to be most valiant in their greatest afflictiō . and as in the second punike war an oxe spake , so in the time of torquine the proud after his ouerthrows in . battels , a dog spake , & a serpēt barked . at the destructiō of cōstantinople by the turks , a great multitude of dogs were seen in the aire , after which followed a great nūber of diuers kinds of beasts , in maner and form of light armed souldiers ; after them followed an other cōpany of beasts with spears & targets ; another company of beasts deuided in troups on horse ; after thē followed a mightie monstrous man , of a terrible stature , riding vpō a terrible horse , which appeared . houres ouer the citie comū , & vanished away a litle before night . strange apparitions & meteors haue bin in many battel 's seen in the aire , eclipses of sun & moone , earthquakes & such , besides many visiōs seen , & many voices yelded . pub. vatinius a roman praetor , late walking out of rome , there met him castor and pollux , vnknowne to vatinius , like two goodly yong gentlemen on white horses , who told him that the consul aemilius had taken persius k. of macedonia , & ouerthrown his whole force , the selfesame day . vatinius reciting the same to the senate , was presētly cōmitted to prisō , vntil letters came frō pau. aemil. vnto rome frō macedonia , certifying the senators of their victories , & taking of persius the same day the vatinius told thē . in the wars that the lucaniās had against the romans , the likenes to a mā of exceeding great stature , appeared to the romans , & spake these words , gradus victoriae factus , & after these words passed through the midst of the enemies , & vanished away ; at that time the romans got the victory , slew . thousand , & tooke . ensignes . camillus in his warres against the vients , after the people were destroyed & the towne takē , the general camillus commanded the souldiers to carry the image of iuno from veients to rome , and being demanded of one of the souldiers in a ieast whether she willingly would remoue from vients , and come to rome , the image suddenly answered i wil : which words so amazed the romans , that they with all honor brought her to rome , and builded a temple to iuno in mount auentine , where she was honored as one of their chiefe gods among the romanes . thus the romanes imagined that all their victories were had by means of their gods , & therfore brought as many gods as they could to rome , and yet when pilate wrote from ierusalem to rome , to his lord and maister tiberius the emperor , to haue christ allowed to be one of the romane gods , pilate was flatly denied , though the emperour himselfe perswaded the senators , of many myracles that iesus had done in ierusalem , but the senate would not allow iesus to come to rome among their gods . iosephus writes , that at the destruction of ierusalem , there were many signes seene in the ayre , and voyces heard in the earth , before the citie was destroyed , and the temple burned , signifying the calamitie which was at hand . the first signe was a comet , like a sword , hanging in the ayre ouer the cittie of ierusalem , which continued a whole tweluemoneth , contrarie to the nature of a comet , which was not seene to continue past six moneths . the second signe was a lightning that shined in the night time , about the temple , and about the aultar , as light as day , & this light continued the space of halfe an houre , of the which some iudged well , some otherwise . the third straunge sight was , that an oxe beeing brought vp on the feast day to bee sacrificed , brought forth a lambe , which terrified the people , & made them much amazed . the fourth myracle was , that the great brazen gate on the east side of the temple , being lockt and strongly barred , opened of it selfe , which could scarce bee shut with the force of twentie men . the fift signe was , that after the feast dayes , a little before sunne setting , were seene iron charriots , and an host of armed men houering round about the citie in the cloudes . the sixt vpon the feast of penticost , when the priests went according to their maners , into the temple to celebrate diuine seruice , they heard as it were some noise or stirring , and after they heard a voyce that said , migremus hinc , let vs remoue from this place . the seuenth and last , and the straungest signe of all , one iesus a simple man , seuen yeares before ierusalē was destroied , cried out , vox ab oriente , a voyce from the east , a voyce from the west , a voyce from the foure windes , a voyce against ierusalem , and against the temple , and a voyce against all this people . thus went hee still through all the streetes of ierusalē , with these words in his mouth , vae ierosolymis , though hee was whipt and scourged , and brought before the romane president albinus , yet hee vsed all one words , woe to the cittie , woe to the temple , and woe to the people ; thus hee cryed out for seuen yeares and fiue moneths , and at the last words which he spake , vaeautem mihi , a stone came from the wall and killed him . this is written of iosephus , who was a tetrarch in galiley , and fought many battels with his countrey against the romanes vntill he was taken by titus , and brought with him to rome , where he wrote of the antiquitie of the iewes twentie bookes in greeke , & wrote seuen bookes of the iewish warres , and was as much esteemed in rome , as berosus the chaldean was in athens ; but the iewes little esteemed nabuchodonozer in the last destruction by ieremy and ezechiel before prophesied , they following the counsell of such false prophets that both prophesied and promised victorie to achab , when he was slaine , and his army ouerthrowne : so they said that the babilonians should not come within ierusalem , and they were beleeued , and ieremy imprisoned ; so now for all these signes seene , and for all that christ prophesied the destruction of ierusalem , & wept vpon mount olyuet for the same , yet the iewes beleeued no prophesie , weighed not the romanes , no more then they weighed before the babilonians . the like prophesie was found in cataldus booke , bishop of tarentum , being long time before dead , who appeared in a vision to a priest in naples , and willed the priest to dig in such a secret place and to bring a booke written by cataldus , being so found in a table of lead nailed , and to shewe it to the king , where he found the calamities and eminent destruction of neapolis . in the twelfth yeare of nero the emperour , vespasian was sēt with an army to subdue the iewes , which could not be quiet , but rebelled euer against the romanes , whom the iewes mortally hated , though the romanes had so many presidents vnder them to gouerne the iewes , as pilate , petronius , festus , albinus , and last of all , florus . yet they would not be brought to subiectiō . and after vespasiā had cōquered all galiley , where fla. iosephus was appointed tetrarch , who was taken in this warre , and all the whole country beyond iorden , as gadara , macherunta , hiericho , and other cities , ierusalem hee gaue to his sonne titus to lay siege to it , and vespasian went to alexandria , and from thence to rome ; leauing titus to subdue the iewes at ierusalem . for vpon the very day that christ dyed vpon the crosse in mount golgotha , on the same very day eight and thirtie yeares after , was ierusalem taken , and destroyed quite to the ground by titus , the temple burnt , eleuen hundred thousand slain with the sword and famine , an hundred thousand solde publikely as slaues , and sixteene thousand were sent to rome , to beautifie his fathers triumph , as iosephus an eye-witnesse doth report . the iewes looked not for their destruction so nigh at hand , they obserued by tradition of some of their rabines , that their messias should come about the time of augustus , as a magnificent mighty king , & not as a poore man , the sonne of a carpenter , whom the iewes whipt and scourged , for that he tooke vpō him to be the sonne of god , & made himself messias , the iewes litle thought that he was the messas , when they cryed to pilate to haue him crucified in golgotha , saying : his bloud be vpon vs , and vpon our children . the greedie desire and expectation of the people was such , that many tooke vpon them to call themselues the messias , as iudas galileus , and an other called atonges a shepheard : but aboue them all , one barcozba had diuers followers , & was receiued for their messas thirtie yeares , but when they saw that he could not defend them from the romanes , they would no longer accept him for their messias , but slew him . titus proceedeth forward to destroy the iewes , but especially the priests , the scribes , & pharisies , on whom he had no mercie , saying , that they chiefly ought to dye with the sword , sithence the temple was burnt with fire , they onely being rebellious and seditious , and the cause of the destruction of the citie . titus spared none of the stocke of herod . in this warres of titus were ten of the learned rabbines slaine , whose names i thought good to write , as i found them written in genebrardus chronicles . rabbi simeon ben gamaliel . rabbi ismael ben elizei . rabbi hanina ben tedarion . rabbi husiphith . rabbi eleazer ben samaa . rabbi iuda ben dama , rabbi isbak scribam . rabbi iuda ben hachinas . rabbi iuda ben baba . rabbi askiba . these tenne rabbines were slaine by titus , which the iewes record in theyr latter talmud for tenne martyrs and after ierusalem was thus destroied , titus appointed rabbi iohanan ben zachai , gouernour ouer the remnant of the iewes in ahua , byther , oza , & other pla●…es as nabuchodonozer did appoint godoliah gouernor of the rest of the iewes when he destroyed ierusalem , in the time of zedechia the king . titus also left bonia , a younger brother of fla. iosephus , to gouerne other places in iudah , and he returned with his prisoners and captiues which he brought with him to rome , to beautifie his fathers triumphes and his . this was the fift and last ouerthrow of the iewes , & destruction of ierusalem . first by shesac king of egipt , in the time of rehoboam ; secondly by nabuchodonozer , in the time of zedechias , the last king of iudah : thirdly by antiochus : fourthly by pompey the great : and fiftly and last , by titus and vespasian . thus the iewes that subdued all natiōs before them , and conquered all the kings about them , that in the time of ioshua & dauid , all the earth trembled at the naming of the iewes , whose gouernment continued from abraham to vespasian , two thousand yeares and more , though for a time , while they were in egipt . yeares , litle spoken of , vntil the lord raised them , & so strengthned thē vnder moses and ioshua , that first they ouerthrew pharao and his kingdome , & after subdued the canaanites , edomites , moabites , ammonites , philistines , and the syrians , which of the hebrewes were called aromites , the strongest nation vpon the earth at that time , which were subdued notwithstanding by dauid . thus the iewes which were as famous , and feared as much in those dayes , as the romanes were in the time of their consuls , are now so destroyed , and their country subdued like wandring banished mē , without king , lawe , or countrey . the cause wherof was the sinne of ierusalem , which would neuer acknowledge the goodnesse of god towards them , nor his myracles and his mercy wrought amongst them , they refused his grace offered , and persecuted him most violently to death . yet dionisius areopagita and his fellow appollonius , in the citie of eliopolis in egipt , they both obserued by the eclipse of the sun , at the verie houre the sonne of god suffered , more then the rebellious iewes did , for all the blessings and mercies which they had receiued , they cried out still vnto pilate , crucifie him , his blood be vpon vs , and vpon our children . these learned heathens openly confessed in egipt , that either the sonne of god did suffer death , or else the frame of the whole worlde should be dissolued , these two heathens confessed and named him to bee the sonne of god , but the vngratefull iewes called and named him the sonne of ioseph the carpenter , in contempt of him , and therefore it is conuenient to set forth the great goodnesse of the lorde in a briefe and a short catalogue , what the lord hath done to israel , since he brought them out of the furnace of egipt , where they were bond-slaues vnder pharao , . yeares , euen from the first comming of abraham into egipt , vntill moses brought them out of egipt . for after esau & iacob had diuided their fathers possession , esau went to dwell in edumea , and iacob tooke for his part canaan , where he dwelt and his childrē , vntil iacob went to egipt with all his family to his sonne ioseph , which was . yeares after the being of abraham in egipt , and . yeares before moses brought the childrē of israel out of egipt into the land of canaan , at what time the law was written & giuen to moses in mount sinai , to gouern the people ; and after the lawe was giuen , the tabernacle was commaunded by moses to be made in the wildernesse , which should stand to them for a temple to serue the lord , and after the tabernacle , the arke was made , where the tables of the lawe were commaunded by moses at his death to be kept , where moses gouerned the whole army of the hebrues fortie yeares before they went ouer iorden . and moyses before he died , he deliuered the army of the hebrewes into the hands of ioshua , with a charge from the lord , vnder whom they passed into the lande of canaan , after whose death they began to be rebellious & seditious . yet the lord fauoured thē , & sent thē stout and wise gouernors , as iudah , ehud , barac , iephtha , gedeō , and sampson , yet stil rebelled they like idolatrous people against the lord , that they were weary of that gouernment , and reiected samuel & his gouernmēt , and would haue a king : the lord denied them nothing , and they had kings to rule them : during which time of kings , idolatry presently crept in , that the lord & his lawes were forsaken , and baal with his prophets & priests accepted . hence grew ciuil warres between the . tribes , ten against two , that of one kingdom they made two ; so that there was nothing but slaughter and blood , betweene the house of israel & the house of iudah : and that straight after solomons death . thousand were slain in mount zemaraim of the king of israels side , by the king of iudah . againe such a slaughter of the king of iudahs side by the king of israel , that two hundred thousand of womē and children were taken prisoners in samaria , so that they wasted and spoyled one another in such sort , that frō a happy & populous people , by forsaking their lord and god , they became a most miserable & idolatrous people to serue strange gods . for during the time of dauid which was . yeares , the kingdome of israel was the most famous & renowned kingdome of the world . for so the lord spake , i will make the princes of iudah , like coales of fire among the wood , and like a fire-brand in the sheafe , and they shal deuour all people round about them . so dauid brought all the kings & nations about , subiect & tributary vnto israel , whose happie whole gouernment was such , that at his death hee left a hundred thousand talents to his sonne solomon to build a temple to the lord , which he himself had determined to build , but that the prophet nathā warned him from the lord that he should not , for that he was a man of blood , but that solomon his sonne should build him a house . this kingdom of israel being so happy ( as you heard ) in king dauids time , and in solomons time , so glorious a temple builded , and so richly furnished vnto the lord , that in solomons time , such plentie was in ierusalē , mony was no more esteemed thē stones in the streets , yet presently vpō solomons death in the time of rehoboham his sonne , the state of ierusalem was so obscured & altered , that the citie was sackt , and the temple robd , with great slaughter of people by shesac king of egipt , so that the wealth and treasure of ierusalem and of the temple , was carried by shesac into egipt . againe the kings of israel became so idolatrous , that there were no gods among the heathens , but they were as gods worshipped in israel , so that they were far worse then the grecians or the romans , who would allow no strange gods to raigne neither in athens nor in rome , and therefore for that they forsooke the lord , the lord forsooke them , and gaue them ouer , and their kingdome to the assirians , by the hand of salmanasser , and so samaria and other townes in israel were inhabited by strangers . so the kings of iudah after israel within . yeares after , were carried captiues into babilon by nabuchodonozer , yet the lord gaue them not ouer , but brought them within . yeares after againe to ierusalem , & stirred vp cyrus , darius , and artaxerxes , three great kings of persia , to fauour and to aide them with license to returne to their countrey , to inhabit ierusalem with money and much treasure , to build vp the temple , redeliuering vnto them all the rich vessels of gold and siluer , which salomon left in the temple at his death , and which nabuchodonozer tooke away from the temple , and brought to babilon . after cyrus and these kings of persia , the lord stirred vp a great heathen prince alexander the great , who when he came to ierusalem , lighted off his horse , and came to meet the high priest , and reuerenced him with great obeysance , where were read vnto him the prophesies of daniel , where it was found that a grecian prince should subdue the persian kingdome , which alexander acknowledged to be himselfe , and therefore went into the temple & sacrificed to the god of israel , and not only freely granted to the high priest whatsoeuer he would aske , but commaunded him to aske what he would haue him do , & the high priest asked nothing but that the iewes that dwelt in babilon , in medea , and in other countreys about vnder his gouernment , might enioy and liue according to the lawes of their countrey , which alexander graunted , besides his great and liberall gifts which he bestowed vpon the priest & the temple . nabuchodonozer vsed himselfe otherwise then alexander did against iudah , for he commanded holofernus , to spare no people , no kingdome , saying , non parcet oculus tuus vlliregno . the terror of holofernus army therby was such , that they came out of euery citie crowned with crownes on their heads , and lamps in their hands , to receiue him with all kind of musicke , and with dauncing & songs to please him , yet could they not mittigate the fiercenesse of his fury . after alexander the lord stirred vp pthol . philadelphus , so to fauour the israelits , & to loue their lawes , that he had the lawes of israel written in the greeke tongue in alexandria , and released many prisoners and captiues of the iews , to the number of . ( which ptol. lagus his precessor had brought from iudah to egipt , ) with as great bountifull rewards & gifts , as alexander did . so zeleucus shewed such fauour to the iewes dwelling in antioch , in ionia , & in ephesus , that he graunted to them the liberties & lawes of their countrey . after zeleucus the lord stirred vp antiochus the great , being before a great enemy of the iewes ; & after antiochus many of the kings of asia , so to fauour them , that all the cities of asia where the iewes dwelt , should suffer them to liue according to the laws of their country , and to enioy the benefites of the same , and though many of the assirian kings troubled and molested them with great warres , which ioyned themselues with the samaritans to subdue the kingdome of iudah . yet the lord raised vp the house of assamonias , mattathias to resist the violence of the assyrians , and after him his sonne iu. machabaeus , who slew of the enemies , edumeans and assyrians , that sought the ouerthrowe of his countrey , two hundred , thirtie sixe thousand , and seuen hundred , in the defence of ierusalem , and after him his other foure bretheren forsooke not the lawes of the lord for all the tyrannie of the romane emperors and the assyrian kings . but the iewes from time to time so reuoulted from the lord , that aristobulus the sonne of hircanus , made himselfe a king . yeares after the returne of the captiuitie of the iewes from babilon , but hee enioyed his kingdome but one yeare after he famished his mother and killed his brother , for in iudah their kings had no better succession then the kings of rome had , though in both the kingdomes , they made great meanes to become kings . after this aristobulus , there was no king among the iewes vntill herod , who was made by the senators of rome , with the consent of augustus caesar , and mar. antonius , both emperours of rome , vnder whom iudah was a prouince . yet one false alexander a iew , most subtilly adopted himselfe , being very like to herod , to be of the stock and family of herod , and brother to aristobulus , and thereby claimed to bee king of iudah , saying , that he was herods sonne , as false philip faigned himselfe in macedonia , to be persius sonne king philips brother , and as the common people there reuerenced false philippe in macedonia , so likewise in all parts of iurie was this false alexander carried in coach from cittie to cittie , with all the reuerence and honour that could bee , as though he were their true and lawfull king , but being brought to rome before caesar , who found by the hardnesse of his hands , and rudenesse of his behauiour , that hee was not brought vp like a kings sonne , and therefore caesar hauing found his falshood , bound him all his life time as a galley slaue , and commaunded all his counsellors and conspirators to bee killed with the sword . this house continued vntill the last destruction of ierusalem . so that the iewes after christ his death , beeing euery where afflicted and oppressed , from babilon were forced to flie to zeleucia , the chiefe citie in all syria , which zeleucus nicanor builded ; a towne where greekes , macedonians and syrians dwelt together : there also the greekes and the syrians conspired together against the iewes that there dwelt , and slew trecherously of them to the number of . so sedition also began between the iewes in alexandria , and the aegiptians : in samaria betweene the samaritans and the iewes , and all the iewes which dwelt in rome , in sardinia , & other places of the romaine empire , were from thence banished . these iewes had not so much as a place to rest vpon the earth , but were scattered like rogues & vagabounds euery where , without credit or loue , without prince , priest , law or religion , ( the iust iudgement of the lord ) for their blasphemy against the sonne of god , saying : his bloud be vpon vs and our children . thus the iewes whom moses & aaron brought out of egipt , to the number of six hundred thousand , died all in the wildernesse , for their rebellious mutinie . moses and eleazer ( after aarons death ) numbred the people in the wildernesse , where all the other died , and they found sixe hundred thousand , seuenteen hundred and thirtie able and sufficient men for the warres , and yet not one of them which moses & aaron numbred in the desart of sinai after they came out of egipt , sauing ioshua & caleb , but died in the wildernesse , for disobedience and stubbernesse , euer preferring the cucumbers , melons , oynions & garlicks of egipt , before māna , quailes , and sweete water which they had from euery rocke in the wildernesse , where neither their cloathes were worne , nor their shooes spent for fortie yeares , yet egipt which should be a hel to them , was their paradice . the tenne tribes of israel raigned in samaria . yeares , seuen moneths , and seuen daies , during which time they neither obeyed the lawes of the lord , nor heard the prophets that forewarned them of these calamities which were to come , and therfore the lord gaue them ouer , & they were taken prisoners , & their last king osea , & brought captiues by salmanasser vnto niniuie . so the kingdome of iudah and the house of dauid was likewise taken by nabuchodonozer in the eleuenth yeare of zedechiah , the last king of iudah , who was taken captiue , his noble men & his children slaine in his sight , before his eyes were pluckt out , and after led in a chaine vnto babilon , where he died in prison . yeares after the kingdome of israel was destroyed by salmanasser , that was the cause of his miserable end , for the contempt he had to the prophet ieremy , disdaining either to hear him , or to read his booke , for before any king raigned in israel iudges by the lord appointed , ruled . yeares , the kings of iudah after solomons death raigned . yeares , which agreeth well with iosephus account . and so of the continuance of the bishops or high priests , euen from the building of the temple of solomon ( sadoc being their first high priest or bishop ) were seuēteene high priests or bishops in ierusalem , by succession of the children after their fathers . the end of the second booke . the third booke of the stratagems of ierusalem . chap. i. of the care and diligence which kingdomes and countries tooke in military discipline to exercise their souldiers . the romanes most carefull in all military discipline , in no wise trusted strangers , but euery romaine souldier should take a military oath by the colonell . the persiās also , were in this point like the romains , for not admitting of mercenary souldiers : seldome is found any constancie or soundnesse in mercenary souldiers , as by too many examples the romanes and others found . iugurth by trechery of fewe thracians that serued the romanes in affrike , in the night time betraied the romanes to iugurth , and made a great slaughter of them . in like sort the thessalians were trecherous to the athenians whom they trusted , but they forsooke the athenians at the battel of tanagra , wherby through their falsehood and trecherie to the athenians , the victorie fell to the lacedemonians , therefore neither the romanes nor the persians trusted any mercenary souldiers , for mercenary souldiers and strangers are not to be trusted , for they doo not onely forsake their friends in any danger , but ioyne with the enemy for any aduantage . so did the gaules in the warres of carthage , slew the watch of the romanes , and fled to haniball . the lawe of armes in euery countrey should holde and maintain the crowne & dignity of the prince by the sword , so most necessary it is , that subiects should be looked vnto with great care and prouision to maintain the willing , forward , and good souldiers , & due punishmēts and sharpe corrections for euill , leaud , & wicked disposed men , carelesse of their countries good . how carefull euery common-wealth hath bene of this , you shall read first of euery kingdome & country seueral punishments by law appointed , & after of the rewards , honor , & dignities of good souldiers ; of which plato saith : omnis respub : paena & praemio continetur . agesilaus therefore appointed gifts and rewards to draw and encourage his souldiers to shoote , to throwe the dart , the sling , to ride , to runne , and with diligence and care to keepe them seuerely from faults & offences , and to exercise them in martiall feates , which kinde of exercise among the greekes was most commonly vsed , called pentatlon , in the games of olympia & isthmia , to honor hercules and thesius , two protectors and principall captaines that loued souldiers . alexander the great was so seuere in martiall lawes towards his souldiers , that if any souldier or captain shuld lye , or be any way proued a lyer , hee should be depriued frō his office and place of seruice , & banished from his camp : for so was antigenes , though a valiant captaine otherwise , yet was both casseerd & banished for making of a lye . alexander after he had banished all bakers , cookes , brewers , and such like frō his campe , said , that marching in their armour in the night , they should prouide them a dinner , & a stomacke to eate theyr dinner against the next morning , & as for a supper , he said they should not looke for wine nor flesh to sleepe after it , but for bread , and hee would prouide for water , which is the onely foode of a souldier , and the most necessary care of a generall . hereby his souldiers being brought vp by philip king of macedonia his father , were hardned with continuall paine and trauell , and long exercises of warres , that alexander with an army of thirtie thousand , after he had vanquished darius king of persia , he proceeded forwards without any resistance , but by yeelding of all the kings of the east countries . it is not read that alexander vsed any stratagemes as his father philippe did . the like hardinesse and courage was found in masinissa king of numidia , being foure score yeares old , that he in the cold winter and hard frost , bareheaded , would march before his souldiers ouer mountaines , through woods and desart places , with such paine and trauell , with such hunger and thirst , as hee beeing a king and a captain , marching before , heauie and laden with armors , the souldiers were kindled with great courage to follow after , being driuen therevnto for very shame , to imitate such a valiant captaine . well therefore lysander said , that a lyon before three hundred deares , was better then a timerous deare before three hundred lyons . and as well did iphicrates the athenian captaine compare the whole band of an army to the whole body of a man : for as the head gouerneth & ruleth the whole body , so the generall ruleth and gouerneth the whole army . fabius max. would neuer suffer his souldiers to be either sloathfull or idle , but before they should take any ease , he would stil remoue his whole camp from place place , to keepe his souldiers in exercise of seruice , and to auoyd sluggishnesse and idlenesse , which idlenesse was the first beginning of hannibals ruine in italy , and as after followed the whole ouerthrow of all his affrican army in campania , for they still tooke their ease and pleasure in capua without military trauell of exercise . for we read that epaminondas that famous thaehan captaine , finding one of his souldiers idle and sleeping in his tent , did runne him through with his speare , and turning to his army , said , wee left this souldier as wee found him . the like did 〈◊〉 caesar , finding one of his army asleep caused him to be bound to a poste , and he himselfe with his lieftenants and captaines , shot him to death , speaking loud to his captains and souldiers , we must purge our army with the sacrifice of such dead souldiers ; for said caesar , frater euim mortis somnus est . therefore scypio affrican was wont to say to idle lazie souldiers , that the souldiers that would not haue their swords and speares imbrewed with the bloud of the enemies , like valiant souldiers should be diggers and deluers like slaues in their shirts , with dyrtie mattockes and spades , in lewe of swords . and so caesar said , that the souldiers that could not vse their swords and shields , should vse the mattock and spade . bochoris decreed a military lawe against sloathfull and idle souldiers in egipt , that would not obey theyr captaines , or forsooke their standart , they should be reremoue from the place where they serued , and become agrarij milites , base souldiers as they began first , and if any souldier would open any secrets to the enemies , he should haue his tongue cut out of his head by the lawe of bochoris . the fatte and full fed souldier among the romanes , that neither could nor would take paines on foote or on horse , the captain might take his horse from vnder him , and giue him to an other . so agesilaus did in the peloponesian warres in greece , for when he sawe young braue souldiers of asia in his campe , which had more pride in their apparell , then care of their seruice , more like to women then to men , agesilaus tooke their braue and fine apparell from them , and gaue it to those souldiers that better deserued it , and forced them to serue very bare and naked , vntill they knew better how to become souldiers . so the romanes vsed to take the speares from those souldiers that were giuē to idlenesse and sloathfulnesse , though before through seruice they wonne them , and deserued them . they also vsed to open a vaine vpon the forehead of a wilde , rash , and disobedient souldier , to let him bleed to become sober . the gaules vsed to put a marke vpon the souldiers girdle , which if the souldier through idlenes would not keepe himselfe within that marke , he should be straightly kept in prison with thin dyet , vntill the marke of his girdle would serue him . the olde gaules had an other lawe , that hee which came last to the muster should be slaine in the presence of the multitude , for that hee seemed vnwilling to come , & to be with the first to answere for himselfe and for his countrey . it was so also among the romanes , that hee which would not answere to the first call at any publike muster of souldiers , should be noted as a great offender to his country , and banished out of his countrey , as a man not borne nor fit for his countrey . eumenes a noble captaine , a souldier of alexander the great , to take that sluggishnesse from his souldiers that grew by idlenesse , did acquaint them with trauell and paine to keepe them in breath , sometimes marching forwards faire and softly , and then retiring with great haste vpon the sudden , much like to the parthians in theyr fighting , taking vpon them to flee for feare from the enemies , to drawe the enemies after them , and then to returne vpon the sudden againe to fight with their enemies : so did eumenes by his souldiers , which made them readie in seruice as well backwards as forwards , which many captaines vsed as stratagems . fabius max. thought good to reclaime the faults of an euil and ignorant souldier by lenitie and gentlenesse , and wished no captaine to vse his souldiers more sharply then the husbandman vsed his figge trees , oliue trees , and wilde pomegranates , which by pruming and good handling of them , do alter their hard & wilde nature . charondas made a lawe to punish those souldiers that loytred in their countrey , and refused to goe to warres for their countrey , and also those souldiers that were in the warres , that brake any martial order by leauing their ensigne and their company , the souldier that so offended , should be cloathed in a womans apparell , and bee brought into the midst of the campe , and there to stand in the sight of all the army three seuerall daies together . so artaxerxes vsed cowardly souldiers in persia with the same selfe lawe as charondas did . and therefore attil . regulus passing with his army from samnium to lucerna , met with the enemies vnexpected : his souldiers being taken vpon the sudden , began to flye , regulus commaunded certaine of his captains to kill those souldiers that fled from the enemies . the old romanes for the greatest punishment they had for their slaues in martius corilianus time , was , to carrie a limmer on his shoulders , that is fastned to the axeltree of a coach called furea , and compelled to go vp and downe in that sort among his neighbours , and after to be called furciser . certaine military punishments by law of armes set downe : castigatio , pecumariaemulctae , numerum indictio , militiaemutatio , gradus dciectio , ignominiosa missio . i will spare to put them in english because they are in english mentioned before . if any be desirous of more military punishments , let him read vegetius , the third booke and fourth chapter , where hee setteth downe that if a souldier beeing punished for any offence by him committed , should contrary his captaine or the collonell , by resisting or staying his captaines hands , or by breaking the staffe or the sticke wherwith he is punished , he is by martiall law displaced from the place he serueth in , and quite remoued from the campe . if any souldier resist correction , & lay violent hands on his captaine or collonell when he is corrected , he is to suffer capitall punishment , which is death by martiall law appointed . augustus caesar commaunded those souldiers that offended in the campe , with sloathfulnesse and idlenesse , which framed not thēselues like souldiers , to carry vpon their backes decempedam , a pearch or pole of ten foote long , sometimes to carrie turffes in their shirts bare-legd and barefooted , to be flowted and scoffed of their company . sertorius for that he saw a number of souldiers negligently omit military discipline , he caused them to bee whipt and scourged in the midst of the campe , threatning death for the least fault the next time they offended . for said sertorius , in bello bis peccare non licet . genutius the consull , disauthorised and purged his campe of foure thousand souldiers , whom hee found sloathfull and negligent in the army , and brought them to open publique punishment . cyrus therfore after he had conquered the lydians , knowing them to be soft and effeminate souldiers , suffered none of them to be in his campe . among the carthaginians , the lacedemonians , and they of creete , a lawe was made , confirmed by plato in greece , that no souldier might drinke wine during the time of theyr warres , which made marius to speake to his armye , perceiuing them to bee verie thyrstie , we must breake our thirst in yonder riuer after the battell . pittacus a singular wise man , made the like lawe in mittelena , as plato made in greece , that the souldiers that would drinke wine , might receiue double punishment without pay . among the romanes seuere lawes were made against wine drinkers , and executed not onely vpon souldiers by the generall , but also vpon the women in rome by their husbands , as egnat . metellus punished his owne wife . if any souldier should go any where out of their camp , and be found without sword and weapons about him , he should be accused of a capital crime , & hardly escape death , vnlesse it were the first offence of a yong soldier . those souldiers that cast vp bankes , made trenches and diches , might not be without weapons about them , though they were but agrarij milites . so vsed marius , and after him caesar , they made their souldiers to worke with their swords on their sides , and mattockes in their hands . so did the iewes for feare of the samaritans , and others , build vp ierusalem and the temple , hauing theyr weapons in one hand , and working with the other . scipio aemilianus , at the warres of numantia , perceiuing that his vnder captaines and his officers forgat the military discipline of the old romaines , which was that women should not follow the warres , and many other abuses and enormities which were suffered in the camp without looking vnto , and therefore scipio purged all his army of all idle & leaud company with whip & scourge , that might hinder seruice & infect the army . so did cyrus the great king of persia , with the like care keepe his souldiers from slothfull idlenesse , commaunding his generalls & captaines to exercise theyr souldiers with paine & trauell , to suffer hunger & colde without meate or drinke , before they woulde certifie their captaine what military exercise either on foote , or on horse they had done . and after that cyrus had conquered the lydians , knowing them to be false and treacherous fellowes , very cowards & timerous soldiers , he dismissed them from his campe , and suffred them not to stay among his souldiers , because they should not infect souldiers , nor corrupt military discipline . for that the martiall disciplines of the romaines were such as i thought good to make a catalogue as i found them in the commentary vpon vegetius , virgis caedi , vite verberari , linguae abscissio , this kinde of punishment vsed the egiptians , by a lawe confirmed in egipt , to cut off the souldiers tongue that betrayed any counsell to the enemie : the fourth punishment among the romanes was manuū amputatio , to cut off the hands of those souldiers that were founde stealing or filching in the campe . the fift punishment was crurum exectio , the breaking of the legges of those souldiers that forsooke theyr standart , and so to leaue them without legs to staie behinde , because when he had legges he would not follow his standart . another punishment they had called decimation , for offences among the souldiers vnknowne , the tenth man by lot as it fel vpon him should die throughout the whole company : this punishment decimation , was inuented first by appius claudius , which long endured among the romanes , and most frequented . the seuenth punishment was for them that fled to the enemies , and returned to be eaten and deuoured of beasts . so scipio affrican punished some romain fugitiues . another punishment among the romane souldiers , was to be stoned to death , so was posthumius stoned in his tents . another punishment among souldiers , was to be shot to death the souldier being tied to a stake . this punishment vsed caesar , alexander the great , and many other generalls in diuers countries . to be short , sepultura priuari , sub crate necari , carpento trahi , and many other such you may read in viget . lib. . cap. . in this the romaines differed from the persians , hardly would the romanes trust any mercenary souldier , or suffer any straunger as a souldier to be within their campe . the persians imitating the great king cyrus counsell , who euer thought it best to choose a souldier , as a a man would make choice of a good horse to trauell far from home , and to spare his owne people the persians , vntill extreame necessitie forced warres , cleane contrary to the romanes who neuer vsed but their owne romane legions , though they subdued the macedonians , the persians , and their kings , yet the romanes would not vse their martiall discipline , which made the romanes to vanquish all nations , and to rule ouer all countries . chap. ii. of the prouinciall regiments of the romanes . of their rule and gouernment ouer the greatest kings of the world . the romanes euery where most renowned for their fame , in a manner lords of the whole earth , after they had conquered all nations & kingdomes vnder them to pay tribute to the empire of rome , and had appointed gouernors and regents to gouerne vnder them in euery country : some vnder consuls , some vnder proconsuls , some vnder presidents , some vnder praetors , and some vnder knights , and after they had diuided these kingdomes & countries , some into principallities , some into prouinces , some into toparchies , as syria , some into tetrarchies , as paphlagonia . some into tribes , and some into ethnarchies , as france : gasgoyne and brytaine were diuided into eighteene prouinces , and gouerned vnder praetors . hispaine in sixe prouinces , two of them vnder consuls gouernment , the other foure vnder proconsuls . macedonia was diuided into seuen prouinces , thracia into sixe , and illyria into seuen prouinces . this might seeme strange , that consuls of rome being but one citie , should rule & gouerne so many kingdomes , that after they had subdued affrica & the most part of europe , before they came to asia , and had established affrike & europe vnder romane gouernors . and as by the death of alexander the great , all the east kingdomes were left without a king , that they that were then but alexanders souldiers , diuided all the kingdomes of the east as booties and praies between them , macedonia to antipater , egipt to ptolomeu , asia the lesse to antigonus , and so other kingdomes were diuided betweene others of alexander his souldiers and they that could agree vnder one captaine , as fellowes , friendes , and souldiers of one countrey , fell to ciuil warres within themselues , that one destroyed another , that by this meanes the romanes subdued the kings of asia , as they subdued the kings of affrica and europe . after the romanes had subdued italy , their countrey-men and next neighbours , they graunted to the volsces , the tyrrhens , the samnites , lucans , tarentines & thuscans , the romane lawe called ius latij . so did the romanes in cicilia , which was the first people subdued , and made the first prouince vnder the romanes , they had iura latinitatis . in carthage , leptis , and diuers other cities in affrike and hispaine , they had their freedome & libertie againe , and the lawes of italy graunted them by alexander seuerus the emperour : so that in affrica were fifteene romane cities , where no magistrate might gouerne but a romane citizen , and that per ius latinitatis . the like law made pompey in armenia & in pontus , and other cities of asia , that romain magistrates should gouerne them , as they did in hispaine and in affrica . all hispaine were so subiect to the romaines , that thirtie townes were made free to vse their liberties and lawes , & named romane cities in one part of hispaine , and one hundred & twentie townes that paid anuall stipend to the romanes . the athenians , thessalians , and all greece , were restored to their lawes & liberties by diuers emperors of rome , as by pau. aemilius , ti. flaminius , lu. silla , & others . but other kingdomes and countries were not so : for though the romains excelled and exceeded all nations in prowise , in conquests and victories , yet made they all kingdomes and countries their friendes and consederates which they subdued . so was masinissa king of numidia , euer a friend to the romanes against hannibal while he liued , and at his death made the romane empire his heire . and attalus king of asia , for the friendship that he found with the romanes , committed his kingdome into the romanes tuition , and made also the empire of rome his heire as masinissa did . and though the cappadocians were a free nation gouerned by their owne lawe , yet sought they freedome and libertie of the romanes , and would be gouerned by them onely forsaking their owne libertie , so that they were ruled as the egiptians were by romaine knights , for that the romane knights and the senators were of equall power at that time . for no consull , proconsull , praetor , or such as had serieants or tipslaues before them , might in no wise come into alexandria or any part of egipt , for that the romanes had an olde prophesie , that their dignitie and iurisdicton should cease in alexandria , and also in egipt , when any romane officer came to alexandria , hauing serieants with maces before them . the romanes beeing now lords of the most part of affrica , asia , and europe , grew so proud of their fortunes , of their triumphes , their victories , and greatnesse farre from rome , that they through ambition and enuie , began one to spite an other in rome , so that there was nothing in rome but as it was in athens , seditions , tumults , enuie and malice : and as iugurth spake of rome , that it was vrbs venalis si haberet emptorem , a towne soone sold , if it had a chapman . so demosthenes spake of the three monsters of athens , the people , the owle , and the dragon : these were the causes that ouerthrew rome and athens . the israelites in like sort as the romanes before they conquered the canaanites , they agreed and ioyned their force together , and the lord prospered theyr warres when they serued him , that from ioshuahs time , who brought them and gaue them the possession of the land of canaan , vnto dauids time , who setled the israelites as the lords ouer the canaanites , that the moabites , ammonites , and other nations about payed tribute to dauid , and to his successors , and that there was no king , no nation , but feared and trembled at the name of israel . and as you heard before of the ciuill warres of the macedonians betweene alexanders seruants , and of the romanes , so israel likewise fell to ciuill warres , which was the cause of the destruction of the persians , the macedonians , the romanes , the israelites , and others : for the hebrewes beeing the onely auntientest people which were brought vp in the military discipline of the lord , their lawe giuer , and generall of their army , vnder whom moses , ioshua , dauid , and others , kept and executed the same , whose fame grew so great thereby , that all the kings and captaines of the earth trembled thereat . the gentiles in their warres with their enemies , tooke not onely counsell of their oracles and soothsayers , but also made their simple souldiers to beleeue , that they were instructed by some diuine power sent from iupiter , or from appollo . as sertorius , a captaine no lesse famous in affrike , then sylla was in asia , which did by a white hinde vse many stratagems , whom he taught to follow him euery where , euen into his bed chamber , making his souldiers to beleeue , that hee would consult with this white hinde in some secret place , before hee would take any warres in hand , and after he had consulted with this white hinde , hee certainly assured his souldiers of victorie , this hee vsed to encourage his souldiers in all his warres in affrica . hereby he ouerthrew cotta the consull in a battell on the sea : and also ouerthrewe domitius the romane proconsull in hiberia , and constrained metellus to his loss many times to yeeld , vntill pompey the great came with his legionarie army from rome , to aide metellus against sertorius , with whom pompey had somewhat to doo before hee ouerthrew sertorius . thus hee encouraged his souldiers in affrica by reason of his white hinde , as lucius sylla did practise manye such stratagemes in asia , who did make his souldiers beleeue by looking on the picture of appollo , which he carried about his neck in a litle close tablet , that he was instructed by appollo to take such battels in hand , that sylla would make his souldiers beleeue the victory should be his . so cai. marius in his warres against the cymbrians , caried in his coach an olde woman of scythia , named martha , by whom he had often secret conference , and perswaded his souldiers that all the victories he had , was by the instructions of this martha , which marius made his souldiers beleeue she was a prophet , and therefore not to doubt of any battell , but to haue victorie . scipio affrican in like maner would take no publike matter in hand before he had gone to the capitoll and consulted with iupiter , whereby the souldiers were perswaded , and hee also enformed them before he entered into any battell , that they need not doubt of victories , for so hee himselfe was instructed by a messenger from iupiter . thus were the souldiers of the gentiles blinded with their owne superstitiousnesse , that they would beleeue their captaines in any thing they spake , that their lawes were made , and victories were gotten by the false oracles of their idolls . so sertorius did by his white hinde . sylla by consulting with appollo . cai. marius with his prophetesse of scythia , and scypio affrican by his messenger from iupiter , these meanes which they vsed as stratagemes was to perswade theyr souldiers forwards , with more courage to take the battel in hand , so religious were the gentiles towards theyr gods , that they thought nothing coulde happen amisse if theyr gods were well pleased . diagoras the philosopher was therefore banished out of athens , because hee confessed that hee doubted whether there were any gods or no. so was archilocus banished from sparta , for that he said , i had rather loose my shield then my life . the israelites were charged not to vse these idolatrous meanes , and forbidden to seeke forren helpes , eyther of the egiptians , or of the babilonians , romanes , or syrians , but of the presence of the lord in the arke , and from the mercie seate to take their answere what they might doo , and after the vse of the arke , in the temple of salomon at ierusalem : but the israelites after consulted with milcom and moloch , the gods of the gentiles , and the house of ephramites ioyned their force with the syrians , and sought helpe against iudah . it seemed by the instructions of the gentiles to their souldiers , set forth in their lawes of armes , that they were most carefull to haue them brought into such straight obseruations , by obedience to their chiefe generalls and officers : for it was no small reproach nor little shame , but for euer publike infamy amōg the romains , for any souldier , captain , collonel , or any other officer , to be disauthorised & reiected from his former dignitie of seruice , to disarmor him of his weapons , to take his horse frō vnder him , to be vnspurd , to take his speare out of his hand , his shooes from his feete , his gyrdle from his middle , to giue him barley for wheate , to goe barefooted , and to begin againe to be agrarius miles , to be a meane souldier , so seuere were the romanes against disobedient souldiers . it was an auntient lawe among the olde romanes , that the captaines and centurions that fled from their company should stand with their garments loose , and their swords drawne in their hands in the midst of the campe , which was one of the greatest & infamousest punishments among the romanes for a romane captain . the penall law they had in sparta against those that fled from the battell , they were compelled to weare old tattered rags , and to shaue the one side of their beards , and to bee reuiled and flowted of euery man that met them , that it was not lawfull for them to giue any word of answering . and if they were captaines , or any great officers in the field , they should weare an olde patched gowne of diuers colours , they should beare no office in the common-wealth after that time , they might haue no mans daughter to marriage , neither would any marrie theyr daughters , but as men left to liue in shame without any credite , forsaken and refused to come into any spartans company , for euery man liued in that warlike towne sparta as in a campe , where each souldier knew his allowance , and what he had to do : for the bondmen called helotes , did till their ground , and yearely yeelded thē certaine reuenues to maintaine their warres , for sparta was not walled as other strong cities be , but walled with valiant souldiers , readie alwaies in armour to fight with their enemies , for as the romanes said membra militum arma , so the lacedemonians said , vrbis maenia milites . the lacedemonians of all people so honoured martiall discipline , that they studied nothing but to endure all labours , to sustaine any paine , and to be ready alwaies to fight , and when they marched in battell ray to any set battell , they put theyr garlands of flowers on theyr heads in the very face of the enemie , and sung a song to castor and pollux , commaunding their warlike instruments to sound , and to agree with the dittie of theyr song called pirricha , and so with motions and gestures of their bodies in their armour , they marched forwards towards the enemie , wearing tawny short cassocks , least the enemie should see any bloud vpon them . the massagets went also vnto any battel in such coloured cassocks as best resembled the colour of bloud , least the sight of bloud should terrifie some cowardly faint hearted souldier of their army . the aethiopians held a cleane contrary opinion to the massagets , they went into the warres all in white colour , because they might the more be encouraged by the sight of bloud to reuenge bloud , and as the aethiopians would often say , that bloud should be reuenged when they sawe their bloud . artaxerxes king of persia , came with an army of nine hundred thousand , all in red iackets , against his brother cyrus , to the battel of conoxa , where cyrus gaue him battell with a great army , all in white cassockes . so also sundrie nations came into the field with diuers coloured shields and targets , as alexander the great his souldiers came all with white siluered shields , and therefore called argyrasipides . the romane emperour alex. seuerus , came with golden gilted shields , and therefore called chrysoaspides : the romains came with diuers coloured shields , but neuer with white , vnlesse for the first yeare to young souldiers . the carthagineans neuer vsed any other shields but white , and the rather because the romans refused white shields , for the romanes and the carthagineans could neuer agree . chap. iii. of the forme and manner of military oathes in diuers countreys ministred vnto souldiers . after the mustering and numbring of souldiers , and their names written in tables , they were also sworne before they went into any warres . the persians for that they preferred the faith of their souldiers before any profit , they were compelled to sweare by the sunne , sometime by fire , called their god orimasdes , to obey and follow the comman dements of their generals , according to the martiall law of persia. among the romanes a military oath was not onely ministred vnto the souldiers to obey the direction and correction of the consuls , but also the consuls and praetors themselues were sworne , before the senators of rome , that they should attempt no battell without full instruction from the senators , for many consuls , praetors , and generals , haue bene displaced from theyr cōsulships , for not obeying the orders of the senators . the same obseruation of oathes as well of captaines as of the souldiers , were ministred to the souldiers by the magistrates in sparta , called ephori , though the lacedemonians in their warres against the messenians , regarded as much their aultars , their gods , and their faith , as the athenians did against the maegarians , who caused their souldiers to take an annuall oath , to waste , to spoyle , and to destroy , and to do as much harme as they could to the maegarians . the aethiopians and egiptians made their souldiers to sweare by the names of those noble dead captaines , whose seruice aliue did most aduance their countrey , whose bodies they preserued with all sweete odours in glasse , in their sumptuous tombes . the thracians and the scythians , laying their stand vpon the sword of mars , make their souldiers sweare in solemne sort , to performe true seruice to mars & to their countrey . when king artaxerxes would haue hipocrates the phisition to be sworne towards him , and offered him a great summe of gold , hipocrates sware vnto artaxerxes , that he would neuer serue vnder a barbarous king that should be an enemie to the greekes . this oath was obserued euer after of all the phisitions of greece . the oath that benhadad king of syria sware vnto achab king of israel was , thus the gods do vnto me , if thou doost not deliuer me all thy treasures , and yeelde thy selfe vnto mee , the dust of samaria shall not bee enough for euery one of my souldiers to take a handfull . as you heard of the lacedemonians against the messenians , and of the athenians against the maegarians , so the thessalians weighed so little their oathes , that in the peloponesian warre they fled from the athenians vnto the lacedemonians , making no account of their oathes before made to the athenians , like the parthians which made no account of a military oath in warres . notwithstanding the infidelitie of the thessalians , the parthians , and others , i thinke it conuenient to set downe the olde auntient forme of the romanes , when they ministred oathes vnto theyr souldiers or otherwise . the romanes would sweare by iupiter , laying their hands vpon the aultar and on the sacrifice , saying these words : if i say otherwise then truth , or deceiue any man , so iupiter throw me out of rome , as i throw this stone out of my hand . the same words in effect did scipio affrican vse to lu. metellus , and to other romanes after the great ouerthrow of the romanes at the battell of canne , hearing that metellus and his company had determined to forsake italy , and to take sea , scypio affrican went purposely vnto metellus lodging , whom hee found very resolute in their purpose , scypio drew his sword naked vpon them , saying : i sweare vnto you , that during scypios life , i will not forsake rome nor any part of italy , neither will i suffer you nor any romane citizen to depart out of italy with my life ; if i do , iupiter confound mee , my house , my family , and all that i haue in the world . this was scypios oath to metellus , after that hanniball had ouerthrowne the romanes , and so vrged metellus and his company to sweare the same oath , and so to ioyne theyr force together against haniball ; for after the great victorie of haniball at canne , his fortune by degrees began to quaile , for mar. liuius and clau. nero , both consuls ' of rome , hearing that asdruball generall of the affricans came with a great armie vnto italy to ayde his brother haniball , met him vppon the sudden , and gaue him battell at the riuer metaurus , with the like ouerthrowe as was equall to the battell of canne , for asdruball was slaine , and his head cut off and sent to his brother haniball for a present by claudius nero , and fiftie sixe thousand men of his army slaine , and his campe taken , vpon the which ouerthrow , hanibal was sent for presently , to come from italy to affrica . after this great battell hanibals force and fortune began to bee weakened , and hee made meanes to scypio for peace , and great carthage began to alter and chaunge , and yet were they most angry with hanibal , for that he counselled them not to follow their vaine hope of any victory , but rather to entreat for peace at the romanes . but carthage could not abide the name of rome , nor rome carthage , and therefore forced hanibal to take the battell at zama in hand , which was the last battell and the vtter ouerthrow of hanibal and of all the carthagineans . the affricans and the carthagineans almost like the romanes , laide theyr hands on the aultars of theyr countrey goddes , and on the sacrifice , holding in the left hand a lambe , and in the right hand a flint stone , saying : if they otherwise spake then truth , or that they should deceiue any man to their knowledge , so they wished that iupiter should strike them as dead , as they did strike the lambe with the flint stone . the latter romanes made their souldiers to sweare by the name of the emperours , as the souldiers sware by the name of vespasian , and by the name of augustus . so the emperour caligula sware by the name of drusilla in rome . so ioseph sware by the life of pharao in egipt , yet it was not permitted for women in rome , to sweare by the name of hercules . the auntient greekes in their most solemne oathes , were wont to come to the temple of ceres tesmophore , and there after sacrifice done , to put on a purple robe vpon the goddesse ceres , holding lampes in their hands lighted , and there to sweare before the goddesse ceres , in a maner the like words , as the romanes did of iupiter . both euripides and aristophenes , charged the spartanes , that they obserued neither their oathes , neither their faith , nor their aultars , and named their king aristocrates in his warres against the messenians , to bee as false as the thessalians were . among other nations they sware by waters , riuers , and welles , as the indians sware by the water of sandaracina : the massagets by the riuer of tanais . many philosophers sware per genium socratis . many pythagorians sware per quaternionem , which with them was the most perfect number . chap. iiii. of the last ouerthrow of hanibal at the battell of zama , by scypio affrican , of his going from affrike to asia to antiochus the great , and from thence to prusias king of bythinia . hanibal before hee came out of italy , seeing his force declining , after hee saw his brother asdrubals head thrown into his tent , said , i euer thought carthage vnluckie , and i know it should bee destroyed , but i requited the romaines before my brothers head was cut off , at the battailes of trebeia , thrasymen , and canne , with the losse of three hundred romaine consuls & senators heads , for hanibal sent at that time after the victory of canne to carthage , three bushels of gold rings , which were had from the slaine romaines in the field . after that hannibal was ouerthrowne by scipio at the battell at zama , he fled to antiochus the great , whom hee perswaded with all meanes possible to take warres against the romanes , being so weakened and brought lowe by hannibal , at which time antiochus beganne a new warre vpon the romains , whom they feared at the first beginning as much as they did hannibal , for before he had warres with the romanes , hee had conquered and subdued the most part of asia , and all which zeleucus had subdued before him . and antiochus waxed so strong that he subdued many barbarous and warlike nations , that therby he was called antiochus the great , and became so proud , that by hannibals meanes hee must needs war with the romanes , by whom hee lost diuers victories , and lost all that he wanne before , & was quite subdued by the romanes in the battell at magnesia , and driuen to be well contented to liue with very small territories , without kingdomes or countries , within the precincts of mount taurus . of this antiochus , might well be spoken , what antigonus spake of pirrhus , who compared him to a dice player , who will not giue ouer vntill hee loose all his winning . hannibal after hee fled from affricke , being ouerthrowne by scipio , went to antiochus the great , whom he perswaded to take warres against the romanes , to whom hannibal taught many stratagemes , among the which hee taught him to throw little vessels full of adders and vipers into the romane nauies on sea battels , to hinder not only the souldiers from their fighting , but also the saylers from their businesse . the same selfe stratagem did hannibal shew to prusias king of bythinia , to whom he fled after antiochus the great was ouerthrowne by the romanes . this hannibal and his brother asdrubal , the one in italy , the other in hispaine , so afflicted and plagued the romanes , but it was well requited by the two romane brethren scipio affrican , and his brother scypio asiaticus , both vpon affrica and vpon asia . scipio asiaticus in lydia , in a battell against antiochus the great , ( after great tempest and raine which continued a whole day and a night together , that both man and beast seemed weary ) was counselled by his brother pub. scipio affrican , the next morning to strike a battell against antiochus , though it was by the romane lawes a day forbidden to fight , and by his brothers counsell , scipio asiaticus obtained a great victorie ouer antiochus the great , which was the first king among the syrians , called antiochus the great , and thereby scipio was surnamed asiaticus , after the ouerthrow of antiochus , as his brother scipio was surnamed affricanus , after the great ouerthrowe of hannibal . so cn. pompeius was called pompey the great , after the ouerthrowe of sertorius and his complices in hispaine . so alexander was called alexander the great , after hee ouerthrew darius , and obtained the empire of persia. this good successe of these victories had by the romanes , onely by the meanes of scipio affrican , who draue hannibal out of italy into affrica , and out of affrica into asia , and brought all the citties of italy vnder the obeysance of the romaines , neither scipio would giue affrica or carthaginians ouer , before he sawe carthage burnt before his face , yet all the captaines of carthage when nothing did profit them , after the matrons and women of the citie had shaued all their heads and brought their haires vnto the captaines , as the massilians and the rhodians did the like , to make gables for theyr nauies , and match for theyr shottes , and yet when they sawe it would not holde , then all the towne lockt theyr gates , and brought all theyr goods and treasure to the midst of the towne , and burned them , and themselues , before they would yeeld to the romanes , in the sight of scipio , who with teares bewayled the vnfortunate estate , and lamentable ende of carthage , burning before his face , for the space of seuenteene dayes , saying to polybius , veniet illa dies qua troia nostra peribit . after all this seruice of scipio , hee dyed bannished out of rome , as hannibal died out of affrica . in rome after scipio , beganne marius to be great , and so great , that he was chosen seuen seuerall times consull of rome , vnder this marius , serued lu. sylla , a young gallant captaine , and grew by degrees in rome so great , that he went against fifteene generalls of his enemies , who had foure hundred and fiftie ensignes of footemen , well armed in the field against him , as sylla himselfe reporteth it in his commentaries written to lucullus , but he wanne the victorie . this time said carbo , the head and chiefe of all marius faction , the onely enemie of sylla , that sylla was lyke a foxe to deceiue his enemies , and like a lyon to fight with his enemies . sylla fought with captaines of greatest power and ouercame them . what king liuing then in the east was of such power as mithridates , of such courage as lamponius , of such stoutnesse as telestinus the samnite ? this sylla after the ouerthrow of these three , by force of arms got many victories in asia and in greece , and became as great as marius was in rome : and they both grewe so great , that one could not abide the name of the other : hence grew factions and partakings in rome , betweene sylla and marius by ciuill warres ; that as the giliadites suffered not one ephraimite to passe ouer iorden , that could not pronounce shchiboleth , so none might liue in rome , but those whom sylla either spake vnto , or marius reacht his hand vnto . such was the hatred betweene them both , that rome could not containe sylla and marius , together at one time , no more then rome could endure pompey and caesar , and yet in the midst of their ciuil wars , marius saued syllas life against sulpitius minde , but marius and his sonne were after ouerthrowne by sylla . so caesar saued brutus life in the battell of pharsalia , against mar. antonius will , but brutus was one of the chiefe conspirators that kild caesar in the senate house . so brutus saued mar. antonius life , at that time when caesar was slaine in the senate against cassius will. but mar. antonius neuer gaue brutus ouer vntill he slue him at the battell of philippus . and thus marius was ouerthrowne by sylla , whose life he saued . so was caesar slain by brutus , whose life caesar saued : and brutus by mar. antonius , whose life brutus saued . but after sylla & marius rage was past , pompey , which sertorius called syllas boye , when pompey was a young captaine vnder sylla in affrica , this young captain syllas boy , subdued all sertorius captaines , marius , carinna , caelius , and brutus . after them , pompey ouerthrew scypio the consul , and after scypio , carbo , who had bene three times consul in rome . after that pompey had subdued all sertorius captains , and at last sertorius himselfe , he tooke king iarbas , who fought on domitius side , one of sertorius captaines , and brought him prisoner to rome in his triumph . so that within fortie dayes , pompey ouercame all the marians , which tooke marius part , which were enemies to sylla , subdued affrike , and established all the affaires of all the kings and kingdomes of all that country , that sylla named him pompey the great . yet sylla sawe pompeys greatnesse growe on so fast , that he went about to hinder pompeys triumphes : which pompey spake to syllas face , that men honour more the sunne rising then the sunne setting . pompey hauing bene neither praetor , consul , or senator , had his triumph granted him against the lawe , when he was but . yeares of age . pompey gaue an other ouerthrow to sertorius captaines , at a set battel hard by the citie of valentia , slew ten thousand men of sertorius souldiers , and at that battell pompey slew herennius and perpenna , both notable souldiers , and sertorius lieftenants , and so obtained the victorie , and ended all this warre , for the most part of sertorius captaines were slaine in the field at that battell . yet had pompey his hands full with sertorius at the battell of lauron , a noble and valiant captaine on marius side , and one that galled pompey more then all the rest , for pompey could do no good though hee sawe the citie of lauron burnt before his face , where sertorius shewed himselfe a most skilfull and valiant captaine . in like sort at the battell hard by the riuer sucron , pompey had his hands full with sertorius , where pompey was forced to take his horse , and driuen from his horse , to flye , and in his flight to forsake his horse , & to take his feete , and to leaue his horse for a pray to sertorius affricans souldiers , being so rich a spoile to stay the enemies , who fought for the horse , and let pompey goe . the gaules hauing a great battell to fight with attalus king of asia , deliuered all their gold and siluer to be kept , that if they were driuen to flye , they should scatter the gold and siluer vpon the way , that by staying the enemies to gather vp the gold & siluer so dispersed , they themselues might escape . the like stratagem vsed mithridates king of pontus , to saue himselfe , who fled from the enemies that followed hard after him , who left a mule laden with golde and siluer , a bootie which mithridates knew would please the romanes , to stay them , and to saue himselfe from lucullus souldiers . so did triphon king of syria ( to escape from king antiochus horsemen ) scattered money euery where on the way , to stay antiochus souldiers that triphon might escape , so did alaricus king of the goates and others , saue themselues by the like policies . fewe great captaines hardly escaped with their liues from diuers dangers and perils . sylla hardly escaped from telesinus at the battell of antemna , and caesar himselfe after he had lost . ensignes , & a thousand of his best souldiers , escaped hardly the hand of pompey at dirachium , and after in the battell at munda in affrica , from the pompeyans . chap. v. of pirrhus warre against the romanes , of diuers stratagems , of the marchings of diuers nations , of the ouerthrow of torquine last king ouer the romanes , of the praise of porsenna and mutius scaeuola . pirrhus the great captaine in the battell hard by the riuer siris , after he had giuen to leuinus the consull , a great ouerthrow before , and made vp a trophey in the temple at tarentum to iupiter , yeelding thanks for his victories , being demaunded of the tarentines to haue one battell more with the romanes , sith he had subdued the romanes in two battels before , he answered : if i stay to giue the third battell to the romanes , i shal haue neuer a souldier to return from italy to epyre. thus pompey vnder sylla , sylla vnder marius , marius vnder scypio , and scypio vnder his father , whom hee rescued in the battell at canne from the affricans , as alexander the great rescued his father philip at the battell at cheronea , being but eighteene yeares of age , as scypio was , when he rescued his father at canne . while pompey flourished in rome after syllas death , that all the romane empire rung out pompeys fame . caesar practised among the gaules his secret ambitiō , which was such , that he went as a romane captain with his army far from rome , to practise his stratagems , where he conquered the gaules with the weapons of the romanes , and wonne the romanes with money of the gaules , fewe in rome knew this , but such as he fed with money in rome to be his friends . hence grew the malice and enuie betwneene pompey and caesar , for pompey could not abide his equall in rome , nor caesar his superiour . caesar was suspected to be confederate with cateline in his conspiracie , not onely to ouerthrow the state of the common-wealth , but also to destroy the whole empire of rome , for the which cause cato and piso fell out with cicero , for that hee then beeing consull , had not bewrayed caesar , when cicero well might haue done it , for many sawe the greatnesse of caesar farre from rome before hee came to rome , they sawe his courage and minde to bee inuincible , his martiall skill to bee singular , that such was his conquests ouer the gaules in tenne yeares , that hee tooke aboue eight hundred townes , and hauing such an infinite number of enemies , of thirtie hundred thousand souldiers , gaules , germaines , teutons , and diuers others , he slew of them at seuerall times aboue tenne hundred thousand . so that caesars praise , his warres , his battels , his victories , and conquests , had excelled all the strongest kings and princes of europe , had he not onely shewed himselfe an enemie to his countrey in the battell at pharsalia , where pompey the great , the senators , and the most part of the noble men of rome were slain , ouerthrowne , and taken . had caesar bene in the time of hanibal , of whom scypio demanded , who had bene , and were the greatest captaines of the world , to whom he answered , alexander was the first , pirrhus the second , and hanibal himselfe the third . then scypio demaunded of hanibal , what if hanibal had subdued scypio ? hee aunswered that then hanibal should not haue bene the second , nor the third , but the first . for what pirrhus could not bring to passe in foure yeares , nor hannibal in seuēteen yeares , that could caesar bring to passe within threescore dayes , he was lord of all italy , emperour of rome , and conquerour of all the romane empire , and therefore worthily to be preferred before pirrhus or hannibal , had he spared his countrey . such was the celeritie of caesars victories , ouer pharnaces king of pontus , at the battell by the citie of zela , that hee wrote but three words to his friend anitus to rome , from pontus , veni , vidi , vici . againe , he tooke three campes in one day , and slue fiftie thousand of his enemies , and lost but fiftie of his souldiers for all the force of king iuba , cato , scipio , and affranius . the souldiers of epaminondas , perceiuing that the winde blew away the labell , which hangd as an ornament about epaminondas speare , and lighted vpon the graue of a dead lacedemonian , at the which sight the thaebans were so frighted , vntill epaminondas said vnto them merily , ah worthie souldiers , this signifieth the ouerthrowe of the lacedemonians , and forewarneth them of their buriall . these wise stratagemes by noble captaines , were to remoue feare and terrour from souldiers mindes , which were so superstitious at the sight of any toy to doubt of victories . scipio affrican sayling from italy into affrica , at his going out of his ship had a fall , which not a litle moued the souldiers , who tooke it for a signe of no good lucke , hee perceiuing by his souldiers that they were amazed and astonished at his fall , spake vnto them presently with a merrie countenance and said ; ludite milites , affricans oppressi , be merrie souldiers i haue ouercome affricke , and so by this stratagem he turned their doubts & feare into boldnesse and stoutnesse . as scipio spake affricam oppressi , i ouercame affrike , so likewise we may speake through christ that eternall scipio & staffe of saluatiō , who ouercame not only affrica , but the whole world , & the prince of the same satā . the very like chaunce happened to caesar , who as he went to take shipping , had the like lucke as scipio had , and least his souldiers should thinke it a signe of hard lucke , he vsed this stratageme , imbraced the earth fast and saide ; terra , te teneo mater , which was interpreted by his soothsayers that he should conquer many lands and countries through victories . caesar after all his great fortunes and victories which he had in two and fiftie pitcht fields and set battels , entered with his last tryumph of ouation , after foure great tryumphes had before ouer forraigne enemies , being consul , dictator , and emperour , by his sword , made a kinde of tryumphe of ouation from mount albanus to the capitoll , fiue moneths before the ides of march , which time spurnia the soothsayer willed caesar to take heede of , at what time caesar was slaine in the senate house . this was not to be called a tryumphe , because it was done in the time of ciuill discord , for that in ciuill warres among the romanes , it was decreed by the senate , that no romane might tryumphe ouer another romane , so it was also among the thaebans , epaminondas might not tryumphe ouer the lacedemonians for his victorie at leuctres . sylla might not tryumphe ouer marius , neyther caesar ouer pompey , nor octauius ouer mar. antonius . yet caesar against the lawe tryumphed , and carried the pictures of cato , petronius , & others , but refused to carry the picture of pompey , because hee knew it would offend many of the romains , and the rather for that caesar gaue his daughter iulia in marriage to pompey . caesar after these his conquests , was named the first emperour of rome , the romanes hauing had before seuen kings , which ruled two hundred and fiftie yeares , after kings consulls , which continued fiue hundred yeares . for valerius publicola , the first consul after the kings , in the battell betweene the wood called arsia sylua , and the meadowe aesuuia , where two and twentie thousand & sixe hundred romanes were slaine , where torquine the proud was ouerthrowne . in this battell brutus one of the consuls died , who not by chaunce , but of set purpose , sought to encounter with aruns , king torquines eldest sonne , to execute the deadly malice they bare each other , that fighting so desperately with such furie that one killed another dead at once . the first tryumphe of publicola being the first consul : he had this libertie graunted him , that the doore of his house should open outwards into the streete , which was neuer seene in rome before : but the greatnesse of this fauour came from greece to rome , and publicola had the first honours and libertie thereof , and the first funerall sermon that euer was in rome , was made by publicola for brutus his fellow consul slaine in this battell . so that the name of torquines was as odious in rome , as the name of tyrants , that the romanes neuer suffered any king to gouerne after torquine the proude , neither could they abide euer after the name of a king . in the second battell that torquine prepared to recouer his kingdome , hee went to the citie clusiu●… , and had king porsenna to promise him his aide , in whose behalfe , he sent his herauld straight to summon the romanes to receiue their king , but being by the romanes stoutly refused , porsenna proclaimed open warres , in the which warres , after much slaughter of the romanes , the citie of rome had bene taken , and torquine restored again to his kingdom , had not horatius cocles , and the noble act of mutius scaeuola bene , who had determined fully to kill king porsenna , and missing the king , kild the next vnto him , supposing him to be the king : which being reprehended therefore and tortured , holding his armes in flames of fire , spake boldly vnto king porsennas face , that there were three hundred romanes sworne to do the like enterprise as he did , and had sworne porsennas death , which made him to forsake torquine , and torquine to forsake rome , and to liue as a banished priuate man fourteen yeares after , expelled from his kingdome . the romanes in memorie of these enterprises caused two images made of brasse to be set vp in the temple of vulcan , to honour the name of mutius scaeuola , and horatius clocles . thus was torquinius superbus the last king of the romains , for the rauishment of lucretia collatinus wife , put from his kingdome , and all the kings of rome after him . and after the kings , the ouerthrow of the ten commissioners called decemuiri , for the like offence by appius clau. to virginea , a romane virgin , so that the kings of rome lost their kingdomes for the rauishment of collatinus wife , and the decemuiri lost their place and offices for the rauishment of virgineus daughter . therefore the glory and fame of the romans grew by the consuls , which increased more and more vntill caesars time , who because he was denied the place of a consul with their good will , he became an emperour against their will. we leaue the romanes thus marching , from kings to consuls , from consuls to emperours ; from emperours without an empire , and will speake of the marching of other kingdomes . the scythians marched into asia , and wanne many great victories , possessed many strong forts , gaue diuers battels to the egiptians & the persians , and builded many cities in diuers places , as well in greece as in asia , to whom asia paied tribute for fifteene yeares . so marched likewise the saracens into affrick , where they had so many great victories , that they wanne and possessed the most part of hispaine vnder their gouernment , welnigh eight hundred yeares . so the turkes marched into europe , and got the empire of constantinople out of the romanes hands , to the lamentable losse of many countries , prouinces , and cities : so the turkes marched vpon the romanes , as the romanes marched vpon others . cyrus the great king of persia , hauing an hundred and seuen and twentie prouinces , after his conquest of many kingdomes and nations , marched with two hundred thousand persians to be slaine in scythia , and that by a woman : so cyrus lost persia , seeking to winne scythia , and lost his life to get more landes . zerxes marching into greece with such an innumerable armie , that they dranke and dried vp many riuers , as scamander in thessalia , the riuer simois in phrygia , clidorus in beotia , lysus in samothracia , & the riuer menalia by hellespont : yet he came from greece home , to be murthered by mardonius his seruant , in his owne kingdom . alexander the great hauing subdued the most parts of the world , he also for want of men marched to india to fight with elephants ; and returned from india to babilon , where he was poysoned by his owne seruants . many such crooked marchings , were as well among the iewes , as among the gentiles . saul the first king of israel marched not as he ought to haue done , against agag king of the amalekites , and therefore was he slaine with his three sonnes , in the battell at mount gilboa by the philistines . ieroboam marched not rightly to the battel in mount zemaraim , against abiah king of iudah ; and therfore fiue hundred thousand israelites were slaine of his soldiers . the most part of the kings of israel , because i need not to name , as acha●… , manasses , zedechiah , & the rest , & many of the kings of iudah , for that they marched not in the path of the lord , but followed ieroboā , which made israel to sinne , and therefore marched with ieroboa●… to their destruction . these marched not with moses , who said to the god of israel , we will not goe hence , if thou goe not before vs. nor with king dauid , who would take no warre in hand before he had consulted with the lord. nor with gedeon , who would not goe to any battell vnlesse the lord had giuen him a signe before he went ▪ so the captaines of the lorde marched no where , attempted no warre or battell without consulting with the lorde by vrim & thummim , or with some prophet of the lord. the gentiles likewise would take no warre in hand without consulting with their oracles , as the romains besought the gods of carthage , promising them temples , altars , sacrifices & feasts , if they would forsake carthage and come to rome : and therfore the gentiles were so superstitious and blinde , that in many countries they would binde the images of hercules and mars , lest they should forsake them and goe to other nations their enemies , for no doubt it should seeme , that either they read or heard of moses bookes , how the lord forsooke the israelites , and gaue them ouer to the canaanites ; philistines , and other nations about them , and how the arke was taken frō them by the philistines . here hence grew the blindnesse of the gentiles , that the arke being taken away from israel , they feared also lest their gods should be either allured by faire promises , or taken away by strength of victories . chap. vi. of the maner and forme of vowes , as well of the iewes as of the gentiles for their victories in warres . a bigail nabals wife , vsed a policie to please dauid , fearing least dauid would be reuenged vpon her husband for his churlish deniall of reliefe to him and to his company , went after dauid with victualls , gifts and rewards , and pleased him with faire words , as iacob pleased his brother esau , who vsed the like stratagem to win his brother esau , to send him gifts and rewards to please his brother , whom he much feared , for esau promised to kill his brother iacob when his father should die . for iacob the patriarke made a vow , when he went to mesopotamia after his vision in luz , which thē iacob named bethel , and said , if god be with me , and helpe me this iourney , and will giue me bread to eate , and cloaths to put on , he vowed of all things that the lord would giue him , that he would giue the tenth vnto the lord. iacobs vow is farre more godly then absolons vow , for iacob sought but bread to eate , and cloaths to put on , and safe reture againe from mesopotamia ouer iorden , but rebellious absolon sought the kingdome of israel from his father dauid , by a dissembling vowe , saying ; i will goe and performe my vowes , which i vowed vnto the lorde in hebron ; which vowe , he made his father the king beleeue that hee vowed in ieshur in syria , that if the lord would bring him to ierusalem he would performe his vowes in hebron , this is a rebellious vow , like to the wicked vowes of the iewes , which vowed before they would either eate or drinke to kill paul. the israelites after they were ouerthrowne in a great battell by arad king of the canaanites , they vowed vnto the lorde , that if the lorde would giue arad and the canaanites into theyr handes , that they would truely ferue the lorde , and destroy the canaanites , theyr landes , and theyr cities . they bound the lord to so many conditions , that if they should obtaine victories , they promised him true seruice , and to fight manfully against the cananites . and againe for another victory that the lord gaue them against the canaanites , they vowed the tenth , and performed their vowe , the hebrewes wanted no victories vpon their obedience & dutiful seruice to the lord. iephtha in his war●…es against the ammonites , vowed vnto the lord , if he should haue victory ouer the ammonites , that whatsoeuer first met him at his returne from his victory , comming out of his house , should be a sacrifice vnto the lord. asa king of iudah vowed vnto the lord , as abiah his father did , when shesac king of egipt came with an infinite number . asa and all iudah made a couenant to seeke the lord , promised & sware , that they that sought ●…ot the lord , small or great , man or woman , should die ; this with an oath he vowed , that iudah reioyced for the victory they had ouer zerah king of aethiope , with all his army of tenne hundred thousand . ionas a prophet of the lord , when he fled from niniuie to tharsis , being in danger of shipwracke , he tolde the marriners that he was the cause of the perillous tempest , and willed the marriners to throwe him into the sea , confessing the lot fell iustly vpon him , saying , i will performe the vow which i promised vnto the lord. so anna vowed vnto the lord , and said , that if the lord would bestowe a man childe vpon her , she would giue him vnto the lord , and she vowed that neither razor or sheares should come vpon his head , and so performed her vow , and brought samuel her sonne before the lord. there was nothing so common among the gentiles also , as vows , as you heard of the hebrues , of their vows to the gods of israel , so likewise among the greekes and the romanes , vpon any conditions to be performed , they vowed a vow to their gods and idols . the olde gaules hauing warres with the romains , their general aristonicus vowed vnto mars a rich massie chaine of gold of the spoiles of the romans , if he might win the victorie . flamminius the consul , & generall of the romane army , in the self-same war against aristonicus , vowed likewise , if he should haue victory , wheras aristonicus vowed but one chaine vnto mars , flamminius promised all the chaines that the gaules had , & to put vp a trophey , and to hang their swords , weapons , and armors , vpon the trophey , to honor mars . in like sort marius , & cai. luctatius , consuls of rom ; and generals in the warres against the cymbrians , lifted vp both their hands to heauen . marius promised and vowed a solemne sacrifice vnto the gods of an hundred oxen ; and the other consul luct . vowed to build a temple vnto fortune , if the romanes might haue victorie ouer the cymbrians . at the last battell of thrasymen , fabius vowed being dictator elected , against hanibal , and promised to sacrifice all the profits & fruits that should fall the next yeare , of sheep , of sowes , of melch kine , & of goates , betweene the calends of march , and the ides of may , in all the mountaines , champion countries , riuers , or meadowes of italy ; & also vowed to build places of musicke , to haue victory ouer hanibal : such were the wicked & idolatrous vowes of the gentiles ; that theyneither spared land , life , nor liuing , to please their goddes , they would haue no warres , no battels , without consultations with oracles , or conference with sooth sayes , for they thought all victories came by performing , or not performing of vows . the athenians hearing of the innumerable army of xerxes , comming with such terror vnto greece , they sent to delphos , from whence they were admonished by the oracle of appollo , to erect vp an aultar to aeolus , & therevpon to sacrifice with prayers and vowes , to please the windes , to plague the persians , to scatter and ouerthrow the infinite nauies of xerxes . the greekes and the romanes vsed a vowe called haecatombae , in the which they builded an hundred aultars , wherevpon they offered to the gods a hundred oxen , a hundred sheepe , & a hundred swine , & sometimes the dictators & emperors of rome , the kings & generals of greece , added a hundred lions , & a hundred eagles , to make their vowes ( as they supposed ) of greater effect ; this was chiefly done for the preseruation of kings and kingdomes , emperours and empires . so augustus caesar would needs goe to delphos to learne of appollo , who should raigne after him in rome , and what should become of the empire , bestowing the liberall sacrifice of haecatombae ; was answered by appollo , that an hebrue child was borne , who commanded him to silence , and to giue no oracles , but willed the emperour augustus to depart with silence from his aultar , and to hold with the people his credit . so saul being reiected from the lord for his disobediēce , spake to samuel , yet honor me before the people . so rebellious absolon , ro disgrace his father , and to please the people , wished that he were a iudge , for that the people wanted a lawe , to minister vnto them iustice . many such rebellious & ambitious mē are in the world , which vow many things in their harts , much like to hamilcar , who caused his sonne hanibal , being but a boy of eight yeares old , to make a vow , & to take his oath to be an enemy , & to hold wars with the romans during life . it was the maner among the romaines when they made choise of their consuls , to goe vp to the capitoll , and after sacrifice done , there to vow building of temples , of aultars , and the decimation of the spoiles gotten by victories . so lucullus did promise and vow to hercules for his victories at the riuers of rindacus and granicus . so pausanias general of the lacedemonians , vowed to appollo for his victories at marathon against mardonius . these vowes were so many and so diuers among the gentiles , that the husbandman vowed to tellus for the seed sowne in the earth , and the fruite thereof , to siluanus for their oxen and kine , to hippona for their horses and mares , to castor and pollux for their shipwrackes , for labourers to tutanus , for shepheards to pa●… ; for ●…uellers on long iournies to hercules , for theeues to steale safely to the goddesse lauerna . thus the gentiles serued and obeyed their idols , with vowes and sacrifices , but as apes do counterfeit to imitate men , so satan would seeme to imitate the lord. such fond and foolish vowes were vsed among the gentiles , that if the athenians would haue victory ouer the thraciās , erictheus the king must sacrifice his daughter ; a stratagem of satan . if agamemnon would haue sound returne from troy to greece , he must sacrifice iphigenia his daughter , or if marius would haue triumph ouer the cymbrians , hee mustkil & sacrifice his daughter calfurnia ; the very drifts and shifts of the diuell , & the oracles of satan ; & therefore in many countries they would binde their idols with chaines and bonds . so did they in carthage binde the image of hercules with chaines & bonds , least ( when the romaines made their supplications and prayers to hercules ) hee should forsake carthage and come to rome . in wicked men oftentimes the word of god is in their mouthes , when the grace of god is not in theyr hearts , as in balaam , who came with his full good will to balaac to curse israel , but he was commaunded against his will to blesse israel ; and therefore that which philo saith is true , of the wicked , dona dei sine deo saepe sunt in impijs ; for oftentimes false prophets prophesie the truth , as balaam and cayphas did . satan stands alwaies among the angels before the lord , to haue licence with his present seruice to seeke whom he may deuour , so that satan is often a lying spirit in the mouth , ( not onely of false prophets ) but against the seruants of god , as iob , who , though satan tooke from him his seruants , his children , & his goods , yet his malice chiefly was against iob ; such stratagems he vsed before against the seruants of the lord , as abraham , moses , dauid , and others . there is an other kinde of vow of the nazarites , whose vowes were but for certaine number of dayes , of moneths , or of yeares : these nazarites should abstaine onely from wine , or from any strong drink , they should let their haires grow , and let no razor come on it , they should not violate themselues with any mourning for the dead : yet samuel being a nazarite , mourned for saul , ieremy being a nazarite , wept for the captiuitie of iudah ; and christ himselfe the true nazarite , wept for the citie of ierusalem . the monasticall vowes of monkes , benedics , franciscans , and dominics , who would faine be nazarites , but that they loued wine too well , and shaued theyr crownes too often : for they seperated themselues from the world , vowed virginitie , & yet had bastards , vowed many things , & performed nothing . these were superstitious orders of franciscans , and not the vowes of nazarites . the ethnicks likewise suffered their haires to grow , because they might dedicate it either to iupiter , to appollo , to mars , or to some of their gods . so did thesius dedicate his haire vnto appollo , vpon his father aegaeus graue . so achilles dedicated his haire vpō the tombe of his deare friend patroclus . so did orestes consecrate his haire vpon the tombe of his father in lawe agamemnon , after he had killed him with the consent of his wife clytemnestra . so euripides was of archelaus king of macedonia so honoured , that hee lamented euripides death in mourning apparell , and with a shauen head and beard . after the vowes of iacob , of dauid , of asa , and such godly men , after the vowes of the nazarites , and of the rechabites , which was commanded from ionadab the father vnto his children , and to their posteritie , was kept vnuiolated three hundred yeares . these vowes were of the lord accepted ; but for heathen vowes , which wilfully offer & sacrifice their seruants , their childrē , & thēselues , to moloch , to satisfie the oracles of diuels , speaking in dumbe idols , as vnto curtius that rode sacrificing of a quick man , which made curtius on horseback in armor , to ride into an open wide gulfe in rome , and codrus king of athens likewise in beggers apparell , to sacrifice themselues to satisfie the oracles . yet heliodorus was better aduised , and more to be commended , being sent by seleucus king of syria , to rob and spoile the temple of ierusalem , after he was scourged on both sides with many stripes by some diuine power , hauing recouered his life by the prayer of onias the high priest , heliodorus offered sacrifice vnto god , and made his vowes vnto the lord , which had graunted to him his life , and thanked onias , confessing the name of the lord to be great in ierusalem . antiochus after his flight frō persepolis in persia , thought to reuenge his wrath vpon ierusalem , aduancing himself , that he would make ierusalem a graue of all the iewes ; but he was striken of the lord , that hee promised and vowed ( that whereas hee had spoiled the holy temple before ) now to garnish it with gifts , to encrease the holy ornaments , to become a iew himselfe , and to preach the power of the lord , through euery place of the world . so artaxerxes king of persia so fauoured the iewes through the goodnesse of the lord , that hee called esdras the priest , and reader of the lawe of the lord , and willed him with all the iewes that would goe with him , to goe to ierusalem , allowed them golde , and siluer , and cattell , to sacrifice vnto the lord , and to performe the vowes which they vowed vnto the lord. so nabuchodonozer , cyrus , and darius , were moued by the lord to fauour his people israell . and therefore olde homer said , that the sacrifices and oblations , with all their vowes and ceremonies which the troians offered to iupiter , were nothing of him accepted , for that iupiter rather esteemed the vowes and sacrifice of agamemnon , and the oblations of the greckes before king priamus and his troians . so the oracle of ammon answered the athenians , that the gods esteemed more the vowes and prayers of the lacedemonians , with the sacrifice of milke , honey , frankincense , cakes , and wine , ( according to pythagoras rule ) then the rich spoiles and great gifts of the athenians , with the great sacrifice of haecatombae . so the prophet answered the iewes from the mouth of the lord , i abhorre your incense , i cannot away with your new moones , your sabbothes and solemne dayes i detest , your ceremonies and fastings i hate , although you make many praiers , and offer many oblations , yet do i neither heare your prayers , nor accept your oblations . chap. vii . of oracles and soothsayings , as well of the iewes as of the gentiles . the lord commaunded in the lawes of moses , that no soothsaying should be among the israelites , yet things conteining of necessary causes , are not forbidden , for signes were asked of the israelites , and giuen vnto them of victories by the lord. ionathas desired a signe of the lord , and he had by the spirit of the lord a token , that if the philistins would say vnto ionathas , come ye hither vnto vs , ionathas by that signe knew he should haue victorie . the like signe was giuen to gedeon of his victorie , by a fleece of wooll , that should be so full with deawe , that the deawe therof filled a bowle with water , and drie vpon all the earth besides . elizeus bad ioas shoote eastward in token of his good successe in aphec . and againe hee bad ioas smite the ground , and hee smote the ground thrise , so many great victories against the syrians he had . samuel caught the lap of sauls coate and rent it , saying : thus shall god rent the kingdome out of thy hand and giue it to an other . so did ahiah the prophet take the garment of ieroboam , and rent it into twelue peeces , saying : so shall the lord rent the kingdome out of salomons hand , and giue tenne of the twelue tribes vnto thee . these were signes giuen before hand by the prophets from the lord. a prophet of iudah came to bethel , and cried against the aultar of bethel , and gaue them a signe that iosias which was borne three hundred yeares after , should offer priests of the hill altars , and burne mens bones vpon the altar , and this shall be a signe , the altar presently shall rent , and the ashes that are in it shall fall out . the being of ionas in the whales belly three dayes , was a signe , as christ himselfe saide , that the sonne of man should be three dayes in the belly of the earth . it was lawfull for the israelites to call for the arke , which was the presence of god & the figure of christ , they would call for the ephod , they would consult with vrim and thummim , before they tooke any battell in hand . the iewes required a signe , the grecians sought after wisdome , but christ crucified vnto the iewes , was euen a stumbling blocke , and vnto the grecians foolishnesse . for the greekes & persians went for oracles to delphos , the egiptians and affricans to ammon , but the hebrewes were taught to come to the doore of the tabernacle , and after the vse of the tabernacle , to consult with vrim and thummim , to come to the temple of salomon , or to the prophets , and there to be instructed what to doo . the hebrues tooke no warres in hand , vnlesse they ●…ame to the priest first , who would stand with his ephod●…rment ●…rment before the arke of the lorde , and there to be ●…ught what to do . so ioshuah generall of the israelites , vsed to stand b●…re eleazar the priest , to take his instruction by vrim and thummim . so iudah the successor of ioshua , was chosen by vrim and thummim , to be a generall of the hebrue army . so did samuel stand before the high priest to receiue he oracle of vrim and thummim . the hebrewes were instructed by the word of the lord in the mouth of the prophet , or else they were answered at the mercy seate , or counselled by vrim and thummim . so soothsayings & oracles were so had in reuerence among the gentiles , that nothing should be taken in hand , neither in peace , nor in warres , without consulting with the soothsayers and oracles . so that at any eclipse of the moone , the romanes would take their brazen pots & pannes , and beat them , lifting vp many torches and linckes lighted , and firebrandes into the aire , thinking by these superstitious meanes , to reclaime the moone to her light . so the macedonians were as superstitious as the romanes were at any eclipse of the moone . nothing terrified the gentils more in their warres then the eclipse of the sunne and the moone . the like vsed the thracians , when it thunders they take theyr bowes and arrowes , and shoote vp to the cloudes against the thunder , imagining by theyr shooting to driue the thunders away . cabrias the generall of athens , beeing readie to strike a battell on sea , it suddenly lightened , which 〈◊〉 terrified the souldiers , that they were vnwilling to fig●… vntill cabrias said , that now is the time to fight , wh●… iupiter himselfe with his lightening doth shewe a sig●…e that he is readie to goe before vs. so epaminondas , at his going to battell it suddenly lightned , that it so amazed his souldiers , that epaminondas comforted them and saide ; lumen hoc numina ostendunt , by these lightnings the gods shew vs that we shall haue victories , but we may better say so throug●… our lord and sauiour , then epaminondas or cabri●… sith we haue the great light of the gospell to lighten vs and to goe before vs to attempt any warre or to commence any battel against sathan and his armies , whose will is euer to destroy , though his power cannot . cuius semper iniqua voluntas licet nunquam iniusta potestas . in rome , the dictator , the consul , the praetor , and other magistrates , were to be remoued from their offices , if the soothsayer sawe any occasion by lightning , thundering , by remouing of starres , by flying of fowles , by intrailes of beasts , by eclipse of the sun & moone . so that there was a lawe in sparta , that euery ninth yeare the chiefe magistrates called ephori would choose a bright night without moone light , in some open place to behold the starres , and if they had seene any star shoot or moue from one place to another , straight these ephori accused their kings that they offended the gods , and therby deposed them from their kingdome . so did lysander depose king leonidas . so likewise the romains were perswaded that their ouerthrow at the battels of thrasimen , trebeia , and canne by hannibal , were , for that they supposed they offended the gods , either in not performing their vowes , or in not doing of sacrifice , or else for the vnskilfulnesse of theyr generalls . so did they suppose theyr ouerthrowes by the cymbrians to be by the vnskilfulnesse and ouersight of quin. scaepio , their generall , but cai. marius afterward reuenged the ouerthrowes of the romaines , with the greatest ouerthrow that euer the cymbrians had . by these meanes , the consuls were oftentimes remoued & displaced , from their offices of consulship by the senators as varro , mansinus , leuinus & others , as the kings , and generals were in sparta , by meanes of their magistrates called ephori , such sure trust and confidence they had in their soothsayers , that without the counsell of soothsayers in rome , or the counsell of magi in persia , or of the ephori in sparta , the kings of rome , of persia , and of sparta , would attempt nothing concerning the state of the countrey . and therfore the macedonians made a decree that no monument of triumph should be made within their kingdome , for that a lyon had raised vp a pillar , which was set vp in memorie of a great victory gotten , they thought the gods to be offended with them , and therefore the decree was made . so the romanes after carthage was destroyed , and after restored againe , when the romanes had diuided and measured their lands , and limited their meeres and markes by the pole , for the romaines to inhabite there , for that the marks & limits were bitten & gnawed with wolues , the romanes paused & staied before they had consulted with oracles . the first king of rome romulus , builded his kingdom by flying of fowles and soothsaying . so numa pompil . was chosen second king of rome by flying of fowles . so torquinius priscus , an eagle tooke his cappe from his head , and fled vp on high to the skies , and after descended , and let his cappe fall on his head againe , signifying thereby that he should be king of rome . pau aemilius , consul and generall of the romanes in macedonia , at what time he sacrificed vnto the gods in the citie of amphipolis , it lightned , whereby he was perswaded , it pretended the ouerthrow of the kingdom of macedonia , and his great victory and tryumphe of the same at rome . swallowes followed king cyrus going with his army from persia to scythia , as rauens followed alexander the great returning from india and going to babilon , but as the magi tolde the persians that cyrus should die in scythia , so the chaldean astrologers told the macedonians that alexander the great their king should die in babilon without any further warrant , but by the swallowes that followed cyrus to scythia , and by the rauens that followed alexander to babilon . by swallowes also lighting vppon pirrhus tents , and lighting vpon the mast of mar. antonius ship , sayling after cleopatra to egipt , the soothsayers did prognosticate that pirrhus should be slaine at argos in greece , and mar. antonius in egipt . the arabians , carians , phrygians , and cilicians , do most religiously obserue the chirping & flying of birds , assuring themselues good or bad euents in their warres . themistocles was assured of victory ouer king xerxes and his huge army by crowing of a cocke , going to the battell at artemisium , the day before the battell began , who hauing obtained so great a victory , gaue a cocke in his ensigne euer after . so iu. caesar gaue an elephant in his ensigne , after he had subdued iuba king of mauritania . the lydians , persians and thracians , esteeme not soothsaying by birds , but by powring of wine vpon the ground , vpon their cloathes , with certaine superstitious praiers to their gods , that their warres should haue good successe . pau. aemilius was assured of victory ouer persius king of macedonia , by a word pronounced by his little girle tertia , saying to her father that persius the dog , and her play-fellow was dead . aristander the soothsayer in the battell at arbela , being the last against darius , was then on horse backe hard by alexander , apparelled all in white , and a crowne of golde vppon his head , encouraging alexander by the flight of an eagle the victorie should be his ouer darius . both the greekes , the romaines , and the lacedemonians , had theyr soothsayers hard by them in their warres . alexander the great had not reioyced in his great victorie ouer darius at arbela , and his conquests ouer kingdomes and countries , had hee knowne hee should haue bene poysoned in babilon . caesar had neuer taken the ciuill warres in hand against pompey the great , had hee knowne that hee should haue beene murthered before pompeys image in rome . priamus had hee knowne the slaughter of himselfe , his wife , his children , & the last destructiō of troy his citie , had not resisted the greeks , nor denied their lawfull request in restoring helen : and therefore saide cicero , multò melius est nescire futura quam scire , ignorance is better then knowledge of thinges to come : but these had no ephod , no vrim & thummim , nor prophet to tel them of things to come , as ioshua , dauid , gedeon , and others had , and yet alexander had his soothsayer aristander , caesar had spurina , & priamus was warned by his daughter cassandra , but euer when they escaped one danger , they fell into another , as iob said ; fugiet impius armaferrca & irruet in arcum aereum . so superstitious grew the gentils , with such abhominable idolatry , that in persia by a cock , in egipt by a bull , in aethiope by a dog , they tooke soothsaying , in beotia by a beech tree , in epyre by an oake , in delos by a dragō , in lycia by a wolfe , in ammon by a ramme , they receiued their oracles , as their warrant to commence any warre , to enter any battell , or to attempt any enterprise . and therfore alexander the great went to the oracle at ammon , to know the successe of his warres in india . and licurgus went to delphos , to be instructed to make lawes in in sparta . some went to the graue of amphiraus , sacrificed a ramme , and couered the graue of amphiraus with that ramme skinne , and sleeping vpon the same skinne all night , all things should be shewed to them by oracles . but to such men as come to dead mens graues to seek helpe , might be spoken that which semyramis spake to darius king of persia. for semyramis had written vpon her graue , that what prince soeuer had wanted money or golde , should open her tombe and be satisfied . darius being greedie of money opened her tombe and found this sentence written vpon a table , o couetous wretch , vnlesse thou hadst bin an vnsatiable prince , thou wouldst neuer haue opened the graue of the dead for money . the like was spokē to xerxes that opened belus graue , and found nothing but an emptie glasse , with this writing on a pillar , if any would open belus graue , and not fill the emptie glasse with oyle , he should be vnfortunate . which being read of xerxes , he willed straight to fil the glasse with oyle , which would hold oyle no more then belides buckets held water . xerxes departed sad therefore , imagining some ill lucke to come thereby , as within a while after it came to passe that he was slaine in his owne pallace at persepolis by artabanus . the prophets of the lorde , esai , ieremy , and the rest , tooke no oracles from flying of fowles , from starres , and such , but from the mouth of the lord , saying ; thus saith the lorde : giuing more certaine oracles to the israelites , then the persians , egiptians , and grecians , had by swallowes , rauens , eagles and cockes . the prophet dauids manner was , when he went to any battell , to know of the lord whether hee should goe or no against the philistines , canaanites , and other enemies of the lord. so the israelites would take no warre in hand against the beniamites , before they asked counsell of the lord. when the moabites denied ioshua and his army passage through the land , ioshua was commaunded by moses to muster a thousand of euery tribe , and to giue them battell . for it was lawfull in iust warres , to vse any policies , stratagems and snares against the enemie , as abraham did in rescuing lot , made after the foure kings , fought with them , ouerthrew them , and brought lot backe againe to his owne house ( where he dwelt ) in zodom . and so gedeon did to the men of sucoth , and to the men of phanuel , for that they denied to giue some bread to relieue his three hundred faintie souldiers , at his returne from the victorie , hee tare the flesh of threescore and seuenteene elders , and chiefe men of sucoth with briers and thornes , and brake downe the tower of phanuel , and slew the men of the towne , according to his promise before tolde . but let vs returne to the oracles and soothsayings aswell of the gentiles as of the iewes . the athenians in euery publike counsell that they tooke in hand , without their priests called mantes , were present in place , to sacrifice , and to offer oblations vnto their idols , nothing should be done among the athenians . among the lacedemonians in like manner the authoritie of soothsaying was such , that in all consultations among the senators , they would conclude vpon nothing in matters of doubts without warrant frō their soothsayers . the credite and existimation of soothsayers was such among the romanes , that they could dispossesse any senator from the senate , any consull or praetor from their offices , as is said before : for the soothsayers were called in rome , nuntij & interpetres iouis , the messengers of iupiter , and his interpreters . so the latter iewes serued and sacrificed to the idols of the gentiles , neither would they attempt any thing without oracles from chemosh the idoll of the moabites , from nesroch the idoll of the assyrians , and from dagan the idoll of the philistines ; & yet senacherib was slaine praying in the temple before his owne god nesroch , by his owne sonnes : and the fiue lords of the philistines , at the great feast which they made to their god dagon , were slaine by the fall of the house where they feasted . yet israel would take no example thereby , but forgat the lawe of the lord , which they obeyed vnder ioshuah , iudah , gedeon , and others , but they would haue new kings , new lawes to gouerne them , an other forme of a common-wealth then the lord had appointed , and a new kinde of religion to serue straunge gods , otherwise then the lord had commanded them , and to seeke helpe and aide of other nations , which the lord forbad them , saying : the strength of pharao shall bee your shame , and your trust to the shadowe of egipt shall deceiue you , neither the gods whom you serue shall saue you , neither the nations whom you trust vnto shall defend you . as the ethnikes vsed dreames , lots , prophesies , oracles , soothsayings , and charmes , to instruct them in their warres , so nabuchodonozer consulted with his oracles , asked counsel of the soothsayers , and obserued the liuer of a beast for the destruction of ierusalem : but they are cursed in gods booke , that would vse sorcery , or seeke helpe by any other meanes then by the lord : for what haue the faithfull to do with infidels , which were forbidden to goe to iupiter at hammon , or to appollo at delphos ? where the gentiles came to offer gold , pearles , iewels , chaines , crownes , shields , targets , and images , to hang there in the temple of appollo , that philip king of macedonia at the spoile thereof , had as great a pray , as alexander his sonne had of babilon , or nabuchodonozer of ierusalem . chap. viii . of sanctuaries allowed to the hebrewes , and of the multitude of sanctuaries among the gentiles . sanctuaries were priuiledged among all nations , not onely for souldiers that fled from the warres , and seruants that fled from their maisters , but also for those that by chance kild any man , or had committed such capitall crimes without proofe , these might bee succoured in sanctuaries vntill the truth were knowne and proued , and therefore the hebrewes had sixe citties of refuge by the lawe of moses , where if any man had slaine vnwittingly or vnwillingly a man , he might flee to any of these sixe cities , as to a sanctuary of refuge , but they that had killed a man willingly , and had committed any capitall crime purposely , should not onely be taken away from the sanctuarie , but bee pluckt away from the aultar , as ioab was for killing of abner , and adonias though hee pretended treason before against salomon , yet had hee the priuiledge of the sanctuarie for that fault by salomon , but when hee sought to haue abizaig to his wife , he was pluckt from the aultar as ioab was . those that were lawfully succoured by moses lawe in the sanctuary , it was not lawfull for them that fled thither to returne home , vnlesse it were at the death of the high priest , which was a shadow of the death of christ , by whose death the regenerate turne to their eternall home . the gentiles imitating the hebrewes , had too many licentious sanctuaries with the like libertie and priuiledge , in so much that in continuance of time , it grew , that temples , aultars , images of emperours and kings , and graues of dead men , were allowed for sanctuaries , as if any that would flye vnto the temple of diana at ephesus , and claimed by the right of a sanctuarie to be defended , hee was made free , and had his libertie graunted vnto him , and that continued a sanctuarie from the time of alexander the great , who amplyfied the temple of diana the quantitie of a furlong , which temple was burnt before by herostratus , vpon the very day that alexander was borne , vntill the time of augustus caesar , three hundred yeares after alexander , by whom the wickednesse of that sanctuary was was abrogated and quite taken away . cadmus ( as some write ) at the building of thaebes , was the first in greece that gaue any priuiledge to sanctuaries . others thinke that some of the posteritie of hercules erected vp in athens the temple of mercie , where euery man might flee for succour , fearing least they should be punished and plagued for the iniuries that hercules their predecessor did to others , and the athenians made a decree , that none that fled to the aultar of mercie should be pulled away . romulus imitating cadmus at the building of rome , for the encrease of his citie , graunted impunitie to all such wicked men that came to rome , whose example all other gentiles followed after , in so much that kings and kings sonnes fled vnto sanctuaries : so great was the priuiledge of sanctuaries , that king pausanias fled to the temple of minerua in sparta , and king cleombrotus fled to the temple of neptune in taenero : and adonias king dauids sonne fled to the temple in ierusalem . likewise a souldier taken in the warre , if he had fled from thence to the statue of any king , emperour , or great captaine , he was to haue his libertie . the liberties and abuse of sanctuaries grew so great among all nations , that where sanctuaries were allowed chiefly , first for those that slew any man by chaunce against their will , for captiue souldiers that fled from prison , & for poore distressed seruants that were abused by their maisters , in time it became dens for theeues , stewes for wicked men and leawd women , that whatsoeuer was done , if they came to the temple of osiris in egipt , or to the temple of diana in thracia , or to the temple of venus in p●…hos , they were freed , & might there take their libertie , but poore demosthenes was taken from the temple of neptune by the tyrant archyas , and brought to athens , before his onely enemy antipater . sanctuaries grew so common , that not onely souldiers , but also any offenders might fleee from theyr liberties , especially in greece , to the graues of achilles , thesius , and aiax : in other places to the graue of hercules . in other places , the offender , if he had fallen downe at the feete of iupiters priest , of mars , or of vulcan , at the gates of their temples , he should goe free . though the old auntient romanes could not abide a souldier taken in the wars , they would neither redeem him , nor allow him sanctuarie , yet agesilaus king of the lacedemonians , allowed any temple of their gods , to be a sanctuary for souldiers that fled for succour . so did cyrus proclaime sanctuaries for all banished , & bond men in greece , & in all asia ; & leuied therby a huge army to fight against his brother artaxerxes . so did sertorius one of marius sect , proclaime sanctuaries to all the romaine fugitiues in hispaine & in affrike , that he as much harmed rome , being a romaine borne , and now out of his countrey , as eyther sylla or marius did in their countrey . hauing sufficiently spoken of these kinde of sanctuaries , of theyr too much libertie that grew thereby in all kingdomes , as among the hebrewes by ieroboam , in the battell at mount zemaraim , among the persians by cyrus at the battell at conauxa , among the romanes by cinna , and among the affricans by scotorius , who all proclaimed sanctuaries and liberties to all fugitiue and banished souldiers , we leaue sanctuaries , which were appointed as a refuge for those that fled thither for succour and helpe , vntill the truth were knowne , and speake not of those that abused sanctuaries as a cloake of their tirannie and wickednesse . you heard before how adonias and ioab were taken from the aultar , for they had abused the sanctuary ; for the lord commaunded that his lawes should be seuerely kept , and that no part thereof should be broken , for king oza vsurping the leuites office against the lawe , was striken with sudden death , for the vnreuerent handling of the arke , which was the leuites office . ozias the king was striken with leprosie , for burning incense against the lawe , which was the priestes office . abihu and nadab , aarons sonnes , for that they both tooke censors in their hands , & put fire therevpon , and incense therein , & offered straunge fire before the lord , contrarie to the lords commaundement , fire from heauen destroyed them , for the priests were commaunded to take no fire but from the aultar , neither might they offer vncleane bread vpon the lords table , nor sowe cockles for corne in the lords fields , for the lord will be more sanctified in his ministers then others , and therfore he spared not oza for handling the arke , nor ozias for burning incense , though they were both kings , for transgressing one iot of his lawes . so seuere was the lord , that he punished fiftie thousand bethsamites , for looking into the arke . it should seeme that in rome , numa pomp. in his prophane religion , imitated the lawe of moses : he instituted orders of priests called flamines , to iupiter and to mars , he likewise instituted the vestal virgins to attend the fire consecrated to vesta , to whom numa commaunded , rhat if the fire by negligence were out in the lamp , they should take no other fire but from the heate of the sunne . numa also instituted the priests called aruales , much like to the olde priestes of the gaules called druydes , or the idolatrous priests called chemarims in samaria , who serued the golden calfe vnder ieroboam , which made israel first to sinne : so religious a king was numa pomp. that romulus souldiers , his predecessor , were by numa pompilius turned from souldiers to become religious , and made the olde romanes beleeue , that the nimphe called egeria , gaue him rules and lawes to instruct his people , with such sundrie and diuers ceremonies , as numa pomp. himselfe deuised , during whose raigne of fortie yeares , ianus temple was neuer once opened . he also decreed certaine seuere lawes for those that offended in religion , and yet no images were seene in rome for . yeares , but ceremoniall superstitious seruice of vnknowne gods , which numa decreed then in rome . and for to prophane any of the holy misteries of religion , was a sacriledge as well among the grecians , as among the romaines , for so alcibiades was accused , that hee had offended against the goddesse ceres and proserpina , for that hee counterfeited in mockery theyr holy misteries , apparelled himselfe in vestiments , as the priests of ceres called eumolpides were wont to do , with his torch-bearer and verger before him , where none should be at this secret seruice , but priests holding torches in their hands , and women crowned with garlands made of the ●…ares of corne , and therfore alcibiades for his contempt herein , was first banned and cursed by the priests and nunnes of ceres , & after his goods confiscated , and himselfe banished out of athens by eumolpides lawes . in like manner clodius was accused in rome of the like sacriledge by cicero , with as great inuectiues against clodius for prophaning of religion , as cicero did against cateline for his treason towardes his countrey . for clodius was accused that hee entered secretly into the misteries of flora against the lawe , whereby he was accused with pompeia caesars wife , but it cost ciceros bannishment out of rome afterwardes by meanes of clodius , when hee became tribune of the people , at what time twentie thousand ware mourning apparell in rome for cicero : but it cost clodius life by degrees , for milo slew him , and cicero pleaded with all the eloquence hee had before pompey the great then consul , in the behalf of milo , so that alcibiades was banished from athens , and clodius slaine in rome for the prophaning of their religion . for the like occasions grew warres betweene the athenians and the acarnanites , for that two young men of the acarnanites , and others with them beeing not priests , came to athens , and entered into the secret misteries of the goddesse ceres , against the lawe , which the athenians tooke for a sacriledge , & therfore they slew the acarnanites . the acarnanites beeing agrieued with the athenians , sought helpe of phillip king of macedonia , against the athenians , to reuenge theyr wrong , who was alwayes readye to take quarels against the athenians . so seuere and straight were the heathens in obseruing the lawes of their religion & ceremonies of their gods , that euen among the scythians a rude and a barbarous nation , anacharsis the philosopher , for that he altered the religion of scythia being his countrey , and imitated the greekes in their ceremonies , he was slaine in scythia by his owne countrey men . chap. ix . of the reward of souldiers . of honourable buriall of captaines , and of ambition . tvllius hostilius , the next king in rome after numa pomp. changed peace into warres , and religiō into armes ; and made as many lawes for souldiers , as numa made for priests . yet cicero was of opiniō that the romanes wanne more kingdomes rather by religion then by armes , for the romanes said cicero were not equall in number to the hispaniards , neither in strength to the gaules , nor in subtiltie & craft to the affricans , neither in learning and knowledge to the grecians , but only the romanes ouercame these nations as cicero said ; pietate & religione . yet vegetius affirmeth , that the romanes became lordes ouer all nations through military discipline , which the romanes had from the greekes ; and especially from the lacedemonians , to whom not onely the affricans , the carthagineans and cicilians , but also the italians and the persians , sent for skilfull generalls and captaines , as the syracusans had gilippus a lacedemonian captain against the athenians : and the persians had phocian the athenian their generall against the lacedemonians . antalcidas was therefore much offended with agesilaus , for that he taught the persians to conquer greece , by often and continuall warres with the persians , saying , you teach women to ouercome men against licurgus lawes . so the lygurians grew warlike & skilfull souldiers , by long fighting & contending with the romains . and so the thaebans became skilfull souldiers by continuall warres with the lacedemonians , that epaminondas ouercame the lacedemonians at the battell of leuctres , and brought the pride of sparta vnder thaebes . thus the warlike lacedemonians , whose aide and helpe was sought of all nations , are ouerthrowne by theyr next neighbours the thaebans : euen the lacedemonians , who thought it a shame , to followe the enemies that fled from them ; and made a scoffe of the persians great armies , who thought neither iewe nor gentile equall to them , are now ouerthrowne in their owne countrey by their owne countrey men . we leaue the lacedemonians in theyr losse , and will speake of those great captaines , that had the like care to bring vp their souldiers as the lacedemonians had . alexander the great , when any of his souldiers were maimed or hurt in the warres , that they could no longer serue , either being hurt , or for their age , he liberally rewarded them , and sent them to macedonia with his letters vnto antipater , that they should be placed in the chiefest place of games and shewes , with garlandes of flowers on theyr heades , to animate others to martiall exploytes , and to embrace armes . so liberall was caesar to his souldiers , that hee would haue them goe braue in apparell , and feede them with gifts and rewards , and would often say vnto them , win gold , and weare gold . agesilaus vsed his souldiers with the like martiall exercise , and instructed them in all military discipline , that hee appointed certaine armours , braue targets , swordes , and such military weapons that should be giuen to those souldiers that should moste exceede others . so cai. caesar caused not onely the olde warriors the romane knights , to traine vp the romane youthes in martiall discipline , but the senatours themselues , not only abroad , but priuately in theyr houses , should be carefull and diligent to see the young souldiers well instructed and brought vp in warlike exercise . well therefore saide epaminondas to his countrey-men , if you wil be princes of greece , castris est vobis vtendum non palaestra , you must vse tentes for warres , and not places to exercise wrestling , and such vaine games , whiche made alexander seuerus the emperour , to bring vp his sonnes in warlike tentes farre from any citties , to become sober and temperate , without the sight of any thing that might entice them from theyr weapons . heereby grewe titus to bee so well beloued in rome among his souldiers , who beeing so liberall in his warres , that hee was named of all men , deliciae hominum . fabritius also and valerius , two noble romaines , were more carefull to inrich their souldiers then themselues . so in all countries they made much of souldiers , and rewarded them with presents and gifts , as the persians rewarded their souldiers with chains , bracelets , and golden girdles . the greeks rewarded their souldiers with crownes , garlands , siluer fillets for their haire , and money : the romanes with landes , liuings , territories , and military garments , with such honours done to their captaines slaine in the field , that they made certaine plaies at weapons , that prisoners being cōdemned to die , should fight it out to death vpon theaters , and after to be sacrificed on the captaines graues , to honour marshall funerals . the persians buried maimed souldiers to accompany their generalls and captaines to the graue when they died . this kinde of killing and sacrificing of men , was to allure & embolden yong youthes to loue armes , to vse their weapons , to be acquainted , and to see bloodie battels , aswell the manner of souldiers in warres , as also the cruell slaughter and terror of the warres , and to become from skilfull souldiers , renowned captaines , to deserue such honour aliue and dead . so the greekes vsed to honor their dead captaines , to buy condemned murtherers and theeues , to be slain and sacrificed on their graues , to extoll the fame of their valiant captaines that died in the field : the greeks were so carefull , that they would not forget the beastes that serued them long . cymon the sonne of milciades , a famous captaine of athens , for that his mares wanne at the games of olympia in the horse race thrise the garland , hee caused his mares to be buried hard by his graue . and old xantippus , for that his dog swamme by the galleys side from athens to salamina , and died when he landed for very wearinesse , he buried him in the top of a cliffe . the romains in like maner would suffer no draught oxen that ploughed their lands , and carried their fuells to be sold , when they could not plough for age , neither might they in athens by the lawe of solon kill an olde wearied oxe for sacrifice , but should feede him in his age , so carefull were the romanes and the greekes to recompence seruice , euen vnto beasts , that had labored & done seruice vnto man. for the athenians made a lawe in fauour of the moiles that carried the stones to the building of the temple haecatonpedon , that they should be suffered to grase euery where without let or trouble of any man , if the greekes and the romains so esteemed their beasts , how much more had they cause to relieue their old maimed souldiers . and therefore hannibal was more detested & hated of his souldiers , that being so cruell and so couetous , he lost not only many of his owne souldiers , but also many of his friends and associates forsooke him . and so persius king of macedonia , a most miserable couetous prince , who to spare his money , lost both his money , his kingdome , and his life . posthumius for that he denied the spoiles to the souldiers , which he promised , was stoned to death by his souldiers . so that hanibal lost ( through his couetousnes and crueltie ) to the romains , what he wanne by skill and pollicie of armes of the romaines . this is the end of all vnlawfull warres , to be worse farre then the beginning . so was it with viriatus , for his fourteene yeares warres for hispaine , with hanibal for his fourteen yeares with the carthagineans , and with king mithridates for fortie yeares warres with the kings of asia against the romans , but the romains subdued all their countries , and all came vnder the romane empire . i remember aristotle bringeth in a verse of homer , in describing the affection of the desire & wrath of men , and saith , that anger to achilles was as sweete as honey melted vnder his tongue , but the end of his anger and wrath was , that he was slain out of greece in phrygia , and to be buried in illion . so sweet was couetousnes vnto craesus , being the only wealthiest man in rome , that it brought him frō rome to be slaine among the parthians , the onely enemies of the romanes . so reuenge was to hanibal , as sweet as wrath to achilles , the one to satisfie his wrath vpon the troians , the other to performe his vow & oath to his father hamilcar to plague the romans , but both therby died out of their countries , the one slaine in phrygia , the other poysoned himselfe in bythinia . so to pirrhus , quarrels were as sweet , as reuenge was to hanibal , and therefore taking quarrels in hand euery where , at last was slaine out of his countrey in greece . so may it be spoken of the ambition of caesar & alexander : the enuie that caesar had to alexanders conquests was so great , that hee much complained of himselfe being an old man , and yet wanne no fame by his smal victories , in respect of alexanders great cōquests being but a young man. so likewise alexander exclaimed against himselfe , in respect of the fame & greatnes which homer gaue to achilles . thus ambitiō was as sweet to caesar , and to alexander , as either wrath to achilles , couetousnesse to caesar , reuenge to hanibal , or quarrels to pirrhus . therefore ambition was painted out in heliopolis , a citie in egipt , without legges , because ambition might not clime , for ambitious men are not so glad and proud to see many that follow and obey them , as they are inwardly afflicted and grieued to see fewe not obedient vnto them . in the same self citie were the pictures of iudges painted without hāds because they shuld receiue no bribes . and the pictures of princes painted blind without eies , because they might not see to fauor their friends , and in the midst between these three pictures , was the picture of iustice painted without a head . the moral hereof is better to be liked thē the law of lycurgus , who euer thought ambitiō a necessary spur to prick men forward in causes of common-wealths , as agamemnon was glad to see aiax and vlisses at variance for achilles armour ; and caesar was not sorie to see crassus contend with pompey in rome . these men wanted no legges to clime , neither among the romaines nor among the grecians , nor yet among the iewes . in athens a lawe was made against ambitious men , that if any sought singularitie , either by his wisedome , or by his wealth , or by fauour of the people , hee should be banished by the lawe ostracismus out of athens , as themistocles was . so ambitious men in rome to get loue and fauour of the people by the lawe called lex agraria , were not onely banished out of rome , as themistocles was out of athens , but sometimes slaine in rome , as both tiberius and cai. gracchus were . and therfore platoes opiniō was , that he which began to be ambitious by any secret practise with the enemies , to hurt his country , or made meanes to make warres of his owne head , should be deliuered into the enemies hand , and therefore asdrubal did counsell the carthagineans to giue hannibal into the romanes hands , because hannibal hated the romans , because he made war of his owne priuate head , without the authoritie of the senators of carthage . and so cato , marcellus , and others , perswaded the senators of rome to deliuer caesar vnto the gaules , for the like cause , for that they suspected caesar with cateline , and euer found him ambitious and desirous of warre , in rome , and out of rome : and therefore ambitious generalls and captaines are euer most dangerous , and most necessary to be lookt vnto . the ambition of the israelites is not to bee passed ouer , as absolon through ambition vnder pretence of iustice went about to take away the hearts of the people from his father the king , saying often , oh that i were a iudge of the land , that i might do iustice to them that haue matters in the lawe , and when any man came to do him obeysance , he tooke him by the hand , and kissed him , and thus by degrees stole the hearts of the men of israel from his father . likewise adoniah absolons brother , through ambition also exalted himselfe , and wanne all his bretheren the kings sonnes , and all the men of iudah , the kings seruants , that through ambition hee occupied the kingdome , vnwitting to his father the king . hammon the macedonian was so ambitious in persia the kings court , that he could not abide the sight of mardochaeus , because he wold not bend & bowe his knee vnto him . abimelech went to sychem , and communed with his mothers kinred , for that hee was a bastard to gedeon , saying in the eares of the people , that it were better for them to haue one , then to let the seuentie sonnes of gedeon to raigne ouer them , for i am your bones and your flesh : so ambitious was abimelech , that hee went secretly to ephrah , and slew the . sonnes of gedeon vpon a stone . antipater was so ambitious in athens , that he could not suffer the orators to liue in greece , no more then hamon could suffer the iewes to liue in persia , but sent diuers to seeke and to search for them , that when hiperides was found , he was commaunded by antipater to be punished with all tortures , to haue him to reueale the secrets of athens , and to confesse the faults of lycurgus , demosthenes , isocrates , and others . demosthenes and isocrates hearing of hiperides great tortures , and thereby his death , and of the victory at the battell of cranon , vnder that cruel king antipater , which after marched with his army towards athens , the one famished himselfe , the other poisoned himselfe , the rather for that the tyrant archias should not bring demosthenes aliue to antipater , who made great search for him , so antipater most cruelly tirannized with secret ambition against the poore orators in athens . not onely the orators in athens , but also diuers philosophers , as cleanthes , zeno , empedocles , and others , who in like sort to auoyd antipaters tyrannie , slew themselnes for very griefe , to see athens the schoole and nurse of learning , at that time so oppressed through ambition . the ambition of sylla was such towards marius , and marius towards sylla , that it ouerthrew welnigh the empire of rome , betweene them and their confederates , that sertorius , carbo , and other romane captaines , carried flames of ambition from rome , to hispaine and affrica , after whom warre followed so fast , that sertorius could scarse settle himselfe to gather an army either in hispaine or in affrike , but three romane captaines one after an other followed him at the heeles , cotta , to whom sertorius gaue battell , and ouerthrew him by sea , after cotta , phidius , whose army sertorius ouerthrew , and caused phidius to flye ; after phidius , toranius , whom he slew , and the most part of his army ; the fourth metellus , who was driuen by sertorius to such a pinch , that had not pompey the great comne from rome , he had fared litle better then the rest , who for a time both pompey and metellus had both their hands full to do with sertorius . this is that metellus which caused scypio affrican to sweare that he would not forsake neither rome nor italy his countrey , which he thought to do with many romanes more , after the great ouerthrow of the romanes by haniball at the battel of canne . this metellus is that old woman , of which sertorius said , that he had whipt pompey syllas boy , had not that olde woman metellus comne , which being told pompey , he answered , i had rather be syllas boy then syllas fugitiue , as sertorius is . pompey himselfe within . yeares after , was forced to follow sertorius steppes , and to flye from caesar , as sertorius fled from sylla : for caesar followed pompey from the field pharsalia to egipt , where pompey was slaine , as pompey followed sertorius from rome to affrike , where sertorius likewise was slaine . ambition therefore the secret serpent in euery common-wealth , as you heard before among the grecians , among the israelites , and among the romanes , and yet in athens there was one aristides that resisted the ambition of themistocles , and in rome one cato that reprehended the ambition of caesar , and in israel one iothan that accused the ambition of abimelech . but as the philosopher said , the whole world is a common-wealth of contention , that if strife and contention had no place in nature , the generation of all things should be at a stay , and therefore ambition and contention was allowed among the lacedemonians by licurgus lawe , as a spurre to prick them forward to martiall actions . among the athenians they thought it great pollicie , to keepe men of state in equall authorities , least any should excell , either in greatnesse , wealth , wisedome , honour , or credit among the people , and therefore aristides was ioyned in all authorities with themistocles , and phocion with alcibiades , for themistocles and alcibiades were noted ambitious men in athens , and aristides and phocion knowne to be found and iust , and if any seemed to seeke singularitie through ambition or otherwise among the athenians , he should be banished out of athens , by the lawe of ostracismus . so likewise among the romanes , as among the greekes , nothing was so common as banishment , as in athens , aristides for his iustice , milciades for his victories , phocion for his good life , socrates for his vertues , solon for his sound lawes . so the best deserued men in rome , as corilianus that saued the citie of rome , scypio affrican that brought carthage and numantia into rome ; metellus and diuers others of the best romanes were banished by proclamation , and sound of a trumpet out of rome , and yet corilianus being so vniustly banished frō rome to the volscians , at the request and teares of his mother veturia , and of his wife volumnia , hee refused to fight against the romanes , being generall of the volscians , & therfore was slaine of the volscians in the citie curiolis , which corilianus before time wonne to the romanes , at what time he was named corilianus , after the name of the citie curiolis , as all romane captaines were that wonne townes , countries , or cities : thus sparing to destroy his vngratefull countrey , corilianus lost his life therfore by the volscians , he might well haue said , as scypio affrican said at linternum after he was banished , ingrata patria non habebis ossa mea , oh vngratefull countrey , thou shalt not possesse my bones . themistocles also being banished by the law of ostracysmus from athens , went to dwell in argos , from argos he was faine to flye to corphu , & from thence to asia , for the king of persia offered two hundred talents to him that would bring him themistocles , for that themistocles was the onely enemie that destroyed so many persians in greece . but themistocles vnderstanding of the kings intention , for he supposed it the surest way to auoid the kings wrath , and to saue his owne life , to goe and yeeld himselfe vnto the king of persia , where he was so accepted that he had three great cities for his entertainment , and grew in such great fauour with the king , that the princes and nobles of persia so enuied him , that they sought by all meanes to destroy him . but when themistocles was required by the king , to lead a persian army against the greekes , according to his oath , he thought that fact vnworthy of the name of themistocles , to beare armes against his countrey men the greekes , though he was banished from greece , but resolued to die like a true greeke , reseruing his loue to his country , and his oath to the persians , least he should by any meanes seeme to hinder the victories and triumphes of cymon , at that time general of the grecians , or seeme any way to staine himselfe with a trecherous name against his countrey , after secret conference with his friends ( whom he feasted ) and sacrifice done to his gods , themistocles died in magnetia , as cleomenes did in egipt in the citie of alexandria , which when cleomenes sawe he could not escape the kings hand , to whom hee bare mortall hatred , after much slaughter within the towne , cleomenes exhorted the rest of the greekes , being his company , which were but thirtie in number , to die like men by their owne hands , and not by the enemie , saying : let not fortune triumph ouer fortitude . thus cleomenes perswaded his company to dye like noble spartans , which they performed , for they slew themselues one after an other by their owne handes . and thus after cleomenes had raigned sixteene yeares king of sparta , dyed as you haue heard in the cittie of alexandria in egipt , as themistocles dyed in magnetia . chap. x. of the comparison betweene the noble and wise captaines of both the romanes and the grecians : of their sundrie military kindes of triumphes and watchwords of generals in their warres . plutarch therefore compareth the state and liues of the romans , with the grecians , and matcheth them as well in likenesse and qualities of nature , as also for their qualities of fortune , for their victories , for their triumphes , and for their benefites done to their country , & therfore compareth agesilaus king of the lacedemonians to pompey the great , consul of rome , & though plutarch preferreth his country man the grecian for his skill & martial knowledge , yet was he forced to aduance pompey for his victories and conquests , which was compared to alexander the great , for his victories ouer the three parts of the world , asia , europe , and affrica . pelopidas compared to marcellus for theyr courage and prowesse , for that the thaebans called pelopidas , the arme of thaebes , & for that marcellus was called of the romaines the sword of rome , both of equall fortune , both of great prowesse & courage , yet without aduertisement , rashly and wilfully , ouerthrew themselues both alike . pericles was compared to fabius max. for his graue gouernment and wisedome , the one called the hand of athens , the other called the target of rome , fabius max. for his wisedome , that by watching & long delaies , wearied & weakened the force of hanibal , that as the history saith , cunctando rem restituit . of these two noble romaines hanibal himselfe was wont to say , that marcellus wearied him , and fabius weakned him . yet plutarch compareth fabius life with pericles . the glory of greece before by milciades in the battel at plataea , the great good fortune and successe in warres of cymon his sonne against the persians , the noble triumphes and victories of myronides , the noble & valiant acts and exploits of leocrates , the many & valiant deeds of tolmydes , made 〈◊〉 name of pericles to be more famous in athens , at what time greece was in her greatest glorie , and pericles most flourished , who then was surnamed olympius , for his wit & great eloquence , hauing nine seuerall monuments of triumphs set vp in greece of his good fortune , and yet was pericles supposed to be the cause of the peloponesian wars ; for his great hatred towards the maegarians was such , that all the cities of greece diuided themselues , and held hot ciuill wars . yeares . the like may be said of iulins caesar in rome . the great name and fame of scypio in vanquishing hanibal and the affricans , the valiant exploits of marius ouer the cymbrians and teutons , the great victories of sylla ouer asia and greece , the noble triumphs of pompey ouer three parts of the world , made the fame & conquest of caesar to be the greater , for caesar performed that which pirrhus said of italy and rome , that italians must conquer italy , and romaines ouercome rome , as caesar did . next we compare sylla the romane , with lysander the lacedemonian , two noble and valiant captaines , that the one did what he would in rome , the other did what he listed in sparta , both good and beneficiall to their countreys , for their victories which they had against their enemies out of their coūtries , but both scorpions that scourged & plagued both their countrey and countrey men , that rome and all italy was plagued by sylla , as sparta and all greece was by lysander . q. hortensius euer boasted that hee neuer tooke part in any ciuill warres . so said asinius pollio to augustus the emperour , being willing to haue him goe with him to the battell at actium , against marc. antonius , hee answered and refused , saying , ero praeda victoris . yet the lawe of solon in athens was , that he which seperated himselfe and tooke no part in ciuill warres , is domo , patria , fortunisque omnibus careto , he should be banished from his friends and from his countrey . timoleon compared to pau. aemilius two noble captaines and worthy members of their countries , the one so esteemed in syracusa , that whatsoeuer timoleon said , was taken for a lawe among the syracusans , the others fortune was so great in rome , that hee enriched the romane treasurie , with the wealth and riches of two kingdomes , macedonia and illyria , and brought to the empire of macedonia all the olde monuments of the auntient kings of macedonia , and of alexander the great vnto rome . philopomen also was compared to titus quint. both great benefactors to their countries , both at one time in greece : philopomen being the last captaine of the grecians that defended greece , and titus one of the first romane captaines that first subdued greece , and after enlarged them , and restored to them their lawes and liberties , at what time crowes fell downe to the ground by the sound of mens voices , when titus proclaimed peace and libertie vnto the grecians at the games of isthmia . and so likewise in rome , when pompey the great restored the tribuneship vnto the people which sylla tooke away , the like happened , that the people being so many , and their ioyes so great , the sound of the people pearcced the ayre , that many crowes fell downe in the market place at rome , as they did in greece at the games of isthmia . hauing compared some greeke and romane captaines in their warres and victories , one with the other , it were not amisse to touch the sundry militarie instruments , and warlike soundes which all nations vsed in going to the warres , and of their watch-word in their warres . among the olde auntient romaines they vsed the sounding of diuers trumpets and hornes together , going to any warre or battell with the romane legions . the egiptians cannot abide the sound of ttumpets , for that it doth resemble the crying of an asse : for there is nothing so odious among the aegiptians as is the noyse of an asse ; and so odious , that if any man do call a man an asse in egipt , an action may be had against him by the lawe of bochoris , they vsed brazen tymbrels and hornes for trumpets when they goe to warres . the warlike lacedemonians sound neither trumpets nor hornes , when they goe to their warres , but flutes , which yeeldeth so sweete and plausible a sound , that they march proportionably with their feet , keeping measure with their instrument . this was set downe to the lacedemonians by licurgus . the parthians in their warres vse great hollow kettles and pannes , and great brazen pottes , and a number of little belles , like the lowing of many wilde beastes , with such terrour and noyse to feare the enemies . the lydians come to their warres with diuers kinds of pipes , as howboies , recorders , bagpipes , and diuers other such . the cymbrians with diuers kinde of dried skinnes , drawne hard round about their chariots and coaches , in forme and maner like great and huge drums , which they beate and strike , which makes such an horrible sound much like the great thunders . the indians in theyr warres vse cymballes and belles , for it was not lawfull among the indians to vse flutes , but in the kings house , when the king went to bed . as the king of cicilia vsed harpes , and chirping notes of birds to make the king sleepe . among the people of creete , they vsed flutes and harpes in their warres , and thus in all countries they vsed their proper warlike instruments when they marched into their battels . the hebrues in the warres which they had with the canaanites , vsed trumpets and rammes hornes , for moses was commaunded by the lorde to make two siluer trumpets , and to sound them to call the armie together , when they marched against their enemies . so was ioshua at the battell at iericho , likewise commaunded , that the priests should sound rammes hornes . these hebrew battels were the only examples to the gentiles in their warres , for as the trumpets & hornes are most auncient , so after among all nations , they inuented diuers warlike instruments , as in steede of trumpets in theyr warres , and diuers kindes of variable sounds . the phrygians sounded most lamentable and pittifull notes , the lacedemonians sweet & pleasant notes , the lydians mournfull and planctiue , the ionians merry & pleasant notes , the dorians warlike notes . in so much that when timotheus the trumpeter sounded that doriā warlike note , alexander the great streight called for his armor , it so kindled and inflamed alexanders minde to armes . hannibal neuer vsed sound of trumpets nor warlike notes , but secret stratagems , without further notice or knowledge to his enemies , but only his tents couered with red , the very selfe same day that he would haue his souldiers readie to fight . it seemed that hanibal imitated alexander the great herein , who vsed to set vp certaine red banners and flags about his tents , in his warres against darius king of persia. and darius himselfe in the selfe same warre against alexander , had vpon his tent the image of the sunne , set in christall , that shined ouer all the whole campe , especially in the night time . so vsed the romanes aswel as the greekes in the sea fight , euery captaine to hang vp in theyr ship some marke or other to be knowne : as lysander hangd vp in his ship a brazen target , as a signe to be knowne to the rest of the nauies . brutus in his warres against mar. antonius at philippus , had a round circle , that his nauy might be knowne from others . mar. antonius in his battell against octauius augustus at actium , gaue purple sailes to his praetorian nauies , as signes of his pride , and hope of his victories , but soone forsaken , for he was glad to flie , & follow after cleopatra . alexander the great , when he sailed to india , vsed diuers colours of sailes in his nauies , wherby one captaine might know the other , and himselfe in his owne shippe had purple sailes . the romaines vsed to haue painted vpon their ships banners and flagges , the pictures , images , and names of their emperours and generalls . the grecians vsed also to paint & write the names of their nauies , according to the names of those iles where they were made . others the image & pictures of their gods of the countries , as the greekes neptune , and the troians minerua . now that you haue read , what military and warlike instruments all nations vsed in their warres , you shall also read the watchwords of great generals & noble captaines , which they vsed in their greatest warres . cyrus the great king of persia , vsed this sentence for his watchword , iupiter belli socius & dux . clau. caesar imitating cyrus , vsed a whole sentence for his watch-word to his souldiers , virum vlscis●… decet . others for the most part both of greekes and romanes , vsed onely to giue one word to their souldiers , as iulius caesar gaue for his watch-word in some battels , victoria , in other battels his watch-word was faelicitas . in some other of his battels his watch-word was , venus genitrix . these were his vsuall watch-words in . set battels which he had . the romaine consul sylla in all the warres which he had in asia and in greece , his watch-word was to his souldiers , appollo . cn. pompeius in all his warres which hee had vnder sylla in affrica against sertorius , his watchword was among the romanes , pietas , while yet he was a young man , but when his victories and his triumphes grew great ouer affrica , europe , and asia , and that hee was called pompey the great , hee gaue his watch-word to his souldiers according to his greatnesse , inuictus hercules . king demetrius in diuers warres which he had with many kings and princes , after his father king antigonus dyed , hee still vsed one watch-word in all his warres against zeleucus , pirrhus , lysimachus , and cassander : iupiter & victoria . antiochus surnamed soter , leading a great armie against the people galatae , his watch-word was , beneualere . c. caligula , a beast , and not an emperour , gaue accordingly a beastly watch-word to his souldiers , priapus & venus . other emperours of rome , as sept. seuerus , a noble captaine , gaue his watch-word to his souldiers , laboremus . and so pertinax the emperour , his watchword was militemus . and the good emperour antoninus , his words was euer to his souldiers , aequanimitas . after these comparisons betweene the romaines and the greekes in all military discipline , it were also fit to compare some of their stratagems . as darius king of persia , to escape the daunger by flight which he was in , from the scythians , vsed a stratagem , left dogges and asses barking and braying in his tents to deceiue the scythians : which the scythians supposed by barking & braying of dogges and asses to haue found darius in his tents . the like stratagem vsed the lygurians to escape the hands of the romanes , who bound diuers wilde oxen and buffes to certaine trees to deceiue the romaines , which made such a roaring noise , that the romanes thought therby the lygurians to be in their campe and in their tents , when they escaped secretly away . hannibal being most busie in plaguing italy , scypio affrican vsed a stratagem , passed with a great romaine armie to affricke , to drawe hannibal from italy : who was forced streight to follow after to succour the carthaginians . the like pollicie vsed themistocles to drawe the armie of xerxes from the land into a sea battell , knowing the athenians farre vnable to answere xerxes armie on land , sent all the wiues & children from athens to troxaena , and to other cities of greece , and left athens emptie . the persians hearing that themistocles left athens , followed hard after him , whereby themistocles by this stratagem got a noble victorie ouer the persians at salamina . cities besieged , suffered as though they were ready to yeeld , and where they found the enemies so carelesse , that they expected nothing but yeelding , they sodenly issued out with great fury , and ouerthrew theyr enemies . so did furius the consull , so did caesar with the like stratageme : so did labienus . so doth sathan when he findes men without watching and praying , liuing slothfull and carelesse , and as men suppose in securitie , then sathan vseth this stratagem , finding them vnarmed , without spirituall weapons , ouerthrowes them , takes them , and brings them as prisoners & captiues to his tents . chap. xi . of two ouerthrowes of the romanes , by the parthians and by the cymbrians , and their generall crassus slaine . of diuers other battels both of the romanes and the greekes , and of many libraries destroyed by warres . the romainas flourished at that time with victories and triumphes ouer all nations , yet had some of the best of them many shamefull ouerthrowes : as mar. crassus a noble romane , equall in force and power to caesar or to pompey , after many great victories , was among the barbarians and parthians ouerthrowne by carres , a famous citie in mesopotamia , and the more famous for that abraham dwelt there , at what time many noble captaines slue themselues for verie shame and sorrowe , after their generall crassus & his sonne were slaine by surena lieutenant of the parthians . this surena was the second person next the king in parthia , his greatnesse was such , that he had a thousand camels to carry his sumpters , a thousand men of arm●…s armed , two hundred coaches of curtizans , that his whole traine made aboue tenne thousand horse . censorius , octauius , petronius , and diuers other romaine gentlemen slue themselues , and surena after he strake off pub. crassus head the sonne , and sent him to the king his maister , in the very selfe same day was slain also crassus the father . in this battell twentie thousand romains were slain , and ten thousand taken prisoners , for he had seuen legions in his army of footemen : and after that surena had bathed crassus head in blood , and had melted golde into his mouth , to the great reproach of the romanes , he sent both the heads of crassus & his sonne to horodes king of parthia , at which time the king of parthia and his nobles , laughed and scorned the other captiue romanes , making rimes , verses and enterludes of both crassus heads . this ouerthrow was one of the most ignominious that euer the romaines had , sauing the ouerthrow of valerianus the emperour , by pazaites the turke , whose army was quite ouerthrowne , and himselfe taken prisoner , and vsed as a block for the turke to goe on horse . and another ouerhthrow which the romaines had by the cymbrians & teutōs by the riuer of roan , where c. manilius & q. scaepio were generalls of the romaine armies , had such an ouerthrow , that of foure score thousand romanes , and of their associats scant ten escaped with their liues away , the newes thereof made rome so to quake , and the senators to feare , that they were so amazed & so terrified , as they were at their ouerthrow at the battel at canne , but cai. marius fully reuenged and requited vpon the cymbrians at the riuer xextus the ouerthrow of the romaines , with such a victory ouer the cymbrians , that neither man , woman nor childe escaped . in like sort was m. crassus reuenged vpon the parthians by pub. ventidius , vice-consull vnder mar. antonius , hauing done great exployts in subduing the inhabitants about mount taurus , and also hauing wonne diuers victories ouer the parthians , a stout and hardie nation , whom the romanes plagued sundrie times in reuenge of mar. crassus death , which was the third man of reputation in rome . pub. ventidius was suffered to haue both the triumphes vnder mar. antonius , who chiefly at that time was generall of the romane army , appointed by the senators and people of rome . but ventidius better deserued to haue this triumphe then mar. antonius , who began to esteeme and attend cleopatra more then his romane army . ventidius wonne more victories ouer the parthians , then any romane captaine else did , and yet the romaines had eighteene pitcht battells against the parthians , for the parthians had eighteene kingdomes vnder them . these were stout nations , and called theyr king , king of kings , as the persians called their kings the great kings , and the phrygians called their kings the greatest kings , which the romane consulls , could endure no great names but themselues , as sylla , lucullus , and pompey , tooke the best hand , either going , riding , or sitting , of any king in asia . augustus caesar also reuenged on the parthians crassus death , and brought againe to rome all the romaine ensignes , and all that crassus lost in parthia , sauing crassus himselfe , his sonne , and the romans that died there . the greekes in like sort as the romanes , after they had giuen diuers ouerthrowes , and gotten many great victories ouer the persians , as at the battell at artemisium , at the battell of salamina , and at the battell of marathon , where the athenians wonne a famous victorie ouer the persians , who were ledde vnder pisistratus a banished man out of athens , not like themistocles , who refused to fight , but like himselfe a tirants sonne , though a greeke borne , yet hee presented himselfe to darius hisdaspis , king of persia , to lead his army into greece , his countrey , where he was slaine , and two hundred thousand persians at the battell at marathon , by the athenians for his welcome home , who were conducted vnder milciades and callimachus , two noble captaines . in this warre flourished themistocles , a young man , and was as much commended by the athenians for his prowesse and courage , beeing so young , as alexander the great was in the battell at cheronea , or scypio affrican at the battell at ticinum . this young themistocles was wont to say in his youth , that he could not sleepe in his bed for the sound and report of milciades triumphes . the greekes hauing so many victories and such good successe in theyr owne countreys ouer the persians and others , were as greedie as the romanes were to win other countries , & the greekes had the like lucke with the syracusans , as mar. crassus had with the parthians , who in both the battels at syracusa , the one by land , the other by sea , were ouerthrowne by the syracusans , by the rashnesse of demosthenes , who was generall with niceas in this voyage , beeing maliciously counselled by alcibiades , to commence warre against the syracusans , but after these victories which the syracusans hadde ouer the athenians at the riuer asinanius , where was the most cruell slaughter of the poore wretches the athenians , euen as they were a drinking , vntill niceas fell downe flat at gilippus feete , and yeelded himselfe , demosthenes beeing taken prisoner before , not demosthenes the orator , but an other captaine in athens of that name , and hauing taken the residue of the captaines vnslaine , brought them together in troupes , first vnarmed thē , & taking their weapons frō thē , hung thē vp as tropheys , vpō the goodliest young trees that grew by the riuers side , in token of triumph , then they put on triumphing garlands on theyr heads , hauing trimmed the horses in triumphant manner , leading all the horses of the enemies shauen , with some of the best captaines in chaines , entered into the citie of syracusa with great pompe , and after they had put all the athenian captaines to death , and had imprisoned the best , and solde the slaues and poore wretches as bondmen , and burned them in the forehead with the print of a horse . the syracusans decreed a feast for euer to bee celebrated ( in memorie of the athenians ) in syracusa , called asinarus , after the name of the riuer where the victorie was gotten , by the counsell of euricles the orator , with sacrifice to their goddes . niceas and demosthenes , both generalls of the athenians , killed themselues by a word sent to them by hermocrates , to auoyd the furious crueltie of the syracusans . yet the syracusans did not so much annoy the athenians as the lacedemonians did , theyr neighbours and countrey men , in the great battell at the riuer of gotes , where the athenians were so ouerthrowne , and the citie of athens it selfe was destroyed vnto the verie ground by lysander . after lysander had destroyed athens , antipater king of macedonia at the battell at cranon , which was the vtter destruction of the greekes , the rather for that philip king of macedonia before had giuen a great ouerthrowe to the greekes in the battell at cheronea , by the meanes of demosthenes , who would neuer haue the greekes to yeeld , neither to philip , nor to his sonne alexander the great , and though alexander after his father , thought to haue made a full conquest of all greece , and began with thaebes , tooke the citie , and rased it to the ground , slew sixe thousand thaebans , solde thirtie thousand slaues , and spared none but such as were friends and kinsmen to pindarus the poet , whom alexander loued no lesse , then augustus loued arius the philosopher , for whose sake he spared the whole streete in alexandria where arius dwelt . the miserie of the thaebans by alexander brought downe , made the phoceans , the plataeans , the athenians , and all greece , to quake for feare of alexander ; hee spared priests and religious people , and such as were kin to any of the macedonian lords , and this did alexander onely to terrifie greece , and to bring them in subiection without further warre : so that the victory of antipater at the battell of cranon , after that philip and his sonne alexander had brought greece so lowe , brake quite the backe of greece , for antipater so tirannized ouer the grecians , that he spared none , especially the orators , by whose meanes onely he knew greece so long resisted kings . yet neither philip king of macedonia , with his battell at cheronea , nor alexander the great with his victory ouer thaebes , neither antipaters victory at cranon , harmed greece so much as their ciuill warres , which is the ouerthrowe of all common-wealths , and the decay of all states , whereof the example you may read . octauius augustus after he had vanquished mar. antonius , in their ciuill warres in a battell by sea at actium , from whence antonius fled into egipt after cleopatra , where antonius and cleopatra ryoting in alexandria , feasting and dauncing for fewe dayes , vntill antonius hearing that augustus followed him as hee followed cleopatra , dispairing to haue any longer peace with octauius , slew himselfe , whom cleopatra buried , and after in short time slew her selfe , ouer whom triumphed ostauius , carrying her picture from egipt in his triumph into rome , as iu. caesar his vncle in his ciuil warres betweene him and pompey , carried the pictures of cato , petronius , and others in his triumphes , from affrike vnto rome , at what time the greatest , and most famous library of the world was burned , which pio. philadelphus had prepared and gathered together in alexandria in egipt , to the number of foure hundred thousand volumes , at what time philadelphus sent to ierusalem to the high priest eleazarus for the hebrew bible , and for seuentie two learned men to translate it out of the hebrew into the greeke tongue , which were all burned and destroyed , as well in the ciuill warres betweene iulius caesar & pampey , as in the ciuill warres betweene mar. antonius and augustus caesar. the like library of pisistratus in athens , was destroyed by sylla , who after he had subdued the most part of the cities of greece , he laid siege to athens , tooke it about midnight , with such a noise , number of hornes , and sound of trumpets in order of battell , with their swords drawne making such an vncredible slaughter , that the greatnesse of that murther , and the number of the persons that were slaine could not be knowne , the noblest men of the citie were in such dispaire , that they made account to liue no longer , because they sawe such tirannie and crueltie in sylla , that an infinite number slew themselues before they should come to syllas hand , at which time the learned libraries at athens were destroyed quite and burned . the most famous library at pergamus , gathered together of all the vniuersities of the world , by the great diligence and industry of attalus and eumenes , kings of asia , of the which library one euporion had the charge , by the appointment of antiochus the great , which was also burnt and destroyed in the warres of asia , between antiochus the great and the romanes , which antiochus by the perswasiō of hanibal , would take warres in hand against the romanes , supposing by his two elephants , whom he named aiax and patroclus , to terrifie the romanes with these beasts . hanibal might haue tolde him he had foure score elephants in his warres against scypio affrican , and after hanibal was ouerthrowne , and his elephants brought to rome . metellus at his victorie at panormus , sent to rome a hundred foure and twentie elephants , and fiftie yeares before metellus , pirrhus was glad to leaue foure elephants to beautifie the triumphes of curius dentatus , and to forsake the romanes , and to flye to his countrie . antiòchus the great might haue knowne this well , eyther by himselfe , or by hanibal , but being ouerthrowne of the romanes , the library also of pergamum was destroyed . againe , the most noble library at rome began by asinius pollio , and finished by mar. varro , was such , that both these great learned men had their images and statues set vp in the market place at rome , while yet they liued . if the romanes had bene as desirous of bookes and learning , as they were of bloud and spoile , caesar might as wel haue brought the library frō alexandria to rome , as he brought the pictures of cato , petronius , and others from affrike to rome , or as augustus brought the picture of cleopatra . lu. scypio might as well haue brought vnto rome the library of pergamus from asia , as to bring in long tables painted the forme and likenesse of . cities & townes , which he subdued and conquered in asia . and so lu. sylla might haue brought the library of athens to rome , as well as he did bring all the cities of greece set out and painted brauely in tables , banners and ensignes to aduance his triumph , but the romanes esteemed nothing but victories , they weighed not for bookes , but for battels , they banished mathematicians and philosophers out of rome , and out of all italy , for the romans professed onely armes , and yet many of them were learned : for cato though learned himselfe , yet hee would haue no philosophy read in rome , hee much disliked that carneades the academick philosopher , ( who came as embassador from athens to rome ) should tarrie long there , least the romain youthes that were desirous of learning and eloquence , would giue ouer the honor and glorie of armes , and yet many of the best romaine captaines were well learned . it was but the opinion of cato , for philopomen the greeke , by talking of warres with captaines , and by reading of cincius and euangelus bookes , became an excellent captaine . lucullus in like sort himselfe being learned as it seemed , for lu. sylla dedicated his commentarie of . bookes vnto lucullus , who was as noble a captaine as any was among the romanes . alexander the great would neuer sleepe in his bed without the iliads of homer vnder his pillow . so caesars cōmentaries at this time is no lesse esteemed with the turkes , then homers iliads with the greekes . it seemed in those dayes that it was not hard to find famous and learned libraries , when so many learned and profound schollers wrote so much , as callimachus wrote eight hundred bookes . crisippus a stoik philosopher , wrote more then others could read , so many greekes and many romanes , wrote all the dayes of their liues , but as you heard , the end of warre , sword , and fire , consumes all , especially of ciuill warres . some bookes are also mentioned of the prophets and of the apostles in their writings , which are not extant , as the booke of the battels of the lord , the booke of the iust , called iasher , and the booke of the chronicles of the kings of iudah , often mentioned in the booke of kings . in the new testament of the prophesie of enoch , and the storie of the body of moses mentioned in the epistle of iude , but now not extant . these things are also declared in the writing of nehemias , how he made a library , and how he gathered the acts of the kings , and of the prophets , the acts of dauid , and the epistles of the kings . chap. xii . of the breach of the lawe of armes , of the trechery and murther that came thereby . the castle of thaebes called cadmea , was taken by phaebidas , a spartan captaine , before the thaebans mistrusted any thing , for there was a league betweene the thaebans and the lacedemonians , howbeit the lacedemonians against the lawe of armes , tooke the castle , and the captaine that then kept the castle , named ismenias , and sent him to sparta as a prisoner . pelopidas and others saued themselues by flight ; and for that the spartans brake their league with the thaebans , hereby grew great warres betweene the lacedemonians and the thaebans , to the vtter confusion of the lacedemonians , and the last ouerthrowe of sparta , at the battell of leuctres , where epaminondas & pelopidas were victors . this ouerthrow fell iustly to the lacedemonians , for that they brake their league and conditions of peace with the thaebans , for the which it is lawfull among all nations to commence warre , so is it great wisedome for all nations to auoyd the great harme that may fall by entreatie of peace . for vnder colour of peace many haue practised means to warre : so metellus deceiued iugurth with faire words tending to peace . philip king of macedonia , hauing a vaine hope to haue peace with the romains , thinking therby to repaire his force , being before foiled by the romanes , was the second time vanquished by the romanes , thrise he rebelled , and thrise he was vanquished . this was not that philip father to alexander the great , who neuer kept conditions of peace , but false and trecherous in all his promises : he could be as rebellious as the last philip , but not so soone subdued . cotys , king of thracia , vnder colour of a league , was with faire words allured to a banquet , where he was slaine . it was the counsel of archidamus , agesilaus sonne , to talke of peace to the lacedemonians , & to prouide for warre , and therefore the romanes gaue audience out of the citie to any forraine embassador , especially in matters of peace , and after they would conduct the embassadors to shipping , to preuent practises and pollicies vnder colours of peace . the romanes in this imitated the athenians , who entertained the embassadors of the lacedemonians in like sort , but rome and athens were much deceiued , for the cities of italy often rebelled against rome , and the cities of greece against athens . much murther and slaughter was euer found in the breach of faith , and much mischiefe committed vnder colour of peace . godolias being made gouernour by nabuchodonozer ouer the rest of iudea , after ierusalem was destroyed , was deceiued by the faire words of ismael , who came with ten men with him that were sworne to him to do what he would haue them to do in mazphah , to the house of godoliah , where he was well entertained , but ismael slew godoliah , all the iewes , and all the chaldeys that ismael found waighting on godoliah , and the next day after that ismael had slaine godolias , certaine men came from sychem , from siloh , and from samaria , to the number of fourescore , which had shaued their beards and rent their cloathes , with meate offering and incense to offer in the house of the lord. and ismael went weeping out of mazphah to meete them , and said ; come and goe to mazphah to see godoliah the gouernour , where ismael slue them in the midst of mazphah , as hee did godoliah , in the one he deceiued godolias with faire words , in the other hee deceiued them with teares to come to mazphah to see godoliah , whom he slue all sauing tenne , and threw their bodies into one pit . triphon , one of ismaels broode , after he had taken ionathan by deceit , he sent him to ptolomeu , where hee tooke ionathans children for hostage , and money for his redemption . so triphon promised to deliuer ionathan , but triphon killed ionathan and his children against his faith , and promise , and the law of armes of all nations . alexander king of syria fled to arabia , to be defended from ptolomeu his father in lawe king of egipt , but zabdiel the arabian slue him most treacherously , and sent his head to egipt to ptolomeu . bacchides and alcinus , gouernors vnder the most cruell king demetrius , slue threescore assideans , that came to entreat antiochus for peace , against the lawe of armes . in like sort nicanor thought to deceiue machabaeus , as antiochus did , vnder colour and pretence to seeke peace . met. suffetius , generall of the albaines , promising by oath his faith and truth to the romanes , and that his friendship should not faile to be readie at the romaines commaundement , yet breaking his oath in the same , practising his treachery against the romane armie , he was bound to two toppes of trees both hands and feete , and terribly pulled in peeces by the trees . the breach of faith by the lawe of armes set downe , was euer among the romaines most seuerely punished : in so much that the romaine souldiers stoned posthumius , for that he denied the spoile which he promised to the souldiers . the like is read , that the embassadors of the lacedemonians , being sent to the king of persia , to haue his aide against the athenians , being in league with the lacedemonians , were taken and brought to athens , and by the athenians slaine . the embassadors of carthage , and macedonia , because they did conspire against the romaines contrary to their league , were taken , and by the law of armes iustly slaine . diuers embassadors were slaine for breaking theyr leagues against the lawe of armes , as the embassadors of the romanes were slaine by the illyrians , the embassadors of the athenians by the persians , the embassadors of the persians by the macedonians , the embassadors of dauid king of iudah by the ammonites , not slain , but ignominiously abused ; for dauid sent his embassadors to ammō the king to comfort him for the death of his father , in kindnes & of good will , but they had halfe their beards shaued , and their garments cut off at their buttocks , & thus were they turned back in reproach without thankes to dauid . so were the embassadors of the romanes without cause against the lawe of armes , most iniuriously slaine by the illyrians , who were gouerned vnder a woman , to the great reproach of the romaines , but the romane embassadors being thus slain , had their statues put vp in the oratory , and their names written vpon their images , p. iunius , & t. coruncanus , but the romanes reuenged it to the losse of their kingdome . thus euery where trechery and murther was committed in all countreys , vnder colour of leagues and lawes broken , and most time without eyther lawe or league , but with violence and trecherie practised by many false stratagems among all nations . as zopyrus practised by a dissembling stratagem to bring the persians into the hands of cyrus , though some say it was darius , by cutting & deforming his face , and mangling his body , in this pittiful sort cōming to babilō , saigning and dissembling that he had hardly escaped frō cyrus army , promised the babilonians to do them great seruice to reuenge his wrong , if they would vse his seruice . by these subtill and craftie meanes he brought cyrus to be king of babilon , of this zopirus , cyrus was wont to say , that he wished as many friends like zopirus , as a pomegranate had kernels . the like stratagem vsed the grecian sinon for agamemnon in the warres of troy , therefore agamemnon said , he had rather haue tenne nestors , or tenne vlixes , then tenne achilles , or tenne aiax : for more doth counsell and pollicie profit in warre , then force or courage , and therefore when achilles dyed , aiax made claime to his armour , as one that might claime it best by the lawe of armes , clayming a combat if any one would say the contrary . aiax being warned by his olde father telamon , when he went with agamemnon from greece to troy , to fight valiantly , & to aske at the gods hands good successe and fauour , but aiax more proud then wise , answered his father , that slouthfull men and cowards seeke helpe at gods handes , but said hee could ouercome without gods helpe . vlixes also made claime to achilles armour , saying , that his pollicie and counsell did profit more the grecians in the warres at troy , then the sword of aiax . agamemnon knowing how much pollicie and wise counsell auailed in wars , gaue to vlixes the armor of achilles , for agamemnon said , had he had but ten such councellors as nestor was , he doubted not but soone to subdue troy. so cyrus spake of zopirus , and so pirrhus spake of romane souldiers , plus praestant senes consilio quam inuenes armis . thus the polymarchies of the earth seeke to cōquer another world like alexander , being not cōtented with one , and couer all the seas with their sailes like xerxes , and to build castles high vnto the heauens like nimrod , who wold build babel to reach vp to heauen , to reuenge the iniury done to his predecessors by the vniuersall deludge , resembling much the battell of the gyants , who challenged iupiter , and the rest of the gods to battell : but though this be fabulous cōcerning the gyants , yet the building of babel is written by moses , that babel was builded so high by nimrod , both to auoyd a second deludge , and to reuenge his stock and family destroyed in the first : but the lord saw their folly , confounded their workes by a confusion of one language into many . philo might aske a questiō aswell now , why the lord did not ouerthrow the tower of babel with winde , tempest , and thunderbolts , as he did aske , why the lord did not destroy egipt with lyons , tygres , beares and such . but as philo answered his owne question , that it was to fright them with frogges , flies , grashoppers , and suche simple vermines , to shewe his mercie , and to saue them to repentance , and not to destroy them with wilde beasts . and so with the like reason philo , or any man for philo , may now answere , that the lord would not destroy the tower of babel with tempest and wind to destroy the people , but by diuiding of one tongue into many , that they might acknowledge the lord to be god , and to confesse their owne folly . if nimrod had confessed his sinne , and said i haue sinned , as dauid spake to nathan the prophet , or with daniel , who said , peccauimus , iniquitatē fecimus : or with nehemias , who said , i and my fathers house haue sinned , to whom the lord shewed mercy . wicked pharao also said to moses , i haue sinned against the lord , and the lord is iust , i and my people are wicked . saul said i haue sinned , and haue done foolishly . so iudas the traytor said , i haue sinned in betraying innocent blood , but the lord accepteth not the fained confession of wicked men . chap. xiii . of securitie of generalls in warres . of celetitie in victories . of diuers dreames and names giuen . two much securitie was in pompey his souldiers , after he had giuen two repulses to caesars souldiers at dyrachium , as caesar said himself , the victory might haue bene pompeys , if he had followed his good fortune . so againe if pompey had followed his good lucke , and had not staied the romane youthes being fierce to goe forwards at the battell at pharsalia , he had put caesar to greater daunger then he was at dyrachium . so hannibal was toucht with that fault by hamilcar the affrican , that if he had gone forwards and brought his armie after the battell at canne before rome , as scipio after his ouerthrow of hannibal brought his force before curthage , rome might haue bene in as great a daunger as carthage was . nothing abused pompey so much as his owne captaines , flattering him , and calling him the great agamemnon , king of kings , by domitius , scypio , spinther , and others , after the victory at dyrachium , assuring themselues soone to ouerthrow caesars armie , and contending in brauery for offices at their return to rome , drawing lots who should be consuls , praetors , quaestors , or high bishop , which caesar himselfe was at that time . it should seeme that pompey and his captaines , made no doubt of the victory , for when his campe was taken , his tents and pauilions were full of nosegaies , and garlands of mirtle , and their coaches all couered with flowers , their tables full of bowles of wine , as men more readie to doo sacrifice for ioy before the victorie , then armed and prepared to fight for the victory , at fortuna vitrea cum splendet frangitur ? so also tigranes king of armenia , was flattered with his leiftenants , captaines , and other parasites , who scoffed and flowted the romanes , they sported and made a may ▪ game of lucullus army , some deuiding the spoile , and drawing lots before the battell began , much like to the cherussians , the sueuians , and the sycambrians , who gathered themselues together in a great army , they likewise like the armenians , little esteeming the romaines , deuided the romane spoiles betweene them before they fought for it : the cherussians would haue all the romane horses , the sueuians would haue all the gold & siluer of the romanes , & the sycambrians all the romain captiues taken prisoners in the wars . thus had they fully concluded before the battel began , but it fell out otherwise , for drusus the romaine captaine ouerthrew them , that their horses , their cattels , their chaines , their gold and siluer , and they themselues were a spoile and a pray to the romanes . incerti exitus pugnarum & mars communis said cicero , it was euer found in all warres , that nimia fiducia semper noxia . the like victorie had lucullus ouer tigranes king of armenia , whose captaines before scoffed and flowted lucullus army , deuiding the romane spoyles before the battell beganne , but they were ouerthrowne by lucullus , to the slaughter of a hundred thousand footemen , and the most part of the horsemen slaine , and the king himselfe hardly escaped : and for that so many were slaine of the enemies , and so fewe of the romans , plutarch saith , that the sun saw not the like ouerthrow , that such varietie of shews were seen , of chariots , coaches , and of infinite number of cartes , that carried the spoiles , of armours , of ensignes , of battering peeces , besides twentie cupbords full of siluer plate , thirtie cupboords full of golden vessels , eight moiles laden with golde , a hundred and seuen moiles loaden with siluer coine . crassus , at the sight of this lucullus triumph , was afterwards when he was consul with pompey the great , so beyond all measure most desirous with all celeritie to take his iourney against the parthians , with more haste then good speed . in like sort the sight of milciades triumphe mooued themistocles in his youth to say , that he could not sleepe in his bed , before he had obtained the like triumph , and so he proued among so many great captaines in greece , one of the greatest , for he was being but a young youth at the battell at plataea , being the first battell and the first victorie that the grecians had ouer the persians . hee was also at the battell at marathon , with more commendatiō then he had at plataea , but in the battels at salamina and artemisium , all greece gaue him the honour and fame , the one by sea , the other by land : he did all thinges with such celeritie , that themistocles himselfe would say , that whatsoeuer hapned to him well , hapned by celeritie . but it seemed that themistocles with all celeritie missed to borrowe money in the i le of andria , though he brought two great and mightie gods with him from athens , the one called the god of loue , the other the god of force , requesting the andrians to lend some money to please & to satisfie the want of their gods. but he was answered by the people of andria , that there were two as great goddesses with them in andria , as there were in athens , the which commaunded the andrians , neither to lend , nor to giue any money to themistocles gods , saying our goddesse of pouerty weigheth not for loue , neither doth the goddesse of impossibilitie weigh for force . the lacedemonians were not so religious as the athenians were , for agesilaus tooke another course thē themistocles did , when he wanted money , he went to the confines of persia , to spoile and to plague the persians , for the persians euer feared the greatnesse of agesilaus , and yet was he but a litle lame man of stature , that hee was satisfied with golde and siluer to returne to his countrey , that agesilaus would often iest and say , that thirtie thousand archers did driue him out of asia , which was the persian coine , that was stampt with the print of an archer : with these archers the persians caused oftentimes agesilaus to returne frō persia into greece againe . the like iest did gilippus seruant , he told the ephories of sparta , that his maister gilippus had vnder the roofe of his house , more owles then all athens , for the coine of athens was stampt with the print of an owle , as the persians was with the print of an archer : for gilippus had taken from his maister lysander much money , and hidden them vnder the shield of his house , and so by his seruant was in a iest betraied . thus leauing agesilaus with his archers , and gilippus seruant with his owles , i will returne to themistocles , to whom marcellus shall be compared in celeritie , of whom hannibal said , that marcellus could not be quiet , neither with good fortune , nor bad , neither victor , nor conuicted . scypio affrican with such celeritie , after he had conquered hannibal at the battell at zama , soone subdued carthage . pau. aemilius with great celeritie subuerted the whole empire of macedonia , and brought their king persius and gentius king of the illyrians , both prisoners vnto rome in his tryumphe . pompey the great vsed such celeritie , that within fortie daies he vanquished all the pyrates , who had a thousand ships on the seas , and taken aboue foure hundred townes , they robd and spoyld all marchant venturers , rifled and destroyed all the ilands and townes vpon the sea coast , and destroyed many temples , they feared no force , neither weighed for kings nor subiects , and grew so strong , that they ruled both land & sea without lawe . but pompey had such victory ouer them , that after the great slaughter in the battell at the citie coracesium , he tooke twentie thousand persons prisoners : and thus in lesse then three moneths pompey ended and quite vanquished the pyrates . caesar in all his warres excelled all men in expedition and celeritie , in the which he had such wonderfull good successe against pompey in pharsalia , against his sonne in affrica , against affranius in hispaine , against cato in vtica , with such expedition , that he became as you read , being one that was denied to be consul , to be perpetuus dictator , and the first emperour of rome . clau. nero the consul , considering that italy was plagued by hannibal in lucania , and by asdrubal his brother in vmbria , made such secret great hast , that before hannibal knew he went out of his campe in lucania , he was in vmbria , and before asdrubal knew he was in vmbria , he was with his fellow consul at the battell of metaurus , where asdrubal was slaine , his armie ouerthrowne , and his head sent to his brother hanibal in lucania : so that by one romane stratagem , the two great romane enemies , hanibal and asdrubal , were ouerthrowne , the one slaine at the riuer metaurus , and the other driuen from italy into affrike . celeritie vpon deliberation is most necessarie at all times , therefore the chiefe guard about romulus person , were called celeres , for their quicknesse and celeritie in executing romulus commaundement . dauid king of iudah had such resolute men called cerethites about his person , readie with such celeritie to effect any thing the king would commaund them , that when they heard the king longing for some water out of the well of bethelem , they presently ventured theyr liues through the campe of the enemies , and brought water to the king from bethelem , before the king missed them , but dauid sacrificed the water vnto the lord , and would not drinke of it , because his men offered theyr liues for it . caleb vsed such expedition , after he had viewed and trauelled all the land of canaan , that he returned within fortie dayes to the hebrew campe with a full resolution , perswading ioshua to take the warres in hand . ehud , one of the iudges of israel , who was wont to say to his souldiers , follow mee , went fully resolued to eglon king of moab , an enemie of the lord , and therefore slew him in his chamber . many souldiers of the lord , are resolued through faith , to effect many things with celeritie and zeale : so phineas slew zimri the israelite , & cosbi a lords daughter of the madianites , for that they offended the lord in the campe , and therfore phineas thrust them through both with his speare . iehu , though a wicked man , yet much commended for his resolute zeale , for that he ouerthrew achabs house , slew baals prophets , and destroyed baals temple and his aultars . the great kings of the world are resolued to hazard theyr liues to winne fame and glory , eyther by parasites or flatterers , moued therevnto , or by oracles of theyr idols , or by visions and dreames especially , as astiages king of the meades dreamed that his daughter mandanes which was cyrus mother , made water that ouerflowed all asia . astiages dreamed the second time , that a vine grew out of his daughters wombe , whose braunches couered all asia , therefore hee called all his wise men and soothsayers of his kingdome together , to interpret him these two dreames , who tolde him that his daughter should haue a sonne that should bee such a king , that hee should rule ouer all asia , which made cyrus so ambitious and proud , that he could not be content with all the kingdomes of asia , but must goe to be slaine in scythia . the like dreame sawe xerxes , before his voyage in to greece , that in his dreame hee thought hee sawe an oliue tree crowned , whose boughes and braunches couered the whole earth , and withall suddenly vanished away . the same author writeth , that iulius caesar dreamed that he lay with his mother , and by these meanes he was flattered by his soothsayers , that hee should subdue the whole earth . euen so hamilcar generall of the carthagineans , thought hee heard in his sleepe a voyce that hee should the next night suppe in syracusa , but he was so glad of his speech , that he was deceiued of his hope , and yet he supt in syracusa , not as a conqueror but as a prisoner , but was deceiued as xerxes was by the hope of his crowned oliue , or as caesar was by his mother . hannibal after the taking of saguntum , dreamed that iupiter should call him into councell with the goddes , where hee was commaunded to take warres in hand against the romanes , there hee seemed that iupiter had giuen him a captaine to goe before him , euen from the councell house , one of the company of the gods , and looking behinde him , hee thought he sawe a terrible monstrous serpent , which hannibal in his sleepe asked iupiter what monster that was , which was answered and said to be vastitatem italicae , the spoile and destruction of italy . homer and virgil , both faigned that all kinde of dreams passe through two sundry gates , the true dream through the hornie gate , the false dreame through the iuorie gate . yet we reade in the sacred scripture , that ioseph was exalted by expounding pharaos dreame in egipt , and so was daniel , by expounding nabuchodonozers dreame in persia. but ioseph while yet he was amongst his brethren a young boy , dreamed , and tolde his bretheren saying , we were making sheaues in the field , and loe , my sheffe arose and stood vpright , and your sheaues stood round about and made obeysance to my sheffe . then saide his brethren shalt thou be our king , or shalt thou raigne ouer vs ? they hated him before , for that his father loued him more thē they , and for his dreame they hated him the more . and ioseph told his father and his brethren a second dreame , saying ; i sawe the sunne , the moone , and the eleuen starres make obeysance to me , and his father rebuked him , saying ; shall i , thy mother , and thy bretheren , come and fall before thee ? but yet his father noted his dreame : but his brethren tooke such indignation against him , that they solde ioseph to an arabian marchant , who solde him againe into egipt , where he came by expounding of pharaos dreame , of the seuen leane kine that did eate the seuen fatte kine , and yet were but leane , to be the second person , and the onely ruler of egipt vnder pharao . thither came his brethren constrained by a dearth in canaan , to buy corne in egipt , and after ioseph being knowne , his father iacob , and all his houshold came . these were the sunne , the moone , and eleuen starres : heere his bretheren performed the dreame , honouring ioseph vpon their knees , as all egipt did . in like manner daniel being a captiue of nabuchodonozers , by expounding his dreame , and his sonne balthazers after him , was commaunded to bee cloathed with purple , and to put a chaine of golde about his necke , and by proclamation made ruler ouer the third part of the kingdome of persia , and to be one of the three princes that ruled the kingdome of persia , of a hundred seuen and twentie prouinces vnder king darius . no doubt ioseph was instructed by an angell to expound the dreame of pharao , and daniel to expound the dreame of nabuchodonozer . angels did instruct men , minister vnto men , rebuke sinners angels comforted the afflicted , and foretold things , an angell appeared to zachary , who told him , that his wife should bring forth a sonne , and his name should be iohn . so an angell appeared to the virgin mary , and said shee should haue a sonne , and his name shal be iesus . abraham in the feast which he made to the angels vnder the oake of mambre , was promised hee should haue a sonne by sarah , and was named by the angels isaac , laughing , for that his mother laughed , hearing she should haue a childe in her olde age , being foure score and tenne . so was also ismael , solomon , and iosias , named long before they were borne . the olde hebrewes tooke example , for that the name of abram was chaunged by the lord , and named abraham , which signified the father of many nations . iacob likewise was named of the angell , ( with whom hee wrestled ) israel , the prince of god. so the hebrewes gaue such significant names of things to come vpon their children , that when they remembred the names of theyr children , they should also remember the thing signified by the name , as solomon was named iedidia , beloued of god , iosias an oblation to the lord , and so ismael the son of abraham by agar , absolon the sonne of dauid , and others more , named of the hebrewes in like manner . women onely gaue names to their children among the hebrewes , as leah and rachel , iacobs wiues , named the twelue sonnes of iacob . so sampson was named of his mother , and so also was samuel named by his mother , for the hebrew women gaue such names to their children , as should containe something signified by the name , not following the fathers name , but one onely name , which the hebrew women gaue to their children . the romanes had three or foure names commonly , contrary to the hebrewes , and besides three or foure names which were proper vnto them , they would purchase as many names as they could get , as pub. cornel. scypio , had the fourth name affricanuss for his conquest ouer affricke , and his brother lu. scypio , was surnamed asiaticus , for the fourth name , because hee subdued asia . lu. q. metellus , surnamed numidicus , by his victories in numidia . mummius , for his victories in achaia , surnamed achaicus . so the romanes being glorious people full of their victories , would possesse as many names as they could haue , and being not contented with so many names , they would haue the moneths of the yeare to be named after their names . so iu. caesar called the moneth quintilis , after his owne name iuly , augustus the second emperour , called the moneth sextilis , after his name august . so other emperours imitating them , as nero would haue the moneth of aprill after his name neronius , and domitianus would haue october named domitianus . likewise claudius wold haue may called after his name claudius : and germanicus would haue september named germanicus after his name . so the grecians began to honor demetrius in like sort , in so much they decreed that the month manichion which is ianuary , shal be called dēmetrion , and their feast dionisia which was dedicated to bacchus , should be called demetria , after demetrius name , and that demetrius , and his father king antigonus , should haue their pictures set vp & carried in the sacred banner of peplon , where none but the picture of iupiter and minerua were set and placed . clearchus the tyrant would be called sonne vnto iupiter , as well as alexander the great , so king antigonus , because hee might be called bacchus , hee resembled him outward in his habite , ware a diademe on his head made of iuie like bacchus , and for his scepter , bare in his hand thyrsus . the greekes also , most commonly had but one name , vnlesse he had a name added vnto it , either by some vertue or vice noted in him : as pericles for his eloquence and sweete perswasion , was surnamed olympius . aristides for his integritie , surnamed the iust . antigonus for his liberalitie was surnamed doson , and yet reported in plutarch , that hee promised any thing , and performed nothing . so likewise the greekes named those that had any blemish on their bodies , as antiochus surnamed griphos for his great belly . another antigonus surnamed gonatos , for that hee had great knees . demetrius , surnamed polycrates , for his inuention and skill of warlike engines as elepolis , thereby as famous welnigh as archimedes : otherwise the grecians vsed but one name . and although agesilaus was a great souldier , for skil and knowledge in warre so famous , that hee was sent from egipt vnto greece , for to be their generall , and also among the persians so feared , and among the grecians so esteemed , and yet hee was called but agesilaus , without any surname of addition among the grecians , neither other great captaines of greece , as milciades , themistocles , cymon , and others , had no such surnames by their victories as the romanes had . the hebrues also had but proper names , & some had their fathers name added vnto it , so our sauiour in the gospell named peter , simon the sonne of ionas , so was it oftentimes spoken to esay the prophet , esay thou sonne of amos ; so all the iewish rabines were named after their fathers names , as iuda the sonne of dama , simeon the sonne of gamaliel , ismael the sonne of elizei , but among the old hebrewes as you heard , they were so named as pleased the mothers . the egiptians vsed also greeke additions to their names , as pto. surnamed euergetes , for his good deeds and benefites to his countrey . pto. surnamed ceraunos , that is to say , lightning , for his quicke dispatch . pto. surnamed aetos , an eagle for his swiftnesse and celeritie , and so philadelphus , and other kings and great men of egipt , added to their own proper names greek surnames . the surnames of the last kings of egipt began from a souldiers name , who grew so great among the egiptians , that he strengthened and established the countrey , being subdued and ouerthrowne before by the persians , that the alexandrians so hououred him after his death , that all his successors the kings of egipt , were called after his name ptholomei ; for as all the first kings of egipt were called pharaones , so were the last kings of egipt called ptolomei . so arsaces a poore scythian borne , a great souldier , with a great armie of poore banished men of the parthians , ouerthrew king zaleucus , and restored the parthians to their libertie , for the which benefites he was made king , and all the kings his successors , were named arsaces after his name . these men seeke name and fame on earth , where they haue no citie , nor place permanent , but houses made of clay , and forget to builde immortalitie and eternitie in heauen , they make sumptuous and durable tombes for their bodies , like the egiptians , which make pyramides for their dead bodies to dwel for euer . some againe like the agrigentines , which build them such strōg houses as though they shuld liue alwaies , and yet eate & drinke , as though they should die the next day . but we leaue these builders that build towers in the aire with nimrod , and iuorie houses with achab , and would lose immortalitie with vlisses , for ithaca his country , and come to paul , who would be losed from the bodie and be with christ , and with ioshua to fixe our triumphes and tropheys in heauen , with the euerlasting ioshua christ iesus the sonne of god , who purchased vnto vs eternall habitations , and went in bodie before vs to prepare for vs a dwelling place : to him therefore with the father and the holy ghost , be all honor , glory and praise , for euer . finis . a table containing a briefe summe of the whole booke . matters contained in the first booke . thirtie nine kings ouerthrown by moses & ioshua page . of diuers combats pa. of the vow of cherim pa. ead. adam rescued by the seed of the woman pa. elizeus leadeth the army of benhadad blinde pa. they that mourned in ierusalem , were marked with the letter tau ead. of diuers and seuerall markes . pa. the time that barbours were first seene in rome pa. . abraham the first man marked . pa. ead. abrahaham feared abimelech and pharao for his wife . pa. abraham read astronomie in egipt pa. ead. abraham rescued the fiue kings , and lot his nephewe pa. the victory and stratagem of gedeon ouer the madianites . pa dauids victory at bezor in rescuing his two wiues . pa. ead. three angels feasted at mambre with abraham pa. . foure named before they were borne . pa. ead. the ismaelites would not bee called agareni of agar , but sarazeni of sarah . pa. . the tower of babell builded by nimrod pa. ninus the first monarch . pa. ead . alexanders voyage to india . pa. ead. zoroastes laughed at his birth . pa. . the first idolatry by ninus . pa. ead . baall the first idoll pa. the male children of the hebrews throwne to nilus pa. the tyrannie of pharao pa. ead. a comparison betweene the egiptians and the romanes pa. the armies of the lord in egipt vnder moses pa. ead. the first plague of egipt . pa. the comparison of the first plague with the first persecution vnder nero pa. nero slew himselfe . pa. . the second miracle and triumph of moses in egipt . pa the blasphemy of nicanor punished . pa. ead. domitianus image set vp in the temple at ierusalem pa. domitianus slain in his owne house by his seruants pa. iamnes and iambres , phoraos soothsayers pa. ead . the third persecution vnder traiane pa. philo was not heard of nero. pa. ead . the fourth army of the lord in egipt , was swarmes of flyes . pa. the fighting of the iewes with wild beasts pa. the yeelding of tyrants pa. pharao and esau compared . pa. septimus and antiochus murthered pa. the tyrannie of antiochus against the iewes pa. ead . antiochus cōfessed the great wrong he did to the iewes at ierusalem pa. the fable of manetho and others , concerning moses , whom he named osarphis pa. the persecution of the seuen bretheren pa. the seuenth plague of egipt . the comparison of the seuenth persecution vnder decius , with the seuenth plague . pa. great plagues and sicknesses vpon the romanes pa. hipocrisie of pharao pa. ead . pericles made a lawe in athens against straungers pa. the eight persecution vnder valerianus pa. ead . valerianus the emperor of rome , vsed as a blocke by sapor king of persia pa. the ninth plague of egipt . pa. the dissimulation of pharao . pa. ead . the ninth persecution vnder aurelianus pa. ead . christ denied among the romanes . pa. a golden target sent by the senators pa ead . the euill end of cruell emperors . pa. ead . the tenth plague of egipt . pa. the tenth persecution vnder dioclesian pa. ead . when persecution ended , heresie began pa. arius with diuers crewes of heretiques pa. ead . the foure generall councels . pa. the marching of pharao after the hebrewes pa. the drowning of pharao in the red sea pa. ead . appians impudent lies against moses pa. the education of moses in egipt . pa. moses chosen captaine for pharao pa. ead . moses death sought by the priests of egipt pa. ead . the victories of moses in aethiopia pa. the marriage of moses to tharbis , the king of aethiope his daughter pa. ead . appians lyes pa. philo his speech of the hebrewes . pa. the law of armes set downe by the lord to moses pa. the stratagems of archidamus , epaminondas , and pericles . pa. of the lawe of armes pa. of the priests mantes in athens . &c. pa. the remoouing of the arke . pa. ead . the numbring and mustering of the hebrew army by moses . pa. the hebrewes were left in the midst of their enemies to practise armes pa. ead . stratagems of marius and cyrus pa. seuentie gouernours chosen vnder moses pa. the leuites tents about the tabernacle pa. ead . the placing of the foure standarts of the hebrewes . page . the marching of the hebrue camp . pa. xerxes great army pa. ead . chiefe and strong forts of the gentiles pa the hebrewes named of the egiptians , hicsos pa. of the seuerall standarts of the gentiles pa. the setting vp of the tabernacle , and dedication of the aultar . pa. the multitude of temples and aultars among the gentiles . pa superstitious fondnesse of the gentiles pa. the victories of moses and diuers kings pa. the battell at riphidim pa. ead . the ouerthrowe of the canaanites and arad their king by the hebrewes pa. of diuers and sundrie vowes of the gentiles pa. . & of diuers heathenish feasts . pa. espialls sent by ioshua to canaan . pa fearful reports in warres are dangerous pa. diuers stratagemes pa. ead . a romaine stratagem . pa. the stratageme of clearchus . pa. disobedience punished pa. the vnthankefulnesse of the hebrewes for so many great victories pa. martiall punishment pa. ead . . died for disobedience in the wildernesse pa. the great obedience of all creatures to god pa. ead . the offences of moses and aaron at the water of meribah pa. the martial lawes in egipt . pa. ead . the martiall lawes in persia pa. the martiall lawe of the romanes and of the lacedemonians . pa. ead . the charge of a new army giuen to ioshua pa. commendations of generalls among all nations pa. ead . pirrhus forsooke italy pa. ead . elephants first seene in rome . pa. ead . a stratagem of hanibal against the romanes pa. a stratagem of the romanes against hambal pa. ead . the ouerthrow of iericho by sounding of rammes hornes pa. signes giuen of victories pa. logio fubinnea pa. the straunge fashions of diuers nations in their warres pa pirrhus brought elephants to lucania in italy pa. the numbring of the hebrewes of their souldiers . pa. the maner and custome of the romanes and persians , when their souldiers goe to warres . pa. ead . the battels at iahaz and edzei . pa cyrus for his languages , and mithridates for his memorie . pa. ead. fiue kings ioyned against ioshua . pa. the victory of ioshua at gibeon . pa. ead . valerianus taken by sapor king of persia pa. pazaites the turke takē by tamberlane pa. ead . cratippus saying to pompey . pa. the sunne stayed ouer gibeon . pa. ead . stratagems of brutus and hircius pa. the diuers orders of the heathens going to their warres . pa. amphictions iudges of greece . pa. xantippus sent from sparta to carthage pa. ead . conons stratagem pa. byzantium now called constantinople pa. ead . the olde custome of the romanes and persians in choosing theyr kings pa. description of xerxes , agesilaus , caesar , darius , and others . pa the battella●… besecke pa. the tyrannie of adonizebech . pa. a signe of periander sent to thrasibulus pa. ead . the stratagem of ehud , iudge of israel pa. what kinde of men were generals and iudges in israel pa. gedeon chosen iudge and general in israel pa. ead . gedeons stratagē against the madianites pa. stratagems of antiochus & pericles pa. pompeys stratagem pa. the vnthankefulnesse of the israelites pa. the victory at marathon pa. the romanes brag of their victorie by marius ouer the cymbrians pa. ead . the scythians brag of their victorie ouer the persians . pa. ead . the arke of couenant pa. iephtha threatned to bee burned . pa. . of the ephramites slaine . pa. ead . the tyrannie of cynna and maririus pa. kings sacrificed their daughters to please their idols pa. ead . difference of sacrifices pa. the great sacrifice of sampson . pag. the priesthood taken from the house of e●… pa. the gouernment taken from the house of samuel pa. tenne tribes forsooke rhehoboam pa. ead . the care of all nations for education of their children pa. israel cryed for a king pa. the trees and frogs would haue a king pa. ead . ionathans victorie at michmash . pa. the disobedience of saul . pa. saul slew himselfe in mount gilboah pa. sauls head set vp in the temple of dagon pa. ead . traitors rewards pa. treason hath better successe then traitors haue pa. traitors odious to the olde romanes pa. ead . uiriatus named the second haniball pa. matters contained in the second booke . vniust and vnnecessary warres page . dauid the second king of israel , his battels and victories . pa. pollicie of generals and captaines . pa. europe scant inhabited in dauids time pa. ead . the aromites and philistines brought vnder dauid . pa. the romane gouernors vnder diuers prouinces pa. ead . dauid put garrison in edom. pa. the lawe of armes broken by the ammonites against dauid . pa. alcibiades and ionathans stratagem pa. ead . demetrius stratagem and others . pa. tributes paide to israel by the edomites and others pa. tributes paid to the kings of egipt by ioseph pa. what manner of tributes the olde romanes and latter romaines had pa. tributes paid to the persians . pa. ead . composition of peace betweene the romanes and the carthagineans pa. ead . the sinnes of dauid punished . pa. the tragicall ende which dauid sawe on his children pa. diuers stratagems in rauishing of virgins pa. the first sacking of ierusalem by shesac pa. the first battell of ciuill warres between iudah & israel . pa. ead . fiue hundred thousand israelites slaine pa. the comparison of the hebrewes with the romanes pa. ead . the enemie of rome was italy . pa. the enemie of iudah was israel . pa ead . the crueltie of marius and sylla in rome pa. good counsell of the prophets not obeyed pa. ead . the great victory of the king of iudah ouer the aethiopiās . pa. good kings prayed for victories . pa. the victory of iosaphat . pa. ead . three hundred fabians slaine at the battell of crunera pa. praiers commenaed & compared . pa. iudah vexed by the aromites . pa. the blaspemy of senacherib punished pa. ieremy and michah both striken and put in prison pa. elias fled from iezabel . pa. two and thirtie kings came with benhadad against achab. pa. achabs words to benhadad . pa. ead diuers great blasphemers punished pa. the second victory of achab ouer benhadad pa. ieremy preached the destruction of ierusalem pa. the foure bornes which zachary sawe pa. semyramis stratagem in india . pa. the stratagems of cyrus and tomyris in scythia . pa. moses stratagem pa. alexander his victory ouer king porus pa. the great treasure which alexander found in persia pa. xerxes pallace burnt in persepolis pa. ead . of elephants and camels vsed in warres pa. hanibals tropheys in italy . pa. the romaine stratagem against pirrhus pa. ead curius dentat . his triumph . pa. pirrhus saying of the romanes . pa. . bushels of corne daily spent in xerxes army . pa. themistocles stratagem against xerxes pa. of romane stratagems . pa. the originall of military discipline had frō the hebrewes . pa. golden girdles giuen by the hebrewes and the persians . page . of diuers military rewards to encourage souldiers . pa. . the custome of the knights of rome pa. lucullus named the romaine xerxes , and pompey called agamemnon the great pa. ead . foresight is great wisdome . pa. ead . argyraspides , alexanders souldiers pa. the scythians lawe for souldiers . pa. the lawe of solon for souldiers . pa. one hundred and twentie knights buried in the field adrasteys , by alexander the great . pa. ead . of monuments pa. bethel become bethauen . pa. ead . abraham prouided for the buriall of himselfe , his wife , and his posteritie pa. the care of the gentiles for theyr burials pa. ead . the honor of the atheniās to their generals for victories . pa. themistocles honored of the grecians pa. pompey for his victories and triumphes compared to alexander the great pa. the triumphs of scypio , lu. sylla , & pau. aemilius . pa. . & the . great combats of romulus , cossus , & marcellus . pa. the maner of sesostris triumph . pa. the greeke and romane tropheys pa. ead . sicinius dentat , his reward to his souldiers pa. the forme and manner of making of tribunes pa. auctyles people of libia . pa. ead . souldiers might not walke in the night time in athens . pa. mellephori chiefe souldiers of the king of persia pa. ead . neodomadae among the lacedemonians , and ianizari among the turkes pa. of diuers military punishments . pa. the difference betweene agesilaus and caesar pa. stratagems of agesilaus , antigonus , and epaminondas . pa. ead . the lawe of decimation . pa. bochoris lawe in egipt . pa. coward souldiers punished in persia pa. ead . the punishment of cowards among the people called daci . pa. tamberlaines iustice and seuerity . pa. comparison of certaine romaine captaines with the greekes . pa. the force and perswasion of eloquence pa. ead . the greatnesse of demetrius enuied pa. demetrius picture carried in the triumph of peplon . pa. epaminondas and pelopidas commended pa. philopomen imitated epaminondas pa. philopomen greatly commended . pa. the victories of lucullus . pa. stratagems of hanibal , lysimachus , and marcellus pa. the crueltie of mithridates against the romanes pa. the reuenge of marius ouer the cymbrians pa. ead . marius seuen times consul . pa. how the prophets denounced wars to the iewes , & to the gentiles . pa. the maner of the gentiles in proclaiming warres to their enemies pa. . . the rainebowe , a signe that the world should not bee destroyed with water againe pa. the manner and ceremonies of all nations in concluding of peace . pa. . . and the manner of yeelding among all nations . pa. . . a souldier to loose his target , was death in greece pa. the saying of the women of sparta concerning cowardly souldiers . pa. shieldes much esteemed among the romaines and the grecians . pa. ead . the victorie of the grecians ouer the persians at plataea . pa. the funerall ceremonies for those captains that dyed in the battell at plataea pa. a feast of the iewes called purim . pa. the victories of the grecians ouer the persians at salamina and artemisium pa. . many straunge signes and apparitions in the ayre . pa. . & signes seene before the destruction of ierusalem . pa. . & the last ouerthrowe of ierusalem by titus and uespasian . pa. diuers faigned themselues to bee the messias pa. the rabins slain at the siege of ierusalem pa. ierusalem destroyed fiue times . pa. ead . the saying of dio. areopagita and appollonius of the eclipse of the sunne pa. . talent's left by dauid to salomon to build the temple pa. heathen kings fauoured the iewes pa. . & aristobulus first king of the iewes , after their captiuitie . pa. affliction of the iewes . pa. zedechiah taken captiue . pa. the contents of the third booke . no mercenarie souldiers allowed by the romains nor the persians page . of the care of kingdomes and countreys in military discipline . pa. alexander his lawes and exercise for his souldiers pa. massinissas hardinesse in marching pa. ead . fabius max. diligence to his souldiers pa. bochoris military lawes . page . ead . full fed souldiers punished by the romanes pa. agesilaus military discipline . pa. ead . the exercise of eumenes to his souldiers pa. military punishment recited by modestinus pa. lawes of plato and others against wine drinkers pa , the warres at numantia . pa. cyrus discipline to his souldiers . pa. ead . diuers kindes of martiall punishments pa. prouinciall regiments of the romanes pa. diuision betweene the successors of alexander pa. liberties and freedomes allowed by the romanes pa. ead . romane magistrates gouerned in asia and in affrica . pa. ambition in rome and in athens . pa. sertorius white hinde pa. marius carried martha his scythian soothsayer pa. the pollicie of scypio to his souldiers pa. ead . israel consulted with idolatrous oracles pa. pennall lawes in sparta . pa. how the lacedemonians march to theyr warres pa. ead . the manner and habit of all nations in going to theyr warres . pa. of military oathes ministred vnto souldiers in diuers countreys . pa. ead . oathes of the romanes and of the grecians pa. asdrubals head sent to haniball his brother pa. the ouerthrow of haniball at the battell of zama pa. three bushels of golde rings sent by haniball to the senators of carthage pa. the ouerthrowe of antiochus the great at the battell of magnesia pa ead . the saying of antigonus and of pirrhus pa. ead . the burning of carthage . pa. marius seuen times consul . pa. ead . ciuill warres betweene marius and sylla pa. the diuers victories of pompey the great pa. stratagems of great captaines that saued themselues by flight . pa. scypios questions with haniball . pa. caesars celerity in his victories . pa. epaminondas and scypios stratagems pa. ead . caesar was in . pitcht and set fields pa. no triumphes in ciuill warres at rome pa. ead . the battell betweene torquine and publicola page . the first funerall sermon in rome . pa. ead . the noble act of mu. scaeuola and horatius cocles pa. torquinus the proud driuen out of rome pa. ead . the marching of the scythians , saracens , and turkes pa. the marching of the kings of israell pa. arebellious vowe of absolon . pa. the vowes of the israelites . pa. ead . the vowes of the romanes . pa. . the vowes of the athenians to aeolus . pa. ead . of diuers seuerall vowes . pa. . & stratagems of satan pa. ead . philos speech of the wicked . pa. ead . the vowes of the nazarites . pa. monasticall vowes pa. ead . the rechabites vowes . pa. the oracles of ammon . pa. signes of victories giuen by the lord pa. the hebrewes consulted with urim and thummim . pa. the superstitious oracles of the gentiles pa. the consuls of rome , and the kings of sparta deposed . pa. soothsaying by flying of fowles . pa. cyrus and alexander forewarned of their death by soothsaying . pa. themistocles pa. ead . aristander , alexander his soothsayer pa. superstitious oracles of the gentiles pa. ead . the greedinesse of dacius and xerxes of money pa. any stratageme in iust warres is lawfull . pa. the credit of soothsayers . pa. the idolatry of israel pa. ead . the rich spoile which philip had in delphos pa. sanctuaries allowed by the lord to the hebrewes pa. sanctuaries allowed among all nations pa. kings fledde to sanctuaries . pa. ead . the abuse and ill order of sanctuaries pa. the breach of lawes seuerely punished in kings pa. numas religious lawes in rome . pa. the prophanatiō of the ceremonies of ceres by alcibiades and clodius pa. . ware mourning apparell for cicero in rome . pa. ead . ciceroes opinion of the romaine victories pa. antalcidas saying to agesilaus . pa. alexander the great rewarded maimed souldiers pa. ead . the liberalitie of captaines . pa. condemned murtherers sacrificed on captaines graues . pa. greedie princes euer lost more the they wanne pa. of ambitious generals and captaines . page . . . the image of iustice painted in egipt without a head . page . platoes opinion against ambitious men pa. ead . philosophers slew themselues . pa. the victories of sertorius . page . licurgus lawe allowed ambition . pa. ambitious men banished from athens pa. ead . themistocles banished . pa. comparisons betweene the romanes and the grecians . page . pericles surnamed olimpius . pa. ead . pirrhus saying of rome . pa. philopomen the last captaine of any fame in greece . pa. of diuers kindes of trumpets in warres . of diuers tents and sailes . page . the watch word of diuers noble captaines in their warres . page . of sundrie stratagems . pa. crassus slaine among the parthians pa. the ouerthrow of the romanes by the cymbrians pa. pub. ventidius triumphes . page . the victories of the greekes at marathon pa. the victorie of the syracusans ouer the athenians . pa. the battell at cranon . pa. alexander feared in greece . pa. ead . libraries destroyed pa. the librarie of attalus and eumenes in asia destroyed . page . aiax & patroclus two elephants , so named of antiochus . pa. ead . the librarie at rome pa. ead . the romanes only professed armes pa. the opinion of cato pa. ead . callimachus and chrysippus , great writers pa. the lawe of armes broken . pa. faire words deceiued many captaines pa. ead . archidamus counsell to the lacedemonians pa. much bloud spent in breach of faith pa. ead . the breach of the lawe of armes . pa. . zopyrus stratagem pa. aiax foolish answere to his father pa. ead . cyrus and agamemnons wish . pa. pa. the great pride of xerxes and nimrod pa. securitie in warres hurtfull . pa. pompeys parasites pa. ead . the victorie of drusus pa. the flatterers of tigranes king of armenia pa. ead . the victorie of lucullus ouer the athenians pa. ead . themistocles celeritie in his victories pa. . archers draue agesilaus out of persia pa. an owle printed on the coyne of athens pa. ead . the celeritie and quick dispatch of great captaines pa. celeritie praised page . astiages dreames pa. xerxes dreame pa. ead . hanibals dreame pa. ioseph enuied of his bretheren . pa. ead . iosephs second dreame . pa. ioseph and daniel expounders of dreames . pa. ead . isaac named pa. women among the israelites gaue names to their children . pa. ead . the surnames of great romaine captaines pa. moneths named after the name of emperors pa. ead . the surnames of great captaines and generals in greece . pa. arsaces the name of all the kings in parthia pa. the iuorie house of achab. pa. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e . kings ouerthrowne by moises and ioshua . of combats . the vow of cherim . adam rescued by the seed of the womā . luke . . elizeus leadeth the army of benhadad blind frō dothan to samaria . they that mourned in ierusalem were marked with the letter tau . pauls marke . iacobites marke . cains mark . esaus marke turneb . lib. . cap. . the markes of diuers nations with the letter tau . appul . lib. . alex. neapolit . lib. . cap. . the time that barbers were first seen in rome philip. archidamus . abraham the first man marked . gen. . abraham feared abimelech and pharao for his wife . abraham read astronomy in egipt ioseph . lib. . de antiq. i●… . abraham rescued the fiue kings , and lot his nephew . the victorie of gedeon ouer the madianites . iud. . dauid rescued his two wiuess . . sam. . gen. . three angels feasted at mambre with abraham . foure were named before they were borne . tantae virtutis est , quātae & difficultatis bonum esse inter malos . bernar. epis. . ismaelites would not be called agareni of agar , but saraceni of sarah . the tower of babel builded by nimrod . cyrus army to scythia . alexan. voyage to india . ninus the first monarch . barsanes . diodor , fic●… . lib. . farnus k. of the meades . seuen hundred thousand . zoroastes laught at his birth . the first idolatry by ninus . baal the first idoll . plato in t●…meo . the male children of the hebrues were thrown to nilus . the tyrannie of pharao . oros. lib. . cap. . a comparison betweene the egiptians and the romanes . the armies of the lord in egipt vnder moses . the first plague . the comparison of the first plague with the first persecuton . orosi . lib. . nero slue himselfe . ester . . reg. ca. . reg. ca. the second plague . an armie of frogges . exod. . the second tryumph of moses in egipt . the blasphemy of nicanor punished . the comparison of the second plagne with the second persecution . the horrible blasphemie both of pharao , and domitianus alike . domitianus image set vp in the temple as ierusalem . domitianus slaine in his owne house by his seruants . the third plague . exod. . iamnes and iambres . the third persecution . pliny to traiane . philo was not heard of nero. sapor king of persia. the fourth plague . the fourth yeelding of pharao to moses . the fourth persecution . the fighting of the iewes with wilde beasts . the yeelding of tyrants . blasphemers confesse the lord to be god. the fift plague . pharao and esau compared . the fift persecution . septimius and antiochus murthered . the tyrannie of antiochus against the iewes . . machab. . ioseph . li. . cap. . antiochus at his death confessed the great wrong he did to ierusalem and iudah . the sixt plague . the fable of manetho of moses which he named osarphis . tisithes . pliny his opinion of moses . ioseph . lib. . contra appionem . the sixt persecution . euseb. lib. . cap. . polycarpus . the persecution of the seuē bretheren . . machab. cap. . the seuenth plague . liui. . q. curtius lib. . the seuenth persecution . great plagues and sicknesses vpon the romanes . the eight plague . hypocrisie of pharao . pericles made a decree in athens against strangers . strangers not long entertained in carthage . the eight persecution vnder valerianus . valerianus the emperor of rome vsed as a blocke by sapor king of persia. the ninth plague . the dissimulatiō of pharao . the ninth persecution . christ denied among the romanes . a goldē target sent by the senators . the euill end of cruel emperours . the tenth plague . the lord useth all things by meanes . the tenth persecution . when persecutiō ended , heresie begā . arrius the first of his sect . euseb. in many of his bookes especially in the fourth at large , writes of these masters . saturninus . the . generall councels . hicsos . the marching of pharao after the hebrewes . a stratagem of the lord. the drowning of pharao in the red sea . appins impudent lies against moses appolonius thianeus . this storie is reported otherwise in the life of apollonius . the education of moses in egipt . moses chosen captaine for pharao . ioseph . lib. . cap. . de antiq . iudaic. moses death sought by the priests of egipt . the victories of moses in aethiopia . the marriage of moses to tharbis . ioseph . lib. . cap. . appians lies . hicsos . philo. exod. . the lawe of armes . the . lawe of armes . the . lawe of armes . front. lib. . cap. . the strata gems of archidamus , epaminandas and pericles . ioshua &c. castor and pollux . cic de diuin lib. . ioseph . lib. . cap. . the lawe of armes . the priests faecials in rome . the priests mantes in athens . magi in persia. the remouing of the arke . . number . the nūbring and mustring of the hebrew army by moses . the hebrews were left in the midst of their enemies to practise armes . . mansiōs . stratagems of marius and cyrus . front. lib. . cap. . . gouernors chosen vnder moses . exod. . the leuites tents about the tabernacle . the foure standarts of the hebrewes . the tent of iudah on the east . the standart of ruben on the south side . the standart of ephraim on the west side . the standart of dan on the north side . the marching of the hebrew c●…po . the state of the hebrew campe . xerxes great army alexander . the tabernacle placed in the midst of the camp . the tabernacle . cubits long , and . broad . exod. . a cubit of the greekes two foote , of the romanes a foote and a halfe . chiefe and strong forts of the gentiles . tygranes . iugurth . mithridates the standarts of egipt . the hebrewes named of the egiptians hicsos . the standarts of persia. viget . lib. . cap. . the standarts of the romanes . athenians . thabans . the old germaines . anubis . caesar. the setting vp of the tabernacle . the dedication of the altar . the multitude of altars in athens . straunge altars in delos . diod. fic . li. . cap. . the lawes of numa . hypaethra . open temples aboue in the toppe . temples builded of the gentiles . cynosarges . superstitio●… fondnes of the gentiles . mount oliuet . the victories of moses ouer diuers kings . the battell of riphidim . the battell at horma . the ouerthrow of the canaanites and arad their king , by the hebrues . psal. . the vowes of the persians . the vowes of the egiptians . appian . de bello punico . caesar. lib. 〈◊〉 . de bello gall●… plut. in coriliano . liui lib. . the vowes of the grecians . the vowes of the ro manes . the feast bendidia . the first consualio . ancyllia . tabilustria . the feast metoichia . the feasts of the greekes in memory of their captaines . the feast called agonolia . timoleon . espialls sent by ioshua to canaan . caleb . fearefull reports in wars are dāgerous . the stratagem of tullius . front. lib. . cap. . varro . the battel of antemna . milciades & themistocles the romans stratagem . front. lib. . cap. . clearchus . front. lib. cap. . reba , eui , reken , zur , & hur. disobediēce punished . archidamus the vnthank fulnesse of the hebrews . nomb. . ca. nom. . martiall punishment . nomb. ca. six hundred thousand died for disobedience in the wildernesse . gene. . . reg. . iere. . obedience of the rechabites . . machab. . great obedience of creatures to god. psal. . . reg. . cyrus . lib. . esdr. . cap. . reg. . ionas . the offence of moses & aaron at the water of meribah . the martiall lawe of egipt . the martiall lawes of persta . the martiall lawe of the romanes . the martiall lawe of lacedemonians . the charge of a new armie giuen to ioshuah . commenda●…n of generalls . pirrhus forsooke italy . elephants first seene in rome . hannibal . front. lib. . cap. . amiraculous ouerthrow of iericho . ioshua cap. . es●… . . the destruction of ai. signes giuen of victories . the victories of ioshuah & others in the lords battels . . reg. . cap. mar. aurelius . euseb. . legio fulminea . in. machab. deut. . the simplicitie of souldiers in olde time . homer . illiad . the strange fashions of diuers natiōs in their wars . veget. lib. . cap. . pirrhus brought elephants to lucania in italy . plyni . lib. . cap. . & . . veget. lib. . cap. . plut. in mario . the account of the hebrews for their souldiers . the custome of the persiās for their souldiers going to wars . the maner of the romanes for their souldiers . cyrus could name all the souldiers in his armie . mithridates could speake . languages to his souldiers . the battel of iahaz . deut. . . the battel of edrei . ephron destroyed . fiue kings ioined against ioshua . the victory of ioshua at gibeon . sapor . oros. lib. . cap. . tamberla●…nus . monarches . cratippus saying to pompey . the last battell and victorie of ioshua ouer the canaanites . the sunne staied ouer gibeon . the moone ouer ailon . front. lib. . cap. . stratagems . the souldiers of asia . the souldiers of the persians . the stoutnes of the romanes . the lacedemonians . amphictions . the temple of ianus . consilium panaetolium . panaegyris . xantippus sent from sparta to carthage . pirrhus . pericles . aratus . pelopidas . philopomen . agesilaus and epaminondas . timocheres . phillips speech . byzantium now called constantinople . conons stratagem . front , lib. . cap. . epaminondas . front. lib. . cap. . the old custome of the romrnes and the persians in choosing their kings . alex. neopol . lib. . ca. . saul . xerxes . agesilaus ●…ame . darius long handed . caesars baldnesse . moses tall and slender . phryg . in vita moses . ioseph . gen. . elias rough and hairie . . reg. . ca. iudah the third captain ouer israel . the battell at beseck . the tyrannie of adonizebech . lu. flor. li. . cap. . . oros. ca. . a cruell act of fabius the romane . the figne of periander sent to thasibulus . dyonis . lib . cap. . the stratagem of ehud iudge and generall of israell . iudges . . ca. eglon king of moab slaine . the victory of debora ouer cisera at meroz . what kinde of men were generals and iudges amōg the hebrues . gedeon chosē iudge in israell . gedeons stratagem . iosua . . iud. . pericles stratagem . 〈◊〉 lib. . cap. . antiochus stratagem . front. lib. cap. . the vnthākfulnesse of the israelites the israelites forget their victories . leonidas . the victory at marathō . the romanes . the scythians . the vnthākfulness of the hebrewes . esai . . the arke of couenan●…t . iepthas rash vow . the opinion of some of the rabines of iepthas vow . ieptha the generall , threatned to be burned . iudg. cap. . fortie two thousande slaine of the ephraimites . the tyrannie of cinna and marius . 〈◊〉 . oros. ca. . and . iphygenia . prolixena . molech . the oath of saul . differences of sacrifices . iud. cap. . iudg. . the reuenge of sampson vpō the philistines for his eyes . iudg. . dagan . sampsons sacrifice . the priesthood taken frō the house of e●…i . . reg. . cap. ioseph . lib. . cap . de antiq . the gouernment taken frō the house of samuel . . reg. . cap. ten tribes forsooke rhehoboam . philip of macedon . cyrus . antigonus . the kings of persia. gemma platonis . alexander . sertorius . israel cried for a king . samuel expoundeth to the people the nature of a king . the frogs would haue a king . reg. . the appollogy of iothan . plyni . lib. . cap. . the battel of saul at michmash . the victory of ionathon . the rash law of saul . the victory of saul . sa●… . cap. . the disobediēce of saul . saul slew himselfe in mount gilboa . sam. . cap. sauls head set vp in the temple of dagon . traitors had euer like rewards . darius head brought to alexander . trechery in●…y rewarded . caus●… . treason hath better successe then traitors haue iezabell . traitors odious to the old romanes . oros. lib. . cap. . viriatus named the second haniball . timocheres . camillus . notes for div a -e vniust and vnnecessary warres . the battel of dauid at baal pharazim . sam. cap. . iamnites . the victorie of dauid at rephaim . . sam. . gath the bridle of bondage . policies of generalls . antiochus . europe scant inhabited in dauids time hadarezer . the number i●… lesse in the . of sam. cap. . the aramites & philistins broght vnder dauid . the romain gouernours ouer diuers prouinces . . chron. . garrison in edom. . sam. ca. . martiall lawes . the lawe of armes broken . alcibiades & ionathans stratagems . . mac. . cymons stratagem . front. lib. . cap. . demetrius stratagem . . machab. . the battell at medeba . the number of the chariots and men are otherwise set down in the 〈◊〉 . of sam. ca. . and . a full conquest ouer the canaanites by dauid . tributes to the kings of israel by dauids meanes . tributes to the kings of egipt by ioseph . steuech . com . in uiget . lib. . cap. . the old romanes tributes and tryumphes . tributes paide to the persians . composition between scipio and the carthagineans . appian . in lybico . veget. lib. . cap. . horre●… romanum . the offences of dauid . ephes. . the rewards of adultery and murther the tragical ende which dauid sawe on his childrē . reg. . dina iacobs daughter . gen. . the sabino virgins . the virgins of syloth . the sacking of ierursalē and many cities of iudah by shesak . . chron. cap. . the first battel of ciuill warres betweene iudah and israel . . israelites slaine . . paralip . cap. . the comparison of the hebrewes with the romanes . the sinne of israel . the enemy of rome was italy . the enemy of iudah was israel . abiahs oration in mount zemaraim . . chron. . cinna . the crueltie of marius and sylla in rome . oros. iudie . . good counsel not obeyed . the great victorie of asa king of iudah ouer the aethiopians . good kings praied for victories . the victorie of iosaphat . . chron. . beracha . gentiles . plut. in licurgo . veget. lib. . cap. . three hundred fabiās . minutia . oros. lib. . cap. . praiers both commended and also compared . esters praiers . iudiths praiers . susannas prayers . iud. machabaeus . achas . the idolatry of achas . sixe score thousande slaine . iudah vexed by the aramites . &c. the blasphemy of senacherib punished . chron. ca. . adramelec & sharaser . iosaphat . ezechias . iosias . . reg. ca. . the samaritan woman ieremy and micha both striken & put in prison . iere. cap. . iere. . iere. . elias . ionas . . reg. ioseph . lib. . ●…ap . . ioseph . lib. . cap. . . kings came with benhadad against achab . . reg. . achabs words to benhadad . diuers great blasphemers punished . . reg. . the second victorie of achab ouer benhadad . the great victorie of achab ouer benhadad at aphec . the two great victories of achab . iere. . iere. . the idolatry of israel . amos . ezechi . . the valley of vision . ierusalem . iere. cap. . iere. . . noah . iere. cap. . ezechiel . zach. . zachary . semyramis stratagem in india . diod. sic . lib. . cap. . the victory of cyrus in scythia . tomyris stratagem against cyrus . tomyris stratagem . iud . moses stratagem . alex. his victorie ouer king porus. diod. fic . lib. . the infinite treasure which alexander found in persia. xerxes pallace burnt in persepolis . elephants the onely strength of india . front. lib. . cap. . plyni . lib. . cap. . cic. pro archis . hannibals trophies in italy . oros. lib. . cap. . the romans stratagem against pirrhus . oros. lib. . cap. . curius detat . his tryumphe . . machab. archidamus slaine in italy bellum sine lachrimis . pirrhus speech of the romanes . deuers kinds of combats . the battel of chastidium . . bushels of corne daily spēt in xerxes army . herodot . li. . cic. de finibus . . front. lib. . cap. . themistocles stratagem . front. lib. . cap. . front. lib. . cap. . diuers stratagems . the originall of military discipline frō the hebrues . golden girdles giuen by the hebrues and by the persians to their souldiers as rewards of seruice . the order and lawe of the scythians . old souldiers of alexander and caesar much esteemed . collers of gold , &c. crownes and garlands of the romains . suet. in vita calignlae . murales coronae . aulus geli . lib. . cap. . the custome of the knights of rome . xerxes romanus . foresight i●… great wisedome . vlpian . de infamia militum . . reg. . in dauids time girdles giuen to souldiers . the honor of the souldiers argiraspides in asia . the allowāce of the kings of egipt to their souldiers calasiries the aethiopians . the iudges amphictions consulted of the publike warres in greece . the scythians law for souldiers . the law of solon for souldiers . . knights buried in the field adrasteis by alex. alex. neapolit . lib. . cap. . bethel the house of god. gen. . bethauē the house of iniquitie . osee. . monuments of vertuous men . the stone of helpe . . reg. . ceramicus in athens . mars field in rome . abraham bought a field for his buriall . the care of burials of the gentiles . the houor of the atheniās to their generals for victories . alex. neapolit . genial . lib. . cap. , cic. de natura . deoz . li. . alex. neapolit . achilles . themistocles honoured of the grecians . the maner of the scythians to honor good souldiers in the field . the . triumphs of pompey . the triumph of scypio asiaticus . the triumph of lu. sylla . caesars triumph . the noble triumph of pau. aemilius . the image of asdrubal . the image of cleopatra . iuba brought in tryumph to rome . iugurth . the combats of romulus cornel . cossue and marcellus . the maner of sosostris tryumphes . pericles trophies . syllaes trophies . the trophies of dom. anobarbus and fab. max. sicinius dentat . rewards for ser●…ce . corilianus . lexagraria . plyni lib. . cap. . harmostes . the forme and maner of making of tribunes . dio. in traiano . agema . auctyles . ar●… front. lib. . cap. . souldiers might not walke in the night time in athens . parthians . mellephori the kinges guard of persia. neodomadae chiefe souldiers of tho lacedemonian . ianizari chiefe souldiers of the turkes . chore , dathan , and abiron . achan punished . the brazen serpent . seditious and mutinous romane soldiers punished . the differēce betweene agesilaus and caesar. front. lib. . cap. . stratagems . front lib. . cap. . front. lib. . cap. . marcellus military punishment for souldiers the law of decimation . front. lib. . cap. . front. lib. . cap. . diod. sic . lib. . cap. . bochoris military law in egipt . the persian punishment . women banished from the campe of persia. ephori . ariopagit●… . syracusa . daci . tamberlanes seueritie . pazaites subdued and taken by tāberlane . ualerianus . sesostris . comparisons of certaine romane captains with the greekes . plutarchus in alcibiad . the force of eloquence . crates . demandes . arius . cicero . the greatnes of demet. cic. de natura . deor . lib. . demetrius picture carried in the tryumph of peplon . epaminondas fame . pelopidas commended . the stratagems of pelopidas . front. lib. . cap. . the stratagems of epaminondas . epaminondas praise . cicero . philopomen imitated epaminondas . philopomen a noble captaine . plutarch . in philop. the victorie of lucullus . plutarch . in lucullo . appian . in lib. mithrid . xenoph. lib. de venatione . stratagems of hannibal . lysimachus . marcollus . the crueltie of mithridates against the romans . two great victories of lucullus . the reuenge of marius ouer the cymbrians . marius seuen times consull . ezechiel . . ezechiel . . how the prophets denounced warres to the iewes & to the gentiles . ezech. . the maner of the gentiles in proclaiming of wars to theyr enemies . au. gelius . li. . ca. . noct . attic. columna bellica . viget . lib. . cap. . the persians amian . li. . histor . the greekes the olde gaules . the scythiās front. lib. . the lacedemonians . the carthagineans . the olde corinthians . the rainebowe . luk. . the manner and ceremonies of all natiōs in cōcluding of peace . radamistus & murates . the scythians . the carmās . arabians . persians . the thracians . clearchus . aristides . agesilaus . fabius max. popilius . the manner of yeelding . iosep. lib. . cap. . ioshue . . liu. lib. . the yeelding of the greeks the maner of the yeelding of the persians . assirians . the lacedemonians maner in yeelding themselues to the enemies . viget . lib. . cap. . eutrop. li. . philopomens speech of the romanes . a souldier to lose his target in the fielde was death in greece . the saying of the women of sparta . cornel. tacit . enemies finding their targets . their shields much esteemed among the romains and the grecians . oros. lib. . cap. . front. lib. . cap. . plut. in aristide . oros. lib. . cap. . the grecians victorie at plataea . the funerall ceremonies for those captains that died in the battel at plataea . alex. neapoht . lib. . cap. . parentalia . alex. nepolit . lib. . cap. . lemuralia . a feast of the iews called purym . herodot . lib. vlt. alex. neapolis . lib. . cap. . some call her artemisia . oros. lib. . cap. . hrodot . lib . the victories of themistocles ouer xerxes & his armie . the battel at artenisium . plut. in themist . strange apparitions in the ayre . val. max. lib. . cap. . alex. neapolit . genial . lib. . cap. . p. vatinius . cic. de natura deorum . . valer. max. lib. . cap. . de mirac . liui. . & valer. max. lib. . cap. . pilate wrote to tib. caesar seuen signes seene before the destructiō of ierusalem . ioseph . lib. . cap. . de bello iudaic. alex. neapolit . lib. . cap. . the last ouerthrow of ierusalem by titus and vespasian . diuers faigned thēselues to be the messias . 〈…〉 . ierusalem destroied . ●…mes . dyonisius & appollonius . the tabernacle was made . ioseph . lib. . cap. . . . . . talents left by dauid to solomon to builde the temple . ioseph . lib. . cap. . ioseph . lib. . cap. . three great kings of persia fauoured the iewes . alexander reuerenced the high priest in ierusalem ioseph . lib. . cap. . iudith . . and . ioseph . lib. cap. . ioseph . lib. ●… cap. . ioseph . lib. cap. . . machab. . cap. aristobulus first king of the iewes after their captiuitie . ioseph . lib. cap. . pseudalexander . ioseph . lib. cap. . pseudophil lippus . affliction of the iewes . ioseph . lib. . cap. . moses numbred the people . num. . zedechia taken captiue . ioseph . li. . cap. . notes for div a -e no mercenary souldiers allowed by the romains or the persians . salust . thucid. . liui. . care of countries for souldiers . agesilaus his exercise for his souldiers . antigenes banished for a lye . alexander his lawes & exercises for his souldiers . masinissas hardinesse in marching . lysander . iphicrates . the diligēce of fabius max. to his souldiers . scypios saying to his souldiers . veget. lib. . bochoris lawes . diod. sic . lib. . agesilaus military discipline . caesar. lib. . de bello gallic . the exercise of eumenes to his souldiers . fabius max. frent . lib. . cap. . modesti . de re militari . military punishment for souldiers . augustus caesar. decempede . sertorius . genutius . plato . pittacus . cornel. tacit . lib. . ueget . lib. . cap. . the warres at numantia cyrus discipline to his souldiers . polib . lib. . tacit. lib. . anual . val. max. li. cap. . mercenary souldiers . the gouernments of the romanes . sex. ruffinus . macedonia . diuision betweene the successors of alexander . liberties and freedoms allowed by the romains . romian magistrates gouerned in asia and in affrica . alex. neapolit . lib. . cap. . masinissa . attalus . ambition in rome and in athens . populus , nectuo , & ●…aco . israel . sertorius white hind . front. lib. . cap. . marius pollicie . scipio his stratagem to his souldiers . val. max. lib. . dagoras the philosopher . cic de natura . deor . lib. . israel consulted with idolatrous oracles . military punishment of the romains . plut. in licurgo . a penall law in sparta for souldiers . helotes . how the lacedemonians march to their warres . perricha . enoplia . massagets . aethiopians veget. lib. . cap. . argyraspides chrysoaspides . iustin. lib. . histor . the persians oath . consuls displaced . the thracian oath . hypocrates . plut. in vita catonis . benhadads oath . the thessalians oath . the oath of scypio affrican . veget. lib. . cap. . asdrubals head sent to hanibal his brother . the battel at zama . liui. lib. . carthage . drusilla . hercules . tesmophore . alex. neapolit . lib. . cap. . aristocrates . massagetes . pythagorians oath . three bushels of gold rings . the ouerthrowe of antiochus at the battell at magnesia . the saying of antigonus . front. lib. . cap. . antiochus the great ouerthrown by scypio . the burning of carthage . marius seuen times consul in rome . carbos words of sylla . sylla and marius the fire-brands of italy . shchiboleth . brutus . the martiall exploits of pompey . the victory of pompey as valentia . the battell at sucron . front. lib. . cap. . mithridates stratagems and others . triphon . antemna . dyrachium . pirrhus . caesars ambition against rome . plut. in caesare . plut. in cicero . caesars praise . scipios demaund of hannibal . caesars celeritie in his victories . epaminondas stratageme . front. lib. . cap. . caesar was in . pitcht fields . no triumphs in ciuil wars at rome . the battell betweene torquine and publicola . the first funerall sermō in rome . porsenna . mutius scaeuoa . torquine driuen from rome . decemuiri . caesar. the marching of the scythians . saracens . the turkes . cyrus . zerxes . alexander the great . saul . i●…boam . the marching of the lorde his ●…aptaines . hercules and mars . ge●…e . . stratag●… the vow●… of iacob . arebellious vowe of abs●…lon . nom. . the vow●… of the israelites . iudg. cap. . the vowe of king asia . ion●… . annas vow , samuels mother . flammini●… vow . the vow of marius . fabius max. vow . the vow of the atheniās to aeolus . the vowe called haecatombae . suidus in vita augusti . hanibals oath . lucullus . pausanias . seuerall vowes . stratagems of satan . philos speech of the wicked the vowes of the nazarites . monasticall vowes . thesius . achilles . orestes . the rechabites vowes . heliodorus . . mac. . cap. antiochus . . mac. cap. . artax . . esdar . ca. 〈◊〉 . the fauour of the kings of persia to the iewes . the oracles of ammon . the saying of the prophet . ionathas . sam. lib. . cap. . indic . cap. . signes of victories giuē frō the lord. . reg. cap. sam. . . reg. . signes giuen by the prophets . . reg. cap. ionas in the whales belly . the hebrewes consulted with urim and thummim . nom. . and . iudah . superstitiousnesse of the gentiles . veget. lib. . cap. . front. lib. . cap. . epaminōdas stratageme . gregor . magnus . the consuls of rome , and kinges in sparta , deposed . quin. scepio . ca. marius . the superstitions of the macedonians and romanes . soothsaying by flying of fowles . swallowes . cyrus and alexander forewarned of their death by soothsaying . themistocles . cice. de diuinatione . . aristander . iob. . superstitious oracles of the gentiles . the graue of amphiraus . darius . xerxes . aelian . li. the oracles of the prophets . any stratagem in iust warre is lawfull . gedeon . sucoth . the credit of soothsayers among the gentiles . idolatry of israell . ezech. . the rich spoile which philip had in delphos . sanctuaries allowed by the lord to the hebrues ioab and adonias taken from sanctuaries . the temple of diana burned . the sanctuaries of the gentiles . kings fled to sanctuaries . sanctuaries become dens for theeues . demosthenes the graues of dead men were sanctuaries . agesilaus . the abuse of sanctuaries . kings destroied for breach of the lawe . malach. . . bethsamites more slaine . numaslawes in rome . the nimph egeria . the prophanation of the ceremonies of ceres by alcibiades and clodius . . ware mourning apparell for cicero in rome acarnanites . liui. lib. . anacharsis slaine in scythia . ciceros opinion of the romanes victories . ueget . lib. . cap. . phocion . antalcidas saying to agesilaus . sparta . alexander the great rewarded maimed soldiers . iul. caesar. xenoph. lib. . de rebus graecorum . viget . lib. . cap. . tacit. lib. . annal . titus . fabritius . the honour of the romanes and persians towardes their generals & captaines . condemned murtherers . sacrificed on captaines graues . cymons mares . alex. neapolit . lib. genial . cap. . the moiles in athens . couetous princes euer lost more thē they wonne . viriatus . achilles wrath . craesus couetousnesse . hannibals reuenge . pirrhus quarrels . ambition . iudges . princes . the image of iustice painted in egipt . contention betweene aiax and vlisses . cai. gracchus slaine . platoes opinion against ambitious men . the ambition of absolō and adoniah . . reg. . . reg. ca. . hammon . the ambition of abimelech . the orators of athens . philosophers . the victories of sertorius . metellus . aristides . cato . licurgus law allowed ambition . ambitious men bannished from athens . corilianus banished . the saying of scypio . themistocles banished . myontium , lamplacus , magnetia . plut. in themist . plut. in cleomenes . comparisons betweene the romains and the grecians . pelopidas . fabius and marcellus ●…isedly 〈◊〉 . marcellus . pericles surnamed olympius . pirrh saying . lysander . hortensius & asinius pollios sayings . velleius . . timoleon . philopomen the last captaine of any fame in greece . ish●…mia . the olde remanes did sound trumpets in their warres . the egiptians bad brazen timbrels and hornes . the lacedemonians vsed flutes and pipes . alex. neapolit . lib. . genial . the parthians vsed kettles , pannes , brazen pots , and a number of litle bells . cymbrians . indians . creet●… . tho hobrues had in their warres siluer trumpets and rams hornes . the diuer sitie of sounding in wars . of tents and sailes . the watch-word of diuers noblo captaines in their warres . front. lib. . cap. . front. lib. . cap. . crassus slain among the parthians . crassus head & his sonnes sent to the king of parthia . oros. lib. . cap. . the ouerthrow of the romanes by the cymbrians . pub. ventidius tryiumphes ouer the parthians . aug. caesar. the victorie of the greeks at marathō . oros. lib. . cap. . the praise of themistocles . not demosthenes the orator , bus a captaine of that name . the victory of the syracusans ouer the atheniās plut. in nicea . asinarius feast . niceas . aegospotamos . the battell at cranon . the feare of alex in greece . a battell at actium . plut. in antonio . the library of philadelphus in alexandria burnt . the library in athens destroyed . the library of attalus & eumenes in asia destroyed . aiax and patroclus . the library at rome . the ramans onely professed armes . callimachus chrys●…ppus . nomb. . ios. . . mac. . the lawe of armes brok●… . liui. . tacit. . annal . thucyd. lib. oros. li . ca. godolias . ierem. cap. . triphon . the breach of the lawe of armes . valer. max. lib. . cap. . theucyd . lib. . . sam. cap. . l. flor. lib. . cap. . zopirus . front. lib. . cap. . ten nestors , & ten vlixes aiax . plyn . lib. . cap. . cyrus and agamemnons wish . xerxes . nimrod . philo. . reg. . dani. . nehemi . . exod. . . reg. ca. . math. . securitie in warres hurtfull . pompeys parasites . l. flor. lib. cap. . the victory of drusus . the victory of lucullus ouer the athenians . plut. in vita luculls . themistocles celeritie in his victories . thirty thousand archers draue agesilaus out of persia. an owle printed in the coine of athens . plut. in vita pompei . celeritie praised . polyb. . front. lib. . cap. . cerethites caleb . nomb. . . reg. 〈◊〉 . astiages dreames . herod . lib. . xerxes dreams . alex. neapolit . genial . lib. . cic. diuini . . cic. diuin . . hanniballs dreame . iosephes dreame . iosephs second dreame gen. . daniel by expounding of dreames . dan. . & isaac named womē amōg the israelites gaue names to their children . moneths named after the names of emperours . alex. neapolit . lib. . cap. . the surnames of great generalls and captaines in greece . rabbi , iuda ben dama . rab. si●… ben gamalael . rab. ismael ben elizei . genebrardus , lib. . cron . alex. neapolit . lib. . cap. . arsaces the name of all the kings of parthia . vvarrefare epitomized in a century, of military observations: confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes. by captaine levves roberts. roberts, lewes, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text s in the english short title catalog (stc ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) vvarrefare epitomized in a century, of military observations: confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes. by captaine levves roberts. roberts, lewes, - . [ ], p. printed by richard oulton, for ralph mabb, london : . variant: title has "vvarre-fare". reproduction of the original in harvard university. library. eng military art and science -- early works to . a s (stc ). civilwar no vvarrefare epitomized, in a century, of military observations: confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes. by captaine l roberts, lewes d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vvarrefare epitomized , in a century , of military observations : confirming by antient principles the moderne practise of armes . by captaine levves roberts . london , printed by richard ovlton , for ralph mabb . to my worthy friends , and brethren the captaines of the trained bands , of the famous city of london . captaine . martin bond . george wawker . marmaduke royden . george langham . iohn venn . edward dichfield . thomas covell . edmond forster . william ge●re . samuall carlton . tobias massy . randolph mo●wareing henry sanders . nicolas beale . robert davis . mathew forster . iohn bradley . rouland wilson . iames b●nce . worthy friends . most certaine it is , that warre hath bad its originall from the very foundation of soveraignety , a●d thence was reduced to an art , confined within limited rules , and principles , and may ( in these our times ) be said to be either forraigne or domestique , and that either offensive , or defensive , preserving , and upholding some nations , and countries , and destroying , and ru●ning others ; but still the rule , and true scope of a lust warre amongst all nations , is held to be a firme peace , which as it is best obtained with the sword in hand , so is it best confirmed , by a prevalent victory , to compasse which many authors have undertaken to laie downe rules , some through military discipline , some through valor and policie , and most through bloodshedd , yet such defects are found in many of their precepts , that no positive rules can be collected thence , which in all points can make good the same , for it must be confessed , that they who frame to themselves , in their studies a modell of leadeing of an army , to be come victorious , find the same as full of errors , as of rules , when the application is made for a measure of warre taken by booke , falleth out either too long , or too short , when it is brought into the field , to be put in practise , and somtimes such unlooked for chances , arest even the best , and most experienced captaines ( though long acquainted with the warres ) that their skill is not priviledged from casualties , nor their iudgments , and knowledg ▪ from vaniety of accidents , because a minute produ●eth that in the field which an age hath not seene no n●r heard of before . notwithstanding these difficulties , and uncertainties , i have indeavored for my owne recreation , to collect the most certaine of these rules of warrefare , being such as admit of the least contradiction , and concluded the same in three centuries , which i have termed military observations , and are the most materiall within the compase of a soldiers & captains knowledg , either before the warre begun , or in the prosecution thereof , or after the victory gained : the first is confirmed by the authority and aprovement of antient authors , and serves as a ground-worke to the second , confirmed by reason , and experience , and both of these to the third , confirmed , and made good by practise , and the example of the greatest captaines that have left their memories registred in the bookes of honour behind them to posterity ; the two latter may hereafter see the light ; if this former find a fav●rable construction in the world , and a friendly acceptance from you , to whose love in respect of our vnited brotherly affection , and friendship , i have presumed to dedicate the same , & that in testimony of the obligement dew to your place from him that intitles himselfe your friend and brother in armes , l. roberts captaine . to the readers . gentlemen . my love to armes drew me as first to bee a practitioner thereof , in the artillery garden of london , and when occasions withheld me from the exercise it selfe , my mind was b●sied in perusing of such anchors , as treated of that subject in sundry languages , which as length proved to bee so many , and so various , and withall so differently handling the severall parts of warre , that i found not thereby either my curiosity wholly satisfied , or yet my knowledg much bettered , whereupon i indevour'd to gaine som benefit by my labour , & somepleasure by my toil , collecting into one epitome those quotations , which i had thus scatteringly met withall in my reading , reducing at length the ●a●e into three centuries of military observations ; the first confirming the moderne practise of armes , by the authority of antient authors : the second confirming the same by reason , and experience , and the third , by the practise and example of sundry commanders , and chieftaines , the second being grounded upon the former , as the ●atter is upon both : in all which i cannot boast of ●nygreat paines taken , because they were done for delight , and to please my owne fancy , nor yet appropriate therin , anything worthy note to my selfe save the labour , because they are for the most part collections , how soever yet we see oftentimes , that therei 's a labour in recreation , and a toyle sometimes in pleasures , and that the builder is many times found to take more care , and paines , to collect , and gather his materialls , then to erect the structure , or to beautify the whole edifice : but whatsoever my paines , and industry was , i take it to my selfe ; and whatsoever the benefit is , or may be , i am contented to bestow vpon my friends , and amongst the rest ( if thou art one of them ) upon the incouraging me thus by afaire construction , and friendly acceptance of this first , to present thee with the two latter , and in the interim to stile my selfe thy indebted friend , lewes roberts captaine . military observations . observation first : of military art . the art military is of its selfe so excellent , that it is fit for the knowledge of all noble personadges , and a quality most especially necessary for all kings and princes , whether they live either in peace or war , for without it their tranquillity cannot be preserved , nor their warre prosecuted , nor yet their own persons and subjects defended , for force and strength of men though valorous , sufficeth not unlesse the same be governed by military counsell and martiall wisdome , duo sunt quibus respub : servatur , in hostes fortitudo & dom● concordia . cipiatur , ut nihil aliud quam pax quaesita videatur . cicero &c. let warre be so undertaken , that nought else but peace may seem to be sought for thereby . observation xi . of unadvised warre . as we have shewed unjust warre to be unlawfull , so we will shew that temerity and unadvised warre is an enterprise most worthy of discommendation . omnes bellum sumunt facilè , aegerrimè definunt , net in ejusdem potestate initium & finis est . sallust . &c. all princes undertake a warre easily , but leave it off difficultly ; neither is the beginning and end in the power of one and the same person . observation xii . not to enter into warre without cause . as a wise prince ought not to undertake any unlawfull invasion , so ought he not without mature deliberation enter into any warre at all , as one that is unwilling to offend others , though yet of courage enough to defend himselfe and his , nec provoces bella , nec timeas . plin : neither may'st thou stirre up , neither stand in feare of warre . observation xiii . things required to make a vvarre . to make a warre three things are required , . money . . men . . and armes , and to maintaine this warre , provision , and counsell are needfull ; therefore the undertaking chieftaine before he beginneth a warre , doth carefully consider not onely his forces , but the charges that doth belong thereunto , diu apparandum est bellum , ut vincas melius , pub : warre is long before hand to be provided for , that so thou may'st conquer the better . observation xiv . bread needfull in vvarre . above all the provisions of warre , care must be held , that bread be not wanting , for without it nor victory , no nor life can bee looked for or expected . quifr●mentum necessariumque c●mmeatum non praparat vincitur sineferro : vigetius . he is vanquished without weapon , who prepares not bread and other necessarie provision of victuals . observation xv . armes needfull for vvarre to be ever in readinesse . a prince or chieftaine that intends warre either offensive or defensive , must have armes alwaies in readinesse , whereby is understood harnesse , horses , weapons , engins of artillery , powder and every other thing necessary for service , either of foot , or horse , and where the princes territories are marittime , we may add hereunto shipps and shipping of all sorts , with every furniture thereto belonging both of defence and offence : these preparations make a prince formidable , because no man dare doe or attempt against that king or people , where preparation is ever ready to revenge . qui desiderat pacem , praeparet bellum . caes. he that desireth peace , fore-provide's for warre . observation xvi . of captaines and souldjers . vvhen i say people , men &c. i meane a multitude of subjects , armed and trained to defend or offend , and these by the custome of these times are of two sorts , viz. souldjers and captaines , and souldiers are also of two sorts , foot-men and horsemen , the one most usefull in the champion , and the other in mo●tan●us places , and likewise for defence , or assault of townes or grounds fortified , they are most necessary , and consequently meet for service in all places , which moved tacitus to say , omne in pedite robur iacet . &c. all the strength lyes in the footmen . observation xvii . of horsemen and footmen . for sudden service , the horse hath ever beene judged most meete , and the execution of any speedy service is by them soonest performed : neverthelesse all captaines doe judge the actions of the footemen , most certaine of execution , chiefly if well trained , and skilfully lead , for so experience hath of late dayes proved , besides that , they carrie with them ever a lesse expence , and are commonly of greater number . in universu● aestimar● plus penes pedittem roboris esse , tacit. &c. generally more strength is reputed to bee in the forces on foot . observation xviii . souldiers not serviceable are to small purpose . by these aforegoing observations , it is sufficiently proved that both horsemen and footemen be necessary : yet let us remember withall , that unlesse they be also serviceable , great numbers are but to small purpose . manibusopus est bello , non multis nominibus . in warre not many names , but many hands are requisite . observation xix . to make souldiers serviceable . two things is conceaved to make souldiers serviceable , the first consisteth in good choise , and the other in good discipline : both of them , but especially the latter , at this day little regarded . emunt militem , non legunt . liv. &c. they doe not carelesly take up , but purchase a souldjer . observation xx . the election of souldjers . the election of souldiers ought ever to be out of the most honest and able number of bodies , and every campe is ever ablest , when it is composed of men knowne to one another , for thereby they are made the more confident , and their love to each other will make them adventure the one for another , but small heed is taken hereof in these dayes , for they are for the most part purgamenta vrbium suorum . curtius &c. the off-scouring of their cities . observation xxi . the discipline of souldiers . in discipline it is now a dayes seene in armies , that the externall forme , and not the certaine substance thereof is observed , for whereas souldiers in former ages indeavoured to be vertuous and modest , so now they studie rather how to excell in riot then in martiall knowledge . exercitus lingu● quam manu promptior : praedator ● sociis , & ipse praeda hostium , sall : the army is nimbler in their tongue than their hand ; a robber among it 's companions , and it selfe becomes the enemies booty . observation xxii . stranger souldiers what . now in as much as souldiers are made good by choise and election , and that the foundation and ground of service seemeth to consist in the discretion , and judgement of those that have authority to make this election , yet we must adde , that they must be chosen of the number of naturall subjects , for strangers are covetous , and consequently corruptible , they are also mutenous , and not seldome time cowardly : the custome likewise is to robbe , burne ; and spoile , both friends and foes , and consume the princes treasure . ossa vides regum vacuis exsucta medullis . iuvenal . &c. by this meanes i professe kings bones behold you may cleane marrowlesse . observation xxiii . the naturall souldier what . now in the naturall souldier , few or none of these exorbitances are found , for he is faithfull and obedient , resolute in fight , loving to his country , and loyall to his soveraigne . gentes quae sub regibus sunt , pro deo colunt , curtius &c. nations which are under king● , honour them for gods . observation xxiv . naturall souldiers , two sorts . statesmen and politicians have noted , that naturall souldiers are of two sortes , the first are they that are in continuall pay , and the second are they that are trained ready to serve , but doe notwithstanding attend their owne private affaires untill they be called , the first sort are necessary for all princes . in pace decus , in bello prae●id●●● , tacit. an ornament they are in peace , a guard in warre . observation xxv . levy of souldiers . but these doe hold , that of this sort , no great numbers ought to be , partly to eschew disorders incident thereto , and partly to avoide the expences thereof , the second kind of foote souldiers , are to be trained in shires , townes , and villages , as people more patient of paines , and fit for the warres , yet not so ambitiously disposed , as the citizens of eminent cities . odio praesentium , & cupidine mutationis . tacit. &c. with a loathing of the present , and a desire of cha●ge . observation xxvi . the number of souldiers extraordinary . divers have left us their severall opinions touching the number of their extraordinary souldiers , but this must be referred to the discretion and wisedome of the prince , and chieftaine . bellum parare , & simul aerario parcere , sa. to make provision for the warre , and with all to favour the treasurie . observation xxvii . the number of ordinary souldiers . the number of ordinary souldiers , as well as of the extraordinary , must also bee left to the wisdome of the prince commanding , yet some hold that the same ought to be according to the number of common people in a kingdom , not inserting the gentlemen , for to such say they , is onely proper the service on horseback . alas rusticis non tribu● ; in nobilitatem & in divites , haec à pauperibus onera inclines . livins , &c. i doe not allot the wings of the army among countrie fellowes ; decline these charges from the poorer sort , and lay them upon the nobility , and wealthy men . observation xxviii . of the country of the souldiers . five certaine notes have been observed whereby the disposition of men fit to become souldiers hath beene discerned . first the country , where they are borne , second their age , third their proportion of body , fourth their quality of minde , fift their faculty . touching their country , it is a thing apparently opened , that mo●●anous regions , or barren places , and northerne habitations , doe breed wits well disposed to the warre . locorum asperit as hominum quoque ingenia durat . curt. &c. the ruggednesse of their habitation doth also make the disposition of the inhabitants hardy . observation xxviii . of the age of souldiers the age in the second place most apt for the warre , was antiently observed to be about eighteene yeares , and so the romans used . facilius est ad virtutem instruere novos milites quàm revocare praeteri●os , vig. &c. it is easier to traine up fresh-water souldiers to discipline , then to reclaime over-growne ones . observation xxix . of the stature of the souldiers . in the third place the stature of the soldier ought to be observed : c. marius liked best the longest bodies , pirrhus prefered large and well proportioned men , but vigetius seemed in his choise rather to esteeme strength then stature , . utilius est fortes milites esse qu àm grandes . viget . &c. it is more advantagious , that the souldiers be strong then great . observation xxx . of the spirit of a souldier . in the next place , the mind and spirit of a soldier , is to be considered , for that mind which is quick , nimble , bold and confident , seemeth apt for warre : he also is of good hope that loueth honor more then ease , or profit . in briefe : is qui n●hil metuit , nisi turpem famam . sall . he that is afraid of nothing but an ill name . observation xxxi . of the faculty of a souldier . in the last place , it is to be marked in what art or faculty a man hath beene brought up , for it may be presumed , that fishers , fowlers , cookes , &c. trained up in esseminate arts , are unfit for martiall indeavor , and as these men were in respect of their trades , thought unmeet ; so in old time , slaves , and masterlesse-men , were repulsed from armes , as in famous persons . sed nunc tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt . vig. &c. but now a dayes such fellowes are entertained in their armies , as they fowlely scorne to keepe in their houses . observation xxxii . discipline maketh soldiers . how soldiers are to be chosen , these few words which wee have spoken may suffice to demonstrate : let us now in the next place say somwhat of discipline , for though choise findeth out soldiers , yet it is discipline doth make them such , and continueth them fit for service . paucos viros forles natura procreat , bona institutione plures reddit industria . vig. &c. nature bring's forth but a few very strong-men ; industrie by good instruction breed's up very many . observation xxxiii . military discipline what . militarie discipline is a certaine severe confirmatīion of soldiers , in their valor and vertue , and is seene to be performed by foure meanes , i exercise , order , compulsion , example ; the two first of these do appertaine to valor , the third to vertue , and the last both to valor , and vertue . but first for exercise , i say that a soldier being chosen , ought to be informed in armes , and used in action , the word it selfe exercitium importeth nothing els . exercitus dicitur quod melius fit exercitando , varro . it is called exercitus , an army , because it is made better by often exercising . observation xxxiv . military order what . order in martiall discipline consisteth in dividing , disposing and placing of men , aptly at all occasions , to be commanded , as the leaders shall direct : this in it selfe requireth with the parts thereto appertaining a longer discourse , therefore i refer it to experienced captaines , and skillfull . leaders , that have written thereof , as polibius , vigetius , dela-nove , and others &c. observation xxxvi . military compulsion what . military compulsion , or coertion , is that which bridleth , and governeth the manners of soldiers , for no order can be observed a mongst them , vnlesse they be indewed with the qualities of continency , modesty , and abstinency , but first continency is chiefely to be shewed in their diet , and moderate desires . degenerat aè robore ac virtute miles assuetudine voluptatum , tacitus . a souldier , by custome of pleasures , degenerates from 's courage , and manlinesse . observation xxxvi . military modesty what . the modesty of a soldier is best perceived in his words , his apparell , and his actions , for to be a vanter or a vaine-glorious boaster , is far unfit in him that professeth honour , or armes , but that which hath bene held true vertu is silent , viri militiae natifactis magni ad verborum linguaeque certamina rudes . tacit. &c. men borne to martiall discipline , and renowned by famous exploits , are altogether unacquainted how to skirmish with words , or the tongue . observation xxxvii . military apparell . the modesty of a soldier is also shewed in his apparell , if therein hee do not exceed : for albeit it fitteth well the profession of armes , to be well armed , and decently apparelled , yet all superfluity and excesse , savoreth either of ignorance or vanity ; horridum militem esse decet , non caelato auro argentoque , sed ferro . liv. it best beseemes a souldier , to appeare terrible : not to be garnished with gold and silver , but with steele . observation xxxviii . military abstinence . abstinence is also fit for all soldiers , for thereby guided , they refraine from violence , and insolency , by which rule also they are informed to governe themselves civilly , in the place or country where they serve , and likewise in their lodgings , never taking away any thing from the owners , nor yet committing outrage , though urged thereto by great necessity ; vivant cum provincialibus jure civili , nec insolescat animus , quise sentit armatum . cast. let them live with their provincialls in a civill manner ; neither let his mind grow insolent , who perceives himselfe armed . observation xxx . ix . military example what . the last mark of military discipline , wee called example : vnder which word is comprehended reward , and punishment , for soldiers are rewarded , whensoever they receve for any excellent or singular service , honor , or riches , and for evill they have their due , when they tast the punishment thereunto belonging , necessarium est acrius ille dimicet quem ad opes ac dignitates ordo militiae et imperatoris iudicium consueuit evehere . vig. &c. t is requisite that they should stand to it more stifly , whom the course of service in the warres , and the respect of the generall hath thought good to advance . observation xl . military reward , and punishment . as gold and glory doth truely belong to the good and welldeserving soldier , so punishment is dew to those , that be vicious and cowardly , for nothing is conceived so much to hold soldiers in dew obedience , as the severity of true martiall discipline : milites , imperatorempotius quàm hostem metuere debent . vig. &c. souldiers ought to stand in more awe of their generall , then feare of their enemy . of soldiers let these observations suffice : wee will now speak of what quality chieftaines , and leaders ought to be , for upon them dependeth the welfare of whole armies ; militar is turba sine duce , corpus fine spiritu , curtius . a band of souldiers without a captaine , is a body without breath . of a generall . observation xli . of a chiefe , or generall . a chiefe or generall in warre , is either of his owne authority , a chiefe , or a generall , that doth command in the name of another ; of the first sort are emperors , kings , and princes : of the second , be the deputies , lieutenants , colonels , and indeed all generall commanders , in warre : now whether it be more expedient that the prince should command in person , or by his deputy , divers wise-statesmen have diversly discussed , from which it may be in effect thus farr concluded , that if the warre do onely concerne some particular part or province , then may the same be performed by a lieutenant ; but if the whole fortune of the prince doe thereupon depend , then is he to command in his owne person , and not otherwise . dubijs praeliorum exemptus , summae rerum et imperij seipsum reservat . tacit. &c. being free'd from the dangers of battaile , he reserves himselfe for authority and chiefe command . observation xlii . one onely commander , best in an army . as therefore it importeth the prince by his owne presence , and somtimes by deputation , to performe this most eminent office , yet how ever occasion shall require , it ever behoveth according to the greatest , and generall opinion of authors that but one onely commander , ought to be in chiefe , for plurality of generalls , doe rarely or never worke any good effect : with this proviso and caution that to his experience , and wisdome , he have the other properties of such a commander . in bellica praefectura major aspectus habendus peritiae , quam virtutis aut morum . aristot. &c. in warlike authority , a greater consideration is to be had of the experience , than of the vertue or condition of the commander . observation xiii . qualities of a generall . many are the qualities required by authors , in a compleat chi●taine , the principall insisted upon are five , skill , vertue , providence , authority , and fortune . first by skill , is meant , he should be of great knowledg , and long experience , for to make and fashion out a sufficient captaine , neither the information of others , nor yet his owne reading , is not prevalent . qui nor it quis ordo agminis , quae cura explorandi , quantus vrgendo trahendoue bello modus . cicero . &c. who knowe's what is the order of a troupe , what the care , of espying , how great the measure of hast'ning or delaying the warre . observation xliiii . vertue in a generall . by the v●rtue of a generall , is understood a certaine vigor or force , both of body and mind , to exercise souldiers , as well in feigned warre as in a reall fight with the enemy , and therefore to say summarily , a captaine ought to be laboriosus in negotio , fortis in periculo , industriosus in agendo , et celeris in conficiend● . cicero . painefull in imployment , hardy in danger , industrious in action , and swift in execution . observation xlv . providence in a generall . next to vertue is placed providence , to be a needfull quality , in a generall : for being of such wisdom , they will not hazard , nor yet commit more to fortune , then necessity shall inforce : yet too true it is , the fooles , and vulgar folkes , that commend , or discommend actions according to the issue or successe , were wont to say , cunctatio servilis , statim exequi regium est , delay is base ; to put in present execution , is princely . but the more advised , and provident captaines , do think , temeritas , praeter quam quod stulta , est etiam infaelix , livius . that rashnes is not onely foolish , but also infortunate . observation xlvi . of fortune in a gener●ll . though providence be ever accounted the best meanes of good speed , yet some captaines of that quality , and in skill excellent , have beene in their actions , and enterprises , vn●ucky ; when others of lesse sufficiency , by good fortune , have mervailously prevailed , as is plentifully manifested to us by histories , in all ages ; we may therefore reasonably say with cicero , quodolim maximo , marcello , scipioni , mario , et caeter is magnis imperatoribus , non solum propter v●rtutem , sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata , atque exercitus esse commissos . cicero . that heretofore not onely for their valour , but also for their good fortune , that authority was frequently imposed , and the command of the army was committed to maximus , marcellus , scipio , marius , and other those great generals . observation xlvii . of authority in a generall . avthority was the last thing we wished to be in a generall , for it greatly importeth his actions , and designes ; what opinion , or conceit the enemy may have of such a commander , and likwise how much his friends , and confederates doe esteeme him : but the onely chiefe and principall meanes to maintaine this authority , as sundry authors have left us in their writings , is austerity , and terror . dux authoritatem maximam sever●ta●e sumat , omnes culpas militares legibus vindicet , n●lli errantium credatur ignoscere . viget . &c. let a generall take upon him selfe very great authority , with gravity ; let him punish the souldiers delinquencies according to the lawes , let him be believed to pardon no offenders . observation xlviii . of affability , and severity in a generall . to conclude these observations , collected upon the due properties , of a generall ; experience hath proved , that such chieftaines , as were affable , and kind to their soldiers , became ever much loved , yet did they incurre contempt ; but on the other side , those that have commanded severely , and terribly , albeit they gained no good-will , yet were they ever best obeyed . dux facilis inutilis . app. a favorable generall is worth little . observation xlix . good soldiers without good counsell , bootlesse . after that a prince hath found out , and elected his men , and framed them fitt for the warres , whom now i terme soldiers ; yet serve they to small or no purpose , unlesse they be imployed according to military wisdome , of warlike counsell . non minus est imperatoris consilio quam vip●rfecisse . tacit. it is of no lesse moment to be instructed by the advise , than the valour of the generall . observation l. of counsells in warre . counsell in warre , or military counsells , is by som wri●ers branched into two several sorts , that is , direct counsell , and indirect counsell : the first extendeth it selfe to a plaine and orderly demonstration and course , for proceeding ; as to lay hold upon fitt and due occasion : for as in all other humane actions , so ( chiefly in warre ) occasion is of great force , and consequence . occasio in bell● , solet amplius juvare quam virtus . vig. &c. opportunity in warre commonly help 's more than valour . observation li. constancyin military counsells . many authors have left us in writing , that occasions presented , being then taken hold of , have often bee the meanes of good successe , and that the fame of him , that knoweth when to embrace the same , hath wrought great effects : constancy in resolutions , determined in counsells , is then behooffull : therefore a captaine ought not to give credit , nor be apt to believe the vaine rumors , and reports of every man . malè imperatur cum regit v●lgus duces suos . seneca . things are ill governed , when the foot rules the head . observation lii . confidence in military counsells . as inconstancy is to be avoided in counsels of warre , so confidence is likewise to be eschewed ; for no man is sooner surprized , then he who feareth least : and who knowes not , but that the contempt of the enemy , hath beene the maine cause of great discomfitures : therefore as a captaine that commands an army , or a towne , ought not to feare , so should he not contemne his enemy . nimia fiducia semper noxia . emil. too much confidence is alwaies hurtfull . observation liii . good information in military counsell . as overmuch estimation , of our owne vertue and valour , is hurtfull to us , causing thereby a security in us ; so to prevent the same , it doth import every good captaine , to be well and truely informed , not onely of his owne forces , but also of the strength , and vertue , of his enemy , to which is to be added , the knowledg of the scituation , of the place and country , where he abideth , or is seated , the quality of the people , and soldiers he commandeth , together with every other needfull circumstance , thereunto belonging ; moreover the g●neralls humor , and capacity , is not to be omitted ; together with the particular condition and nature , of the enemy . impetus acres cunctatione languescunt , aut in perfidiam mutantur . tacit. violent resolutions languish through delay , or else are turned into treachery . observation liiii . temerity to be avoyded . temerity in military actions is to be avoided as most dangerous , for iudicious captaines are not to enterprise any thing without mature delibration , and faire opportunity , vnlesse they be thereto by necessity inforced . in rebus asperis et tenui spe , fortissima quaeque consilio tutissima sunt . livi. &c. in dangerous matters , and slender hopes , the strongest things are safest by counsell . observation lv . prodigious signes , not to be neglected . some wise men , & those not superstitiously , but discreetly , do think and have noated to military-men , that prodigious signes from heaven , or on earth , are not to be neglected ; neither yet , according to their opinion , are dreames to be contemned . nam amat benignit as numinis , seu quod merentur homines , seu quod tangitur eorum affectione , his quoque rationibus prodere quae impendunt . ami. &c. for the goodnesse of the deity , whether because that mortalls deserve it , or els being with their afflictions , loves by these meanes , to fore-shew those things , which hang over thier heads . observation lvi . time to be observed . opportunity is by a judicious captaine , to be awaited , and fit time to be spied out , when either the enemy is wearied , or by pretending feare , draw him into ambushes , and danger , all which advantages ? with many others , is principally gained , by observations , of time and seasons . quia si in occasioni● momento , cujus praetervolat opportunit as cunctatu● paulum fueris , nequicquam mox omissam quierare . liv. because if thou shalt never so littleslacken , in the very nick of occasion , whose opportunity slips quickly away ; 't will be too late afterward to seeke for what is let passe . observation lvii . place to be considered . as time , and the observation thereof is to be laid hold on ; so likewise is place also to be well and judiciously considered , especially whether it conduce to a captaines advantage , or to his enemies . amplius prodest locus saepe quàm virtus . viget . &c. oft' times , the place more advantageth , than valour . observation lviii . the well ●raining of the men to be noated . doubtlesse in a military action , or designe , it importeth much , that the soldiers be well trained , ordered , and prepared for the fight : for it is ever seene that the want of art , either in captaine or soldier , is cause of many disadventures , and we find in a skirmish-battell , or such incounter , that many times a small supply of ther soldiers comming opportuely , whether on horseback , or on foote , doth seeme to the enemy , very terrible , and much daunteth them : and in histories , we find noted , that a sudden showt , or such conceit , hath oftentimes amazed a whole army . milites vanis & inanibus , magis quàm justis formidinis causis moventur . curtius . souldiers are terrified , more with vaine , and naked , then with just causes of feare . observation lix . nationall soldiers , together in battell . the most expert commanders , have ever found it to best end , and purpose , that in ordering of souldiers to fight , those of one , and the same country and nation , should be still placed & ranged together ; and have ever beene so vigilant and carefull , to foresee , that the least losse of blood may fall upō the naturall subjects , & so handle the designe and skirmish as the chiefe slaughter may light upon the mercenary-men , and strangers . ingens victoriae decus citra domesticum sanguinem bellanti . tacit. in a victory , the chiefe renowne arising to the commander , is that which is got without domestique bloodshedde . observation lx . to be first in a readinesse , for the onsett . questionlesse , it is to a commanders great advantage , that his forces should be ordered , and in a readines for the fight , before the enemy be prepared : first , for that he may the better performe what he thinkes fittest to be done , and secondly , that● thereby his owne forces will thereof receive great courage , being readiest to assatle the enemy , and to begin the combate . plus animiest inferenti periculum quàm propulsanti , lin . &c. he certainly hath greater courage who inforceth , and rusheth violently upon a danger , than he that withstands it . observation lxi . the commanders disposition to fight . the genera●ls , or commanders owne readines , courage , and lively disposition to fight , doth undoubtedly , greatly animate , the multitude of soldiers , to the battell : as a contrary countenance or the least appearance , of feare , will exceedingly amaze , and daunt , his company , and army . n●cesse est , ad fugam parati sin● , qui ducem su●m sentuint desperare . viget . needs must they prepare themselves for flight , who perceive their commanders despairing . observation lxii . moderate execution after victory . some captaines have held it good policie , to make the victory famous by much blood-shed : but in the opinion of most chieftaines , to execute the enemy , with an extreame cruelty , is no sound policie , nor christianlike practise : but rather to proceed with dew ●oderacy , for to such it sufficeth the victory is theirs , and the honour thereof , dewly both his , and his soldiers . clausis ex desperatione cresct audac i● , et ▪ cum spei ●ibil est , sumit arm● formido . vig. &c. those who are incompassed , with despaire , take stomacke afresh , and feare reassume's weapons , when no hope at all remaines . observation lxiii . to frustrate , pilledg , and spoyle . hereto it is to be added , that the provident commander , be circumspect , in all his enterprizes , and every of his actions , that the common soldier be frustrated from spoyle , and pilledg . s●pe obstitit vince●tibus pravum interipsos certamen omissohoste , spoli● consectandi . tacit. the pursuit of the conquered ommitted , many times a greedy strife among themselves for the pillage , hath not a little hindred the conquering . observation lxi●ii . of indirect counsells . of direct counsells , let that we have said suffice , and now speak of indirect counsells , commonly called by the greek word , stratagems , or subtill practises ; which manner of proceeding hath been in times-past , and of divers grave writers , greatly condemned . vir ●em● mentis al●ae clanculum velit occiderehostem . eurip. no one of a noble spirit will privily kill his enemy . observation lxv . stratagems without fraude . but waving in these dayes , the opinion of this , and of divers other writers worthy credit ; it seemeth reasonable in these times , and in pietie allowable , that stratagems , or subtilties , may be used in warre ; yet with this caution , that the same be such , as may stand with fidelity , and honour : for fraud , being used contrary to contracts , or agreements , made with the enemy , is meere trechery , to poyson him or hier a murtherer to kill him , were plaine impietie . foederatum injuste fallere impium . liv. &c. 't is a wicked part , to deceive him unjustly , with whom a truce is made . observation lxvi . to murther an enemy not warrantable . in the like nature , out of the warre covertly to murther or kill , a particular enemy , or by secret assault , or practice ; to doe him to death , is not warrantable , either by faith or honour : yet to use all craft , cunning , or subtilty , in open warre , is both avowable , and praiseable , and so it is thought by christian writers . cum justum bellum suscipitur ut aperto pugnet quis , aut exinfidijs , nihil ad justiciam interest . august . &c. when a just warre is undertaken , it doth nothing concerne justice , whether any one do fight openly , or entrap by wiles . this is also approved by divers authors , of great credit . confice sive dolo seu stricto comminus ense . plut. &c. by treachery do 't , or fight it out at sharpe . and this is also confirmed by xenophon . reipsa n●hil utilius in bello dolis &c. verily there 's not any thing better in warre , then guile . observation lxvii . the true vse of victory . the end of every just warre is peare nad having briefely shewed what is observable in warre , and what counsells are required thereto : let us now consider , how victory ought to be used : to the injoying then of a victorious peace , three things are required , . warines , . mercy , and . modestie : because that overgreat confidence may happily impeach the end , of good successe . res secundae , neg ligentiam creant . liv. &c. prosperous successe begets negligence . observation lxviii . mercy in victory . victory requires in the second place , to be handled mercifully ; for in their owne nature wee find all conquests , are crueell enough , and the fury and ire of insolent soldiers doe oftentimes force the people conquered , to become desperate . gravissims morsus irritat aenecess●tatis . curtius . &c. the nips of provoked necessity are most int ollerable . observation lxix . modesty in victory . modesty , is the third thing , required in a victory , being of it selfe , an honourable quality , in him that conquereth ; for in prosperous fortune men , but especially commanders in warre , doe hardly refraine , covetous , insolent , and proud actions ; yea it hath beene found , that some good , and great captaines , have in the like cases , forgotten , what did best become them . in rebus secundis etiam egregij duces insolescunt . tacit. in fortunate events , even excellent commanders , have done things most unworthy themselves . observation lxx . peace the end of vvarre . if warre should ever continue in a kingdom , or country , no estate , or government could stand , therefore after victory , followeth peace , therefore how great , or how long soever , the warre chance to be , th'end thereof , must of necessity determine in peace : the name whereof , is not onely sweet , but also comfortable . pax una triumphis innumeris potior . liv. &c. one peace alone , is more worth than a multitude of triumphs . observation lxxi . the profit of peace . peace truely considered , and in it's owne nature , is not onely good , and profitable to him that is victorious , but also to those , that are victored . pacem reduci velle . victori expedit victo necesseest . tacitus . it 's profitable for the conqueres , and needfull for the conquered , that peace be reestablished . observation lxxii . of honourable peace . peace is distinguished , by some , to be of divers kinds , the best of which , is that which is by them termed the good , and honourable peace ; and untill that be offered , armes may not be laid aside , wherein may be wished , that tullius advice may be followed . bellum gerendum est ; si bellum omittamus , pace nunquam fiuemur . liv. &c. warre is to be kept afoote ; for if that be layd downe , we are never like to enjoy peace . observation lxxiii . treaties of peace . many things are considerable , in treaties , of peace : but especially , most states-men have held opinion , that first , the conditions be honourable ; for that to condescend to any base conditions , is unto a princely mind , not onely great indignity , but also intollerable . cum dignitate potius cadendum , quàmcum ignominia serviendum . plutarch . &c. better it is , to die with honour ; then to live in disgra 〈◊〉 observation lxxiiii . true and unfained peace . it is also important , that peace obtained , should be in it's selfe , & simple , true , reall , and unfained peace ; for all fained , and dissembled amity , is to be doubted . pace suspectatutius est bellum . mithrid . &c. warre is much more safe , then a faigned peace . observation lxxv . time for treaty of peace . the fittest season to speake of peace as wisemen have observed , is either when the warre beginneth , or during the time that the enemies be of equall force , for in the continuation , of the warre , it must at last behoove the weaker , to yeeld unto necessity , and to receive conditions of peace , from the stronger , and according to the inforcement of his wants , not vnlike the pilos , and ship-master , who to save himselfe , is constrained to cast the greatest part of his lading , into the sea . necessitatipare , quam ne dij quidem superant . liv. &c. obey necessity , which the gods themselves could nere over-master . observation lxxvi . peace when to be accepted . to conclude these observations of peace , when then a comander hath generously defended himselfe , and performed all things required in a magnanimious captaine , and finding never the lesse , his force insufficient , it cannot be dishonourable to accept a peace , wherefore laying aside hatred , the effect of revenge , and hope the effect of better successe , which are then , but two weak supporters of war fare , he may recommend both himselfe , and his estate , unto the aproved discretion , of an honourable enemy . victores secundae res in miserationem ex irae vertunt . liv. good successe turnes the conquerers displeasure into compassion . observation lxxvii . gaine to conquerers by peace . forasmuch as every peace promiseth rest , and quiet , as well to the victorious , as to those that are victored , we may ad thereto ; that the prince victorious , receiveth also thereby honour , profit , and security ; for albeit , his present happinesse , may occasion a hope of greater successe , yet in respect of fortunes mutability , it shall be good and glorious to consent to peace . decorum principi est , cum victoriam prope in manibus habeat , pacem non abnuere , utsciant● mnest● , et suscipere justè bella , et finire . liv 't is seemely for a prince , not to refuse peace , even when the victory is wel-neare in 's owne hands , that all may see , and know , how he both undertakes and layes downe armes justly . observation lxxviii . moderation in victory . this point also seemeth to the victorious an houorable thing to give peace , and not to take it , whereby he likewise sheweth himselfe discreet , by using a moderation in his victory , and no extremity in spoyling ; which course , both wise , and godly writers have commended . pacem contemnentes , et gloriam appetentes , pacem perdunt & gloriam . bar. who so despise peace , and desire glory , thereby lose both . observation lxxix . profit by peace to the victorious . moreover it is ever seene , that peace is in its selfe profitable to the victorious , because continuall warre breedeth wearinesse , poverty , and many other calamities , and of violent proceedings , desperation , and perill cometh . maximè 〈◊〉 ri morsus esse solent morientium bestiarum . seneca . the bitings of dying beasts are wont especially to prove mortall . observation lxxx . peace assures more then victory . it is out of question , but that peace is more assured then any victory ; for hope of the one , is in our owne power , but the other is in the hand of the almighty ; and hereto we may add the force , and effects , of fortune , which as some write , hath power in all humane actions . in secundis rebus nibil in quenquam superbe ac violenter consulere decetnec praesenti credere fortunae , c●m quid vesper fer at incertus sis . seneca . in prosperity t is unseemely to give counsell , against any one disdainfully , and fiercely , not to trust too much unto a present fortune , sith thou art uncertaine , what the evening may bring with it . observation lxxxi . conditions of peace reasonable . in a peace granted , or received , the conditions of peace ought to be reasonable , for no people can live contented under such a lawe , as forceth them to loath the state wherein they are . misera pax , bello bene m●tatur . sene. a miserable peace , may well be turned to warre . observation lxxxii . civill warre a great miserie . having handled these observations that we have collected upon forraigne warre , which happeneth betweene one prince , and another , and observations , gathered upon peace , which is obtained , and reaped , by a modest commander ? we come now to those observations collected upon domestique , or civill warre , which is the greatest , and most greevous calamity , that can come to a common-weale , for therein subjects do take armes , either against their prince , or amongst themselves whereof followeth many miseries ; indeed more lamentable , then can be described . non atas , non dignitas quenquam protegit , quo minùs stupra caedibus et caedes stupris misceantur . tac. nor age , nor feature can securely protect any one , or withhold rapes to be interlac'd with slaughters , and blood with ravishing . observation lxxxiii . destiny first cause of civill warre . destiny some hold in opinion is the first cause of civill warre , for god in his divine providence , doth fore see many yeares before that great , and mighty empires shall be ruined . in semagna ruunt : laetis hunc numina rebus crescendi modum . lucan . thus heavens great destiny denyes to greatest states more growth thereby . observation lxxxiiii . riot &c. the second cause of civill warre . the second cause is exoesse , riot , and dissolute life : for nothing breedeth civill fury , so soone as over great hapinesse , also pompous apparell , b●nquetting , and prodigall spending , consumeth riches , and plenty is turned to poverty , for by these meanes men may be brought to desperation . rapacissimo cuique ac perditissimo non agriaut foenus , sed sola instrumenta vitiorum manebunt . tacit. every ravenous , and dissolute fellow , hath neither fields nor their encrease , but the instruments onely of his vices remaining . observation lxxxv . destiny in evitable now to consider how destiny might be eschew ed were in vaine , for no wit , or wisdom of man , can find a remedy thereto , because it is the decree of god , and doubtlesse inevitaole . ita fato placuit nullius rei eodem semper loco stare fortunam , seneca . gods , providence hath so determined , that nothing shall continue alwaies in the same place and condition . againe , nothing is exempt from the perill of mutation ; the earth and heavens , and indeed the whole world is subject thereunto . certis cuncta temporibus nascie debent , cresecre , extingui . sene. all things fade at their appointed times , they must take a beginning , afterward grow up , and then be dissloved . observation lxxxvi . remedy against civill warres . but yet some remedies may be used touching the second causes of civill warre , because the same proceedeth from faction , sedition , or tyranny : now faction i call a certaine association of divers persons combined to the offenc , it proceedeth many times of privat or publique displeasure , and more oftentimes of ambition . nemo eorum qui in repub : versantur , quos vincat , sed á quibus vincatur aspicit . sene. none of those , who intermeddle thus in the commonwealth , regard so much whom he overcomes , but of whom he may be overcome . observation lxxxvii . offactions . factions may be distinguished , to be of two sorts : for either they consist of many , or of a few personsi both which be dangerous , but the former more apt to take armes ; and that party which proveth weakest , prayeth oftentimes aide of forrain forces , the other faction wherin are fewer partakers , becomonly greate presonages , of more importance , then ordinary people , and that proveth most perilous , and bloody . nobilium factiones trahunt ad se et in partes vniversum etiam populum . arist. the factions of the nobility , draw even all the commonalty to side with one , or th'other part . observation lxxxviii . factions how farre and where necessary i confesse i have heard the opinion of some that have had the report , and esteeme of wise men alledg that factions , are necessary , yet doubtlesse that conceit cannot be well maintained unlesse it be upon confines and in such places where conspiracies is feared , which cato in his private famely used . semper contentiunculas aliquas , aut dissidentiam inter servos callid● serebat , suspectam habens nimiam concordiam eorum metuensque . plut. suspecting , and feareing their friendly agreement , craftily he gave occasion for petty quarrels , and disagreement to arise among his servants . observation lxxxix . factions amongst nobility to be suppressed . now factions amongst the nobility is sometimes suppressed by forbidding of colours or noted and knowne badges to be worne , somtimes also by inhibiting of names , and watchwords of ●●times , and this we learne was the counsell of mecaenasto augustus , and aristotle thinketh it fit that lawes should be made against the factions of noble men . nobilium comemiones , etpartes etiam leg●bus oporte● prohibere conari . aristo . it is very requisite that the lawes endeavor to restraine contentions and sidings among noble-men . observation . sedition a cause of civil warre . a nother cause of civill warre , we called sedition , which is a sudden co●●otion , or assembly , of common people against their prince , or his magistrates , the originall of which disorders may proceed from diven causes , but commonly we find oppress●● the prime . 〈◊〉 periculorum● vem edi●●●sa peric●la arbir●●● . aristotle . they supposing present dangers to be the very remedy , for those mischiefes which are nere at hand . observation . feare a cause of sedition . againe we find , that feare may be an occasion of sedition , as well in him that hath done injury , as in him that looketh to be injuried , as being desirous to prevent it before it commeth : it may also proceed of over great mildnes in government . non miserijs , sed liscentia tantum concitum turbarum lascivire magis plebem quàm s●vire . liv. the insurrections of the commons are occasion'd not so much through oppressions , whereby they grow wild , as through too much liberty , whereby they play the wantons . observation . poverty a cause of sedition . sedition is also seene somtimes to arise of poverty , or of those artificers , whose arts are grown out of use , and consequently no meanes whereof they can live , as is noted in the silver s●iths , by the neglect of dianaa's shrine and temple , semper in civitate , quibusopes nullae sunt , bonis invident , vetera odere , nova expetunt , odio suar●● 〈…〉 om●ia student . salust . evermore in a city those who are poore envy the rich , distast the old , and desire new ; and being out of love with their owne conditions , they devise how they may alter every thing . observation . tyranny a cause of sedition . in the last place sedition cometh of tyranny , i●soleney , or mutinous disposition , of certaine captaines , or ring leaders of the people , for albeit the multitude is apt to innovation , it doth ill stand firme untill some first mover taketh the matter in hand . multitudo omnis , sicut mare , per seimmobilis . liv. &c every seditious multitude ( as 't is their condition ) is of it selfe unalterable . observation . movers of sedition . the movers of sedition are many , and those of many qualities : in the first ranke i account the ambitious , who commonly wanting other meanes to aspire , do hope by a practise of sedition , to compasse their intended designe , in the next i reckon unthrifts , who having consumed their owne do seek by that meanes to possesse themselves of other mens : in the last i hold the vaine , and light persons , who without cause , or reason , doe attempt innovation , themselves not knowing why , nor wherefore . non tam praemijs periculorum , quam ipsis periculis laeti , pro certis , et olim partis , nova , ambigua , ancipitia malunt . tacit. not more joyfull with the booties they expect to get through these dangers they are to undergoe , but even with the very dangers , instead of those certaineties and what they are now owners of , they rather chuse to have new , ambiguous and uncertaine ones . and thus having told the causes of sedition : i wish the remedies were in time prepared ; for , omne malum nascens , facilè opprimitur , inveter atum fit plerunque robustius . any mischiefe is easily oppressed in the beginning , after long continuance it growes more sturdy . observation . the way to suppresse sedition . many politicians have noted there are severall waies to suppresse this sedition , before named : the first whereof is e●oquence , and excellent perswasion , which oftentimes is seene to worke great effects amongst the multitude , chiefly then , when it proceedeth from some reverend , and grave person , for wisdom , and honoured for i●tegrity of life , for by their opinion , the prince himselfe is not to take this office in hand , unlesse necessity doth thereto inforce him . integra a●thoritas principls majoribus remedijs servetur . tacitus . let the princes authority be reserved entire , for greater cures . now if perswasion cannot prevaile , then must force compell , but before such violent proceeding , both art , and cunning , is to be used , either totally to apease , or at least to disunite the people , and the rather , if it apeare to the multitude , that the prince do offer faire , and promise plausible . verba apud populum , plurimum valent . tacitus . words doe most exceedingly prevaile with the multitude . and in these , or in such like cases , it is held , by reason of state , lawfull for princes to use craft , and the same not prevailing to wash away the infany thereof with clemeucy , for when armes are laid downe , and every one yeeldeth , generall punishment were needles . omnium culpa fuit , paucorum sit poena . tacit. though all have alike offended , yet let but a few be punished . observation . the difference betwixt kings and tyrants . the last and principall cause of sedition , we named tyranny which is a certaine violent government exceeding the lawes of god , and nature : the difference , betweene kings , and tyrants , may be this : the one imployeth armes in defence of peace , the other useth them to terrify those of whom his cruelty hath deserved hate . aferre , tr●tidare , rapere , fallis nominibus imperium , atque vhi solitudinem fecerint , pacem appellant tacit. by false titles to take by violence , cruelly to murther , and enter fiercely into the authority royall ; and when they have eaused desolation , to call it peace . in the next place , the quslity of tyranny , is to esteeme pro●oters more then good ministers , because those men are the scourge of infinite others , they are also protectors of imptous persons , and stand in dayly doubt of noble , and vertuous men . nobilitas , opes , omissi gestique honores pro crimine , et ob virtutes certissimum exitiu● . tacitus . noblenesse of birth , wealth , dignities , or formerlyundergon ; are wither now borne accompted for a crime , and death is a most certaine reward , for vertue . moreover , tyrants doe indeavor to suppresse the knowledg of letters and civill life , to the end all good arts should be exiled , and barbarisme introduced . pellunt sapientiae professores & omnes bonas artes in exilium agant . tacit. they expell professors of wisdom , and banish all good arts . to conclude ; these , and such like are the conditions of tyrants ; who for the most part are either deposed , or slaine , for as kings doe live long , and deliver these dominions to their children , and posterity , so tyrants being hated , and feared , cannot continue in their estate . ad generum cereris sine caede & vulnere pauti descendunt reges , & siccâ morte tyranni . inven. few tyrant kings went ever hence down to hell , without a stab ; nor heard their passing bell. observation . remedies against tyrants . the remedies which politicians have prescribed against these mischiefes which proceed from the violence of such a prince , is either persecution , or patience : many generous spirits have used the first , perswading themselves rather to die , then indure the sight of a tyrant : in like manner we find that the grecians did conceive it a service thrise acceptable to murder the person of such an impious prince . graecihommines deorumhonores ●ribuebant ijs qui tyrannos necaverunt . cicero . the grecians dei●●'d such as slew tyrants . nevertheles , in consideration of christianity , the other course is to be taken , and patience is fitter to incounter this mischiefe , for seeing that all kings , as well the good , as the bad , are sent by god , they must be indured . res est gravis occidere regalem stirpem . homer . it is a heavy thing to be guilty of a princes death . observation . persecution of tyrants . against those that advise , the persecution of tyrants many things are to be disputed of , for it is not only a thing perillous in its selfe to effect , but for the most part infortunate : for commonly it is noted , that present revenge is taken thereof by the succeeding prince . facinoris ejusultor est quisquis successerit . tacit. the successour commonly revengeth that vile and villanous act . and the murderof tyrants is noted to have been commonly followed with many inconveniences , as publique slaughter , and intestine warre , with other dangerous mischiefs , and that in some nature , worse then civill warre it selfe . principes boni , voto expetendi , qualescunque tollerandi . tacitus . good princes are to be wished for ; & whatsoever they be , they are to be borne withall . observation . evil princes to be indured . some punishment vpon mankind , such as fire , floods , & other inevitable plagues , are necessarily to be suffered , & so evill princes in their coveteousnes , cruelty , and other enormous vices , ought patiently to be indured , because their offices is properly to command , and to beare sway , and the subjects to yeeld and obey . indignadigna habenda sunt rex quae facit . plaut. whatsoere unworthy things a king doth , are to be thought of otherwise . and as we see it is the use of vulgar people to find sa●iety in the long raigne of princes , so the ambition of greater subjects , is ever desirous of novelty . praesens imperium subditis semper grave . thucid. the present rule is alwaies grievous . observation c. patience against tyranny . to conclude this mischiefe here in the conclusion of this warfare , we will say that the best remedy against tyranny , is patience , for questionles , so long as men are , so long will vices raigne , and have their being . ferenda regumingenia , neque usui crebrae mutationes . tacit. the dispositions of kings , are to be borne withall ; nor are often changes profitable . finis . a table of the observations noted in the precedent tract . of the art military of military knowledg . of martiall lawes . things observable in a just warre . warres are of two sortes . defensive warre two sortes . to assist ourfriends by warre . to invade our enemies by warre . to invade barbarians lawfull . true causes of invasion . of unadvised warre . not to enter into warre without cause . things required to make a warre . bread needfull in warre . armes needfull in warres . of captaines and soldiers . of horsemen and footemen . soldiers not serviceable are to small purpose . to make soldiers serviceable . of the election of soldiers . of the discipline of soldiers . stranger soldiers vvhat . naturall soldiers vvhat . naturall soldiers two sorts . of the leavy of soldiers . the number of soldiers extraordinary . the number of soldiers ordinary . of the country of soldiers . of the age of soldiers . of the stature of soldiers . of the faculty of a souldier . discipline maketh soldiers . m●litary discipline what . military order what military complusion what . military modesty what . military apparell what . military abstinence what , military example what . military reward and punishment . of a chieftaine or generall . one onely commander best in an army . qualities of a generall . vertue of a generall . providence in a generall . fortune in a generall . authority in a generall . affability and severity in a generall . good soldiers without good counsell bootlesse . of counsell in vvarre . constancy in military counsells . confidence in military counsells . good information in military counsells . temerity to be avoyded in counsells . prodigious signes not to be neglected . time to be observed . place to be considered . thewell training of men to be noted . nationall soldiers to be placed together in fight , to be first in readines for battell . disposition in the generall to fight . moderate execution after victory . to frustrate spoyle and pilledg . of indirect counsells stratagems without fraud . military duties recommended to an artillery company; at their election of officers, in charls-town, . d. . m. . by cotton mather, pastor of a church in boston. mather, cotton, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m estc w this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) military duties recommended to an artillery company; at their election of officers, in charls-town, . d. . m. . by cotton mather, pastor of a church in boston. mather, cotton, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by richard pierce: and are to be sold by joseph brunning, at his shop at the corner of prison lane near the exchange, boston in new-england : . with a final advertisement leaf. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . military art and science -- united states -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion military duties , recommended to an artillery company ; at their election of officers , in charls-town , . d. . m. . by cotton mather , pastor of a church in boston . ubi nullus est militarium virorum ordo et cura , ibi nulli sunt r. p. nervi . herodot . plus togae laesere rem-publicam quam loricae . tertullian . boston in new-england , printed by richard pierce : and are to be sold by ioseph brunning , at his shop at the corner of prison lane near the exhange . . the preface . it was the observation which judicious capel began a preface to a good book with the mention of , books are more necessary in a state than arms. let it pass for a conveniency among us in this scythian desart , that the gentlemen who handle arms may be also presented with books accommodated unto their instruction and encouragement . it is reported of an unparallel'd souldier , no less an hero than julius caesar , that being forc'd to swim for his life in an extremity , he employ'd one hand to preserve from the damage of the water , certain books which he had a special value for . nor is it any disparagement unto men of a military disposition or improvement , that in all ages the most accomplisht of them , have been willing sometimes to make books the entertainment of their vacant hours : even a mighty alexander must have a book under his pillow , or he cannot sleep . perhaps it is from somesomething of this bookish temper that this poor sermon preached unto the artillery of middlesex , is by some members of that worthy company now desired to be printed ; that their eyes may dwell upon those things which he who gives favour to them that are not men of skill made not altogether unacceptable unto their ears . it was a souldier that found out the happy art of printing at first ; and it seems that souldiers will now and then press the press into their service still . my education among libraries , my concernment only in such a warfare as timothy had recommended unto him , and my impatient longings for the revolution of a golden age wherein there shall be ( as about the time of our lords first coming it is noted by the roman historian that there was ) totius orbis aut pax aut pactio , a general peace or truce throughout the whole world , have made me the unfittest of all men to read military lectures . aelian ' s tacticks shall stand in the r●…re of my authors , and will perhaps be left unstudied by me , till i have nothing else to do . that military mischievous invention of guns , and the nitrous , sulphureous , charcoal'd matter which they vo●…it , was indeed first hit upon by a clergy-man , yet one that i never would care to be a kin unto . but a request from the honoured persons , at whose invitation the ensuing thoughts have been spoken and written , was a strong summons not to be g●…in said by me , who ought to count opportunities 〈◊〉 doing good among the best of all my treasures . they asked me to lay before them their du●…yes , as farr as my armory , the bible , would inform me what they are : and i have with brief hints attempted to let them know what those words of command are which come unto them back'd with a , thus saith the lord . they have also asked me to give them a copy of those words for the publication of them ; and i consider'd that this being all , my case was not so hard as that of the expedition against sisera , wherein out of zebulon were engaged they that handled the pen of the writer , gown-men became sword-men , and pen-knives ( as one saith on it ) were turned into swords . but in this thing they had not found me ready to gratify them , if it had not been for the sake of communicating those meditations in the close of the discourse , which render every man a souldier , and call upon all to encounter the invisible enemies of their own souls . this part of the discourse is no diversion from the work which my hand finds to do , however the other may : of this , if i had a voice as loud as the last trumpet i must say , let him that hath ears to hear , hear . thousands of praises , whole ages of praises be given unto a good god , for the abundance of peace wherein we in this wilderness do delight our selves . 't were well if the blessed leisure which deus fecit , is given by god unto us , were employ'd unto spiritual advantages by us all ; and particularly by them that have a kindness for the affairs of souldiery . it would be an incredible benefit to the church of god , for men to have their houses furnished with treatises which shall teach them how to spirituallize the outward occurrents of their occupations , and set pulpits , and faithful preachers for them in every business that they have to meddle with . i find that the husband-man , and the shepherd , and the mariner , yea , and the weaver too , are thus provided for , by the ingenious labours of some heavenly-minded men . a reverend person among our selves , has in this way been an obliging friend unto the souldier also ; his , souldiery spirituallized , well deserves the perusal of them to whom it is directed , and hath given a just super-sedeas unto those enlargements of that kind here which else might have been endeavoured . that they who will be souldiers may likewise be serious ; that there may be glory to god in the highest , and that there may be peace on earth , and good will among men , is the grand scope of this little essay . military duties laid before a trained band . d. . m. . it is written in psal. cxliv . i. blessed be the lord my strength , who teacheth my hands to war , and my fingers to fight . that elegant resemblance of our lord jesus christ , in the close of his last letter from heaven to the church on earth , rev. . . a tree of life which bears twelve manner ( a blessed variety ) of fruits , the leaves whereof also are for the healing of the nations , hath been sometimes not unfitly apply'd unto the scriptures , those precious leaves of the bible , which testify of him. there is in these oracles of god , a delicious entertainment for the innumerable sorts of readers to whom these presents come ; and the benefit of the souldier particularly is not left unconsulted in them . the blessed suitableness of this miraculous book unto the affayrs and concerns of all men , is , to be found ( as the philosopher saith , of the soul in the body ) in every part thereof ; but the book of psalms ( a little bible , as luther styl'd it ) in peculiarwise , is so remarkable on this score , that it was no imprudence in old ierom to bid his friend make this his vade mecum , his constant companion , it was no folly in the holy minister of constantinople being driven out of that city , to take no part of his treasures but this , which was unto him pro et prae divitiis , instead of and better than all the riches of the world ; the renouned basil therefore very rightly recommended it as a divine treasure , and the eloquent chrysostom no less appositely reputed it as , a panoply for the christian. from this panoply , from this well-furnished armory , give me leave to offer something for the use of this armed , and much honoured auditory . for this cause the name which the holy spirit in a certain place ( in col . . ) putteth upon these psalms is that of spiritual songs ; partly because the spirits of men are most singularly suited therein : every man may conceive , as athanasius long ago observed , that they speak de se , in re sua , to his own case directly . t is to be hoped that the spirit of the souldier especially will anon herein meet with what shall not be impertinent unto him . that inspired person , whoever he were , that marshalled the psalms into the method wherein we now enjoy them , seems to have had some respect unto the affinity of subjects therein handled , in his doing of it . hence this hundred-and-forty-fourth psalm , with the rest unto the end of our psalter , is employ'd in that business which we expect at the end of our pilgrimage to be put upon ; even the magnifying of the lord iehovah . the p●…nman of this composure , is by the title of it , determined to be david , the sweet singer of israel . indeed some passages of it are by him again repeated in both his first and his second edition of the eighteenth psalm ; and if the primitive christians in their publique worship , are reported to have had no common satisfaction when they heard aliquid davidicum , any thing of david , sounded among them , t is to be suppos'd , that we shall not therein come behind them . but the occasion of the composure is to be variously guessed at , as an un●… th●…g . those whom we ( upon uncertain grounds ) reckon the 〈◊〉 greek t●…anslators , or rather interpreters of the old testament , have so inscribed it , a psalm of david against goliah ; so the ethiopic likewise , and so the vulgar latin. and perhaps david's victory over goliah , may be one thing referr'd unto in this song of zion . i find a iewish commentary particularly favouring such a sentiment . but good old hilary for one , justly and honestly declames against the foisting in of this clause , where it should not be . thus much then is all the conjecture for which we have room left unto us : we may apprehend that the amiable david was now arrived thro an iliad of mischiefs and whole seas of difficulties , unto a settlement in his kingdom over israel ; and that hereupon he now presents unto the lord , both his praises for the vanquishent of the enemies who had hitherto disquieted him , and his prayers for the continuance of his tranquillity , maugre all future opposition . the rapturous thanksgivings of the psalpsalmist begin as soon as was possible ; even at the verse now before us . the gracious saint is here uttering of his wishes that the great god may forever be well-spoken of by all the world , and this on a double account . something god hath been to him , and something god had done for him . firstly , for something that god was to him . he ascribes to the lord that title , my strength , or ( heb. tzuri ) my rock . q. d. the almighty god has afforded a better defence to me in all dangers than the ragged rocks and caves and thickets did unto my poor countrey men , before i by slaying the tall pagan occasion'd the routing of the philistines , who had driven them thereinto . nextly , for something that god did for him . he celebrates this kindness of god unto him , he teaches my hands to war and my fingers to fight . i. e. the good god enables me to go through the military performances which i am put upon . these hands of mine that were once wont to hold the shepherds crook , and these fingers of mine which were wont to solace me with their soft notes upon my harp , are now expert in those martial a●…chievments which god hat●… bin my teach●…r in . there is a divine teaching herein acknowledged , and the twofold subject of it is taken notice of . the good man first declares the subject which received this teaching : this was his hands & his fingers . these are by a synecd●…che put for not only all the members of his body , but also all the powers of his mind . these may be singled out , because there is a special use of these parts in all warly encounters . there was so particularly , first in choosing and then in casting the stone which laid the philistean champion sprawling on the ground . in the hands also strength is seated , and skill is shewed by the fingers . so both of those qualifications may herein be glanced at . the good soul next declares the subject which this teaching was occupy'd about : this was warring and fighting . the former expression [ lakrob ] comes from a root that signifies to draw near ; the latter [ lammilchama ] comes from a root that signifies to eat up ; because in warly engagements , persons first approach and then devour one another . from hence then the doctrine which summons our present attention is doct. that the almighty god is to be acknowledg'd as the author of whatsoever military skill or strength any children of men do excel in . that the worthy company who call'd me to this place and work , may not be too long detained from the field , where no doubt , they love to be , all due brevity shall be endeavoured , in our present discourse . only two propositions shall be call'd upon , to ripen this doctrine for it's application . proposition i. it is the priviledge of some persons to excel in a military skill or strength . there is a two-fold military excellency which some in the world are so priviledg'd as to reach unto . firstly , there are some persons excellent for their military skill . there is such an happy unhappy art used among adam's wrangling posterity in the world , as that of tactics , or the art of warr ; and her●… and there we may find those who have the honour of being excellently well skill'd therein . the politic and most peaceable monarch of old , made it one of his aphorisms in eccl. . . wisdome is better than weapons of warr. but some desireable persons there are , meriting for this to be called deliciae humani generis , or mankinds delight , who at once have weapons in their hands , and wisdom in their heads enabling them to manage the same unto very good account . there are persons very notable for feats of arms , like david , of whom t is reported in . sam. . . he behaved himself wisely and he was set over the men of war : it seems he was so good a souldier , that he was made captain of the artillery at gibeon . such brave men were those pious trans-iordanites , of whom wee have that description in . chron. . . they were men able to bear buckler and sword , and to shoot with bow , and they were skilful in war. and such a character we also have of several tribes who were mustered at hebron , to solemnize davids coronation there , in . chron. . at verse . it is related of the zebulonites , that they were expert in warr , with all instruments of warr , able to keep rank ; at verse . it is related of the danites , and at verse . it is related of the asherites likewise that they were expert in war. some such beauties is the face of the earth adorn'd withall ; persons that understand well all the figures or postures which a souldier is to use in the handling of his arms ; persons that are well acquainted with all the motions & orders which a souldier may be call'd unto , all the various facings , and numerous doublings , & intricate counter-marchings , & comely wheelings which are customary , and all the chargings which the many sorts & shapes of battails do admit , with innumerable stratagems of war ; persons , in a word , who can handsomely apply all the insruments of defence which a souldier may cap-a-pe be furnished with , and all the instruments of offence which a souldiers hand can be put unto , from the half-pike unto the granado and the roaring canon . nextly , there are some persons excellent for their military strength also . there is a two-fold strength which souldiers are sometimes to be admired for . firstly , some souldiers have an admirable strength of body . such a souldier was that renowned judge of israel , sampson , the history of whose activity ( as well as the signification of his name ) the heathen have carried into their stories about their hercules : 't is storied of him , in iudg. . . that when a young lion roared against him , he rent him as he would have rent a kid ; tho the oracles of the lion's maker have determined him to be the strongest among beasts . t is storied of him , in chapt. . . that he took the gates of a city , doors , posts , barrs and all , and carried 'em away up an high hill twenty miles off . t is storied of him in chapt. . . that with main force he over-sett the two huge pillars whereon lay the stress of a vast temple , containing many more than three thousand people . there are souldiers , that for the strength of their limbs , deserve the name wich once a king in england had , even that of ironside ; they may almost affirm , what iob deni'd , my strength is the strength of stones , and my flesh is brass . we have read of a scanderleg who had an arm that could make his sword strike through thick iron , and who encountring a mighty wild bull that had slain many , wi●…h one onely blow of his cimitar cutt his head clean from his shoulders . we have read of a milo , of a maximus , of some others , men made up of sinewes , that would hold a club , or keep a place in spite of all possible assaults , that would carry burdens next to insupportable , and in every peece of action scorn a match . nextly , some souldiers have an admirable strength of spirit also ; their courage is marvellous and invincible . such were those captains which increased davids band , . chron. . . all mighty men of valour . and such were the simeonites , ( ibid. v. . ) mighty men of valour , for the war : and such the ephraimites ( ibid. v. . ) mighty men of valour , famous throughout the house of their fathers . there are souldiers that for their valour deserve the name of caleb , which may signify all-heart , and who , like caleb are not afraid to look a bigg son of anak in the face . they are as undaunted as the leviathan , ( the crocodile ) which is made without fear ; it s a meer sport unto them , to out-brave the king of terrours , to have cannon bullets flying & hissing , and drawn swords clashing round about them , and dischargdischarged pistols hurled at their heads ; they are like fiery metal-fome war-horses clothed with thunder , they go on to meet armed men , they laugh at fear , and are not affrighted , neither turn they back from the sword , they shout among the loud drums and the ●…hrill clangors of the trumpet ha , ha! the thuuder of the captains and the shouting only adds fire to their magnanimity ; and if they are threatned with such clouds of arrowes as shall darken the very sky , they make no more of it than the persian , who reply'd to such a menace , i am glad of that ! we shall then fight in the shade . yea , almost every spot of ground affords a spectacle of more fortitude than what appears in fighting stoutly when martial noises do inspirit men . we may see men whose blood chills not when they are call'd out to dy alone in cold blood ; men that with a steady countenance can take grim death arrayd with all its pompous horrors , by the cold clammy hand , and cheerfully say , friend , do thy worst ! such skill ! and such strength many mortals have . proposition ii. the almighty god is to be acknowledged as the author of these excellences . all that have such excellencies are beholden to god for them , and ought to own their being so . among the romans , there were those officers who were called campi doct●…res , the doctors of the field . all true christian souldiers will acknowledge the ever-living god for the supreme teacher in the field unto them ; they say , he hath his chair in the heavens , who is our teacher . shall we speak of skill ? behold , the blesse●… god , the father of lights is the bestowe●… of that . the haughty sennacherib is rebuked for saying of his military exploits , in isa. . . by my wisdom i have done them . we are informed concerning the husband-man by the princely prophet , his god doth instruct him to discretion , and doth teach him . how fitly may that be said of the souldier too ! there is a god that he hath his military discretion from . shall we speak of strength ? lo , this also is to be ascribed unto god , the rock of ages . it was a check given to the moabites in ier. . . how say ye , we are mighty and strong men for the war ? as for strength of body this is from god. the psalmist does most ingenuously confess , in psal. , . it is the lord that teacheth my hands to war , so that a bow of steel is broken by mine arms . as for strength of spirit , this too is from god. when arrowes are to be made bright , and shields to be gathered , t is said ( in ier. . . ) that the lord raiseth the spirits of men . that which makes this further evident is , that the almighty god takes away military skill and strength from men , whensoever it pleaseth him. this the poor canaanites had experience of : the hundreds of thousands of armed men in those mighty nations , advantaged with chariots that were plated with sweeping slaughtering hooks of iron , could not stand — the lord at once tormented them with great wasps , hideously stinging of their bodyes , and with black fears weakning of their spirits , they could not stand before an handful of men , to whom the lord had promised in exod. . . i will send my fear before thee , and will make thine enemies turn their backs unto thee . the cruel crafty indians among our selves , were t' other day an instance of this too ; at a time when we expected utmost ruin by their merciless hands , they fell before us like the leaves in autumn , and themselves gave this reason of it , laying their hands on their breasts , oh ( said they ) the englisham's god makes us afraid here . this there is no question to be made of ; no means or helps will make us succesful souldiers , if god deny his smiles : an host of sorry mice will render all our bow-strings utte●…ly unserviceable , if god say unto them , go , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have cause to say after the psalmist in psal. . . i will not trust in my bow , neither shall my sword save me . but the improvement of these things remains . use . i. there is a strong invitation to an attendance on military discipline hence given un●…o all that are capable thereof . this truth should be as good as a thousand drums beating of a troop in your he●…ing , engageing of you to repair in your 〈◊〉 unto a peaceable military rendezvous . it 〈◊〉 lamentable to see how military discipline 〈◊〉 begun to languish among us ; to see how 〈◊〉 list themselves in military societies , and 〈◊〉 delinquent in military services they that 〈◊〉 listed often are . i would to god the t●… were come wherein we might have 〈◊〉 seasonable sermon on that text , isa. . . they shall beat their swords , into plow-shares and their spears into pruning-hooks ; for they shall learn warr no more . when will men chuse david's motto , anishallo●… ; i. e. i am peace ? when will those two make-bate pronouns , meum and tuum leave off to set mankind together by the ears ? but surely , till gog and magog are burnt up with flashes of hot lightening , as their predecessors , the assirians were of old , a fitter theme to be preached on will be that in ioel. . . beat your plow-shares into swords , and your pruning-hooks into spears , and let all the men of war draw near . thanks be to the god of peace , for the peace wherewith we enioy the gospel of peace . we have no occasion to kindle becons , or to stick up a scoth fire-cross for the summoning of all between sixteen and sixty , to oppose an invading enemy . the thing which our civil authority puts us upon this day , and all that i am concernd to speak a good word for , is , the regard to military discipline , which our peace does give us a most happy advantage for . there is this argument for the abundant use of military discipline in the midst of us , now giving encouragement thereunto ; the almighty god is the teacher of it . and what ! will any of you be loth to go-to-school unto the almighty ▪ god ▪ will you play the truant from the school of god ? let the able idle spectators of military exercises for shame count themselves concerned to rank and file with their honest and industrious neighbours . t is desireable that all our trained bands might flourish , and become terrible , as an army of banners . and it is particularly to be desired that our artillery companyes may be unto the utmost countenanced . in persia once they had an artillery company consisting of ten thousand , which they called , the immortal company , because whenever any one was taken off , another was still chosen to supply his place . may that artillery company in special which i am now speaking unto , in this sense become an immortal company . consider , i. that military discipline is a very lawful thing . when the souldiers satt under the ministry of iohn baptist , he said not unto them , lay down your arms ; but as in luc. . . be content with your wages ; which was as good as saying , be content to be souldiers . the believing cencenturion did not look upon himself as obliged to throw up his commission , tho it had a roman original : and yet of him it was said in matt. . . i have not found so great faith , no , not in israel , as in him . it is recorded of the patriarch abraham , ( of that father of the faithful ) in gen. . . that he had a kind of artillery garden at his house ; an artillery company was under his conduct , whereto about forty files belonged . shall we imagine that god will teach any unlawful thing ? no ; the ever-glorious god himself is called , the god of armies . but he is never called , the god of theeves , or the god of murderers ; or the god of any thing that is to be thought sinful . it is indeed said , that they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword . but this refers to taking up the sword without a right cause , and without a just call. when men meddle with swords without a sufficient call from both god and man , they are wont to come off like those ephraimites which the seventy eighth psalm singeth of , among other ancient things , who would needs break prison out of egypt and sieze upon palestina , by force of arms , before they had a good warrant for it , and were slain by the men of gath , to the great grief of their fa-father , and the encrease of their servitude . it is also said , whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek , turn to him the other also . but private , personal revenge is the thing forbiden there . t is to be suspected , that the people who make out-cries against all use of carnal weapons , would ( as one ingeniously saith ) use the weapons very carnally , yea , very bloodily , if they had them in their own hands . consider , . that military discipline is also a needful thing . it was a true remark of the ancient gre●…ian , that , a common-wealth wherein there is not a plenty of military men , is as a body without sinews . a wall of stones about a city or a countrey is good for little without a wall of bones defending of it . — hi sunt spartae m●…nia . it is threatned as a very direful plague unto a land in isa. . . the lord of host●… doth take away the men of war therefrom . why should any of us have an hand in bringing such a plague on the land wherein we live . ¶ don't plead , it s being a time of peace may excuse us from being in arms while thes●… halcyon dayes continue . for a time of peac●… ▪ is the time to prepare for a time of warr. the prudent king asa thought so of old . and the want of preparation in us , may sharpen the edge of an enemies desire to our land ; some west-indian might have been upon our skirts before now , if the military appearances among us had not dampt them . you are not ignorant of what befel the inhabitants of quiet and secure laish long ago . do not plead , i can't spare the time to train . what! not spare time to go to school to god ? t is observ'd , that the people in this countrey with moderate diligence make themselves capable of greater leisures than many in the world . besides , would you serve god with that which costs you nothing ? or would you be made souldiers by a miracle ? do not plead , there are enough to train with●…ut me . how if every one should plead so ? certainly , people did not thus exempt themselves from the artillery company at ierusalem , in the dayes of iehoshaphat . it is noted ( for so i would understand it ) in . chron. . fin . that while one man was leader of that company , they were an hundred and eighty thousand : while another , they were two hundred thousand ; while another , they were two hundred and eighty thousand ; and while another , they were no less than three hundred thousand . there were thousands exceeding the unites in our artillery companies ! should i now pretend to give directions how military discipline may best be ordered among us , i might justly be derided no less than he that would read military lectures before the martial hannibal . yet there are two things which i would presume upon 〈◊〉 liberty to say . advice . i. it seems good prudence to be most attent o●… and accurate in that peice of military discipline which is most necessary . ; or most accommodated for the safety of the place which we belong unto . we have such a parenthesis in the preface of david's elegy over saul and ionathan , . sam. i. . he had them teach the children of iudah the — bow. some take that word , the bow , to be only the title of the ensueing song . but others thus conceive of it . the philiphilistines had made fearful slaughter among the israelites by their being curious archers ; and the study of david now was to have the israelites out-shoot the philistines in their own bow. all that you shall now hear of this matter from one whose highest military attainment is that he counts military discipline a thing not to be despised , is only this : there is a swarthy generation of philistines here , the indian natives , i mean , whom alone we are like to have any warrs withal . these salvages have ( not long since ) butchered several hundreds in these plantations ; in that bloudy gloomy-day , when the alarm of warr was heard , and it was said , sword , go through the land , the canibals had many an hellish feast of english flesh ; and the main thing wherein the wild creatures out-did us and ●…n-did us was this , they were very yare marks-men , and every tree was a fort from whence they took their aims . if ever those now - wounded chaldeans should make an attempt again upon us , there will be few words of command used , unless those two , make ready , and give fire . the best marks-man will then be the best souldier : the benjamites that can shoot to an hairs breadth will probably carry the day . how comes it then to pass , that in our trainings there seldome are any of marks and prizes set up for the promoting this accomplishment ? advice . ii. they that give their presence to military discipline , should be ashamed if their proficiency therein be not conspicuous and considerable . the counsil which paul gave to a spiritual souldier is very proper here , in . tim. . . give thy self to these things , that thy profi●…ng may appear unto all . do not look upon training dayes as designed for meer diversion and recreation ; or to do nothing but make smokes . be not of them who unless to get off a fine would never appear at their colours ; remember that , as you were , is not a fit word of command for you all the year long . behave your selves alwaies in your trainings , as under the eye of the authority whom , under his majesties favourable protection , you are therein obedient unto , yea , and as if you were by them also bid to expect the sight of an adversary . at the end of each day , be able to make a good reply unto that question , quid profeci ? or what progress have i made this day in military discipline ? give not your tutors cause to blame your non-proficiencies . use . ii. the attenders on military discipline should hence be careful to acknowledge god in what they do . let them act according to that acknowledgement , the lord is my teacher . to particularize : firstly . there are some acknowledgements due to god from you , while you are using of military discipline . all the trained souldiers among you have these things incumbent on them , as so many ackowledgments unto god their teacher . in the first place , souldiers should be gracious men . o get on the whole armour of god ; get gracious principles into your souls . never dream that you are in all respects fit to war and to fight with any men ▪ till your peace be made with god. you that may some time or other carry your liv●… in your hands , had need alwaies to carry grace in your heárts . a very heathen handling that problem , who is the best armed souldier ? solved it so , integer vitae scelerisque purus : the sincere godly man is the best armed of any man in the world . you be n't so fit as you should be to handle a sword ; till you come to use a book as well as a sword ; till you govern your lives by the words of command in the book of god ; till you can say with that renowned souldier in psal. . . i have rejoiced in the way of thy testimonies , as much as in all riches . you are poor souldiers , till you can with all hilarity say to your own souls as that dying ancient hilary did , egredere ▪ anima , egredere , quid times ? or turn out , o my soul , turn out ; scorn , scorn to be afraid of death ; which no uncoverted man can duly say . after all the bravadoes which many hectoring dam-mee's make while no body is like to hurt them , it is the new-born , heaven-born christian that will stand the most daringly before the mouthes of cannons vomiting out fire & death ; here , here is the man that is best able to look the most ●…errible of all terribles in the f●…ce & to scoff at the hisses of that rattle-snake ▪ death , saying , where 's thy sting ? i have heard that not a very long ago , in the low-countryes an huffing captain challenged one reputed a very pious man unto the fighting of a duel : the general taking notice of it said , pray stay till to morrow , such a town is then to be assaulted , i 'll then see which of you two can fight best . the town was assaulted , and a breath made in the wall , now ( said the general to the challenger ) now do you enter : to this the couragious coward reply'd with horrot , i beseech your excellency excuse me , i be n't fit to dy . but the man whom the changes of regeneration have made fit to live , he is likewise fit to dy . he that hath christ for his life , will assuredly have gain by his death ; and may fall into transports of ioy , whenever the grim ferry-man shall call upon him , come away ! moreover , souldiers should be praying men . the illustrious g●…stavus , adolphus was , for a souldier , the miracle of this last age ; but scarce any thing more contributed to his being so , than the army of prayers which were ever in his service : hence he would say to his counsellors , the greater our army of prayers , the more assured will be our victory . it is given as the character of a man worthy to be a captain , in act. . . he was a devout man and one that pray'd unto god alway . the emperor aurelius was blessed with a legion of such souldiers in his host : when the army was like to perish for thirst , this christian-legion with-drew to prayer , and immediately god sent a plentiful rain which relieved them , but sent such fearful flashes of lightening therewithall as destroyed their enemies ; from whence this was called the thundering legion . god grant that every trained company among us , may be a praying thundering company ! prayer , was the great field-peice of iehoshaphat ; 't is said in . chron. . . he set himself to seek the lord. yea , the most of the prayers in the bible were made by a souldier ; the psalms of david . our late indian-war gave us evidence enough of prayer's efficacy and importance , in military executions . luther was wont to style prayer , the gun-shot of the soul. certainly , a souldiers weal is enwrapped in nothing more than in the well - discharging of it . furthermore , souldiers ought to be well - aiming men . i would say about your training , as paul about eating and drinking , in . cor. . . — do all to the glory of god. let all that you do from the girding on of your harness , to the putting of it off , be aimed at the glory of god , and the good of his people , to the just satisfaction of your king and countrey . let every one of your weapons have that motto which the lord has provided for the bells of the troopers horses in ierusalem , zech . . holiness to the lord . let all inferior ends be placed by you in a due subordination hereunto , and not be the main spring of your artillery motions . as a religious man once at work in the woods , being asked , who are you at work for ? very savourily answered , i am cutting of wood for god. so be you able to say of all your trainings , that you are therein obeying of god , and the government , which is the minister of god unto you for good : thus preparing to fight the battails of the lord. once more , souldiers ought to be sin-having men . there has been a scandal raised upon souldiers , nulla sides pietasque viris qui castra sequunt ur . ] that souldiers are seldom christians . the slander has been most happily confuted-by the vertuous lives which many men of a military profession have been exemplary for . that i may recite one instance instead of many , give me leave to inform you of what the learned voetius relateth in his ecclesiastical polity , ( part . . lib. . tract . . ) concerning a young scoth gentleman of his acquaintance , then a captain in the low-countryes . this devout souldier was ( as voetius testifies to the world in his immortal writings ) a mirrour of piety , gravity , modesty and extraordinary prudence . he was abundant in reading the scriptures , & sundry treatises both of divinity and history , and penning down in his private papers the memorable passages which he found pertinent & profitable to himself therein . yea , it was common with him to spend whole days in the austerities of a fast. he moreover kept a constant diary wherein ( to use his own phrase ) he had on one side , a page for the old man , on the other side , a page for the new man ; in these he did every day note down on the one side , how far the interest of sin decayed in him , on the other side , how far he grew in his conformity to iesus christ. doing thus until he dyed . upon which th●…●…ction of that great man is to this purpose , ●…t is fit that many ministers of the gos●…el should read this , to make them sensible how much a souldier has gone beyond them in the exercises of devotion . now let your accurate conversation in like manner promote the vindication and the reputation of ●…he blemished souldier . beware of those sins ●…hat souldiers are most addicted unto . iohn baptist in his advice to souldiers luc. . . hath enumerated some of those hateful immoralities . it was a proverb of old , miles romans , aegyptum cave ; roman souldiers must be careful to shun egyptian vices . many a man is no less than a leader unto a trained band , and yet so miserable as to be himself mis-led by a foolish lust. o be so valiant as to fly ( here valour it self turns its back ) the fleshly lusts whereof the alarms of god have told you , that they war against the soul. abstain especially from the ordinary epidemical vices of training dayes . it is reported of the carthaginian souldiers , that they were not to meddle with any wine all the time of their bearing arms. our trainings are too commonly abused unto the contrary excesse●… of surfeiting and drunkenness . let the vanity , let the rioting , let the pagan pr●…●…ane health . drinkings which are th●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…l , be abominable unto you , who have not 〈◊〉 ●…arned christ. secondly . there are some further acknowledgement●… due unto god from you , when you ar●… ●…hriving in military discipline . if you thrive under your heavenly teacher you are to pay unto him such acknowledgements as these . your humble , your hearty praises are first , to be rendred unto the most high for an your military endowments . among the ancients , when an old souldier . came to have an honest honourable ●…ismission from the camp , he dedicated his arms with his praises unto his houshold gods. truly , there are praises to be returned unto our god , when we are made masters in military practice . o' do a●… the psalmist in the close of his military psal●… , ( in . sam. . . ) resolves to do . i will give thanks to thee , o lord , i will give praises to thy name . again , you should now submit unto any the hardest military employment that the most high god shall call you to . stand like the israelites in the desart of old , pitching every man by his standard about the tabernacle of the lord ; and when you have the full warrant of god and his vice-gerents , don't shrugg or shrink back for any difficulty that you may be put upon . let me speak unto you in the words which the lord-general of israel in his military oration used , ( . sam. . . ) be of good courage , play the men , for your people , and the cities of your god. here you are like the valiant of israel , all holding of swords , and expert in war , — standing about the bed of solomon ; and if solomon say the word , then count that the best way to save your lives will be to lose 'em ; and so the holy . angels may at the first arrival of your disengaged souls into the spiritual ●…orld , welcome them with the salutation which an angel gave to gideon , the lord is with thee , thou mighty man of valour . finally , when you cannot possibly , or may not lawfully serve god as souldiers , be willing to serve god as sufferers . god knowes whether you may ever be put upon the ●…earing of any testimonies to the truths or wayes of jesus christ , which may incurr the ●…rown ▪ of all standers-by . now it will be a greater magnanimity to suffer disgrace and poverty and imprisonment cheerfully , than it is to defend a feild of lentiles singly against an whole army of philistines , or to slaughter six hundred of 'em with an ox-goad . be ready with a passive obedience , to follow him whom the apostle styles in heb. . . the captain of our salvation , made perfect through sufferings . souldiers have sometimes had their : superstitions about crosses , but most certainly it is the most real christianity to take a cross imposed by the providence of the lord jesus on us , and to lay the ragged tree upon our shoulders until it do there bring forth the peaceable fruits of righteousness . the name that our k. edward i. ( the comliest of men . ) had , when called crouch-back , because of the cross which he wore on his back , very well befits a souldier , when crosses and tryals are carved out for him by the god of heaven . christan souldiers should be as willing to entertain crosses , i mean sorrows , and troubles , for the sake of the gospel , as the primitive christian souldiers were to throw by the military crowns which were profered unto them . the ancients have with very eloquent lines celebrated those forty souldiers , who for the professing themselves christians , were conten●… to undergo the fiery exquisite anguish of being frozen to death . let every one of us in like sort be content to endure the bleakest , the most nipping and peircing winds that can blow upon us for our faithfulness unto the son of god. o be among the armies in heaven following the lamb , and if ever you should ( thanks be to god you yet have not ) to do with persecutors , be unto them no otherwise than as sheep before the shearers . use . iii. hence , men ●…pert in military discipline are to be had in high account by us , as the great , blessings of the great god. if acknowiedgements are to be made unto god as the author of military skill or strength ; surely the river of our acknowledgements running into that infinite ocean , may do well to call at the banks of earth , as they glide along , paying some kindness to the men that have military ornaments on them . he that would say , blessed be god that teacheth my hands to war , and my fingers to fight , may also see cause to say , blessed be god who has made any hands & fingers , expert at military discipline in the midst of us . our sight of a trained company , but especially of an artillery company , should not be perhaps without some special expressions of our value thereof ; since we may say , there march the scholars of the almighty god. persons well-acquainted with military discipline , have honours and roses cast upon them by the blessed god himself . the most high and mighty god himself affects to be called ( in exod. . . ) a man of war. the lord jesus christ also chooses to be represented ( in psal. . . ) as a mighty one with a sword by his side . the glorious angels , the bright inhabitants of the third heaven , are styl'd in luc. . . the heavenly host , or army . their excellent general calls 'em forth by twelve legions at once , that is , to the number of seventy two thousand foot-men , and eighty four hundred hors-men , the number which a roman army consisted of o what matchless fellow-souldiers all well-qualified souldiers have ! the scriptures , these inestimable treasures of heaven , are filld with nothing more than military terms and things and among men have souldiers in all ages had most remarkable reputation . the best souldiers were by david in . sam. . . reckoned , the worthyes of the kingdom . in solomons time , t is noted in . chron. . . that the best men in the land were the men of war. it was made an act among the war-like spartans that no man should have an epitaph , or so much as his name written on his grave , if he had not been a souldier . some of the chief dignityes now in the world had a military rise : an esquire , an earl , a duke , and some orders of knight-wood owe their titles to the field . let us then manifest a special esteem unto the right souldiers that this countrey is favoured withal . but let me bespeak your peculiar acknowledgements for them who ieoparded their lives on the high places of the field , for us in the late indian-war . my heart is towards those souldiers , and , under god those saviours of this people , who then willingly offered themselves . t is just that those lovers of their countrey , should have extraordinary marks of respect from all of us for whom they exposed themselves ; their very countenances methinks carry loveliness in them , & their wounds are b●…autyes ; if ever any of those dear men should be reduced to penury , let all , their neighbours testify more than common kindness unto such well-deserving persons . i have the delight of seeing some of them in this assembly ; and tho i must own unto them , as tertullian did unto the christian souldiers of his time , non tantus sum ut vos alloquar , and say , i am too mean a person to render you the thanks of your countrey ; yea tho i must account no tertullus able to make a due address unto them ; yet by me let it be said , seeing that by you , we enjoy great quietness , and very worthy deeds have been done for this people by your fortitude , we accept it allwayes , with all thankfulness . blessed be the lord for you , ye blessed of the lord. use . iv. it is hence the duty of all men to acknowledge god as the author of all their mercies . if it becomes the souldier to say , blessed be god for my military skill or strength ; surely it is fitting that every man should say , blessed be god for every mercy . it is a iewish custom to season all their solemnities , with a baruk adonai , a blessed be the lord. an●… it sufficiently unchristian also to be seldom , or scanty in blessing of a good god. the mercies of god are on every side , surrounding every one of us : o where are our hallelujahs ? our antedatings of heaven's work ? why do not we call upon our own dull souls , as he in psal. . . bless the lord , o my soul , and forget not all his benefits . when tamerlan the tartar overcame bajazet the turk , he asked his prisoner , ' syr , did you ever give thanks to god , for making you such a potent emperor ? the turk answered , no , in truth , i never thought of that ! whereupon reply'd the tartar , ' ah , woful wretch , don't wonder then ' that god has made thee a spectacle of the ' most rueful miseries in the world . should a like enquiry be made of us ; man , hast thou ever from thy heart , said blessed be the lord , who hath given me a life full of provisions & preservations ? or , blessed be the lord , who hath granted me a large estate ? or blessed be the lord , for the friends that love me ? it is to be doubted , many of us must own , no , this hath been quite out of our minds . o shameful ingratitude ! and ingratitude , that — ingratum dixeris , et omnia dixeris : that is too vile a thing for a dog to be guilty of . let this matter sink down into your hearts this day . the lord could tell elisha all that his man gehazi had received ( how much above three hundred & seventy five pound sterl . ) from the syrian . noble-man . verily , o soul , this lord iehovah keeps an exact account of what all thy receipts from himself have been . o be not as a silent and a sensless grave unto the mercies of a gracious god. incur not the doom fore-told by the apostle when he link'd those two together , unthankful , unholy . dreadful will be the danger of such disingenuity ! this non-payment of rent , will procure your ejectment from all that you take pleasure in . christians , you should receive every mercy ( they of old would not speak of their very afflictions without a deo gratias ) with a blessed be god. and should it not be a part of your task every evening to reflect and ruminate on the mercies of the day foregoing ? yea , and it were most proper , i am sure it were highly profitable , to draw up in your private memorials a bill of the principal mercies for which you are indebted unto god ; to be subscribed with a , lord , i thank thee : often affect your selves by looking into ●…se grateful records , and leave them as an inheritance with the children whom you would bequeath your god and christ and religion to . it would moreover be far from improp●… ●…or unprofitable for you sometimes to keep whole dayes of secret thanks giving unto your father who seeth in secret ; spending the dayes in contemplating the glo●…ies of god & christ , in enumerating and admirin●…●…is merciful dispensations towards your sel●… , and in contriving , what to render unto the lord for all his benefits . one such day will bring heaven it self from on high into you●… souls ; & it will rarely be any other than a presag●… or a fore-runner of a more than ordinary addition to your mercies . 〈◊〉 short , be ye thankful . use . v. let every christian acknowledge god for his teacher in the spiritual warfare which he is calld unto . among those monuments of antiquity , the works of those gray-headed and reverend men whom they use to call the fathers , we may find this text glossed with a variety of allegorical expositions ; we have it represented as the speech both of our lord jesus christ on the cursed tree ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 powers of darkness in their o●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of every christian also en●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s●…en battails of the lord ag●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wickednesses which do annoy●… 〈◊〉 ●…ot meet that a popular auditory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…s'd with vain quotations from the●… 〈◊〉 ●…is i●… as certain as what is mo●… 〈◊〉 every christian shares with his le●… 〈◊〉 lo●…d jesus christ , in being ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…rases it ) a praeliator interior , on●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spiritual warfare to be sollicito●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the souldiers present , have this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the three kinds of calls to regard the●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duties . they have had not only , verba m●… ▪ ta , the military sights of ensigns and weapons display'd before them ; and not only verba semivocalia , the military sounds that have been knocking and clashing in their ears ; but they have also had verba vocalia , the articulate commands of man and of god also , to acquitt themselves as good souldiers ; the lord open their ears to disciplin●… ▪ but having done with them for that , there now remains a very solemn and earnest address to be made unto them and every person in the congregation , about a thing of more concernment farr away . congregation , hear the word of the lord ▪ well sings the sententious poet , nunquam bella bonis , nunquam certamina desunt , et cum quo certet , mens pia semper habet , i. e. the godly man is never free from warrs with some soul-enemie . there is an holy warr which indeed every soul in this house ( or in this world , is call'd unto . there is no professor of christianity among us all , who is not infinitely concern'd to be in arms perpetually at warr with the enemies of his never-dying foul , his everlasting weal . and how many millions of woes will overtake the soul that becomes not a good souldier of iesus christ , no tongue can express , or heart conceive . let these admonitions then excite you and direct you to get the help of god in teaching your heart to war and your spirit to fight against the invisible enemies whose oppressions make you mourn . for your awakening here . know , first , there are innumerable and very formidabl●… enemies dayly pursuing the destruction of your souls . it was an out-cry sometimes made for the rowsing of a sleepy man , in iudg. . . the philistines are upon thee , man. a more startling thing is to be signified unto every one of you , christian , there are foes and horrible fiends all round about besetting of thee . ever since we were born into the world , we have lived in the territories of our enemies ; and we can scarce take a step without annoyances from the bloudy murderers of our souls . it is related concerning the prophet's servant , in , king. . . elisha prayed , and said , lord i pray thee open his eyes that he may see 〈◊〉 and the lord opened the eyes of the young man ▪ and he saw ; and behold , the mountains were full of horses and chariots of fire . may i now p●… up such a petition unto the god of heaven in the behalfe of them that i am speaking to ; o our god , our god , open our eyes we pray thee , that we may see the unseen enemies which are dayly and hourly assaulting of us . might the most high god pronounce an ephatha over our slumbering eyes , we sh●…ld soon perceive the ground about us cover'd and the 〈◊〉 about us crouded with armies of terrible ones whom our souls are endangered by . there is a sarco-cosmo-pneumato-machia a warr with the flesh , the world and the devil , which you are all prest unto . the apostle hath in eph. . , . given us the names and qualities of three captains which the infernal army of our adversaries is under the conduct of . it makes an hott battle indeed when our enemies fire by salves , pouring in scalding sulphureous showres of lead upon us , by fireing three ranks together . behold such is the fierce combate which every one of you are put upon . yea there are no less than three mighty armyes fireing upon you all at once . there are three most potent , most wily , and most malicious commanders , who with all their hellish forces are attempting to sieze thy immortal soul , o man ; oh how fain would they make a prize of it , and keep it in their horrid clutches for evermore ! there is a black prince who has an unknown power of troops , raging , and ramping and roving , ( like wild arabians ) within the atmosphere of our air , to which the vengeance of god hath confined them for their apostasie ▪ this grand seignour of hell is , as mahom●… is call'd in the apocalypse , the grand abaddon or appollyon of souls . this monarch of the lapsed angels cannot have his envy at man , or his hatred of god satisfyed without enslaving all the children of adam not only under his condemnation , but under his iurisdiction also . there are vast , hideous multitudes of desolate spirits alwayes ready at a minutes warning to serve him in spoiling the happiness of men by keeping a distance between god and them . he , and all this his forlorn crue are more unwilling to let any men please god , than pharaoh was to dismiss the israelites from the brick-kilns of their bondage . david was not more dogg'd for his life by saul than we are by these roaring dragons of the wilderness . besides these , the subjects , the devoted vassals which this fly-god hath already gained unto his party , of the humane race , do sett themselves with might and main to promote his interest every where , being led captive by him at his will ; and all the pleasures , all the profits , all the preferments of time , do afford weapons to befriend this execrable enterprize . but that which compleats our peril is , that we harbour in our own breasts a treacherous enemy whic●… sides with all these ; a cage of unclean lusts have lodg'd themselves within us , which at th●… first summons would presently surrender us into the hands of the bitter and hasty natio●… that are gaping for us . all the arrows which the spiritual wickednesses in high places do shoot at us , are headed & feather'd from our selvs , fro●… our own sensuality , or coveteousness or ambition , and a certain old man that sleeps in our own bosomes . if it were not for this perfideous inmate , our enemies would go grudging about the streets for want of bread. alas , we have within our own bowels , a sheba that riseth up in rebellion against our eternal king. this is our amazing case ; and it will be so untill we have fought our way quite through the field of blood which the church militant is groaning in . the omnipotent god hath fired a becon before our eyes , and given us that faithful warning in . tim. . . that we must fight a good fight , or we cannot lay hold on eternal life . such a voice as that we have from the shrill trum●…ets of god , in matt. . . that we must like souldiers , exert an holy force and violence or be shutt out from the kingdom of heaven in howling anguishes , until the very heavens be no more . thus must we work out our own salvation ; thus must we strive to enter in at the strait gate . the real christian is to be pitty'd on the same score that the bird of prey is hated , namely , quia semper vivit in armis ; as long as he breathes he never has it said unto him , lay down your arms. o the besotment , the lethal stupidity of the soul who●…●…hese intimations will not awaken ! remember next the engagements whichly upon you to encounter these enemies , are many & very mighty obligations . there are obligations hereunto laid upon you by the vowes of god , which you are under . the military oath was call●…d a sacrament of old . verily you have taken sacraments upon it , and oaths of fidelity unto the lord jesus christ that you will never have any peace , or so much as any truce with these enemies which would not have him to reign over you . were you not baptized into the name of our lord jesus christ ? then , in that day were you listed under the ●…er o●… that poten●…e ; you were bound unto a neve●… ceasing emnity and watchfullness against th●… tempters which would with-draw you from your allegiance unto him. but , ah lord how rarely are any among us duly mindful of our baptismal vow ! souls , if ever after this you submit to the wills of those abominable things which would build a partition-wall between god and you , you do then prophanely play the traitor towards the great lord whose mark you have received in your foreheads . be assured , the waters of baptism will one day become like the waters of iealousie , or more direful than a river of burning brimstone unto the renegadoes that shall thus procure to themselves a lott among the fearful & the unbelievers . have not many of you also satt down at the table of the lord ? verily , when the lord so erected a banner of love over you in his banquetting-house , there were fresh tyes , rendering all reconciliation or accommodation between you and these a●…alekites the most dishonest thing imaginable . the lord jesus christ hath there said in plain visible words unto you , — behold , i was thus murdered by those very enemies that are lying in wait for thy precious life ; o never do thou admit any friendship with them . then with a pretence of as much affection as the citizens of rome discovered when the shew of stabb'd caesar's bloody robes made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ury to demolish the houses of the assassinate●… , you have openly vowed never to have so much as a kind parly or treaty with those destroyers ; you have most vehemently professed against them , with the indignation which david had against the injurious man in the parable , as the lord lives , i 'le do what i can , that they who have done this thing may dy the death . and can you find in your hearts after this , thus to break your everlasting govenant ? after you have ate and drank with jesus christ can you sit and side with the assaylers of his throne ? yea , these vows have you renewed as often as you have made any near approaches unto god in jesus christ ; this hath been the language of every good deed which you have applyed your selves unto ; i will even resist unto blood , striving against sin. moreover both the precepts of god have enjoyned this upon you in . cor. . . quitt you like men , ( like souldiers ) and be strong ; and all the providences of god , whether merciful or afflictive have been so many spurs quickning of you unto these warrs of the lord. o let not all these bonds of god be upon you , like the green withes on sampson easily burst asunder ! but there are still further obligations here●…nto laid upon you in point of interest . on the one hand , be assured , if you do combate strenuously , you shall conquer gloriously . you have a general that never yet was overcome ; he is the king of glory , the lord mighty in battail : no enemy can stand before a look of his. veni , vidi , vici , a sight of him , and a flight by them , is the constant tenour of his successes . if you will sincerely but let him bring you on , he will be sure to bring you off securely . and if you hold on , & hold out , if you continue faithful unto the death , o the unparallelable crowns and kingdomes , and inexhaustible treasures which you shall become the possessors of ! est deus , est aether , precium certaminis hujus ; haec faciant pugnam praemia tanta levem . [ mantuan . ] the lord jesus christ will publish all your p●…ins in a big convention of all the world ; in the near day ; the last and great day , when every child of man shall stand before the tribunal of jesus christ : he will then proclaim what you have been and done , and requite it with a well done , good and faithful servant . then shall he as the cheif ( the standard-bearer as in cant. . . he is dedenominated ) among many thousands , mar●… before you up unto the mountaines of spices , and you shall in his blessed army of chosen and galled and faithful ones , with him enter into the coelestial mansions , where you shall be for ever with the lord. on the other hand , be assured you must either fight or dye . this warr is like that of death , whereof t is said in eccl. . . there is no discharge in that warr . when a person once confessed unto one of the ancients , nihil pugnae sentio in corde meo . i don't feel that my soul is put upon strugglings with any enemies ; the good man made this answer , alas , then the city gates of thy soul are open , so that thy enemies do what they will without controul . here indeed the christian that is no●… a souldier , is a perfect slave , and what a deplorable thing is that ! it was the speech of a famous commander unto his army , when they were penn'd up with the sea on one side of them , and an huge host of enemies on the other , fellow souldiers , you must 〈◊〉 ●…ither drink up this sea , or eat up these men . thus , there is no escaping here ; you must either beat the eemies of your souls , or burn in a 〈◊〉 ocean of god's wrath for ever . if t●…e cut-throats of our souls are not resisted sted fastl●… in the faith , we shall become the captives of those mighty ones ; and if they get us they will keep us , if they subdue us they will torment us , world without end : there will be no remedy but we must welter under the anguishes , the bitter dolours of everlasting fire with the divel 〈◊〉 his angels . and which of us all is not now awakened to ask of god to teach us to warr and to fight against those canaanites which would keep us out of the land flowing with milk and honey ? but for the counsilling of you then , rule . i. let unfeigned repentance put an end unto your warring and fighting against the god of heaven . it is very proper to begin with the caution which doctor gamaliel gave to the iewish sanbedrim , ( in act. . . ) be not found to fight against god. until men are brought unto the experience of a conversion to and a covenant with god in jesus christ , all the affayrs of a christian warfare will be no less unsuitable than unacceptable to them . all unregenerate m●…n which live in known sins are so farr from warring and fighting against the arm●… of hell , that they desperately set themselves in battle array against the infinite god. the black description of every impenitent transgressor is that in iob. . , . he stretcheth out his hand against god , and strenghens himself against the almighty , he runneth upon him , even upon his neck , upon the thick bosses of his buckler . o that these foolish & unwise kind of people would now be perswaded to bethink themselves ! what a prodigious phrensy is this , for them that lately came out of the creating hands to cast themselves into the avenging hands of god! the first and the best direction that can be given to these children of folly , is , oh lay down your arms , and make your peace with that terrible god , whom by your sin you have made your provoked adversary . the secure sinner perhaps is not aware of his own makeing these daring adventures . but this must be plainly told unto every man that maintains a trade of wilful disobedience unto the commandments of god : man , thou art sounding a challenge against god himself , thou art every day bidding defiance to the eternal god ; thou art certain of that which which was only a mistake in io●… of old : god counteth me for his enemy . o that such hd●… less men and women would sit down in sobe●… s●…dness to think on the none-such madness which hath possessed them . are you not every day ( conscience , do thine office ) are you not daily allowing your selves in those things ▪ for which you are not ignorant that the wrath of god comes-upon the children of disobedience ? if you are not such hold debauche●…s as to live in swearing , in uncleanness , in drunkenness , in sabbath-breaking ; and to make nothing of a vile cheat , or a fl●…tt lye ; yetdo you not make light of a prayer-less life ? and so , of a faithless and a christ-less life ? now every such sin of yours has a tongue in it , a blasphemous tongue , that talks against heaven , and saith , i am for the waging a warr & a fight with god. as they sometimes said in isa. . . let the lord hasten his work that we may see . such an insolent bravado do you affront the most high withall . the faithful and holy god has said cast away from you all your idols , or i 'le break you sore in the place of dragons : i will burn you in the fiery bottom of hell for those rebellions . but every unreclamed sinner now , doth as bad as reply let god do his worst ; his darts are but stubble and the shaking of his spear is but to be laughed at . thus the unrepenting and unrelenting sinner , h●… knowes that he sins , and yet with an high-hand he rushes on , to the doing of those things whereof the compassionate god saith unto him , o do not those abominable things which my soul hateth . but o venturesome unthinking sinners , consider the doleful plight which you are in , consider this ye that forget god , lest he tear you in peices and there be none to deliver you . the blessed god hath positively declared unto you , ( in psal. ▪ , . ) that he has whe●… his sword and bent his bow , and ordained the instruments of death against the sinners who turn not from their evil wayes ; he hath declared upon the word of a god , ( in psal. . . ) that he will wound the head of these his enemies , and the hairy scalp of such an one as goeth on still in his trespasses . it was the short and smart return which iehu made unto ioram in . king. . . joram when he saw jehu said , is it peace ? and he answered , what peace , so long as the whoredomes of thy mother are so many ? thus , if any unrenewed sinner ask , is there not a peace between god and me ? it must be said unto him , no , such sins as thine are inconsistent with peace , thy sins render god thy dreadful enemy . but o now turn from all sin unto god in christ , lest ye perish , cry for quartor , yea , cry for pardon , and agree quickly with your matchless adversary . let that question be put unto you ( . cor. . . ) do you provoke the lord to iealousy ? are you stronger than he ? surely you cannot presume that you shall make your party good against god , who can thunder the whole world into nothing in a moment ? it is said in luc. . . that one going to warr against another , sitteth down first , and consulteth whether h●… be able to meet him that cometh against him . be you entreated to admit so much consideration here as common prudence will suggest . i have heard of a man in the west-indies a little while ago who being in a boat with another when a high wind made a rough sea , at his companion 's expressing some concernment about the issue , which he was disturbed at , the wretch flew out into this out-rage of blasphemy , let god almighty blow , let him blow if he list , i fear him not ; and behold the words were but just out of his mouth , when he was blown over-board and drown'd , while the other gatt safe to shoar . all deliberate sinning soameth out such a contempt of god , and verily the event is like to be 〈◊〉 better : 〈◊〉 the black dead sea of god's wrath will swallow up such despisers till they perish , it is written concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…mb . . . that when he saw a f●…ming swo●…d in the hands of an angel ch●…cking of his motions , it put him to 〈◊〉 ●…and . oh 〈◊〉 durst you go on in a course of ●…in , when you ●…erceive t●… great god with flaming sword●… and ●…ott thunder-bolts opp●…ng of you ? l●… it not be f●…d that your sturdy obstinacy in s●… out-goes the stout stomach of the very devil●… themselves , who believe and tremble , whi●… you sin and tremble not . it is no less tha●… an omnipotent enemy whom by unforsake●… sin you 〈◊〉 the just revenges of ; and wi●… the sorry 〈◊〉 of the earth make light of his hor●…dous indignation ? it is the exclamation of the psalmist in psal. ●… . . w●…●…ay stand in thy sight when once thou art ang●… o lord ! o no more , no more harden y●… selves against this god ; it is impo●… that you should prosper if you do . you 〈◊〉 ●…he lord of hosts against you ; and while y●… have , all the hosts of the lord are up in a●… against you too . while you are thus un●…●…he curse of god , every creature of go●… hath been crying unto him against you , a●… 〈◊〉 king ●…to the prophet about the 〈◊〉 syrian●… , shall i smite them , o lor●… 〈◊〉 i 〈◊〉 them ▪ the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall i swallow them up alive ? as i d●… corah and his company ? the se●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lord , shall i run over the heads of 'em , as i did to pharaoh and his followers ? the clouds have rumbled , lord , shall we showre down fierce lightenings upon them , as we did upon sodom & gomorrah ? thus are even all the creatures of god only staying for that word fall on ; and upon that signal given , they would all joyn to plague you , more than the sun and moon did sisera of old ▪ when by producing the inundations of kishon they did in their courses fight against him . but there is that which , is more tremendous yet : you must expect that if repentance prevent it not , you will at length fall into the hands of the everliving god himself , whose hands it is 〈◊〉 fearful thing to fall into . and o how ca●… you bear the gripes of those iron arms , 〈◊〉 ●…e immedeate stroaks where-with he will one day dispense his fiery fury in those ovens of hell , the souls of his enemies ; can your hands be strong or can your heart endure , in the day that i shall deal with you , saith the lord ? the hands of god! alas those ir●…ful hands ●…o splitt the everlasting rocks , and make the very pillars of heaven tremble . i knew 〈◊〉 very stout man , who in the ang●…ishes of death thus express'd himself , i have ●…een said he ) among drawn swords and armed souldiers ; i have stood before the mouths of roaring canons , from whence th●… bullets have flown about my ears , and yet i never knew what it was to be afraid ; but now i am apprhensive of my being exposed to the everlasting anger of god , my heart shivers & fails-within me , at the though●… of that . sometimes when my visits have been call'd for by men on their death-beds , perceiving themselves on the borders of eternity , i have found them quaking and there very beds shaking under them , and their first speech has been to this purpose , o sir , the wrath of a dreadful god makes me tremble , i tremble , i tremble at it ! how full of hellish dimness , and darkness and bitterness , will presumpteous transgressors then be in the day of god's unmixed wrath , in the day when he shall fulfil that threat in psal. . . i will reprove thee , and set thy sins in order ( in battle-array ) before thine eyes ? now let every hitherto-unchanged sinner count himself concerned to put a penitent period unto the dangerous deadly warfare , wherein he is warring and fighting against the almighty god. in this case the teaching which you have from god is , lay down your arms , o war and fight no more . all the powers of your souls , all the members of your bodies have hitherto bee●… 〈◊〉 t is said in rom. . . the weapons of unr●…ghteousness . o find out now a better , a fitter employment for them ; otherwise your only wages or stipend will be ( as the apostle ●…aith , alluding to the military stipends of old ) death , death , forevermore . wherefore ●…ere make a pause . o commune with your selves about what you have been and done . now confess , now bewail before the most high all your past miscarriages , entreating that thro' the prince of peace they may be all forgiven and the breach be made up between god and you ; promising there-withal , that for the fu●…ure it shall be your hearty study to have no more to do with idols . o say , it is enough , lord , i have done iniquity , and i will do so no more . but so much may suffice to b●… 〈◊〉 unto them who have not yet known th●… 〈◊〉 of cana●…n . more briefly in what remains . rule . ii. become furnished with that armour for your warring and fighting , which god in his blessed word hath provided for you . there is a tower of solomon , wherein god hath hanged up thousands of shields & all the weapons of strong men . see to thi●… that you do only put on the armour of god , and that you have all your armour to be both of god's institution , and of god's constitution also . let god be acknowledged as the appoint●…r of all your weapons . the will-worship , the fond amulets , and penances●… of the papists , no less than the p●…ylacteries of the iewes , are to be exploded as most trifling insignificancies , and the ridicules of those very enemies whose terror they are calculated for . a funeral elegy for those wretched warriours we have in fzek. . . they go down to hell with their weapons of war ▪ they have laid their swords under their heads , but their iniquities shall be upon their bones . you have no need to go down to the forges of the philistines for the weapons of you●… souls . whatever shall be offer'd as a serviceable weapon for you , which you have not the warrant of god for the using of , throw it by , as david rejected sauls cumbersome useless armour . let god also be accknowledged a●… the bestower of all your weapons . it is affirmed concerning one eminent peice of your armour in eph. . . it is the gift of god. let that be your sentiment of every weapon which you shall have occasion for , it will do me no good unless , god be the framer and giver of it . ever account a weapon to be of no good metal , if it come not thro' the hands of that god , without whom you can do nothing at all . unless we look to this , the great leviathan of hell , will esteem our iron to be but sraw ; and our brass but as rotten wood. consult the sixth chapter to the ephesians , as a glorious magazine wherein god hath sett before you all the accoutrements of a christian souldier from head to foot. there is a little cluster of four or five verses in that chapter , which are fit to be called enchiridion mili●…is christiani . you have no armor there for the back , because you must ( as the lame androclid excused his going unto the warrs ) expect to fight and not to flee . you are first to procure a belt ; now for this get your loins girt with truth . let your minds have a due knowledge of , and yeild a full ▪ assent to the truths of god : especially let four sorts of truths be unto you as the girdle of your loins ; namely , fundamental truths . and truths immediimmediately refrerring to iesus christ , an●… such truths as enwrap the covenant , and lastly ▪ the present labouring truths of the times : unto an acquaintance with these truths , adding all sincerity heart , and integrity of life . he will be a loose kind of souldier for god , who is pore-blind in these truths ; all his notions and actions must hang in much disorder ; here the obsc●…re proverb will be too much verify'd , un-girt , unblest . you have then a breast-plate to take care for : fo●… this , ( in imitation of your general ) put on righteousnes as a breastplate . o labour to preserve the vitals of your inner-man harmless , by endeavouring not only to render all men their dues , but to keep a conscience void of offence towards god as well as towards man. a work of real thorough sanctification in the soul of a man , will be as aes . triplex circa pectus , as armour of proof upon the heart in an evil day . a sufficient pair of shoes are next to be procured . it is a rough cragged thorny way that we have to go . well , be●…shod with the preparation of tho gospel of peace : the gospel of god , which is a gospel of peace ; bringing the ●…ntelligence and producing the settlement of a 〈◊〉 b●…twixt god and man ; this exhibi●…●…to u●… those counsels and those comfor●… which will be a good preparative against the worst that can befal us : o lay up a stor●… of these ; and so say , tho' warr should rise ●…gainst me , in th●…se will i be confident , but what shall we do for a shield ? especially since the darts to be shott at us , like those among the scythians , dipt in the venempus gall of vipers , will horribly inflame and torment the souls which they are smitten with . broad shields of raw ne●…s-leather were wont to be held up against the violence of these . but here now ▪ above all take the shield of faith . let your faith convey unto you the substance of things hoped for ▪ the evidence of things not seen . especially let your faith put you under the conduct of the lord jesus christ , and call in him as an able and a ready saviour , alwayes knowing how to succour the tempted . here will be a shield which will stand you in stea●… to keep off more than as many darts ( two hundred and twenty ) as were stuck in th●… shield of s●…eva at the siege of dyrrachium . thus the body is defended : but what shall ●…e done for the head ? ●…o , an helm●…t ! tak●… the 〈◊〉 ●…t of salvation , that is , as th●… 〈◊〉 postle else where has it , the hope of salvat●…●… . let there be in your souls , a lively hope that god is your friend , that christ is your 〈◊〉 , that the promises are your portion ; and live and dy in such a well-grounded hope , not only say , dum spiro - sp●…ro , i will hope while i live ; but also dum expiro sp●…ro ; i will hope when i dye . thus will your he●…ds be guarded against those hard thoughts of god and grace , those . terribilia de deo , and hor●…ibilia de fid●… , which the tempter would 〈◊〉 you with . all these weapons are defensive only : at least we must have one to offend our adversary with ; where is our sword ▪ this it is , take the sword of the spirit which is the word of god. this , o●… english iosiah , is reported to have call'd for , under the term of a third sword when two swords were presented him at his coronation . you are blessed with the free use of a bible , which is a spiritual sword , shaped by the inspiration of the eternal spirit . this is a sword of which i may say , as david of goliah's , there is none like it . here is a sort of sword , whereof it may be said unto every man , he that hath not such 〈◊〉 sword , let him sell his garment & buy one . the pious husband-man who in a scarcity of such now common-sleighted treasures , gave a load of hay for a leaf of the bible , for even a few filings of this sword , has justified this advice . our lord jesus christ hath by his own example shewed you how to wield this sword and manage it unto the vanquishment of all satanical invasions : when the principal tempter tryed his over-throw by proposeing to him a three-fold bait of the same three allurements which prov'd mortal to the first adam , he still came of a victor , by opposeing an , it is written , thereunto ; and all the swords or words of this kind , used by him , were fetch●…t out of that one book of deuteronomy , from whence we may collect how rich a supply for our warr the whole bible then will afford unto us . let this be our method against the joint fraud and force of our wily enemies . whenever they urge us to any evil thing , still have some pertinent text of the bible to reply upon them . all the commandments , all the promises , all the me●…ces in the bible are like so many swords all-edge to be-friend you in this concern . thus particularly : are you tempted unto uncleaness ? then reply , it is written , th●… god knowes how to reserve the unjust unto th●… day of judgement to be punished , but chiefly them that walk after the flesh in the lust of uncleanness . are you tempted unto revengfulness ? then reply , it is written , avenge not your selves , but overcome evil with good . are you tempted unto distracting and corroding cares about the things of this life ? then reply , it is written , cast all your care upon god , for he careth for you . thus may you conquer , as he said , sola unius syllabae pronunciatione , with a words speaking . verily these writtens will be more gastly fearful things unto the enemies of your souls , than the hand-writing upon the wall was to the babylonian monarch . here are swords that will be more fatal to them , than the sword of ehud was to the moabi●…ish tyrant . the captain of your enemies dare not stand , when these , against which he hath a peculiar antipathy , are brandished against him : a little resistance of this kind will make the field too hott for him . as the poet hath it , est leo si fugias ; si stas , quasi musca recedet . or rather as the apostle has it more certainly , and more divinely , resist the divel , and he will flee from you . wherefore , let it be your daily endeavour , that the word of christ may dwell richly in you ; and that you may have the texts of it as ready as the names of those that dwell in the same houses with you ; or , as ready as that honest man , of whom alsted , i think , somewhere saith , if all the bible had been lost , it might have been in a good measure recovered by that good man's readiness therein . let not a day ordinarily pass you , wherein you will not read some portion of it , with a due meditation and supplication over it . the ethiopian nobleman would not omit this exercise , even when he was on a iourney . and he that shall accustom himself while he reads in his retirements , to fetch at least one note & one wish out of every verse as he goes along , will perhaps take as speedy a course as any man whatever to become a well-armed christian. he was a souldier and an emperour too , that wrote out the new-testament with his own hand . and that gracions man , mr. thomas stoughton , asserts that he knew a young gentlewoman , who before she was nine years old , could say it all by heart . it will be our shame , if this ●…o-edged sword be not often in our hands and hearts , and become like our necessary food unto us . and that prince of transilvania who read ●…ver the bible seven & twenty times , wi●… condemn us if our eyes are seldom placed o●… this heavenly sword. it was a dark time with the church of god , when one was pronounced most sufficient , at his commencing doctor of divinity , tho he had never read the bible . sure i am no man can be a sufficient souldier in christianity , unless this be the man of his counsil . these are now your weapons ; o put them on , and go before the lord armed for the battel . rule iii. let the sufferings of our lord , ●…each you how to warr and to fight against that lust which gives the most advantage unto all the enemies of your souls let the lord here , have the same signification which in the new-testament it is won●… to have , even the lord jesus christ ; now let him be your teacher in this matter . it hath been said , crux pendentis est cathedra docentis , — thus , while you behol●… him hanging on the cross , let him teach you how to warr and to fight especially a-against the sin which doth most easily beset you ▪ the emperour valentinian when he was dy ing , had his friends comforting of him with the remembrance of his past victories ; he told them that he gloried in one victory above all the rest , inimicorum nequissimum vici ( said he ) carnem meam . i have had a victory over my , flesh the enemy in the world . let this 〈◊〉 our high attainment . the enemies of our souls would , all of them together , be able to do us little harm , if there were not some peculiar lust , like trojan horse , within us , assisting of all their enterprizes . it was the priviledge of the man christ jesus alone to say , the devil finds nothing in me , when the legions of hell made an attacque upon him . the father of lies utter'd a real truth , when from the throat of a possessed man , he said unto mr. balsome , if god would-let me loose upon you i should find enough in the best of you to make you all mine . and so truly there is in the best of us all , a party of lusts which would resigne us up unto the power of all our other enemies if the grace of god prevent it not . let these ●…e well kept under and the day is yours . among the many lusts which are of the dedevil's faction in us , every man hath , as 〈◊〉 sort of master-bee in the hive , one peculiar lust , which he may call , as david did in psal. . . my own iniquity . there is in every one of you , a lust which above other you are most impatient to have reproved or restrained . a lust which above other doth most disquiet you and discompose you in the service of god ; a lust which gives most frequent eclipses unto the light of god's countenance upon your souls . of this let me say as he about the king of israel in . reg. . . fight neither with small nor great in comparison of this. the braining of this giant is of as much importance perhaps as any one thing in your warr-fare , as having an influence upon the prosperity of it all . however they that write de re militari , lay this down as a maxime , quicquid tibi prodest , adversario nocet ; whatever is profitable for you is pernicious for your adversary : that this is both , who can make any doubt ? now what shall be done in order hereunto ? this , follow the teachings of the lord. let the death of him that is generalissimo of all the celestial armyes teach you 〈◊〉 to do ; he has dyed in part for this reason , that he might ins●… you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right way of warring and fighting against th●… enemies whom his death hath also been the price of your redemption from . this th●… you have to do . let your principal corruption be put unto such a death as your dying saviour has given a s●…mplar of . it is 〈◊〉 by the apostle in rom. . 〈◊〉 . that we must be dead to sin , even as jesus christ dyed for sin . this is the sanctified way of dealing with that son of anack which creates the most warr and evil for you ; handle it with severities analogous to those which jesus christ was crucifyed withal . o then receive this mystery of warring and fighting against your own iniquity . did not the iew●… with uninterrupted and unwearied glamours , urge their governour , against our lord jesus christ , never ceasing their out-cries , let him be crucified ! until they had their will ▪ thus do you never leave seeking and sighing and shouting unto god , lord , this corruption is worthy to 〈◊〉 ; it is a traiter to thy kingdom in me ; o by no meanes let it reign and rave in me as 〈◊〉 : thus beg until god give order , the rebe●… shall dye . furthermore did they draw 〈◊〉 ●…ny 〈◊〉 indictments against our lord christ ▪ as guilty of treason and sedition ; and bl●…phemy and heresy , and the most villainous impostures in the world ? well , so do you lay unto the charge of your lust all the dishonour to god , and all the destruction to you and yours , which it has procured , say , thou vile corruption , thou art it that has●… made a partition-wall between me and my god ; thou art it that hast exposed me unto all the curses in the flying roll , nothing has done so much wrong to god , or to me , or to all heaven and earth , a●… thou . speak and think the worst of it . moreover , did they offer unto our lord jesus christ all the indignityes that possibly they could devise ; binding of him , spitting on him , jeering at him , preferring a barbarous high-way man before him , and at last hanging him up naked ? between the worst of malefactors . in like manner do you cast heaps of shame upon your lust ; upbraid it as the quintessence of madness , as the exaltation of ●…lly , as a most loathesome object , worthy to be buffetted by all hands , to be abhorred by god and man for ever ; and a swine , in no wise sit to lodg'd in the parlour of you●… souls . once more , did they with-draw all refreshment from our lord jesus christ in his ruefu●… agonies , and count a cup of gall good enough for him ? just so do you withhold from your lust that sustenance which may enable it to hold out in its insurrections . be sure to make no provision for this flesh to feed upon . starve it out , and so tame it ; keep it under , and keep it bare of those things which you see to be the support or fuel of it . to say no more , did they torture our lord jesus christ , until by the dolonrs of his wounds they hunted that hind of the morning , his precious soul , out of his body ? agreeably to this , do you make your lust undergo the pains of an evil and a bitter thing . let it cost you those prayers and those tears , and manifold austerities which may meerly ●…tire it out , and discourage it from haunting of you . by these means cripple that delictum dilectum , which is your most darling iniquity . and while you are thus in the field , derive all the virtue which may be , from abundant thoughts on the death of jesus christ. dedevout nazianzen said , that when his lusts gave too busie molestations to him , he would by reading the book of lamentations quickly quell & curb those troublesome guests . how much more mortifying a spectacle would the man who is god's fellow , hanging on a tree , be unto us ! let your thoughts often carry you to mount calvary , and for your war-fare you will soon be among the worthyes of david . rule iv. cry mightily to god in christ , that by strength from him you may be made conquerers and more than conquerers over the enemies of your souls . when the apostle had arm'd his christian souldier from head to foot , he then concluded , pray alwayes , and watch thereunto ( a military order , take not a wink of sleep ) with all perseverance . o cry mightily to god , for the weapons of your war-fare are mighty thro' god alone . the best posture for you , wherein to war and to fight against your soul-enemies , is ( that wherein a wounded thought-dead souldier once gave a mortal stab unto a proud conquerer that was pleasing himself with a view of them whom he had slain ) upon your knees : in the midst of your encounters , use to do as the emperour theodosius did in the extremities of a furious dubious battel ; betake your selves to importunate prayers for succour from above ; be praying iacobs , and you shall be prevailing israels . if any temptation be more than or dinarily violent in besieging of you , do like those warriors in . chron. . . cry to god in the battel ; and therewithall put your trust in him : do as paul saith he did in such a case , ( in . cor. . . ) i besought the lord thrice ; perhaps he kept three dayes of prayer . and o let the spirit of prayer cause you to fill your lives with frequent and servent prayers unto god , that he would gird you with strength unto all your battels and subdue under you those that rise up against you i would conclude my sermon as the mertyr us●…d his letters , o pray , pray , pray . you cannot contrive a more effectual preservative from the hurts of temptation than prayer ; daily , wrestling , restless prayer . the infamous day of origen's foul apostasy , was a day whereon he had been remiss in his morning prayers . i will not tell you nazianzen's story of what a devil was forc'd to own unto cyprian , about his inability to work upon a praying soul , in his dayes : but this i am sure of ; the trumpets of gideon did not more fright the midianites , than the prayers of the faithful do all the devils in the dark regions . the devil roars about the prayers of the beleever as the scotch queen did about knox's prayers ; i am more affraid of those prayers , than of the biggest armyes . accustom your selves to every sort of prayer ; and so keep your hands lifted up , like moses in the mount , until the lord deliver you from your strong enemy , and from your haters which are to strong for you . often set apart whole dayes , for your thus rallying your disordered forces against them ; and every day let your private and secret groans be sent up to your eternal helper on this errand ; yea , let scarce one waking hour in the day pass you without shooting over the camp of them that are strictly beleaguring of you , requests ty'd to the arrows of ejaculatory prayer , that god would not be farr from you ; happy is the man that has his quiver full of these arrowes . o pray and plead as he in . chron. . . lord , i know not what to do , but my eyes are up unto thee . and while you thus pray without ceasing , exercise a true faith on the bloud of jesus christ as the , meritorious cause of all your successes , which bloud will more dismay and and confound all the behemoths of hell. than the sight of bloud could the elephants in the macc●…bees of old . and exercise a strong faith on the grace of jesus christ , as both enableing and enclining of him to succour them that are tempted as he once was himself , which grace is engaged to be sufficient for you . thus pray and warr and fight , until you come to shout as dying disconsolate mr. welch did , when the word victory came from the mouth of the person that pray'd with him , and he catch'd hold on it with over-powering never-ending joy , crying victory , victory , victory now forevermore . yea , leave not off , till you come to say with paul. i have fought the good fight , there is now laid up for me a crown of righteousness . amen . and now , — do thou grant unto us , o lord our god , that we being delivered out of the hands of our enemies , might serve thee in holiness and righteousness all the dayes of our lives . militat omnis homo qui dat sua nomina christo ; quique deo fidit , militat omnis homo . books printed for , and sold by ioseph brunning at his shop at the corner of prison lane next the exchange . a discourse concerning com●…s , wherein the nature of blazing stars is enquired into , by mr. increase mather . — an essay for the recording illustrious providences — the mystery of christ opened & applyed . — the greatest sinners exhorted & encouraged to come to christ , and that now without delaying . also the exceeding danger of men's deferring their repentance . together with a discourse about the day of iudgment . and on several other subjects . — the doctrine of divine providence opened and applied . to which is annexed a sermon wherein is shewed , that it is the duty and should be the care of believers on christ to live in the constant exercise of grace . by mr. nathaneel mather , minister of the gospel at dublin in ireland . a practical discourse concerning the choice benefit of communion with god in his house , witnessed unto , by the experience of saints , as the 〈◊〉 improvement of time. by mr. ioshua ●…y minister of the gospel . self-employment in secret , containing evidences upon self-examination , thoughts upon painful afflictions , memorials for practice , by mr. iohn corb●… . an arrow against profane and promiscuou●… d●…ncing . drawn out of the q●…iver o●… 〈◊〉 scriptures . by the ministers of boston . errata . page . line . . read , english-man's p. . l. . r. knighthood . p. . l. . r. which are smitten with them . p. . l. . r. the worst enemy . ibid. l. . r. a srojan horse . the first part of the principles of the art military practiced in the warres of the united netherlands, vnder the command of his highnesse the prince of orange our captaine generall, for as much as concernes the duties of a souldier, and the officers of a companie of foote, as also of a troupe of horse, and the excerising of them through their severall motions : represented by figure, the word of commaund and demonstration / composed by captaine henry hexham, quartermaster to the honourable colonell goring. principles of the art militarie part hexham, henry, ?- ? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the first part of the principles of the art military practiced in the warres of the united netherlands, vnder the command of his highnesse the prince of orange our captaine generall, for as much as concernes the duties of a souldier, and the officers of a companie of foote, as also of a troupe of horse, and the excerising of them through their severall motions : represented by figure, the word of commaund and demonstration / composed by captaine henry hexham, quartermaster to the honourable colonell goring. principles of the art militarie part hexham, henry, ?- ? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [ ], - , p. : ill., plans. for the lovers of the noble art military, printed at delf in holeand : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng military art and science -- early works to . a r (wing h ). civilwar no the first part of the principles of the art military, practised in the warres of the united netherlands, vnder the commaund of his highnesse hexham, henry b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the first part of the principles of the art military , practised in the warres of the united netherlands , vnder the commaund of his highnesse the prince of orange our captaine generall . for so much as concernes the duties of a souldier , and the officers of a companie of foote , as also of a troupe of horse , and the exercising of them through their severall motions . represented by figvre the word of commaund and demonstration . composed by captaine henry hexham , quartermaster to the honourable colonell goring . the horse is prepared against the day of battell , but safety is of the lord , prover . . . the second edition newly corrected and amended . printed at delf in holland , for the lovers of the noble art military . anno . cum privilegio . to the jllustrious william . by the grace of god , borne prince of orange , earle of nassau &c. marquis of veere and vlissing &c. baron of breda . and lord generall of the cavallrie , in the service of the high , and mighty lords , the states generael of the vnited provinces . jllvstriovs and noble prince , among the manie arts professed in the world , the art military practised in our moderne warres of these vnited provinces , ( the nurcerie of the milita ) ought not to be accounted the least : for what magnanimous , braue vailliant generalls , chieftaines , commandours & souldiers of all nations have bin bred , and brought vp in this academia , and sede belli is sufficiently knowne to the world , and what honorable actions , and memorable services they have done and performed , returning victorious out of the feild , i leaue to the testimonie of historie . especially , the almighty god , the lord of hoasts hath so blessed your generous house , as namely , your grand-father prince william , your vncle prince maurice , both of immortall memorie , and now your victorious father , prince fredrick henry our captaine generall , as instruments for the defence of his afflicted church , the true protestant religion , & for the maintenance of the privileges , & freedomes of the land & hath crowned them with an never-dying name , against the violence plotts and subtill machinations of one of the mightiest potentates of all christendome . what glorious actions the almighty god hath wrought by them , for the deliverance of his church and people in this land the historigraphers of our times striue as with trumpets to sound forth their fame . for if wee cast our eyes backward to times past , & the beginnings of our warres , when this state consisted but in a handfull of people , and a few townes and were in great distresse , and compare it with the state of the land as it is now , we must acknowledg how wonder-fully god hath blessed , and protected these countries against all the tyrannie , and treacherie of the duke of alva , the bishop granvelle , and diverse other spanish gouvernours , & that he by his out stretched arme , hath extenpsed the limits , & bounds of these united provinces , even ( as it were ) from the sunne-rysing , to the sunne setting , and what hath all the peruvian gold , and the topazan silver availed them , wee maye therefore truely say with the apostle , if god be with vs , who can be against vs . againe , if wee consider what god hath done for this land of later yeares , it is a wonder in our eyes how remarkeably & with what good successe he hath blessed the able conduct , and dessignes of his highnesse your father : for in the beginning of his generallship did he not take in groll , & oldenzeel , and that heauen-blessed surprisall of wesel , even when the ennemy was entred almost into the bowells of this countrie & iust at that time , when his highnesse was engaged so deepely at the seige of the bosch , and carryed that invincible towne , against the expectation of all men ? the yeare after rhyenbergh , and then became master of the strong towne of mastricht , & took it before the noses of two great armies , which lay betweene vs and home , then his and your owne citty of breda , within seauen weekes & a day , after wee putt spade into the earth , and brake ground towards it , whereas marquis spinola lay almost a whole yeare before it . and last of all the strong castle & howse of gennep , which did so much annoy these countries ; these victories and lawrils i haue briesly related , to refresh your highnesse memorie withall , & to the ende , that wee may giue the glorie and praise vnto god for them . as for my self , j haue seene these things , & haue serued this land two and fortie yeares , and learned some experience in these warres , which made me take penn in hand , to writ the principles of the art militarie , practised in these warres , first vnder the conduct of your uncle prince maurice of blessed memorie , as now also vnder your victorious father for the instruction of such english gentlemen , & souldiers , who are willing to come into the states seruice , & for the informing of their iudgments the better , & with a great deale of labour , charg , and paines haue represented this noble art by the waye of figure , the word of commaund and demonstration , & hauing once showne one of my three parts to his highnesse your father , it pleased him in your presence to giue mee encouragement , to turne my english bookes into netherdutch . in obedience whereof , i translated my first part for the exercising of a foote companie , and a troupe of horse ( and god willing intend to doe the other two parts in time ) & dedicated it to your highnesse , and now the warres of my native countrie and jreland which the almighty compose , calling for them againe , as i dedicated my first part vnto your highnesse in dutch : so now i most humbly beseech your highnesse , that vnder your gracious acceptance and patronage this second edition maye come againe to the view of the world in my maternall tounge , both in these countries and in england , and i shallbe bound not onely to pray vnto god for yow & her highnesse royall your dearest consort to blesse yow being our future hopes next vnder god hereafter , and a sprigg sprung from that noble howse of nassaw , to giue you the like successe and victorie over our ennemies as he hath done to your predecessours : but also to crowne you , and her highnesse royall with everlasting felicity hereafter resting . your highnesses humble and submissiue servant , henry hexham . the officers and dvties belonging to a foote compagnie throvgh all their degrees , from a private souldier to a captaine as followeth , and first . of a centinell , or a private souldier . a centinell or a private souldier ought to uuderstand well his duty , to come to his squadron , or company at seasonable times , at the drummes beating , or otherwise , or when they are to draw in armes , and to set the paradoe . to be very vigilent , and carefull upon his centinell-ship , & to have as many eyes about him as argus had , suffring no man in the night to passe without crying qui valá & calling his corporall to take the word , un lesse he be cōmanded to come in silently . he must also take delight in the handling , & vse of his armes and see that he keepes them fixe , neate , and cleane , and goe handsomely in his cloathes . he must play the good husband , and menage well that little meanes he hath . in marching or standing , he must have a singular care to keepe his ranke and file , & not to stirre out of it ( without command ) yea if he were sure to kill an enemy : hee ought also in fight , and in the day of battell , to hearken well to his officers command , that when his officer may fall , or cannot be heard in a charge : he may be acquainted with the sound of the drumme , when it beates a march , a charge , or a tetreate . he must not be given to sharking , and oppression , but as saint iohn baptist teacheth us in the gospell , luk. . . to do violence to no man , neither accuse any falsly , & be cōtent with his wages , he must be no drunkard , whoremaster , or theefe , knowing how honorable his profession is , & how deare his reputation should be vnto him ; but ought rather to arme himsele with these christian vertues , the feare of god , praying morning and evening , and with moses , to number his daies that he may apply his heart to wisedome , hee should of all men be prepared to welcome death , seeing that a bullet in a moment , may send him from earth to heaven . morever , he must be diligent , active , sober , patient , couragious , discrete , and curteous . carefullnesse and labour will exercise him , and fortitude , with valour wil teach him to execute , & suffer patiently all fategations of the warr . to conclude , i would have a gentleman , and a souldier ambitions of his preferment , and advancement : knowing how many brave generalls , and commanders , even from private souldiers ( passing through all the degrees , & offices of a souldier ) have raised their advancement , thinking that he may also come to the like height of honour , withal remembring how many worthies , emperours , kings , princes , dukes , earles , nobles , & gentlemen have been of this honourable profession , & what heroick , & brave actions they have performed , how many brave battells they have fought & what victoires they have gained , leaving in history traphes of their memorable actions , to eternize their everliving memory to posterity . of a gentleman of a company . in a company of foot , there are also gentlemen , especially in a generalls , or coronels company , they ought to haue many brave gentlemen of quality , valiant , and capable of perferment , when the generall , or coronel shall find them worthy , and deserving . the first duty then required in a gentleman , or private souldier is obedience , as appeared by the centurion , in his answere to our saviour in the holy gospel , which teacheth us obedience , saying , i am a man under authority having souldiers under me , and i say to this man goe , & he goeth , & to another come , & he commeth , & to my servant do this , and he doth it , math. . . for without this a whole army is worth nothing , & to this vertue also , he must joyne love , & respect to his captaine , & superiour commandour . a gentlemans duty at his first entrance into the profession of a souldier , following a generals , or coronels company , is to stand centinell for a moneth , to learne the first degree of a souldier , that he may be the better able to command others , when he is advanced . in places of danger , either in the field , or approaches he is to lye perdu , with his pistoll , and sword , & not to budge from his place , till he be relieved : not to retreate for one man , but in case of more , then to fall back to the fecond , & discovering an enemy comming off betimes & silently , hee must give the alarme so , that the corps de gard , or company may be provided to defend them selves . a gentleman also is to goe the round with the captaine of the watch , or his fellow-gentlemen , either in field or in garrison , to give the corporall of the guard the word , and to charge the centinells to looke well about them . of a barbier chirurgian to a company . there ought to be in a company , a good barber chirurgian , both to trime the souldiers , & to have skill in chirurgerie , that when the company watches in approaches , and guards , where there is danger , he may be at hand ( in the absence of the chirurgian of the regiment ) to bind up & dresse hurt , and wounded men , in doing there of , he is to be free from all other duties , belonging to the company , seing he is an officer allowed in the states list . of the clarke of a company . the clarke of a company ought to be an honest , and a sufficient man , whom his captaine may entrust for the fetching of his months pay , & the due and seasonable payment of the company : his duty is to keepe the muster-roule , to have it upon all occasions in a readinesse , to enter his men , both into his muster-roule , and pay bill , to receive the service mony of the company , to see the souldiers or their hostises where they lie duely paid it , & to deliver up every pay-day , a true pay bill unto his captaine , or chiefe officer . of a drumme majour . every regiment ought to have a drumme-majour , to whom when it is watch time , the other drummes are to repaire , there to beat a call , and to march with his company that is appointed for the guard . a drum-majour ought to be a grave man , able to instruct the other drums to beat a true march , and other points of warre , to see the drummes that beat upon a march to be duely relieved , and also to speake divers tongues , and to bee wise , and cautelous what he shall speake to an enemy . of the drummers . every company also ought to have two good drummers , that knoweth how to beate a call , a slow , or a swift march well , a charge , a retreat , and a reveille : he should also be a linguist , because oftentimes he may be sent unto the enemy , for the ransoming of prisoners , his duty is comming to the campe , or garison of an enemy , hauing his generalls passe in his hat , to beat a call , till he is fetcht in , and because he shall not discover the weaknesse of guards , workes , or trenches , he is led blindfold , and so carried to the commander , and place where his prisoners are , with whom after he hath ransommed them , he is to returne to the camp , or garison . of a gentleman of the armes . the next in degree is the gentleman of the armes , who ought to bee the eldest gentleman of a company , whose charge is to looke diligently to the armes , of the company , to marke and figure them , and to keep a list what number , and figure every souldier hath upon his armes , to cause the souldiers to keepe their armes neat & cleane , and if any thing be amisse , or broken , to bring them to the armorers to be repaired , and if any souldier have his pasport , be sick , dead , or run away , himsefe , or the corporall is to bring up his armes to his lodging , least they be lost , and to keepe them cleane , till he delivereth them to some souldier newly entertained . moreover , he is to visit the gards , to see that their armes be in good trime , to keep the powder , bullets , and match , and to deliver them out to the corporalls and lanspersadoes . in divers companies , especially in great garisons , there is a corporall of the gentlemen , who is to acquaint them in the field , when they are to lie perdues , and in garison to call them out in the round-house , to goe the round according to their sennority . of a corporall . every company is devided into three squadrons , and every squadron hath his corporall and lanspresado , hee is the head of the squadron , and ought to be an honest & able man , & sufficient to discharge his duty , sober , modest , and peaceable . he is first to have a squadron roule of all the gentlemen , and centinels names of his squadron , and when any new souldiers are entertained , he is to instruct them in the use of their armes , and must not suffer the old souldiers to mock , or geere the yonger , if they do not their postures as they ought : seeing that every man in every science , & profession must have a time of learning , before he can be perfect : & if he doth not well he must goe over & over againe with them patiently , untill such time , as hee hath made him a good muskettier , or pike-man , for which he shall get commendations of his captaine , and his officers . in marching either in his squadron , or company the eldest corporall is to lead the right hand file of the muskettiers , the second corporall the left hand file , and the third in the midst of the devision . being with his squadron upon his guard , he is to provide them wood , coales , and candle light , to keep a continuall fire day and night . having an outguard , he shall doe his best endeavour to strenghten as much as in him lieth , his little corps de guard , and set out his centinels according to the avenues , or commings on of the enemy : for the cutting off of a centinell , and the surprising of a corps of guard , is of a great imporrance , and may endanger sometimes the overthrow of an army . and therefore it behoves a corporall to be very carefull and vigilant , and to visite his centinels often , to give them charge to looke well about them , to relieve them duely , & not to suffer them to stand to long , especially in cold weather . his duty also is not to forget the word , but to imprint it in his memory , when the captaine of the watch goes the first round , he shall with his sword drawne against his brest give it him , and so receive such orders from him as he shall command him . and afterward when the round comes againe , he shall cause the rounder , or gentleman with his sword drawne to give him the word , before he let him passe , and if upon his guard , himselfe , or his centinells should heare , see , or discover any men , or light-matches , to have his men in readinesse with bullets in their muskets , and their matches lighted , and to come in silently to give his superiour officers inteligence therof , that they be provided before the alarme be given , to resist an enemy , and to defend the guard . to conclude , he is to distribute powder , bullets , & match out of his squadron , and to have a care , that they keep their armes neat & cleane . and not suffer the holy name of god to be prophaned , or taken in vaine vpon his guard . of a sarjant . next unto the three chiefe officers of a company aboue mentioned , follows the sarjants of a company , wher of there are two to a private company , and three to a colonels or a double company . the word sarjant is borrowed from the french , & signifieth a charge-bearer . a sarjant then should be a man of experience , stirring , and vigilant , and to have these three qualities , a wise man , a man of spirit , and a man of courage , for a good sarjant is a great help to his captaine , and other officers , in helping to execute their commands . he must be also able , & sufficient to teach the souldiers the true and perfect use of their armes , his duty is to march upon the flanke of the company or devision , to see that the souldiers keepes their rankes and files , and in the field or in garrison to lead the squadron to their guard , to carry to prison with his halbert ( the signe of his authority ) such offenders , as his captaine or superiour officer shall commit to the provost marshall . in excercising of the company the sarjants places are upon the right and left flankes , to looke that the souldiers stand right in their files and ranks , and to see that they performe the termes of direction in every motion given by the captaine in the front , to cause the muskettiers to make ready by rankes and to lead them up to the place where they are to give fire . moreover his duty is to attend on the sarj ' . maiour of the regiment , when he is to give out orders , & from him to receive the word , & other orders , to give it to his captaine , lieutenant , ensigne , & corporall , to fetch amunition , powder , & match , & other materialls for the company , also to set out perdues , & see them duely relieved , and thus much of the duty of a sarjant . of an ensigne . an ensigne ought to be a generous , able young man , above all things to be carefull of his honour , & reputation , & not to meddle with the company , but onely his collours , which is recommended to his charge , neither to command any thing to the souldiers , unlesse in the absence of his captaine , and lieutenant , having then full power , and command over them and to lead in the head of the company , with a corslet and pike . he ought to be beloved of all the gentlemen , and souldiers of the company , and to be kind , affable , and liberall unto them and to do them all curteous offices to their captaine , which will gaine their love and affection towards him . his place marching in a devision , or battaille ( unlesse it be a generalls or a coronells ensigne ) is to march between the third , and fourth ranke of the pikes , and when the generall , or some prince passeth by in marching , he is to vaile his collours , & if standing , to step up into the front to do the like reverence , without moving of his hat . he ought to have a singular care , that his collours be garded , aswell to his lodging , as in other places . also in the day of battaile , seeing he carries the honour , and ensigne of his country , rather then to loose them , hee ought to make them his winding sheet , and in the company , or in a body or devision , hee is to march with gravity , and modesty , and thus much of an ensigne , of a lieutenant . first , it may be demanded , why a lieutenant is so called , and the reason wherefore this name is given him . a lieutenant then is a french word compounded of lieu a place , and tenant the participle of the present tense , which signifieth in english , holding , or keeping , from whence he taketh his name , and is as much , as if one shold say , a lieutenant is he , which holdeth up , and supplieth the place of his captaine or governour . he is also called in the germane tongue lieutenampt , which is as much to say , as having the charge , or office over men : because that in the absence of his superiour , or his captaine , his office , and quality importeth as much , as if the governour , or captaine were present himselfe , and therefore lieutenant , being a name rightly imposed upon him , he is to take care , order , & governe the company , and ought to be honoured , obeyed , and respected , as if the captaine himselfe were present . hence it is also that a king hath his viceroy , a prince his administratour , a potentate his marshall , or chancellour , a lord his steward , and a coronell , or governour , his lieutenant coronell , or lieutenant governour . a lieutenant then must be an able , and sufficient man , capable of his charge , and experienced in the warrs , understanding the duty of a captaine , because he is to execute it in his absence , and to be an ease unto him . he is to receive all orders , charges , & commissions from his captaine , assuming no authority to himselfe , unlesse in the absence of his captaine : for it is certaine that every military charge , ought to go by order , and to bee received from his superiour commander . when it is required , hee is to give his captaine wise counsell , and to advise , and consult with him for the good of the company , especially in the time of action , and in matters of importance . he ought also by his command to appease quarrels , between souldier , and souldier , not to be partiall , or favour one man more then another , for it is a point of iustice , to compose a quarrell , and to give satisfaction to the party interressed , in so doing , hee shall support his command and gaine himselfe reputation . but in a matter of importance he ought to acquaint his captaine therewith , that he may punish the offender , by committing him eitheir to prison , or causing him to give satisfaction to the gentleman or souldier wronged , and that for the avoiding of blood-shed . a lieutenant also must know how farre his authority extends in the presence of his captaine , and that his captaines honour and reputation ought to be as tender and as deare unto him as his owne . in his captaines absence , he is to governe the company wel , to take care that it be duely exercised , to command the inferiour officers , as the sarjants , and corporals to do their duties , to make them teach the souldiers the perfect use of their armes , that when they shall come to be excercised by his capt , or himselfe , they may be in a readinesse . when his captaine excerciseth his company himselfe , his place is then in the reere of the company , to see that the words of command , which is given by his captaine in the front , be duely performed , and executed by the souldiers in the reare : likewise in marching his captaine being present , he is to bring up the reere of the company , and in his absence to lead it , in the front to the gards , and paradoe , and to see that every souldier do their duty upon their guards , and thus much briefly for a lieutenant . of a captaine . every company hath a head , ( to wit , ) a captaine , who in the allmaine tongue is rightly called a haupiman , a head man from the word haupt , which signifieth a head , and from the latine word caput , from whence the name of a captaine is derived in french , english and dutch . for , as the head is the principall member that governes ▪ and rules the body , and unto which all the other membres are subordinate ; so likewise the officers , & souldiers of a company ought to governe , and carry themselues , according to the charge , and command of their captaine . a captaine then having so honourable a place , as to be the chiefe of a company ought to be very capable of his charge , and as he ought to carry himselfe with austerity , and gravity in the point of his command , that he may be obeyed , feared , and respected of his souldiers ; so should hee also carry himselfe towards them , as a loving , & kind father ( seeing they must live and die together ) in paying them duely , in helping , and relieving them in their wants , nesessities , and sicknesses , neither must he be giuen to coveteousnesse in keeping back from them , that which is their due . and as he is to love , countenance , and to make much of such souldiers of his company , as carry themselves bravely and stoutly in the face of their enemy , which deserve well , seeking by all meanes to advance such , it will give encouragement to others to do the like : so ought he also to punish vice severely , quarrellers , and offenders , for the good and example of others . a captaine should also be religious , loyall to his prince & country that he serves , just , temperate , liberall , wise and discreet , valliant in the field before the face of his enemy : valliant in townes and forts besieged , and for his honour , never to give consent in yeelding up any place , till it be past reliefe , & that there is no possibility to hold it out any longer . a captaine also ought to instruct , & informe his souldiers in the point of their duties , to traine them up , & to exercise them well in the use of their armes , aswell himselfe as the officers that are under him , & to see that they readily obey , and execute his commands , which is the life of warre , and one of the principall things , required both in a captaine and a souldier . the scale . the arming of a pikeman the arming if a muskettier next followes the postures of the pike , and musket , represented by figure , having the word of command under every of them , with briefe observations on the first page , answering to the number of every figure . the postures of the pike may be done , either standing or marching . in marching ( as wel as in standing ) a pike-man may advance , shoulder , or charge his pike , either to the front ; to the reere , to the right , or left flanke , according to the terme of direction given him by his officer . the postures likewise of a muskettier are also done , either marching , or standing , by himselfe , or in his squadron , company , or division . a good muskettier that is ready , and well made by his officer , will fall naturally and gracefully to the doing of his postures , and will take delight in handling of his musket , avoyding antique , and dancing postures , which hertofore haue been taught by some officers , but now is grown ridiculous , not beseeming and becomming the grave comportment , and carriage of a souldier . a captaine then , having a commission given him to raise a company , ought to make choise of the taller , and abler men for his pikes , and of the shorter , stronger , and well set with good legges , for his musketteires : yea , such as may be able to endure both hardship , and labour . and thus much as a short preamble by the way , before we come to shew the figures of the postures them selves . briefe observations upon the postures of the pike , answering to the number of every figure following . set the but end of your pike neere your right foot on the outside , holding it right up in your right hand , about the height of your eye , and your arme a litle bending , and your right foot forward . with the right hand alone bring your pike just before your body , bearing it directly right up , raising the but end from the ground , then take the pike with your left hand about the height of your gridle , forsake the pike with your right hand , and with the left hand alone raise vp the pike , that the but end be about the height of your thigh , then take the but end in your right hand , without stooping to it . forsake the pike with the left hand , and with your right hand alone carry the pike right up locking the pike betweene your shoulder and arme , your right hand holding the but end of the pike , about the height of your hip . sink your right hand a litle , and with your left hand take the pike , as high as well you can reach , and bring the pike just before your body . forsake the pike with your right hand , and bring downe the pike in your left hand , that the but end be neere unto the ground , then with your right hand take the pike about the height of your head . forsake the pike with your left hand , and with the right hand onely set the but end on the ground , on the out side of your right foot , as in the third posture . bring the pike just before your body , & raise the but end from the ground , bearing it forward , then take it with your left hand a little beneath your right . bring forward the pike with your left hand , and take it in your right , reaching backeward as farre as well you may . forsake your pike with your left hand , & with the right onely lay it vpon your right shoulder , bearing the but end about a foot from the ground , holding your thumb under the pike , the better to gouern it , carrying the pike forward . beare your right hand with the pike backward , as farr as well you can , with your left hand take the pike forward , and with the right beare the pike vpward . forsaking the pike with the right hand , cast the point forward , that the but end may conveniently be taken in the right hand . take the but end of the pike in your right hand , holding it about your hip , and raising the pike with your left hand about the hight of your breast , carry the pike directly before you , your left foot tward . raise the right hand and stretch it backward , your left hand being at your breast , your left elbow against your hip . beare downe the but end of the pike with your right hand , and raise the pike with the left , and so advance , as in the sixth figure . sinke your right hand , and with your left take the pike as high as wel you may reach , brining the pike just before your body . forsake the but end with your right hand , bearing forward your pike in the left hand , and take the pike backward in the right hand , as farre as well you may reach . forsake the pike with your left hand , and with your right onely lay it vpon your shoulder , or as in the twelfth figure . beare the pike with your right hand backward , take it forward in your left hand as you may conveniently reach , bearing the pike with your right hand upward . forsaking the pike with your right hand , beare it over your head , and at the same instant turne your body to the left hand , that you may conveniently take the but end of the pike in your right hand . having the but end of your pike in your right hand , stretch your right arme backeward , and set your left hand at your brest , &c , as in the sixteenth figure . slip your left hand forward as farre as well you may , and lift the pike upwards to your head , and with the right hand beare the but end some what downeward . forsaking the but end of the pike with your right hand , beare up the pike over your head with your left hand onely , at that instant turne your face to the right hand , and be ready with your right hand to take the pike more backward . having the pike in the right hand , forsake it with your left , and with the right hand onely lay it upon your shoulder , as in the and figure . this is to be done in three motions , as the contrary is showne in the ninth , tenth eleventh figures . beare the pike with the right hand backward , with your left take it forward , bearing the but end downeward , then slip downe your right hand a little aboue your left , and set the but end on the ground , as in the ninth figure . this is to be done by severall palming postures , with the right hand beare the but end of the pike backward , as farre as you can , and continue palming till you come to the head of your pike . with yout left hand hold the pike a litle below the head , your right hand more backward , as farre as the cheekes , or arming reach , set your right hand upon your hip , your elbow stretch foorth , and your left hand more forward before your breast . remoue your right hand to your left , & in your right hand onely carry your pike , your hand being vpon your hip . this is to be done by severall palming posturs backward , bringing forward your right hand as farre as well you can , and with the left hand gripe the pike backeward as farre as you can . forsake the pike with your right hand , bring forward the pike with the left , & take it backward with the right , and so cōtinue palming , until you have the but end of the pike in your right hand . stretch your right arme backward with the pike in your hand , your left hand at your breast , and your elbow upon your hip , as in the sixteenth figure . this is to be done in three motions , first bearing the pike right up before the body , and so forward as from the advance in the , and figures , onely you must observe to set the but end of the pike at the inside of the right foot , which is your close order . the but end of the pike resting against your right foot , take it in your left hand , abouthe heigh of your gridle , and step forward with your left foot , the knee bent , lay your left arme , vpon your knee couching downe low , and draw your sword over your left arme . raise your body right up , set your pike against your right shoulder with the left hand , the but end being stil upon the ground , then put up your sword . briefe observations upon the postures of the musket , answering to the number of every figure on the other page . this figure sheweth a muskettier marching with his musket on his left shoulder aslope holding the but end of it with his left hand , and his match between the two lesser fingers , with his rest in his right hand , and his right leg before . how he carrieth his musket shouldred with the rest crosse , close to the inside of his musket his match between his two fingers , holding his thumbe upward to the forke of the rest , and his right leg before . draw the right leg to your left , and withall sink your musket , and then slip your rest , griping it with your right hand between the brich and the thumb-hole , hold the musket upright , in your right hand , and on your side , raise your left hand to the forke of your musket , and set your thumb against the forke . sink your right hand , and gripe the musket fast in your left hand , with your rest on the out side , holding your thumb hard against the care of your fork , to lock the rest fast to your musket in your left hand , that you may have the use of your right hand , to do the posturs following . take your match from between your little finger , with your thumb , and the second finger of your right hand , being turned with the palme from you . bring the right hand with the match backward , and your left hand with the musket and rest forward , turning your face a little backward , and blow of your match with a good blast . . holding your match between your thumb and second finger , then bring it to the cock , & presse it into the cocke with your thumbe . your thumbe and finger being upon the cock , and your second and third finger under the cock , pull the cock downe to the pan , and with your thumbe and middle finger , either raise or sinke it , that it may fall right into the pan . lay the two fore fingers of your right hand upon your pan , the thumb behind the schutchin of the pan , the easier to lift up the musket , and so bringing up the musket with both hands toward your mouth and yet not stooping , blow againe your coale . open yonr pan with your two fingers , and withall bring backe your right hand to the thumbe-hole of your musket , your second finger to the tricker , and with your left hand fix the forke of the rest to your musket , your thumbe against the forke , and set the pick end of the rest vpon the ground . lye on , and lift up your right elbow , bringing the but end of your musket with in your shoulder , neere your breast , winding your shonlder to it , holding it fast from recoiling , presenting a faire body , the small end appeareing a little aboue your shoulder , haveing the left legge before , bending a little with the knee , and resting stiffe upon your right legg , take your marke breast high . first , sinke the but end of your musket , and with the rest bring it to your right side : then stepp forward with your right legge , and carrying your musket in your left hand , fall away . take the match out of the cocke with the thumbe , and second finger of your right hand , holding the musket and rest in the left hand onely . returne the match betweene the two lesser fingers of your left hand , from whence you had it . bring up the musket with the left hand onely towards your mouth , and withall , blow your pan stiffely , not stooping with your head , in the meane time take your touch boxe in your right hand , as this figure sheweth . hold your touch-boxe betweene the thumbe , and fore-finger of the right hand onely and so prime as sheweth the figure . lay the right thumbe over the barrell neere the pan , and with your two fore-most fingers shut the pan . hold your musket fast with the right hand at the breech , the left as before , turning the pan downewards , that the loose powder may fall off . hold your musket in both hands as before , heave it vp towards your mouth , not stooping blow off the loose dust , or cornes . hold your musket in both hands as before , beare it upright towards your left side , and with all step forward with your left leg , then holding the musket only in the right hand at the breech forsaken your rest . having forsake your rest , take the musket into your left hand , about the middle of the barrell , so as the but end touch not the ground , trailing your rest between your musket , and your body . take your charg in your right hand , with the thum , band fore finger there of , thrust of the cover . draw back your left hand with the musket , as far as conveniently you can , and with your right hand put powder in to the boore of the barrell , holding the charge between your thumb & fore-finger onely , as this figure showeth . take your bullet forth of your bag , or out of your mouth , and then put it into the muzzell of your musket . vvith your right hand turning the palme from you , draw forth your scouring stick , bearing your body , and your left hand with your musket , so farre backe as you can . having drawne forth your scouring-sticke , set the rammer head against your brest , and slip your hand closse to your rammer , that you may the easier put it into the muzzel of your musket . after your bullet , least it should fall out againe , either in skirmishing , or upon a slooping trench , put in some harts haire , or some other stopping , and then with your scouring-sticke ramme home your powder , bullet , and stopping twice or thrice . vvith your right hand turned , draw your scouring stick out of your musket , as before . your scouring stick being drawn forth of your barrell , turne it , and bring the scouring-stick end to your breast , and so slip your hand within a handfull of the end . beturne the scouringstick into its socket ; from whence you had it . bring forward your musket with your left hand , and beare it right up , take it into the right hand at the breech , and so hold it in your right hand onely , either to showlder it or to lock yt to your rest and so much for your marching postures . the standing postures of the musket , and how to make ready upon the rest . in a squadron , company , or division . bring up your left hand , with the forke of the rest to the musket , and pick your rest upon the ground , your left leg , some-what bending , as in this figure . take the match betweene the thumbe , and second finger , as in the figure marching . turne a little with your head behind your pan , and blow your match with a good blast . holding your match betweene your thumbe and second finger , cok it , as in the eight figure marching . your thumbe and fore finger being vpon the cock , and your second , and third finger under the eock , pull your cocke to the pan , and raisiug , or depressing it looke that it fals right into the pan . hold the two fingers of your right hand upon your pan , and the thumbe behind the scutchian . in presenting draw backe first your left leg to your right , and withall stooping a little with your head to your pan being guarded , blow off your coale . lying on ( as in the posture marching ) opening your pan , fal backe with your right leg , bring your right hand to the thumbe-hole of your musket , presenting a faire body , hold your musket hard and closse betweene your brest and your shoulder blade , and pulling your tricker with your fore finger give fire . having given fire , bring up your right leg againe to your left as in the figure , and withall vn cock your match . set forward your left leg againe to your first stand , and returne your match betweene the two lesser fingers of your left hand , and after that doe these postures following , as in the figures marching , viz cleare your pan , prime your pan , and shut your pan , as in the , , and , posture marching . in taking up the rest , hold your musket right up , cast off your loose cornes , and falling backe with your left leg somewhat stradling , bring vp the pan even against your mouth . first blow off your loose dust , or cornes with a stiffe blast , and then cast about yout musket to your left side , falling a little backe with your left leg. having forsaken your rest , hold the musket fast in your left hand , about the middle of the barrell , so as the but end touch not the ground , and bringing forward the muzile of your musket to charge , your right hand being at liberty , do these postures following namely , open your charge , charge with powder , draw forth your scouring stick , shorten charge with bullet put in stoping ramme home , with draw your scovreing sticke , shorten , and returne as in the , , , , , , , and figurs marching . bring forward your musket with your left hand , bearing it upright , taking it into your right hand at the brich , withall bring forward your left leg even with your right , as in the figure . hold the musket bolt vpright in your right hand , and having , the rest in your left hand , slip your right hād , and your thumbe vpward to the forke , as in the marching posture number foure . note by the way , that from this poizing posture , you may either joyn your rest to your musket , es in the fift posture marching , or rest your musket as in the first figure standing , or else shoulder your musket , as in the next figure following . having your musket poized , hold the rest a hand full under the forke , then bring the musket , before your body , and your rest crosse over it behind your thumb-hole , and so with both hands lay it gently on your shoulder , having the rest a crosse your body , drawing in your right leg to your left , and then falling back againe with your right leg to your stand , either stand or march away . and thus much for the standing postures of the musket . briefe observations for a muskettier . vvhen a muskettier is to be excercised in his squadron , company , or devision , all postures both marching , and standing are readily done , and reduced to these three words of command , to wit . make ready . present . give fire . for first a good muskettier , which hath all his postures perfectly , hearing his officer give the first terme of direction make ready , will quickly run them over , even from vnshouldring of his musket , to the guarding of his panne , which is the sixth posture standing , and the eleventh marching before he comes to present . secondly , in presenting he wil be sure to blow his match well , open his panne , and fall backe with his right hand to the thumbe-hole of his musket , & having his fore-finger vpon the tricker , setting forward his left legge , will attend the next word of direction . thirdly , lying on before he comes to give fire , bending his left knee , will fall back with his right legge , bringing the butt end of his musker , close betweene his brest and shoulder , raising his musket fast , and hard to his shoulder will keepe it fast from recoyling , & resting firme vpon his right legge will give fire . having given fire , he takeeth up his musket , and rest gracefully , and bringing up his right legge againe , falls away in his ranke , returnes his match , cleares his panne , prims his panne , & doth quickly all his postures standing , or marching , as hath been taught , and which shall bee showne more at large by figure , when wee come to the excercising of muskettiers in grosse . practised in the warrs of the united netherlandt . now followes the true forme of exercising of a foot company of pikes and muskettiers besides officers , represented by figure , the words of command and demonstration : but before we come to the particular motions , it is necessary for a yong souldier to know first what a file and a ranke is . files number the leader of the right hand file . the leader of the left hand file . the middle file on the right hand . the middle file on the left hand . the second file next the right hand . the second file next the left hand . the third file from the right hand . the third file from the left hand . the demonstration . rankes . letter . a the first rank of leaders . b the last rank of bringers up . c the rāks of the leaders of half files to the front . d the rank of the leaders of half files to the reere . e the second rank next the front . f the second rank next the reere . g the fourth rank from the front . h the fourth rank from the reere . i the third rank from the front . k the third rank from the reere . thirdly , to vnderstand well the three distances , namely , open order , order & close order . the definition . open order then , or the first distance is , when the souldiers both in ranke , and file , stand sixe foot removed one from an other , as the scale , and this figure following shewe . observations . because the measure of these distances cannot be taken so exactly by the eye , we take the distance of sixe foote between file and file , by commanding the souldiers , as they stand , to stretch foorth their armes , and stand so remoued one from an other that their hands may meete . and for the rankes , we make account we take the same distance of sixe foot , when the butt end of the pikes doe almost reach their heeles , that march before them . the second distance , or your order is , when your men stand three foot remoued one from an other both in ranke and file , and this order is to be vsed when they are embattailled , or march in the face of an ennemy , or when they come to stand , or when you will wheele , as this next figure represents . observations . vvee take the second order , or distance betweene file and file , by bidding the souldiers sett their armes a kenbowe , and put themselves so closse ; that their elbowes maye meete . and wee reckon wee take the same distance betweene the rankes , when they come vp almust to the swords point . note , that when you march throw any countrie , you most observe three foote onely from file to file , and sixe from ranke to ranke . the third distance , or your close order is commanded by this word close which is , when there is one foote and a halfe from file to file , and three from ranke to ranke , as this figure demonstrates . observe that though this figure stands but at a foote and a halfe distance : yet this is for the pikes onely , and must never be used , but when you will stand firme to receive the charge of an ennemy . the muskettiers must never be closer , then the second distance of three foote in square , because they are to have a free vse of their armes . this figure represents the pikes , and muskettiers , standing in their order because the page will not beare the first foure motions in their open order . here begins the words of command . stand right in your files . stand right in your rankes , silence . here begins the first motion . . to the right hand . it is to be noted , when you are commanded to be as you were , you are ever to turne to the contrary hand from whence you came , as for example , if you did turn to the right hand , you are to return to the left hand , and so in the rest . as you were , that is , as you stand in your order in the figure aboue marked with the letter i. . to the right hand about . as you were . . to the left hand about . . as you were . an observation . these turnings to the right or left hand , or to either hand about serue for the given or receiving of a charge vpon the right or left flank , or in the reere about . as you were , because there is now roome enough this figure showes them standing in their open order of sixe foote distance one from an other both in rank and file from which standing they are to doe these motions following . . ranks to the right hand double . the demonstration . the . : & rancke from the front marked with the letters . b. d. f. h. & k. moues all together and doubles into thier order on the right hand of the files numbred . . . . . . . & . making . rankes at thier double open order of . foot , & . men in each rancke as is seen in this figure aboue . the demonstration . this motion differs not from the former , but onely that the vtmost man of the second ranke , and subsequently al the other ranks which moued before comes now vp together to their order on the left hand of the files numbred , . . . . . . . & . . files to the right hand double . the demonstration . the . file ( next the right hand ) moues & fals back betweene the right hand fiile , the th file betweene the . the . betweene the . & the . ( or left hand file ) betweene the fiile all to thier order , making foure fiiles , . men deepe , and foote distance betwixt file and file , as in this figure . the demonstration . the files which moued before stand now still . and the . file next the left hand file fals back betweene the left hand file the file betweene the the betweene the and the ( or right hand file ) betweene the file makeing men deepe , and foote distance betwixt file and file as before . . half files to the right hand double your front . the demonstration . the leader of the halfe file on the right hand , ( noted f ) steps to his order beyond the right hand file number . and also all the rest of the files stepping to their order on their right hand , comes vp together betweene the files numbred , . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . and . into the rankes marked a. b. c. d. & e. at their order of three foot distance in file , and . in ranke , as this figure aboue showes . . half files to the right hand double your front . the demonstration . this motion differs not from the other , but that the leader of the halfe-file on the left hand & consequenitly al the rest of the files , steps to their order on the left hand , & comes vp together betweene the files numbred . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . . & . into the rankes marked ( as before ) with the letters a. b. c. d. and e. the demonstration . when you will countermarch to the right hand , the first ranke of leaders numbred . . . . . . . and . onely must advance one stepp forward with the right legg , and then turne , and all the other rankes must march first up to the place , from whence the first ranke did countermarch , before they turne , where the sariant stands marked with a starre . this figure shewes that betweene the rankes a and d there are rankes mett at their order , and the captaine countermarching to the reere , with the first ranke of leaders , to the ranke marked f. and the lieutenant , with the ranke of bringers up noted k. towards the front to the ranke noted e. which represents the countermarch incompleate , as is seene in this figure aboue . this figure showes the countermarch compleate , when the captaine ( or officer ) is come with the first ranke of leaders to the place , where the bringers up , & the lieutenant stood , and the lieutenant with the bringers up to the captaines place , standing in their open order in ranke and file , as this figure demonstrates . observe likewise , if you will now countermarch to the left hand , the first ranke must stepp forwards one stepp with the left legge : and then turne , and all the other rankes behinde , must come up to that place before they turne , where the sariant with his halbart stands as before . . rankes to the left hand countermarch . note that this figure ( as the first ) showes the countermarch incompleate as before . this figure showes , that the captaine is countermarcht up with the first ranke of leaders into that place , where the front stood before , and every ranke , and file in their open order . the like countermarch is performed , either on the right , or left flanke by giving first this word of command , to the right , or left hand , omitting the naming , either of rankes or files , in saying onely , to the right , or left hand countermarch , which you lift . observations before yow wheele . first files to the right , or left hand , or to the middle . close to your order . to . foote betweene file and file . if you would close your files to the right hand , the outermost file on that hand stands still , and the next on the right hand , ( numbred ▪ ) moues first to their order , and then all the files ciphred , . . . . . & . the left hand file closes in all to their order . and if you would have them close to the left hand , the outermost file also on that hand stands still , and then the file next the left hand ( numbred ) moves first , and afterward all the other files , noted . . . . . & . ( or the right hand file ) close all to their order . but if you desire to have your files close to the middle , then the two middle most files numbred . & . close first to their order of three foote , and having their distance , the other files numbred . . and . on the right hand , and the files , . . and . on the left hand closes both waies into their order . secondly rankes to your order close . that is to three foote betweene ranke and ranke . note , that in this motion also the rankes , which stand in their open order on the other page , marked with the letters , bc defghi and k moving all to gether in an even front , comes up to their order , or distance of three foote , as this figure demonstrates , where both files & rankes stand in their order of foote distance observe , that when you exercise a company single , you double your front before you wheele , in regard the body is smal : but in a devision , or a greater body , you close both your rankes and files to your order ( as aboue ) omitting the doubling , and then wheele : but being a single company when you wheele to the right hand , then double your front to the left hand : for so the leader of the right hand file will keepe his place on that corner towards which you wheele . this figure before you wheele shews your men to stand in their close order in file , and their order in ranke , as 〈◊〉 . againe when you wheele to the left hand , double your front to the right hand , and then the two leaderson the left hand , doe but onely turne their bodies like the point of a compasse , to that hand whereto they wheele , while the body comes about with a faster motion and an even front . note also , that after you have wheeled to which hand you list , and as often as you will , you give in a single company this word of command , halfe files as you were , that is , as they stood in their order both in ranke and file before ; but in greater bodies where the doubling is omitted , you first open your rankes , by giving this terme of direction . rankes backward to your open order , and then likewise your files by commanding . files open ( both waies ) to your open order of six footes as this figure both in ranke , and file represents . in opening of rankes and files , you must make all the files or rankes , saving the outermost on that hand from whence you meane to open ( which must stand ) to moue altogether , till the second ranke or file from that which standeth , haue gotten its distance , and consequently all the rest . having performed the former motions you may afterward exercise your company of pikes , and muskettiers together , or if you pleafe each a part . to beginne then with the pikes you may commaund them to doe these motions standing , to wit . advance your pikes . order your pikes . shoulder your pikes . charge your pikes . order your pikes . traile your pikes . checke your pikes . but these motions are to be performed , both standing , and marching , namely . charge your pikes . shoulder your pikes . to the right hand charge . shoulder your pikes . to the left hand charge . shoulder your pikes . to the reere charge . shoulder your pikes . stand . order your pikes . first , note that in charging halfe the rankes onely must charge their pikes , the other hindermost halfe of the rankes , doe but port their pikes that is , they cary them so couched , over the heads of the foremost as may giue them no offence , either in charging , or retyreing . besides , this way the pikes are not so subject , to be broken by the shot of the enemy , as when they are advanced . secondly , they must likewise obserue , when they charge standing , to fall back with the right legge , and marching to steppe forwards with the left . standing , thirdly , the exercising of your muskettiers is likewise performed either or marching . that is , either by rankes , or by files after three manner of waies , to wit , first having an enemy in your front . secondly in your reere , and thirdly vpon your right , or left flanke , as these figures following in exercising of pikes & muskettiers ( besides officers will demonstrate , whereof the first showes the manner of giving fire standing , vpon an enemy in your front , by commanding these three termes or direction ) vnderneath . this figure aboue shewes , that the first , and second rank of both the wings of muskettiers , having given fire are fallen away , and are a doing their postures , till they come in the vacant rankes in the reere noted , i & k , while the third and fourth rankes ( on both flankes ) make ready , and advances up to the same ground where the first were : even with the front of the pikes : note also , that the first ranke falling backe with their right legges , bending their left knee , lies on and giues fire ( as hath bin taught ) and the first ranke falling away , the second ranke in presenting , having their pannes garded , blowes their matches , opens their pannes , and steps forward with their left legs into the place of the first ranke , lies on , giues fire , and fall away while the rest of the body of muskettiers mooues up to their place , and so two rankes at a time , making ready , you may giue fire as often as you list . you must observe likewise , that the muskettiers in all these motions , do turne to the right hand , & so to have a cingular care , to carry the mouthes of their muskets aloft , aswell when they are shouldred , as in priming , as also when they keepe their pannes garded and come vp to give fire . moreover , if an enemy should appeare on either your right , or left flank , and that you resolue to maintain your ground , and would gaule him from either flank : it is performed by giving first this word of command to the right or left hand , which you please , and then making an interval of foot distance between the two middlemost leaders of the halfe files , e & , for the halfe rank on the left hand , marked a b c d and e do fall away between the files to the reere before the pikes and the half rank on the right hand k i g h & f , on the right flank likewise , you may giue fire from either , or both flankes , as you list . again if an enemy should shew himself in your reere , the like is done by giving this term of derection , to the right hand about , and having given fire upon them , fall away to the place , where the front stood , even in the same manner as you did before . the manner of giving fire marching and advancing towards an enemy is performed , as this figure following represents . in advancing towards an enemy , two rankes must alwaies make ready together , & advance ten paces forwards : before the bodies , at which distance , a sarjant ( or when the body is great some other officer ) must stand , to whom the musketteirs are to come up before present , and giue fire . first , the first ranke , and whilest the first ranke giues fire , the second ranke keeps their muskets close to their pannes guarded : and assoone as the first are falne away , the second presently presents giue fire , and fall after them . now , assoone as the two first rankes do moue from their places in the front , the two rancks next it must unshoulder their muskets , and make ready : so as they may advance forward ten paces , as before , assoon as ever the first two rankes are fallen away , and are to doe in all pointes as the fmorer . so all the other rankes through the whole company , or division must doe the same by two one after an other . a way how to giue fire retreating from an enemy , which is performed after this sort as this figure following shows as the troupe marcheth , the hindermost rank of all , keeping still with the troupe maketh ready : and being ready the souldiers in that ranke turne altogether to the right hand , and giue fire , marching presently away a good round pace to the front & their place themselves in a ranke together iust before the front . assoone as the first ranke turneth to giue fire , the ranke next makes ready and doth as the former and so all the rest . last of all the troupe , or whole wing of muskettiers makes ready altogether standing and the first ranke without advancing , giues fire in the place it standts in & speedily as may be yet orderly falles away the rankes doing the same successiuely , one after another . a manner how to giue fire , either from the right or left hand flanke , as these files of muskettiers demonstrates . to the right hand , present , giue fire , captaine , to the left hand , present , giue fire . the demonstration . the company or division marching , the outermost file next the enemy are commanded to make ready , keeping still along with the bodie , till such time , as they be ready , & they turne all to the right , or left hand , according to the fight of their enemy , either upon their right or left flanke , and giue fire all together : when thy haue discharged they stirre not , but keepe their ground , and charge their peeces againe in the same place they stand . now assoone as the aforesaid file doth turne to give fire , the outmost next it makes ready , alwaies keepeing along with , the troupe , till the bringers vp be past a little beyond the leader of that file that gave fire last , and then the whole file must turne and giue fire an doe in all points , as the first did , and so all the rest one after another . a sarjant or ( if the troupe be great ) some better qualified officer must stand at the head of the first file , and assoone as the second file hath given fire , and hath charged , he is to lead forwards the first file vp to the second file , and so to the rest one after an other till he hath gathered again the whole wing , and then he is to ioyne them againe in equall front with the pikes . a briefe , index of the points , postures , and severall motions , contained in this first part of the principles of the art militarie . the first is the duties of a private souldier , a gentleman of a companie , and of all the officers belonging to a companie of infanterie or foote , pages . . . . the armes belonging to a pike-man , & a muskettier represented by figure . . the directions and the postures of a pike-man pages . . . . & . . the directions & postures of a muskettier marching , pages . . . & . . the direction & the centinell postures standing , pag. . & . . briefe observations for a muskettier pag. . . the beginning of the exercising of a companie of foote , consisting of . pikes & . muskettiers , and the definition what a file and a ranke is , with the demonstration of the dignity of files and ranks , pag. . . of the three distances , obserued in exercising of a companie to wit open-order , order , & closse-order , , with the definition thereof , & observations there-vpon pag. . & . of conversions & turnings with the words of commaund pages . & . . the standing in open order , fit for the doubling of ranks & files pag. . . the doubling of rankes pages . . & . . the doubling of files pages . . . . . the doubling of the front by half files pages . . . & . . the countermarchings , either to the right or left hand pages . . . . . observations before wheelings pag. . , the wheelings to the right or left hand , or about pages . . & . . the opening of ranks and files pag. . . the posture ; of the pikes , commaunded either marching or standing , & the several givings of fire pages . . . & . for the cavallrie . . secondly , the duties of a private horse , a gentleman , & the severall charges , and officers belonging to a troupe of horse , beginning with letter a. pages . . & . . the armes belonging to a curassier & a harquebusier , pag. . & of the managing of his horse , and their armes represented by figure pag. . . the directions & postures of a curassier , & a harquebussier , represented with their words of commaund in two great plates pages . . & . . the exercising of a esquadron of cavallrie , according to his highnesse the prince of orange , by the way of figure , the word of commaund & directions pag. . . & . his highnesse order for filing and marching of horse pag. . thirdly an appendex of marshall discipline enacted and statuated by the lords the states generall & his highnesse , for the militia of the vnited provinces , beginning with letter a. b. c. d. the book-binder is to follow in this first part in binding it , first the tytle and dedication , sheete then letter a. b. c. d. e. e . ( and the half sheete for turning pages . & . because a half sheete comes in here . ) e . f. g. h. i. k. l. l . and this half sheete which makes l . and so ends this first part : for the printer according to the figures of the pages , hath committed an errour in not figuring the pages right . finis . briefe instructions of the duties of a horseman , and the severall officers belonging to a troupe of horse , practised in the service of the lordes the states generall of the united provinces , vnder the commaund of his highnesse the prince of orange . first , the cavallrie , or horse are ordered into two troupes , namely , either a troupe of curaissiers , which are heavelie armed , consisting of able and lustie men , and the highest and strongest horses , or a companie of harquebussiers , or carabines , which are more lightly armed , as shal be discribed in the states list following . the officers then of a troupe of horse , and the dutie of a horseman , or a centinell , through their severall degrees are these , a horseman a good-smith , or farrier . a clark or fourrier . two trumpetters . three corporals . a quartermaster . a cornet . a lieutenant , and a captaine , & of these in order . of a private horseman , and a gentleman of a troupe of horse . his dutie consisteth chiefely herein , first , that he feares god , secondly , that he respects , honours and obeys his superiour officers . thirdly , that he doth noe violence , outrage , or wrong to any man , fourthly , that he mannage well his horse , and bring him to readinesse , fifthly , that he keepes his armes , and pistolls neate and trime . sixtly , and lastlie , that he carries him self vailliantly vpon service in the face of his ennemie , and to be carefull vpon his march in keeping his order in rank and file , and to be vigilent vpon his watch , and sentinelship , and to doe all other duties belonging to an honest souldier , whereby he shall gaine the loue of his captaine , and officers , and so by his good carriage , and deserts make himself capable of better advancement . of the smith , or a farrier . his dutie is as occasion serves , to drench and lett bloude the horse of the troupe , and allwaies , either vpon a march , or in a quarter , to have in a readinesse his buggett of tooles , horse shooes , and nailes , whensoever he shal be called vpon by his officers , or when any gentleman , or souldier of the troupe shall have use of him , and for this reason , that he must duely attend vpon the troupe , he is freed from other duties , and hath a greater paye then an ordinarie horseman . of a trumpetter . everie captaine of a troupe of horse , ought to have two good trumpetters , who cannot onely founde the bouteselle , that is , a call to horseback , a march , a charge , and a retreate : but also to speake diverse languages , to be wise discreete and circumspect , especially whensoever his generall , captayne and commaundour shall have occasion to send him to the ennemie vpon a message , or for the ransoming of prisoners , and that when he is with the ennemie , he must be wary & cautelous what he speakes , and to lett noe words slipp , which maye be disadvantagious to the service of his prince and countrie , and that he observes , and markes well , how and in what manner the ennemes workes and trenches lie , that he maye make report thereof to his generall , or captayne at his returne , and give him intelligence of whatsoever he hath heard or seene . a trumpetter also ought to be lodged neere his cornett to be in a readinesse vpon all occasion , to sound an allarm , that the troupe maye betimes putt on their armes , and gett a horseback . of the clarke to a troupe of horse . the next degree to a trumpetter is the clarke of the troupe , or as some calls him the fourier , whose dutie is to fetch moneys , to pay the officers , and souldiers duelie , to keepe a perfect musterrolie of all the names , and surnames of the horsemen of the troupe , and to procure their billers , and their lodging moneys , when they lie in guarrison , and to deale vprightly and justly with the companie . of a corporall . as a compaigne of foote , so also is a troupe of horse devided in to three esquadrons , or corporalships , over which a corporall commaundeth , whose dutie is tokeepe a perfect roole , of the names and surnames of everie horseman of his esquadron , and to cause them to have their horses in a readinesse , to see that their armes , pistols , and carabines be fixe , and kept in good trime , whensoever they shall have occasion to vse them , and that they be carefull and vigilent vpon their watch , that the sentinels performe their duties well , that he relieves them in due time , and that now and then he exercise them in the vse of their armes upon their guards , and other places . seing he also is a good helpe , and an assistant to his lieutenant by preventing of disorders and disputes , and by composing of quarrels which maye arise amonge the souldiers of his esquadron . yea and to doe whatsoeuer else belongs to a worthy corporall , that he maye gaine the loue of his officers , and attaine vnto better advancement . of the quartermaster . everie troupe hath also a quartermaster , whose dutie is to see that the troupe be well lodged and quartered both in feild and in garrison , especially , when they are separated and quartered apart from the armie in villages and houses , more ouer his dutie is likewise to attend the quartermaster generall , and to receiue from him such houses for his captaine and the troupe as he shall appoint him , after which he distributes those houses to the esquadrons and troupe , acconding to their seignori●es , also he is often employed in ferching of the word and orders . if the regiment or troupe be quartered about the armie in campaignie , then he is to observe , and keepe that forme , which the generall hath ordayned for a regiment of horse , and as the quarter-master generall shal shew him . of a cornet . a cornet ought to be a brave young gentleman , full of spirit and courage and though he be young , and hath noe great experience , yet time and service will teach it him , and afterward make him ambitious of greater advancement . he is chosen soe , because he maye be capable of his place , and that charge which is committed to him from his generall and captayne , and rather vpon any peece of service to loose his life , then his honour , & reputation . he ought also to carrie him self amiable , loving , and affable to the gentlemen and souldiers of the troupe , where by he shall gaine their loues , and affections , and who will gladlie vpon any occasion hazard their lives for him and that badge of honnour which he carries . to conclud , a cornet in the absence of his captaine , and lieutenant hath absolute command over the troupe . the cornet sometimes marches in the head of the troupe , but when the troupe is to be embattailled , his place is betweene the third and fourth rank , for the better safegard of his cornett . of a lieutenant . it is necessarie that the lieutenant to a troupe of horse be an old able souldier , and well experienced in the warres , and who vpon divers peeces of service hath showne his worth and valour , and for his deserts hath raised himself from inferiour degrees as from a corporall & a corner , to this charge wherein he is now , and from it to make himself fitt for higher preferment . he is a great helpe and an assistant to his captaine , and therefore beares the name of lieutenant , who supports and keepes vp his captaines place and authority , and who in his captaines absence hath absolure commannd over the troupe . it is his office also to prevent , and compose quarrels and disputes , arising among the horsemen of the troupe , to carrie a severe hand over the willfull , and obstinate offendours by punishing them toundlie for the exsample of others , and to countenance favour , and encourage those that carrie them selves worthely , and to discountenance malefactours , till they are sorrie for their disorders and offences . moreover he is to giue charge to the corporals that every man manages , and keepes his horse in a readinesse , that they keepe their armes neate and cleane , and their pistols , and carrabins sixe , and to exercise the squadron himself in the feild or vpon their guards . hee ought also to be a good guide , and to know well the passages , and avenues of a countrie for the expediting of a sudden surprize . his place when his captaine is present , is to bring op the reere of the troupe , causing the horsemen to follow their captaine and cornett in good order , and that they keepe duelie their rankes , and files , and to have an eye , that none of them straggles out of his ranke or file . comming to fight either in battell , skirmish , or ortherwise , when his captaine and cornet is to give a charge vpon an ennemie , he keepes him self alwaies in the reere with his sword drawne , to animate , and encourage the souldiers to fall on ; and if any one of them should play the coward , break out of his rank , or run away , if he should kill him , he hath the mends in his owne hand , and the lieutenant maye wel answere it to his chiefe : for such a coward , or faint hearted souldier , by his euill exsample showes others to runaway , which maye not onely be the overthrouw of the troupe , but also of a whole regiment . his dutie is also to visite the guards , and to see that the centinels discharge well their duties , and to give commaund to the corporals that they be duely relieved . that vpon the sight of an ennemie they come in orderlie , and guie the alarme betimes , that the troupe maye draw into armes , and be in a readinesse to entertaine the ennemie , or else have leisure to reteate unto stronger forces for their defence . of a captaine . the commaund , and charge of a captaine of a troupe of horse is very honorable , and it ought to be given to a man of respect , and qualitie , and one that is descended of a noble birth , whose valour , and worth maye be answerable thereunto . he ought also aboue al things to be religious , fearing god , temperate , moderate , just , continent , wise , and discreete , curious in the choise of his men , and horse , and to see that they be well managed , readie , and his troupe well exercised , that they carrie themselves vaillantly vpon service , in the face of the ennemie , and to be carefull , and vigelent vpon their watch , countenancing the good , and puinshing the badd . in doeing where of , these christian vertues will gaine him honour , loue , and respect , not onely amonge those of his troupe , whome he commaunds , but also of his chiefs , and all other men besieds . but if a captaine either of horse , or foote be debauched , leads an intemperate , and a disorderlie life , giuen to covetousnesse , lucre , and gaine , he gives an ill exsample to those , whome he commaunds : for if he himself doth commit such vices , how can he fasten a reproofe vpon a souldier , or how can he with a good conscience , punish that fault in his souldier , whereof he is guilty himself ? for surely a captaine being the head of a compaine ( from whence his name is derived ) who governes him self well , and leads an vn blame able life , guies a good exsample to his inferiour officers , and the souldiers of his compaine , who lives vnder his commannd . he ought likewise to observe , and keepe punctually all the orders and commaunds given him by his generall , to be with his troupe at the rendevous vpon the time appointed . to respect and obey his chiefes , and superiour officers . he is vpon all occasions to be first on horseback , and vpon all services to carrie himself couragiouslie in the face of his ennemie , to showe noe signe of feare in the greatest danger , least he should give discouragement to his souldiers . he ought to take notice of those souldiers vnder his commannd , who carrie them selves vailliantlie , and couragioustie before their ennemies , to encourage them , and to reward them according to their deserts , and to take notice of the names and surnames of everie gentlemen and souldier of his troupe , and sometimes to take the advise of some old experienced souldiers of his compagine . he ought not to suffer the horsemen of his troupe to ravage , and spoile the countrie , nor to pillage , and plunder the poore husbandmen and contributaire pesants , contrarie to the orders , and proclamations of the generall , for obedience is the first christian vertue required in a souldier , and thus a captaine by his valour , worth , wisedome , and discretion maye aspire and attaine to a higher degree of honour and commaund as his service and merit shall deserue , and thus much in briefe for the souldiers , gentlemen , and officers appertayning to a troupe of horse . of the armes belonging to a curassier , and a harquebussier , according to the placcard of the lords the statee generall of the vnited provinces . having showne the severall duties of a souldier , a gentleman , and the officers belonging to a troupe of horse , it resteth now that wee come to the arming of them as followeth . in a cuirassier then is required , that he be a man of an able bodie , who is mounted vpon a strong , and a lustie horse , that he hath on a good buff-gerkin , a short sword , or coutlase by his side , a skarff about his armes , and bodie of his princes coullour , to distinguish him from his ennemie coullour vpon any service , or in the daie of battell . he ought to be mounted upon a stronge , and a lustie horse , or gelding , which is fiueteene palmes high , according to the measure there of ordayned by the states edict , namelie , to meate his height with a cord of that length , beginning from his fore-hoofe vpwards to his shoulder blade , and soe to the lower part of his maine , and likewise to be provided with a good sadle , and bridle , with two good pistolls hanging at his sadle bowe , in two strong pistoll cases , the length of the pistoll barrils , being at the least foure and twenly ynches long , carrying a bullet of twentie in the pound , and of . which will roule in to his pistoll . for his armes about his bodie , he is first armed with a close helmet or a cask pistoll proofe vpon his head , . with a gorget about his neck , . his brest and back peeces , which ought to be pistoll proofe , . his pouldrons and vambrases his guard de reines , . his gandes , his cassets or thigh peeces reaching from his girdle beneath his knees , and ( as is said ) two pistolls hanging at his saddle , and thus a curassier is armed de cap en pied pied at all points even from the head to the foote . the armes of a harqut bussier , is lighter , to wit , first with a cask open before . with a gorgett brest and back peeces , which ought also to be pistoll proofe , a good carabine hanging at his belt about his bodie , where of the length of the barrill ought to be at the least three foote longe , which will carry a rowling bullett of in the pound , haveing his touchboxe , and cartouch all in a readinesse , provided also with a good horse palmes high & well managed , with a good sadle , bridle , coutlace , and a skarff as the figure on the other sijde demonstrates . of the managing of his horse . a cuirassier , and a harquebussier being thus armed , it is very needefull , that a horseman be skillfull in the well managing , and makeing or his horse readie for service , and to bring him to his commaund and obedience , namely , to teach him to pace , trott , gallop , and to runne a full careere , how he is to advance , to stopp , and goe backward , and to turne and wheele with readinesse , to which hand his rider shall please . now to bring his horse to this , and to learne him to turne and wheele with dexteritie , he must often vse him to ride the ring , first with a greater circumference , and then litle and litle by lesser degrees ▪ as first vpō his pace , then vpon his trot , and so to the gallop and careere . these things he maye be taught by using the hand , legg , and voice . for the hand ( observing not to move the arme , but onely the wrist ) if yow would have him to face to the left hand , then a litle motion of the litle finger on that rein , and a touch of the left legg ( without vsing the spurr ) doth it , but if to face or turne to the left about , a harder , &c. if yow would have him to trott , then yow are to move both your leggs a litle forwards , if for the gallop to move them more forward , and to move your bodie by litle & litle forward with it . after everie motion performed , it were good to keepe him a while in that motion , as when yow bid him stand to stand a while &c. also it were not a misse after every thing well done , to give him some bread , or grasse as a reward . for the voice yow maye vse the words advance , hold , turne , or the like , but because the voice cannot alwaies be heard , it were good to use him chiefly to the motions of the hand and legg . it wil be also very vsefull to teach him to goe side waies : this he maye be brought vnto , by laying his provender some what farre from him in the manger , and by keeping him from turning his head towards it . he must also be often vsed to the simell of gun powder , the sight of fire , and armour , and the heareing of short , drumms and trumpetts , &c. and that by degrees and with discretion . when he is at his oates ( a prettie distance from him ) a litle powder maye be fired , and so neerer to him by degrees , yow maye also shoote of a pistoll some distance off , and so neerer and neerer . in like manner , ye may use him to a drumme or trumpet . the groom maye some times dresse him in armour , and he maye be vsed ( now and then ) to eate his oates from the drumme head . it will also be very vsefull to cause a muskettier to stand at a convement distance , and both of yow to give fire vpon each other , and there vpon to ride vp closse to him , also to ride him against a compleate armour , so set vpon a stake , that he maye over throw yt , and trample it vnder his feete : that so and by such other meanes your horse ( finding that he receiveth noe hurt ) maye become bolde to approach any obiect . he maye also be used to mountanous and uneven waies , and be exercised to leap , swimme , and the like . thus farr captayne cruso who hath wrote worthely of this subject in his chapter pag. & . and he that desireth further directions for the art of rydings and managing his horse , let him read monsieur pierre de la noüe in his cavallerie françoise & italienne , also the instruction du roy de france en l'exercice de monter a cheval , par antoine de plurier , francisco melzo , and diverse others to whome , referre the reader for brevitie sake . next followes the postures of a curassier , and a harquebussier , with the words of commaund , and the demonstration answering to the number of everie figure , as they are sett downe by captaine cruso in his chapter , and represented by figure . it is to be supposed , that noe cuirassier or harquebussier , will presume to mount on horseback , or repaire to his cornet , before his pistoll , harquebuse , or carabine be spanned , primed , and laden : and his cases furnished with cartouches , and all other equipage belonging to himself , his horse , and armes made fixe and in a readinesse . the first figure then showes a horseman how he is to mount on horseback , and takes both reins hanging in a loose position over the horse neck , & vpon the pummell of the saddle , and first laies hould on the ends of the reins aboue the button in his right hand , and with the thumbe , and the two first fingers of that hand , draws them to an even length . then putting the litle finger of his left hand , betwixt both reins vnder the button , with the other three fingers of the same hand on the further rein , and his thumbe on the neere side of the button to graspe both reins , that so ( before he endeavour to mount ) he maye have his horse head in ballance and at commaund : then grasping the pummel of the sadle with his left hand , and standing with his full bodie to the horse side , and just betwixt the bolster , and cantle of the sadle , alwaies on the neere side of the horse , with the help of his right hand , he shall putt his left foote into the left stirop , & with his right hand takeing fast hold on the highest part of the cantle behinde , he shall ( with the help of both hands ) gently ( yet stronglie , and in a right posture without inclyning his bodie to either hand ) raise himself untill he maye stand perpendicular vpon his left foot , and then putting over his right legge cast and place himself in the sadle . . vvith the right-hand he is to turne downe the caps of the pistoll cases . . he is to drawe the pistol out of the case with the right hand , and alwaies the left pistoll first ) and to mount the muzzle of it , as in posture . . he is to sink the pistoll into his bridle-hand , and to remove his right-hand towards the muzzle , and their to rest the butt end vpon his thigh . . he is to sink the pistoll into his bridle-hand , and takeing the key , or spanner into his right-hand , puts it into the axletree , and windes about the wheele till it stick , and so to returne the spanner to its place , being vsually fastned to the side of the case . . holding the pistoll in the bridle-hand ( as before ) he is to take his priming boxe into his right-hand , and pressing the spring with his fore finger , puts poudre into the pann . . he is to presse in the pan-pin with his right thumbe , & so shuts the pan . . vvith the bridle-hand he is to cast about his pistoll , and to hold it on his left side , with the muzzle vpwards . . vvith the right hand take forth your cartouch out of your pistoll case : for now flasks are growne out of use amongst vs . . put your cartouch into the bore of your pistol . . he is to draw his rammer out with his right-hand turned , and to hold it with the head downeward . . holding the rammer head in his right hand ( as before ) he is to take the bullett out of his mouth , or out of his bullett-bagg at the pistoll case , with the thumb and fore finger , & putt it into the muzzle of the pistoll , and the rammer immediatly after it , & then rammes it home . . he is to drawe forth his rammer with the right hand turned , and to returne it to its place . with the bridle-hand he is to bring the pistoll towards his right side , and placing the butt end vpon his thigh , pulls downe the cock . he is to take the pistoll into his right hand , mounting the muzzle vpward . . having the pistoll in his right-hand ( as in posture ) with his forefinger vpon the tricker , he is to incline the muzzle ( with a fixed eye ) towards his mark , not suddenlie but by degrees ( quicker or slower according to the space he rideth ) and that not directly forward towards the horse head , but towards the right , turning his right hand so as the lock of the pistoll maye be vpward , and having gotten his marke he is to draw the tricker , and so give fire . . he is to returne his pistoll into the case , and then drawes out his other pistoll ( as occasion maye serve ) and doeth as before , and thus much for the postures of the fire lock pistoll . now concerming the snap-hane pistoll , or snap-hane carabine ( more vsual in england then in these countries ) those postures , wherein they differ from the fire-lock pistoll are these following , which beginn with the figure . . holding the pistoll in the bridle-hand as before hath bin shewed in figure . with the right-hand he is to bend the cock . . vvith the right hand he is to pull downe the back lock , and to secure the cock from going of . . with the right hand he is to draw downe the hammer vpon the pan . . with the right thumbe he is to thrust back the back-lock , and so to give the cock libertie . the . the . & the . figures shew the marching postures of a harquebussier or a carabine . the postures for the snap-hane carabine vsed in england , are some thing differing from the fire-lock pistols , which captaine cruso hath sett downe in his chapter , and follio . & are these . . order your carabine . . sink your carabine into your bridle hand . . bend your cock . . guard your cock . . prime . . shutt your pann . . cast about your carabine . . take forth your cartouch . . lade your carabine . . draw your rammer . . shorten your rammer . . lade your bullet & ramm home . . with draw your rammer . . shorten your rammer . . returne your rammer . . recover your carabine , . order your hammer . . free your cock ▪ . present . . give fire . for the vse of his sword he is to demeane him self as the cuirassier observations for the makeing of cartouches . seing that flasks are now growne out of use amonge our horsemen , for the gaining of time , and the quicker giving of fire , especially vpon a skirmish , or in a battell , it is needefull for to make cartouches . now the cartouch is to be made of white paper , cutt out of a convenient breadth , and length , and rowled vpon a stick ( or the rammer if it be not too litle ) fit ( according to the bore of the barrell ) to containe the due charge of powder and the bullett . the proportion of powder vsually required is half the weight of the bullett : but being strong & fine pistoll powder , it is held too much in the opinion of some men . having moulded then the paper to fitt the calibre , or boore of your pistoll ( as is said ) the one end of it is to be turned in ( to keepe in the powder ) and the due charge of powder to be putt into it at the other end , which powder is to be clossed in by tying a litle thred about the paper , then the bullett is to be putt in , and that also to be tyed in with a litle thred , and when the curassier , or harquebussier is to vse his cartouch , he must bite of the paper at the head of it at the powder and , and so putt it into the barrell of his pistoll with the bullet vpward , and then ramme it home for a readinesse vpon any peece of service . briefe observations touching the exercising of cavallerie , through their severall motions , as it is commaunded amongst vs by the prince of orange , and what a young horseman ought to know before the exercising of his esqadron , or troupe begins . first as amonge the foot companies , so the horse troupes are ranged into files & ranks , and their choisest men are made leaders of files , and bringers vp . secondlie , distance is also observed , namely , closse order , and open order . the closse order is taken at three foot distance , and the open order at six foote distance , betweene rank and ranke , and file & file , yea , noe more then a horse can wel turne about , & in the standing of sixe foote , or open order in rank and file they are to doe their motions . thirdly , it is necessarie , that a horsman vnderstand wel the severall motions vsed in the exercising of a troupe , or battaillon of horse , which are these three observed amongst vs . . facings . . countermarching . . wheelings . . the vse of facing , either to the right , or left hand , or to the reere , is to make a troupe , or battaillon of horse perfect to be suddainly prepared for a charge on either flank or in the reere . . countermarches serve either to reduce the file-leaders into the place of the bringers vp , and so to have the best men readie to receive the charg of an ennemie in the reere , or to bring one flank into the place of an other . . amonge the horse wheelings , either to the right , or left hand , or to the reere about , is of excellent vse to bring the front which consist of the ablest men to be readie to receiue a charge , or to give a charge vpon an ennemie on either flank , or in the reere . note that doubling of ranks , doubling of files , as also doubling of halfe files , and halfe ranks is ommitted amongst our horse , because according to his highnesse commaund , the files of the horse are but fiue deepe , in regard whereof there is alwaies an odd ranke . the demonstration of the figures on the other side , answering to every number of the words of commaund videlizet . showes the forme of a squadron of horse , consisting of men standing first in their close order , at three foote distance one from another both in rank and file . showes that their rankes are opened backward to six foote distance , or their open order in ranke and file . showes that their files are also opened to six foote distance , & now stands in their open order both in rank and file . note that in opening of their files , the two middlemost files open first to their distance of foote , and the other files both to the right and left hand also , till they are in their open order . showes the clossing of their files to their closse order , observing also that first the two middlemost files , take their distance first of foote , and consequently the rest , clossing both to the right and left hand . showes that the rankes are also closed to their closse order , and that both rankes & files stand three foote distance one from another as number demonstrates . number this motion is performed by turning and facing all to the right hand . number this is done by bringing them againe to the first forme in turning all to the left hand . number to face them to the reere , is done by turning all to the right hand , till their faces front in that place , which was before the reere . is to reduce them to their first forme by turning all to the right hand . this is performed by turning all at an instant to the left hand . this serves to reduce them to their first forme , number by turning to the right hand . is to face them to the reere , by turning all to the left hand , till their faces front in that place , which was before the reere . this is done by turning all to the right hand , standing in their first forme as number showes . showes the counter march from the right flank by turning all to the right hand . is to bringe them againe to the right flanke , by turning to the left flanke . showes the countermarch from the left flank , by turning to the left hand . this reduces them againe to the left flank in turning all to the right hand and by giving the word of commaund as ye were , & then they stand in the first forme , as number demonstrates before they come to wheeling . showes the vse of wheeling , eitheir to the right hand , or the left hand , & is to bring the front which is supposed to consist of the ablest men , to give or receive a charge eitheir vpon the right or left flank , or in the reere , as hath bin said . the ordre , which his highnesse the prince of orange , will have duely kept and observed by the captaines of the troups of horse vpon their march , without any alteration therein , vnlesse by expresse commaund . everie troupe shal be devided into three corporallships , & in filing them , they shall alwaies follow this order , to wit , that before everie corporallship an officer shall ride . the captaine of the troupe first , the cornet before the second , a corporall before the third , and the lieutenant in the reere of the troupe . and if any of these officers should be wanting as the captaine of the troupe , the lieutenant shall march in his place , and if the lieutenant be wanting , a corporall shall march in the place of the said lieutenant . and if they have any bedets , a principall souldier shal be appointed over them , to see that they keepe their closse order in marching . the quartermasters place is to march with the lieutenant in the reere . . the files shall never be made noe deeper then fiue horses , how great or small so ever the troupe bee : so that if the troupe consist of a hundred horse , everie corporallship shall haue fiue , or sixe horse in a rank , and fiue in a file . and the officer shall be carefull when he is to draw out the files in a narrow waye , which is long & that there can passe but three horses in a rank , then they shall devide the corporallship into two parts : but if the waye will permit it , then they shall not devide the corporalship , but march with fiue or sixe in a ranke as abouesaid . . the officers shall commaund the souldiers expresly that in marching , they alwaies keepe the distance of three foot betweene file and file , & sixe foote betweene rank and rank , and that they never ride noe faster then the pace , vnlesse they becommaunded to the contrarie . . there shal be noe more distance left , betweene each corporallship , then is needefull for an officer to march betwixt them . . the lieutenant and quartermaster , which brings vp the reere of the troupe , shall take care that the souldiers in the reere shall begin to march , assoone as those in the front moue , and that they observe well their distance , and see that they doe not straggle out of their ranks & files . . a troupe of horse standing in battaille , the lieutenant and the quartermaster shall haue their place in the reere of the troupe . . in marching and filing of the troups , they shall follow one another so closse , that there shall be noe more place left , but as will serue iust for the trumpetters horses , and the captaines . in the yeere . his highnesse ordered the lords the states horse consisting of eighte troups of curassiers & harquebussiers into regiments , to wit foure troups of curassiers into one division , or battaillon , and foure troupes of harquebussiers into an other battaillon , both which made a regiment , over which a colonell commaunded . note also that comming to march over a heath , or a compagnie . as the foote , so may the troups and regiments of horse be embattelled , and ranged into three brigades , as the avantguard , the battell and the reere , which is a goodle sight . and thus much in briefe , of the officers , of the arming , of the managing , of the exercising , and marching of our cavallrie and horse , practized in the warres of the united provinces , vnder the charge and commaund of his highnesse the prince of orange our victorious generall . finis . great yarmouths exercise in a very compleat and martiall manner performed by their artillery men, upon the twenty second of may last, to the great commendations and applause of the whole town, according to the modern discipline of this our age. . written by iohn roberts of weston, neere bathe, gent. roberts, john, of weston. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) great yarmouths exercise in a very compleat and martiall manner performed by their artillery men, upon the twenty second of may last, to the great commendations and applause of the whole town, according to the modern discipline of this our age. . written by iohn roberts of weston, neere bathe, gent. roberts, john, of weston. [ ] p. printed by thomas harper, and are to be sold by ellis morgan, at his shop in little brittain, london : . signatures: a-b⁴ c¹. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- england -- early works to . great yarmouth (norfolk) -- defenses -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion great yarmovths exercise . in a very compleat and martiall manner performed by their artillery men , upon the twenty second of may last , to the great commendations and applause of the whole town , according to the modern discipline of this our age. . non solum nobis , sed patriae . written by iohn roberts of weston , neere bathe , gent. london , printed by thomas harper , and are to be sold by ellis morgan , at his shop in little brittain . . to the right worshipfull henry davie , president of the artillery yard , and iohn robins esquires , both bailiffs ; and to the worshipfull company of aldermen of the town of great yarmouth . also to the worshipfull captain meadows , captain de engain , captain call , captain man●rop , captain warren , captain bennet , and captain carter : and to the rest of the assistants and company of the artillery men. the principall and chiefest things , right worshipfull & worshipful , that emboldens men to dedicate their labours unto any personage , is the affinitie between the matter of the worke offered , and the mindes of them to whom it is presented . and as in ancient times the comicall poets pend such enterludes as they imagined , would be plausibly heard of the auditory : so our modern writers do fashion and shape the subject of which they intreat , according to the affection of him or them whose patronage they require in countenancing their work . these i make my presidents , for observing your diligence and furtherance towards the expence and putting in execution these military and laudable exercises in so compleat and martiall forme found by it , you were the fittest to patronize this treatise , which is both excellent for imitation in generall , and very necessary for divers in particular . and al●hough it is not so highly esteemed amongst the common sort of people by reason of their igno●ance in sciences , yet for the generall good that accrew and come therby to a common-wealth , is nothing inferiour to the best , especially where their study tendeth to good and vertuous exercises , or the practice and contemplation to laudable arts , of which the art military being a principall member , as having participation with all the rest , or to say the truth the quintessence , nay , the very proofe and triall of them , for though we heare and read never so much , yet without practice and experience is still imperfect , and how can perfection be attained but by action , which was compleatly performed according to our modern discipline , which following in order , i make bold to present to your worships ? thus praying the almighty to lengthen and protract your lives beyond your fatall periods , and give you a will to live , and a desire still to further what may be available to both king and common-weale , with these all good successe in this world , and eternall happinesse in his kingdome ; i conclude and will remayn your worships humblest iohn roberts . to the towne . at honours altar and the shrine of fame , i offer up this trophee to thy name , for good desert should titles great inherit , and ever correspondent be in merit : such manlike actions , martiall-like were shown by thee , th' applause deservedly is blown , ore court and country , which doth canonize in golden lines great yarmouths exercise . great yarmouths exercise . the whole scope of the exercise from the first randevouze troop and march with the three severall alts , together with the first skirmish and setting downe in the field , as also the intrenching , with the advantages , and disadvantages both of those of the field and fort , with the raising , re enforcing , and recovery of every severall work. lastly , the summons , surrendring , and conditions between them , with many more remarkable matters , performed by those of the artillery of great yarmouth . before i enter into the proceedings of this exercise , i will relate the willing and forward mindes of the artillery men , who with a generall and unanimous consent ( upon the first proposition ) liberally laid down their monies for the furtherance of the intended purpose , so that nothing was either wanting , or any way scanting to forward the said designe . insomuch that there was made a plentifull and large provision of all materials whatsoever , and the field and fort made answerable to either store : they were made and fortified with ramparts , ditch , counterscarffe , pallisadoes , baracadoes , sally , ports , parrapets , redoubts , and raveling with larum bels , centre bels , and beacons , upon which was spacious platformes for the ordnance , which were mounted to doe execution upon the assailants , and in which were erected two severall tents , one for captain call then governour , and the other for captain mantrop , attended with good fire-men and warlike souldiers , fitly appointed for that purpose , with lieutenants , ensignes , sergeants , and corporalls , in a correspondent way accontred . in all points answerable to them were those of the field fitted with materials necessary for assailants to be provided of , as commanders , officers , canon-carriages , linstocks , ladles , spunges , badge-barrels , pioners , scaling-ladders , horse-tents , suttlers , forage-masters , scout-masters , and whatsoever else was needfull . and let mee not forget to speake something of that worthy gentleman captaine de engaine , who was sergeant major for that day of the field , and captaine of the artillery-yard , a man well practiced in military discipline , and the only man laid the ground-plot for this exercise , from whom sprung all the directions for the managing thereof , to his great applause , credit , and commendations . in so much , i verily believe , if such exercises were oftner practised in the counties , cities and towns of this kingdome so exactly and martiall like , it would adde a great applause to our nation , and strike as great a terrour in our enemies to heare and see every man so expert in armes , and the commanders and officers so solid , sound , sufficient , and ready upon all occasions to doe both king and country able service . now i will fall up●n the subject i am to treat of , and trouble you no more with what is impertinent to my intended purpose . and first of the generall , governour , captains , and officers of bo●h field and fort. there being choice commanders elected , the one to be generall of the field , the other governour of the fort , every way correspondent to noble , valiant , judicious , and trusty martialists , were thu commander-like accoutred . who having for their proper arms a truncheon in their right h●nds coloured , and waved sutable to their severall colours , faire helmets on their heads , garnished with great plumes of feathers , th●y were compleatly armed for their bodies with rich scarffs on there right arms , fair swords and belts embroydered and guilded with pistols correspondent to the rest at their girdles , captain meadows was generall of the field , and captain call governour of the fort. the serjant majors were chosen by the like advice , had truncheons three foot long , some thing differing from the former , but of the same colours not waved , fair head-peeces gorgeously plumed , and compleatly armed with all things fitting , as before , captain de engain was serjant major of the field , and captain bennet of the fort. the captains had their leading staves with their men attending to carry their pikes and targets , which were accommodated like commanders , and men known both expert and judicious : their names were captain warren , captain mantrop , and captain carter , the first for the field , the two last for the fort. the lieutenants were armed with head-pieces plun●'de , faire and large gilt partizans , buffe coats , gorgets , with rich embroydered belts and swords , with pistols taking their proper places , according to their captains seniority , whose names were these , israel ingram , nicholas cutting , iohn roe , henry lunne , the two first were in the fort , the other two in the field . the ensignes were gorgeously suted , being proper men of person , with their head-pieces plumed , their colours advanced tucked and richly apparelled in every thing compleat for those places , observing when there was a march beaten , their colours were shouldred , their names as followeth , daniel wilgrace , edward denny , for the fort , and iohn darset , and iohn lucas for the field . the assistants to both the serjant majors were commander-like suted , and armed , their names were iohn mallam , thomas godfrey . the quarter-masters of the field in like nature provided , their names iohn wish , iohn robins for the field , and robert gower for the fort. the captain of the horse was wondrous well mounted , and not any thing interiour in armes , for whatsoever else became a commander to be prepared and provided with : his name was captain thomson , his lieutenant iohn bucknam , the cornet robert austin , his corporall thomas wood , all men of good qualitie and well respected , and those which did performe their parts exceeding well , who deserved commendations for their seemly order and warlike behaviour . the cannoneers habited correspondent to their places , with field-linstocks in their hands . the serjants compleatly fitted , and thus was every man properly accommodated . in the morning , the drums of both parts went about the town beating a call , to summon every officer and souldier ▪ to their colours . and when the governours clarke and the captains , had called them by their lists over , and found appearance in them all , then they drew them up in a body thus , having two ensignes caused them to advance to the heads of the pikes , where they made a stand , their colours advanced turked , one ensigne took the right hand , the other the left , according to their senioritie and due place : every officer did the like , the governour tooke his about six foot from the pikes in the centre , his serjeant major upon his left hand , the captains one on the right hand , and the other on the left , betweene the file-leaders of the pikes and musketeers on both flanks , after which they marched by squadrons into the fort , in every way answerable to them were those of the field , as you shall understand in its due place . in the artillery yard was the first randevouze , of those of the field , where after the said call beaten abroad in the town , and also every man upon that summons found ready ; some small time spent thereafter the word of command was given , the drum beat a troop , they all advanc't and shouldred , and so troopt into the market place , where their cannon , horse , ammunition and waggons were ready to attend them , there they drew them into a mayn body . having a sparious place for the ordering of their companies and troops in a warlike maner , marcht into the field in this order , the pioners being prepared there before . first , a cornet of horse troopt into the field , next a squadron of musquetiers , with a drum in the third ranke of captain meadowes company , being eldest colonell , in the reare of whom the colonell in person very laudably and commander-like attended , marcht , the colours and a squadron of pikes , and a drum following , then the eldest serjant in the front of the second squadron of pikes , after them the second serjeant and second squadron of musquetiers , with a drum , and finally , the lieutenant in the reare . after whom marcht the company of captain warrens in every point correspondent to the other , and in one and the self-same uniforme . at the reare of which two companies marcht the cannon and baggage , and another cornet of horse to secure the reare . thus in this martiall manner they marcht into the field , in which march they made three severall alts ; and at the last alt , they were all drawne into forme of battaile , the pikes in the centre flanckt with musketiers with the ordnance , horse and baggage upon the wings . being upon the last alt , and thus marching a party of pikes and musketiers issued from out of the north sally port , and fired upon the army presently , a squadron of pikes and musketiers , advanc't from the army , and fir'd upon the defendants squadron , after whom instantly a troop from the army also seconded the assaylants squadron , to re-inforce these of the fort , but they were as soon repeld by their ambuscado , who routed the assailants and retreated them to the army , at which time those of the fort took two prisoners from them of the field . the while this was in agitation , the assaylants sate downe and raysed their tents , made their huts and setled their ordnance , they of the fort firing their ordnance , all the while on them , which was answered after a short time by the cannon of the field shot for shot . but speedily the aforesaid two prisoners were mist , wherupon the drum major beat a parley , which being answered by a drum of the fort , made their demand which was imbrac'd , & the drum of the field blinded , about ten paces from the fort , was led into the governours tent , and laying down a months pay for captives was led out , and so ransom'd them both again . the army martially setled in the field in their severall quarters , were presently disturbed by the ordnance of the fort , those of the field answered them by their cannon , and set forth their sentinels , with severall guards for the ordnance . at this instant hapned a sudden fire in the quarters ▪ which was done by a traytor from the fort , for the finding out of whom , it was ordered that by the beating of a drum and word of mouth , a proclamation was made , that upon pain of death , every officer and private souldier should repaire presently to his owne private hut , and proper quarter , which being done , and the traytour found alone without a hut , instantly was apprehended and committed to the custody of the provost marshall . and when there was a cessation of armes , he was to undergo the penalty of the law , which was to be bound to a stake , and muskateer'd . then the pioners were drawne up to the front of the army , where they were divided into three parts , two thirds , for the trenches in the quarters , and one third for the battery , to draw the cannon neerer to the fort , and to raise platformes upon severall occasions to advantage the assaylants . the cannon were drawn up by the out-wings of the front of the army , and their mettall plac'd in a horizontall line of levell towards the work of the fort , where the breach should be made to do execution . after which the horse-troops were drawne from both the flancks , and distributed into two guards , a good distance one from the other , right behinde the quarters of the armie . the sentinels of horse were set forth single , round about the outline , to keepe and to discover the enemies approach from indamaging the quarters , or otherwise to relieve the fort. the army thus setled in their quarters , the pioners began according to the direction of the serjant major of the field , both in their trenches , and for their platformes , to breake ground . the commanders of the fort seeing this fire their ordnance upon the pioners , to hinder , and beat them from their works , and brake the new begun trenches . neverthelesse by the violence of the field cannon , the pioners ( maugre all opposition ) advanced their works , at one and the self-same time from the heads , of both the quarters , leaving a good large piasa betweene the front of the quarters , and head of the trenches . instantly were there wings of musketiers drawne from the quarters , fell into the trenches , & so followed the pioners still for their guard , with squadrons to defend both the pioners and musketiers from the sallyers pikes and muskets . these pikes and muskets were many times relieved by parties sent fresh from the quarters , and the former retreated to refresh themselves . a sudden sally was made from the fort and court of guard , to frustrate the assaylants pioners in the trenches , and fired upon them to hinder their work , and beat them out of their trenches , the musketiers of the trenches fire also upon them , that were the sallyers of the guard. after certain vollies thus interchanged , the sallyers presently hasten to their guard again . hereupon certain squadrons of pikes and musketiers were sent from the quarters towards the fort , and court of guard , to the end suddenly to suppresse and take it from them . those of the guard did as couragiously withstand them , and in conclusion forc'd them into their quarters , but those of the field seeing this sent out more force against them to relieve their first squadrons , against which last reliefes those of the fort and works gives vollies , to stop their passage because they could not so conveniently fire before by reason they should have indangered , and done much damage to those of their own quarters being they skirmisht betwixt them and the assaylants . the reliefs from the quarters did proceed so on in their purpose ( in despight of danger ) that they joynd with the first assaylants , and rowted the guardians by falling pell mell with the but end of their muskets , and at push of pike . in so much that those of the guard finding an impossibility of keeping and holding it any jot longer resolv'd joyntly with magnanimous spirits to cut their way through the weakest part of the assaylants , to abandon the guard and flye into the ditch , and next work of the fort , as also those of the redoubts did abandon theirs , and retreated into the fort , both which were performed with great dexterity in a compleat martiall manner . presently upon this they of the field entred the guards , and maintained it managing it with the supplyes that came last unto them for their reliefe , and upon entrance instantly sent backe the first assaylants to their quarters again , to refresh themselves , neverthelesse are so charged that they are beaten back again by them of the fort. in which time the trenches and workes of the army are still advanced forward with all advantage towards the fort , both works and platforms raised , the cannon drawne forward and mounted . the trenches this while were often relieved by new parties of shot and pike , and the old sent to their quarters . the batteries and works of the trenches were continually attended by resolute stands of pikes , placed behinde them for the guard of both the pioners and cannon . those of the fort conclude , and make a sudden violent sally out of their raveling , which inclosed the face and front of their horn-work , and suddenly did beat downe some of the enemies trenches , wherupon the shot from the hornworke , and these of the rampart do give their vollies , upon the enemy being then laid open unto them , on the other side the assailants and them in their trenches , did as suddenly repair that breach , with such materials as were usefull , as sand-bags , and other things prepared for their security and defence . the army having sufficiently fortified their trenches , and stopt the breach formerly made by the salliers out of the foresaid raveling , desperatly ( with vndaunted spirits ) issued out of their trenches and quarters ; and recharged the raveling , and both beat and forc'd them out mayntaining it a time , untill those of the fort made a sudden sally out of the ditch with clubs : threshing flayles , and such like instruments apt for hard strokes , falling yet well upon the assaylants in the raveling , and by strong hand beat them out and repossest it again , and forc'd those of the field to retreat from whence they first issued . wherupon those of the fort being thus incouraged , suddenly made another sally upon the trenches , but were quickly repulst by them of the field . when the commanders of the fort perceived how the field trenches and works did increase daily upon them , fired their beacon . the assaylans seeing this took their advantage , and sent out squadrons of pikes and muskets from the quarters , who instantly charged that part strongly , where the intended breach was to be made . all this while the pioners proceeded forward , and railed their works neerer and neerer , also brought the cannon neerer to force a breach the sooner . there were six selected souldiers sent from the quarters to view the hornworke , armed with armes of proofe , pistolets , and targets . those of the fort made many firings upon them from the raveling , hornwork , and adjoyning parts within the fort. notwithstanding these noble spirits finish their enterprize , ( maugre their fiery onset ) returned and gave an account of their action unto the commanders . but to incourage those of the fort , certain troops of horse appeared at the backe of the armies out-laid for the reliefe of the fort. wherupon those of the fort imbracing the advantage made a strong sally out of both their ports to beat those of the field out of their trenches next unto them , and did put their purpose in execution with clubs , threshing flayles , and the but end of their muskets , having thus effected their enterprize fell back from whence they issued . the trenches and batteries of the field were by this time wrought so neer the raveling and hornwork , that they are resolved upon the first opportunity to enter there . the shot from both works and fort did continually play upon the assaylants , they out of the trenches and guards did the like upon them of the fort. the cannon and small shor of the field did continue their vollies both against the fort and rampart adjoyning , as also upon the hornwork , so as they were constrained to abandon it , and fly into the fort. in which time the mayn batteries of the field were so much advanced , and so neer the bulwarks of the fort that they dismounted their cannon , and fired so much upon that part where the breach was to be made , that the said breach was thereupon made accessable . those of the fort in despight of danger mount the inside of the breach , and repayreth it with sand-bags , &c. neverthelesse , the battery continued & made a sufficient breach in the rampart , though their ordnance are dismounted , yet they continue their firings out of the fort fiercely upon the assaylants . the cannon of the field having made an accessible breach , there presently choice commanders sent from the quarters presently to view it , during which time the cannon silenc't themselves , and barter'd not during the time the viewers were upon that service . who returne and signifie that the breach is accessible , whereupon the counsell of warre presently determined of the assault . lots were drawne for the avoyding of exceptions amongst the commanders , by which meanes it was instantly knowne who should mount the breach first , who second , and who last , and the means how consulted likewise of . the first assaylants were couragiously beaten backe by those of the fort , the second advanc'd and joyn'd with the first , and as manfully repeld with threshing styles and clubs from behinde their sand-bags . the third time the breach mounted by all three parties which did force back the defendants , and lodge themselves neere the top of the breach . during their assault , the small shot in the trenches did not fire at all upon that part for feare of annoying the assaylants . those of the fort being shrewdly gauled by the musketiers of the neighbouring trenches of the field , keeps close within for feare of further danger . vpon this there was a generall cessation of arms , during which it was ordered that the assailants were drawn off frō the breach , and stand at the foot therof , as it was a guard divided into two equall parts on either side the breach , and a fugitive taken and hargubasted , and the traitor that fir'd one of the quarters . this was no sooner effected , but that the drum major by command , beat a summons to surrender the fort. the fort returned no other answer but by a musket shot made full at him from the rampart . the drumme returneth and certifieth the truth hereof to the counsell and commanders of the field , hereupon the battery is renewed , and a generall assault given by the whole forces of the field , who were drawne down from their quarters of purpose , and invironeth the fort round , assaulteth it on all parts at once , and a fresh assault made to enter the breach . which generall allarum and assault did cause them in the fort to ring out their larum bell therupon , the burgers flockt about the governours , and perswaded a yielding . the governour entring into the resolution of the souldiers and townsmen consented to their desire , and with the chief of his officers mounts the rampart , and sends a drum to another part to beat a parley upon the top of the rampart . lastly , the parley was assured and agreed upon by the assaylants conditions propounded and consented unto by field and fort , and ordred thus . inprimis , that they should march out of the fort in a compleat martiall manner . item , that they might depart the fort with bag and baggage without impediment . item , that the souldiers should march out with their muskets loaden and shouldred , matches lighted at both ends , bullets in their mouthes , their rest in their right hands , head-piece upon their heads , and swords by their sides , pikes in compleat arms shouldred , colours flying , and drums beating like men of honour . and thus those of the fort are in a souldier-like manner provided according to the aforesaid conditions , marched out of the fort , all which was compleatly performed in a very seemly and martial manner , who marcht out at the north pallisado , & wheeld their march towards the southeast , betwixt the field forces and the raveling , somthing aloof from the counterscarff , until they arrived at the south port of the town where they marcht in and after a volley given at their commanders doores , lodged their colours , and past to their severall chambers . the fort thus rendred unto the dispose of the conquerour , a counsell is cald by whom it is appointed that the serjeant major and his assistance with twenty of the primest pikes , and twentie choice musketiers were selected out of both the bands , and being placed in a martiall order , the musketiers in front , and pikes in the reare , with a large space left for the colours to march , and thus they advanced and marcht into the fort. at the north sally port rounding the fort within under the covert of the walls , continuing so privatly conceald to view , search and finde out whether there had been any treacherous practices left behind by them that last issued out , but assured themselves that all was secure and no danger to be feared . then the eight majors commanded his two assistants to draw their companies into two distinct files , pikes in front , and musketiers in the reare , then w●● held them off to the right and left , this done , the right hand file mounted close by the north pallisado to the top of that part of the rampart . the left hand file mounted the rampart by the south pallisado , then both marcht upon the top of the work , and meet upon the midst of the breach where the serjeant major took his stand , and presently in a short space marcht down before them through the said breach , and so continued their march to their proper places . this being done in forme as aforesaid , the colonell , serjeant major , and the principall officers ( the lieutenants only excepted , who in the interim attended the army ) guarded with squadrons both of pikes and musketiers , entred the french , and possest themselves solely of the fort , after leaving a sufficient strength to fortifie it , marcht in a seemly and military manner into the town . notwithstanding this exercise thus in every particular performed , and a world of spectators in every place , and neer both cannon and small shot , god be glorified , there was not either man , woman , or child had the least hurt done at all , such was the providence of the almighty , and such the care of the commanders and officers : as also the expert musketiers were so respective among themselves that not one bandeleer took fire to annoy the other , or to endanger the unruly multitude in the least . this exercise was performed with a great deale of charge and care , to the great honour and applause of the artillery men and town . and if i should forget one alderman that is worthy the memory , one master owner , i should do him apparant injury , for hee was the motive and principall benefactor who did forward this exercise , not only with his own servants and cattle , but liberally with his purse , and painfully with his own hands , in so much that he was seldome from the work while it was in action , setting forward what might be the furthering therof , sparing no charge , nor horse-flesh upon the prefixed day , but rode well mounted here and there to keep the concourse of people from danger : would there were more of his noble and worthy disposition , which gentleman hath done many good deeds besides for the good of the said town to his credit and applause . it was my fortune to be present when this plausible exercise was put in execution , and although i have seene good service in the netherlands and other places , yet never saw a thing better performed and more souldier-like imitated . and this i say more they are very expert in armes , and doe performe all their postures and motions with judgement and dexterity . i could wish that others in this kingdome were so well disciplined , and were able to do such service as these can or might , if occasion did importune them therunto . to conclude , when all was thus finished and brought punctually to a period , that noble and free minded gentlemen captaine meadows invited his officers and souldiers to supper , where i was my self in person , and there found great store of diversitie of dishes , and i am sure plenty of wine in a very liberall well beseeming way bestowed on them . in the same manner did captain warren provide , and gave free entertainment , together with the rest of the captains . finis . an abridgement of the english military discipline. great britain. army. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an abridgement of the english military discipline. great britain. army. [ ], p. : ill. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., london, : . "by his majesties permission." reproduction of original in: christ church (university of oxford). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain. -- army -- regulations. military law -- great britain. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an abridgement of the english military discipline . by his majesties permission . london , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . . an abridgement of the english military discipline . of the exercise of the foot. when a body of men are drawn up to exercise , the distance of their ranks must be at six foot , and their files at three foot , that they may have liberty to use their arms. the officers of the body , ( he onely excepted that is to give the words of command ) are to draw off to the right and left , forming a rank on each wing , opposite the one to the other . the officer commanding , is to place himself before the middle of the pikes , about ten foot distance from them , the better to observe what is done , and to be the more easily understood by the whole body . the words of command must be given leisurely , that the souldiers may perform their postures without confusion . the officer must first command silence , and then proceed ( as followeth ) to the exercise of the musquet . shoulder your musquet . lay your right hand on your musquet . poyse your musquet . rest your musquet . handle your match . blow your match . cock and try your match . guard your pan. blow your match . open your pan. present . give fire . recover your arms. return your match . clean your pan with your thumb . handle your primer . prime your pan. shut your pan with a full hand . blow off your loose corns . cast about to charge . handle your charger . open it with your teeth . charge with powder . draw forth your scowrer . shorten it to an inch against your right breast . charge with bullet . ram down powder and ball. withdraw your scowrer . shorten it to a handful . return your scowrer . poyse your musquet . shoulder your musquet . order your musquet . exercise of the pike . advance your pikes . charge to the front. to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right about . to the left about as you were . charge to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left about . to the right about as you were . advance your pikes . from advance , shoulder your pikes . from shoulder , charge to the front. shoulder as you were . from your shoulder , charge to the right . shoulder as you were . charge to the right about . shoulder as you were . charge to the left. shoulder as you were . to the left about . shoulder as you were . from your shoulder , port. from your port , comport . from your comport , charge to the front. from your charge , trail , facing to the right about . charge as you were . advance your pikes . exercise of the musquet and pike together . shoulder your musquet . musqueteers , make ready . at which time , the musqueteers must leisurely and distinctly perform every particular posture of the musquet together . the musqueteers being ready , the pikes are to charge as the musqueteers are faced . to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right . to the right about . to the left about as you were . to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left. to the left about . to the right about as you were . advance your pikes . return your matches . shoulder your musquets . order your arms. pikes , to your inside order . lay down your arms. which posture is to be performed with their left legs ; and stooping all together , their arms being upon the ground , they must take care to rise all together , every one observing his right hand man , at the word of command . quit your arms. face all to the right about . march clear off your arms. to the left about to your leader . march to your arms. handle your arms. which must be done stepping forward with their left legs , and stooping , laying their hands upon their arms , expecting the word of command . order your arms. pikes , to your outside order . poyse your musquets . advance your pikes . shoulder your musquets . march. this way of exercise is not altogether the same with what hath been hitherto in use , wherein it was thought fit to make some alteration , by leaving out some words as superfluous , and changing some of the postures for others that are of greater use and readiness . closings and openings . rranks , close forward to order . ranks , close forward to close order . ranks , open backwards to order . ranks , open backwards to open order . ranks , open backward to double distances . the ranks fall back without changing aspect . files , close to the right . files , close to the left. files , close to the center . files , open from the right . files , open from the left. files , open from the center . for performing of which , the body faces to the hand named , and moves . if to the right , the second file from the right first takes its distance , by moving slower then its leader : the rest of the files do the like successively , and the left hand file moves not at all . doublings . ranks , to the right hand double . march. ranks , to the left hand as you were . march. ranks , to the left hand double march. ranks , to the right hand as you were . march. the ranks that double , are to observe their right hand man , to move at the same time with him ; they begin their motion with the foot next the hand named , and are to come into their places at three steps . in this doubling , the even ranks double into the odd . and if you would have the odd ranks also double , face the body to the rere ; and the same words of command will perform it . to reduce the ranks . the ranks that doubled , are first to face to the contrary hand , then beginning with the contrary foot , at three steps to come into their former ground . files doubling is perform'd in the same manner , and is the same thing with the reduction of doubled ranks ; the reduction of doubled files is the same thing with doubling ranks . doubling of half files with the reduction . rere half files to the right , double your front. march. to the left about as you were . march. rere half files to the left , double your front. march. to the right about as you were . march. if you do it upon a march , let your rere half files move into the front with a quicker motion , the front half files still continuing theirs . and for reduction , let the rere half files without facing about , stand till the front half files have passed them , and then fall after their proper leaders . fireings . the commander in chief gives no command nor direction besides make ready . present . give fire . and the first of these he uses but once . the souldiers are to be instructed and minded by subaltern officers , that when the two first ranks make ready and advance forward , the body of musqueteers is to make good the front of pikes , and the two next ranks unshoulder and make ready , without any word of command ; and when the last rank presents , or both , if both fire together , to advance , and this also without any word of command . if the ranks be at six foot , they are also at their advancing to close forward to three foot , without any word of command . if you fire by single ranks , the first presents at three motions , beginning with his left foot , which as he advances , he blows his match ; at advancing his right , he opens his pan , presenting at the third step . afterwards they file into the rere within three foot of the body . every souldier is to be careful to place himself in his own file , which is also taken care of by the officers in the rere . fireing to the flanks . to the right and left present , falling off after your bringers up . for this you leave six foot between your divisions of musqueteers and your pikes ; which the officers must have a great care to keep open , by causing the musqueteers to incline to the right and left after every fireing to the flank . the two outermost files are to make ready , keeping along with the body , and not to present , nor face to the flanks , till ready ; assoon as they have fired , they face to the rere , and are by an officer led athwart it , and so up between their own divisions and the pikes . assoon as the outermost files face to the flanks , the two next files are to make ready without any word of command , and keep along with the body , till the outermost files be wheeled clear off them . the files that fire to the left , are to blow , advancing with their right leg. fireing to the rere . last rank , make ready . to the rerepresent . which it doth keeping along with the body ; the musqueteers advancing with their right legs , blow ; advancing with the left , open their pans ; then turning upon the ball of their left foot to the right about , cast their right leg backward , and fire then immediately at a good round rate , within three foot of their body , march up into the front. assoon as the last rank faces about to present , every other rank of musqueteers falls back to the rank of pikes that marched behind it , so to keep the rere full , and leave a vacancy of one rank in the front of the musqueteers , for the rank that fired to place it self . the word make ready is made use of but once , afterwards when the last rank faces about ; the next to it is to make ready , keeping along with the body . fireing the street-way . we that have fewer pikes , should cause the half files of pikes to double , that they may cover the musqueteers . the colours and drums are to be between the pikes and musqueteers , the captains with the pikes , and the lieutenants with the musqueteers . lieutenants or serjeants cause the two first ranks of the musqueteers to face to the right or left , and make ready ; then two and two to file up to the front , and march athwart it ; then to present . the pikes ought to be charged , and the musqueteers to stoop very low , and be carefull to carry the muzzles of their musquets low . when they have fired , they pass away , still stooping to the contrary flank , and within three foot of it , into the rere of the musqueteers . as they move away by the left flank , the next by the right , succeed them . if the horse give you time , let the pikes port or advance to ease themselves . that you may always reserve some fire , it is best to fire but one rank at a time ; assoon as that wheels off , the second steps into it's place , and a third rank comes in between it and the pikes . if the street you are to defend be very broad , you must of necessity make an interval besides those on the flanks , wide enough for two men on a breast , one to march up , the other down ; for otherwise the long intermission between the fireings will give the horse opportunity to attaque you . the musqueteers in presenting are to fall back with their right legs , and by no means to advance . swedes way . rere half files of musqueteers to the right or left , double your front. then divide them into equal subdivisions , the rere of the foremost subdivisions to rank even with the front of the hindermost ; the rere of the hindermost with the front of pikes , of which one half advance interchangeably . great care is to be taken that they return well their rammers , lest they hurt those that stand before them : presenting either all three ranks , or two onely , and one standing guarded ; they which have fired , rise up , and make ready on their ground , and the rere subdivisions passing through the intervals , fire in like manner . the intervals to be very little wider then to permit passage to the subdivision of the rere . they are also to fall back with their right legs , without advancing ▪ reduction . musqueteers , to the right about . march all till even with your rere of pikes . to the left about all . front half files , march till even with your front of pikes . to make a square . face to your four angles . the intervals between the half ranks and half files divide the body into four parts ; if there be an odd file , it faces with the right half ranks . to your proper front. in all facings , the souldiers are to keep their left foot fixed , turning round on the ball of it , and bringing about their right . a solid square . to draw a solid square , make it first equal on all sides , by the square root , then girdle it with shot , which is speedily perform'd by these words of command . rere half files of shot , to the right about . musqueteers , march all till clear of the pikes . face inwards , and march till you close in the center . musqueteers that are clear of front and rere , wheel into the flanks . reduction . musqueteers that wheel'd into the flanks , wheel into front and rere . face all outwards , and march till clear of the pikes , then face in opposition , and close . to make a hollow square . let the three outermost files of pikes of each flank stand . rere half files , to the right hand about . front and rere half files , march. flanks of pikes face inward . march. rere half files of musqueteers , to the right hand about . musqueteers , march all till clear of the pikes . musqueteers , face inwards , and march till you close in the center of the pikes . musqueteers that are clear of your pikes , face in opposition , and flank your pikes . reduction . musqueteers that flank the pikes , wheel into front and rere . musqueteers , face to the right and left outwards , and march till clear of your pikes , then face inwards , and close . pikes of the flanks , face outward , and march till clear of the front and rere half files . front and rere half files , face inwards , and close . for greater expedition , the words of command may be given at the same time to pikes and musqueteers by two officers . of marching . in marching , the officers are to observe that the ranks be at twelve foot distance , and that the files be closed shoulder to shoulder , unless when a battalion marches in a body , in which case the files must keep such a distance , that they may have the liberty of their arms. the souldiers must always begin to march with their right foot first ; which is observed to conduce most to keep the ranks even . the captains are to march with their pikes shouldered ; a lieutenant to march with a partizan ; and an ensign to march with his pike comported , which is to be the distinction between the captains and other officers . serjeants have no place assigned them in marching , but are to be moving up and down , to observe that the ranks and files be at their due distance . of drawing up a body of men , and the place of the officers . when a regiment is to be drawn up , the easiest and readiest way of placing the companies is , that the eldest company draw up on the right hand , and the second company on the left , the third next to the first , the fourth next to the second , and so consequently to the youngest , which is to be in the center ; for which the words of command are , musqueteers , to the right and left outwards . pikes , to the right and left inwards . interchange ground . march. when a regiment hath so taken its ground , to place the officers , you must divide the lieutenants equally , placing one half of them at the head of the right wing of shot , and the other at the left ; the ensigns are to be at the head of the pikes , upon the same line with the lieutenants , and each of them at four foot distance from the body . the captains are likewise to be divided equally , and placed on each wing , four foot before the lieutenants . none must stand before the ensigns , but he onely that commands in chief , who is to be ten foot before the pikes ; there must be a serjeant placed at the right and left of every rank , and the rest of the serjeants are to be in the rere , at twelve foot distance from the body , making a parallel line to the last rank . the drums must be divided likewise , one half on the right wing , and the other on the left , and are to stand on the same line with the first rank of the souldiers . it is to be understood , that this way of placing of the officers , is onely for ordinary drawings out , either for musters or parade ; for upon any occasion of service , they are to be otherwise placed , as shall be shewn hereafter . but if the regiments march in a body , this order of the officers must be changed ; for then the lieutenants are to be removed from the front to the rere , the rest of the officers keeping still their same post ; and the serjeants that were in the rere must be moving up and down , to see that the ranks and files march according to the rules above given . and if the regiment march in division , the difference is yet greater : for then one half of the captains are to march at the head of the first division of shot , and the other in the rere of the last division : one half likewise of the lieutenants are to be in the rere of the first division of shot , and the other at the head of the last ; the ensigns are to march before the pikes , and no other officer at their head. the officers in marching , are to observe the same distance from the body , as when they were drawn up . of salutes . when a regiment is drawn up , the officers are to salute one after another , as the person passes by whom they are to salute . if the regiment march in division , the officer that commands must begin first to salute , and the captains that march in a rank behind him , must not salute till he hath done , and then they must observe all one motion ; the lieutenants likewise when they salute , must keep the same time , as also the ensigns ; which is much more graceful then doing it one after another . the ensigns must further observe in their salutes , to bring their colours all the same way , otherwise they will be apt to meet and entangle . in making a guard when the king or queen passes by , the pikes must be advanced ; otherwise onely the drums beat , the musquets are shouldered , and the pikes ordered . when the king or general comes in the rere , the colours or officers are not to march through the ranks , but to keep still at the front : if it be in the field , and the whole army drawn up , then as the king marches by , every battalion is to charge their pikes , and rest their musquets ; which is a posture of more guard. of wheeling , when a body marches in division . when the word of command is given to wheel , ( if it be to the right ) the right-hand man is to keep his ground , and onely turn upon his heel , whilest at the same time the left-hand man moves about quick , till the officer bids him stand. the second rank doth not begin to wheel , till they have taken the ground of the first : so every rank is to take the ground of that which is before them ; upon which depends this way of wheeling . of the exercise of horse . the exercise of horse consisting in fewer words of command then that of foot , is more generally known , and there is little need of any alteration to be made therein , but what is rather for shew then use . when a troop or squadron are to exercise , they must first have charg'd their carabins and pistols ; and when the corporals have been through the ranks , and seen that they are all ready , the officer must command silence , and proceed as followeth . lay your hands upon your swords . draw your swords . put your swords into your bridle hands . lay your hands upon your pistols . draw your pistols . cock your pistols . hold up your hands . * give fire . return your pistols . the same words of command are given for the other pistol , and then as followeth . lay your hands upon your carabins . advance your carabins . cock your carabins . present your carabins . give fire . let fall your carabins . take your swords from your bridle hands . return your swords . all which motions the officer must take care to see done exactly at the same time , and therefore must not give the words of command too fast . when a body of horse is drawn up , the officers must stand close to their men ; onely he that commands must be a horse length before the rest of the officers : and they must observe the same thing in marching ; for nothing is more unseemly , than to see the officers at too great a distance from their men. it is thought necessary to make an alteration in the manner of wheeling of horse ; for whereas formerly , when a squadron of horse was commanded to wheel , ( if it were to the right ) the right-hand men closed to the left ; which way was found subject to put the ranks out of order , and therefore the practise now is , that the right-hand men should keep their ground , onely turning their horses heads to the right , whilst the left comes about ; in which motion they must observe their left-hand man. when a squadron of horse is to charge another , it is better they should do it with their swords in their hands , than either with their pistols or carabins . the manner of encamping for horse or foot. there must be allowed one hundred paces for the encamping of a battalion consisting in sixteen companies , and fifty men in each company . there must be allowed fifty paces for a squadron consisting in three troops , and fifty men in each troop . from the head of the first line , to the head of the second , there is commonly allowed three hundred paces , whereof one hundred and twenty are for the encamping of the first line ; so that there remains one hundred and eighty paces for the distance between the last tents of the first line , and the head of the second . it is to be observed that this measure of ground aforesaid is meant onely for the encamping of an army ; for if it was to be ranged in battel in case of service , the distances between the battalions or squadrons must be greater than in a camp. it must be endeavoured as much as may be , that the second line be equal to the first , keeping the same distance upon the right and left. all troops or companies of horse or foot consisting but of fifty men , are to be encamped on one row of baraques or hutts ; but when the troops or companies consist in more men , there must be two or three rows of baraques or hutts . it is to be observed , that in each squadron or battalion , the collonels company is always upon the right or left , and there make their row of hutts : behind them must be left a space for the street , then the second company makes their row of hutts ; near to which the third makes theirs , leaving the space of two foot onely between their hutts , which is called the by-street . and the same thing is observed by the horse . the hutts of the foot always open towards the street . the baraques of the cavalry always open towards the horses heads . the particulars of encamping of a battalion . when the adjutant or quartermaster hath his ground allotted to him for the encamping of a battalion , which is commonly one hundred paces , he is to divide it in the manner following ; ( viz. ) he must allow seven foot square to each hutt , two foot to the by-streets , and fifteen foot to the great streets . every company consisting of fifty men , ought to have ten hutts ; and there must be the distance of two foot between the hutts . the kitchens must be marked out at twelve foot distance from the last row of hutts , and must be placed just over against them , so that the streets may be open quite through , for the officers to pass easily to the head of the camp , as there shall be occasion . the length of the kitchens is to be of nine foot , and the breadth of six foot. there must be thirty paces distance between the souldiers kitchens , and the front of the captains tents . there must be distance of fourty paces between the captains tents , and the front of the tents of the subaltern officers ; and the remaining ground is for the encamping of the captains equipage . the sutlers are to encamp behind the officers tents . by this account , there remains fifteen or twenty paces , which makes the distance from one battalion to another , which is always left upon the left hand . the pikes ( whether they are placed against a cross , or in a stand ) must be allowed at eighteen foot distance from the hutts . the musquets must be at eighteen foot distance from the pikes , or they may be placed upon the same line with them . the particulars of encamping of a squadron . when a quartermaster of horse hath his ground allotted to him for a squadron , which is commonly fifty paces , he is to divide it in the following manner , viz. he must allow three paces for the length of a baraque , and two paces distance from the opening of the baraque to the stakes to which the horses are fastened , and three paces for each horses standing , and ten paces for the street . to the second troop is to be allowed two paces distance , three paces for their baraques , and one pace distance for the by-street . the third troop must have two paces distance , three paces for the baraques , and three paces for the horses ; after which , there will remain fifteen paces , which makes the distance from one squadron to another . if the squadrons are stronger , they must have more ground ; and this is onely for a squadron of one hundred and fifty men , in three troops , each troop making but one row of baraques . the colours must be placed at eighten foot distance from the front of the baraques , in the same line with the pikes . there are commonly ten or twelve baraques on a row , for every troop of fifty men ; and there must be at least two paces distance from one baraque to another . for the troops kitchens , the officers tents , and the sutlers which attend upon the troops , the same measures are to be observed in proportion , as are used for encamping of foot. by a pace here , is meant three foot. orders for battel . though there can be no certain rules given for any order of battel , which depend chiefly upon the circumstances of place , and other accidents that may happen , yet i shall set down some which may serve for an example to shew the nature of the thing . you must then first of all command silence ; next to march very leisurely . to observe the right in marching , and preserve the intervals , which are always to be fifty or sixty paces at least , that fifty of a battalion may pass through them . none to speak but the commander in chief , or the major by his order . advancing against the enemy in battel , out of musquet shot , the captains and other officers at the head of the battalion , are all to march in a line , with their pikes in their hands , two good paces before the men , and are often to look behind them ; because otherwise they may insensibly get too much before the body ; and the souldiers by following too fast , fall into disorder , whereof great care is to be taken in marching against an enemy . at which time the ranks are to be two great paces distant , and the files closed in such a manner , that every souldier may march at his ease , and so charge and fire ; which will be effected , if he have liberty of moving his elbows as he marcheth . when the musqueteers come within shot , and march ready with their pans guarded , the ranks should be closed forward to the swords point . but to avoid talking , which usually happens at this instant , it is better to leave the distance of one pace between the ranks ; so the souldiers will not press one upon another ; which ordinarily causes breach of silence in a battalion . the distance of files is to be preserved as hath been said already . he that commands a battalion , is to be in the center of it , at the head of the pikes ; the officer next in degree , is to be in the rere of the pikes ; the third in degree , at the right wing of shot , in the front ; the fourth , at the left wing of shot , in the front ; the rest of the captains are to be in the rere on the wings of shot , according to their degrees . the lieutenants are to be placed , two in the front , two in the rere , and one on each flank . the colours are to be in the center of the pikes . the serjeants are to be placed one on the right and left of each rank . if a battalion consist of more then six companies , the respective officers are to be placed according to the discretion of the commander of the battalion . it were not amiss to place the company of the captain that commands the left wing of shot , on the left of all that wing ; unless the battalion be the outermost on the line : for then the collonels company is to be on the left of all , in this case the right and left exchanging . in a battel , the captains and other officers are to march in a line ; but coming within shot of the enemy , and the musqueteers marching ready with their pans guarded , the whole line of captains and other officers is to retire each of them into the intervals of his files next after his post ; yet so , as they may look to the right and left of the battalion . whilst they are marching towards the enemy , they are to be very careful to keep themselves in this posture , and neither to be forwarder nor backwarder , neither without the battalion , nor within it . and when they begin to march with their pikes charged , and that the musqueteers are ready , the ranks are to be closed forward to one small pace . assoon as the battalion comes to thirty paces distance from the enemy , let the musqueteers fire , the manner of which firing shall be ordered them before . the captain commanding the rere , is to observe that the battalion march still , to cause the souldiers to close forward easily , and without noise or confusion : his chief care ought to be to command the pikes ever to march even with the wings of musqueteers ; for it often happens that in marching any considerable time in battel , the wings advance , and form a half-moon , and the pikes in the middle being extremely pressed upon , the battalion is broken . provided the motion of the pikes be equal on the right and left , the battalion cannot be disordered by its march. above all , we are carefully to preserve the distance of ranks and files , according to what hath been said already . the grenadeers ( when there are any ) are to be drawn up on the right of the battalion , and to augment it , without intermixing with it , or troubling the order of it , they being a separate number of men that are to be always ready for whatever shall be commanded them . the commander of a battalion may be on horsback at the head of it , when the captains are on foot with their pikes in their hands , in consideration that he is to be stirring to all parts , to see that the distances be observed ; and above all , that none speak , except himself , or the major by his order . the commander of a battalion is to alight when the musqueteers make ready , and is to march with his pike charged against the enemy . when an army is drawn up for battel , the distance between the lines must be of three hundred paces , the same as is in a camp. of defiles . to pass a narrow defile , the readiest way to perform it , and draw up again in order assoon as past , is to make the ranks file , if to the right , the right-hand man files first , and the rest of his rank follow him , till the defile be past , then they rank again as they were ; this seems better then files fileing , because it immediately makes a front to the enemy . if the rank be great , let it file two abreast , beginning with the two middlemost files . for larger defiles , the commander draws off as he judges the way will easily receive ; in order to which , the battalion is divided before it marches , serjeants taking care of the subdivisions . the places of the lieutenants may be according to these figures , captains and ensigns keeping their places . finis . london , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * note , after they have given fire , they must still keep their hands up , till the word of command be given to return their pistols . military and spirituall motions for foot companies with an abridgement of the exercise of a single company as they now ought to be taught and no otherwise : composed in ireland and now published for the good of his fellow soldiers in england / by captaine lazarus haward ... haward, lazarus. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) military and spirituall motions for foot companies with an abridgement of the exercise of a single company as they now ought to be taught and no otherwise : composed in ireland and now published for the good of his fellow soldiers in england / by captaine lazarus haward ... haward, lazarus. [ ], p. printed by tho. harper ..., london : . illustrated t.p. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- quotations, maxims, etc. -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion military and spirituall motions , for foot companies . vvith an abridgement of the exercise of a single company , as they now ought to be taught , and no otherwise . composed in ireland , and now published for the good of his fellow soldiers in england , by captaine lazarus haward , of ailsford in kent . soldier london , printed by tho. harper , and are to be sold in little britain . . to the honorable sir anthony weldon knight , and the rest of the hon ble deputy lievtenants and comittees of the county of kent . honourable gentlemen , the noble favours i daily receive from you , since my arrivall out of ireland , into this county , hath imboldned me to offer this poor tribute of mine experience , not to teach your uncontrollable knowledges , but humbly desire it may kisse your hands , as a sacrifice offered from your servant , or as a weaknesse that stands in need of your protections . in your honours i know is power to judge of my labour , and in you also is power to exercise mercy ; i hope i have written nothing that is erring from sence or truth : having not laboured mine own , but the profit of my poore bleeding , dying country-men , whom these miserable times have called out to this miserable unnaturall war : desiring not only his temporall victory , ( but above al ) his spirituall . there may be many puny scholars that from these briefe rules , may gather more abler judgements : your noble favours and allowance can only make it acceptable to those which need it , especially in this country , which i wish to be served by it : then let those graces fly from your noble natures , that as now i live , i may die your honours poore servant and soldier l. h. to the curteous reader . i have not presumed to adde any thing to the uncontrollable knowledges of such as have formerly taken much pains in writing at large upon this subject of drilling , drayning , or exercising of foot companies , nor any new thing to catch covetous spirits , but only what may ever be embraced of solid and substantiall judgements : innovations and divisions have stirred up such dismall distractions , that it hath brought us neere to a fearefull desolation : and that which by the blessing of god should be the principall means of our restoring , being the honourable art of war , is with the times , much of it become full of divisions and divisionall practises , onely serving to delight curious spectators , otherwise dangerous to the poore soldier , if ever he be brought upon service , the actors little regarding the old briefe rules from whence their new devised divisionall whimzies are fetcht . but since peace it lost , and the devouring sword strives to be conquerour of all , and fearing that thou that art my fellow soldier who standst in need not only of military discipline , but also in more need of spirituall , so that not having put on s. pauls spirituall armour , nor beene exercised in any spirituall motions , thou be in danger to lose both soule and body together : let me intreat thee to peruse these few briefe rules , concerning the defence of thy soule and body both : the brevity of the rules which thou art to use for defence of thy body will affoord thee sufficient time : peruse and double over those good motions , admonitions , sentences and sayings , as their letters have linkt them to their order , which being well observed , will bring thee to be a soldier of that great captaine , christ jesus , under whose obedience is obtained ever lasting victory , and a crowne of glory . thus uniformity in discipline spirituall and temporall , will make us like the israelites , go up as one man with one heart , and in one forme ; and so take away the evill from before our brethren , and so once more enjoy a happy peace in church and state , this being the briefest way to give an end to our miserable troubles : having comprehended the full and whole exercise of a foot company in the last sheet of this booke , i commend thee to it and the rest , which being construed according to my honest meaning , i have got my desire , and shall ever rest at thy service lazarus haward . military motions for exercising of foot companies . s ilence is the daughter of shamefastnesse , both which as they are excuses for mediocrity , so they are prejudices to excellencies . i t is a shame a godly mans zeal should not be as couragious to defend the truth as a wicked mans malice is violent to oppose it . l et heaven thunder , earth and hell roar , speak for the truth , for it is truth that preserves our lives , and makes us blessed for ever . e vill thoughts can seldome bring forth good words , never good deeds : for as corne is , so will the flower be . n othing more lewd then error ; the more false the matter , the greater noise to hold it up . c ursed is that speech , that is either against the god of truth , or against gods truth , or against the friend of both , god and truth . e very man that is christs souldier , will fight for him . s erve the time i wicked counsell : we are made to serve god. t hat minde can never be steady , that stands upon anothers feet , untill it will rather lead then follow . a commonwealth is a tent picht up to shelter men from wrong , that they may live happily together : lawes are the cords of it , breake the cords , and the tent falls . n othing that the law allowes , but the male-content censures ; what it forbids , that he strives to justifie : but that 's a treacherous hand that steals away from states-men their reputation . d ivinity is a mistresse for the highest masters of men : and the scripture is the best counsellour for the greatest states-man in the world. r ulers to be unrighteous , are like blazing stars with long tailes , drawing traines of mischiefe after them ; and is ominous to a whole kingdome : but piety in a prince , blesseth all his subjects . i f magistrates will uphold gods kingdome , he will uphold theirs : if they will have god to be mindfull of them in his mercie , they must be mindefull of him in their businesse . g od permits false teachers for mans ingratitude : because ahab will not beleeve micha , a lying spirit shall deceive his prophets . h ee that comes in gods name , and is sent ; yet delivers a false message , when he is come is a falsifier of gods word . t o intangle the soul with multitude of traditions , ceremonies , and unconcerning rites is to be condemned ; for it takes away liberty of conscience . i t would coole the heart of the devill if the church had escaped the ingenious solicitations of our superstitious teachers , who not only trouble the waters of our peace , but poyson her very springs of life . n o sooner was god worshipped and served , but hatred and spight fell to the portion and lot of religion . y f false teachers had not store of followers , hereticall positions would fall to the ground , and themselves slinke away with reproach and shame . o ur wickednesse in these daies and dangerous times , proceeds not from weake , but from wilfull ignorance . v iolent opposing the truth ( which we have rejected ) with tongue and hand , justifying and defending mischievous opinions against the gospell of christ , is a deniall of christ in judgement . r eligion in an unstable man lyes alwaies in wait for the inclination of his prince , as a spaniell hunts according to the face of his master . f easting sinners doe little know how neare jollitie is to perdition , judgement is often at the threshold , when drunkennesse is at the table . i n vaine doe they flye whom god pursues , for there is no mountaine so high but god can reach it , no depth so low but his eye sees it , and power reaches it . l ying and false teachers are amongst us by gods permission , that the true only might more painfully and patiently exercise their knowledge . e very one that desires to be true to himselfe , and free from all errors , let him be sure to be true to christ . s uperstition first loves , and then beleeves ; but true religion first beleeves and then loves . s inne at first was the cause of ignorance , now ignorance is the cause of sinne ; as long as we thinke we see we continue blinde , when we perceive our blindnesse then we begin to see . t he first punishment of sinne is blindnesse of minde , and that blindnesse is the cause of future sin . a lewd man is a pernitious creature , that the damnes his owne soule is the part of his mischiefe , for he commonly draws vengeance upon a thousand , either by desert of his sin , or by the infection of it . n ever was any man so desperately wicked , but he had some followers , lucifer fell not alone from heaven . d estruction should teach us to thinke of our sins ; doe we marvell at this distracted age ? every man look to his own sins , and cease marvelling . r ankmirth , with full bellies , with gaming and wine , hath laid us all open to the divell . i t is just that they who have made themselves partners in sinning , should not be separated in suffering . g od is not just without mercy ; nor mercifull without justice , slow to anger , yet he will not acquit the wicked . h ee that will not take gods word for good , shall feele his sword for evill ; so near is unbeleef to atheisme , as the word of god is to the noblenesse of his majesty . t he almighty hates to be disturbed , and accounts infidelity so much a greater sin then another . i t is ridiculous for a man to professe he is going to heaven , when his whole life is forwarding him to hell . n o man can charge god with over hastinesse ; for if he should be angry as often as we sin , and strike as often as he is angry , what man could escape ? y f the summons of vengeance should awake us to repentance , we shall no sooner change our mindes , but god will change his sentence . o pennesse of sinne hath saved justice a labour of inquisition ; there needs no hue and crie after the thiefe that presents himselfe . v engeance is alwaies gods owne weapon , so appropriated to his hand that no creature can meddle with it . r oot out all corruption out of thy heart , or else it will root thee out of the land : for concupiscence is to a man , as peter to the maid that made him deny his master . r ighteous art thou , o lord , and just in thy judgements : no man can confesse this , but such as live uprightly and truly as he hath commanded . a ll complaine , yet every man addes to the heap of sin , redresse stands not in words , but each man amend one , and we may all live . n ever did god so irrevocably threaten judgement for sin , but the penitent confession of the sinner cancels and avoids the sentence . k nowing the sweetnesse and excellencie of christ we cannot but love him ; and if we love him , it must needs be grievous to us to lose him . s inners may so weary the invincible patience of god , that he may say of them as he did to ephraim : ephraim is joyned to idolls , let him alone . t he divell is let loose for a season to try the patience of gods church ; yet let falsity vomit her poyson for a while , we shall finde saving health in christ . o ur enemies , o lord , are near us to hurt us ; but thou art near to helpe us : thou art judge of the whole world , therefore deliver thy people . t he sword never prevailed , but sin set an edge upon it ; god indeed is judge of all , but sin is the cause of all . h asten from the company of the wicked , that there may be no stay in your passage to heaven for feare judgement overtake you . e ven as our teares must slacken gods bow , so our prayers must get out his arrows when they sticke fast in our sides . r ipenesse of sinne makes ready gods wrath ; so that neither greatnesse nor strength can protect us . i t is a grievous judgement upon a nation , when teachers sent for mans salvation , shall become meanes of their confusion . g od is angry against all sinne , but his wrath is most hot against universall sinne , thousands , or a whole army falls then in one day . h umble confession , and devout penance cannot alwayes avert temporall judgements : david spent three daies in sad contrition , yet in that short time gods angell destroyed . t he desolating actions of gods justice is not to destroy and deprive of being , but to further the growth of his church , as men root weeds out of a garden that the hearbs may grow the better . h oly men out of their acquaintance with their master , foresee punishment , but fooles run on and are punished . a sinfull commonwealth cannot live unlesse it bleed in the common vein , neither is there a better sacrifice to god then the blood of malefactors . n o target , no corslet , nor armour of proofe , nor banks , nor fortifications , can withstand the hand of the almighty . d readfull blasphemy , desperate sacriledge , apostacie , covetousnes , drunkennesse , luxurie , prophanenesse , and excessive pride , has provoked gods wrath : therefore mourne for them that will not mourne for themselves . a ll gods blessings , all his judgements , all his creatures , are as so many sermons and trumpets to bring man to repentance . s hall a land mourne for the inhabitants , and not the inhabitants for the sinnes of that land ? god forbid ! y f we doe not perish every mothers son and daughter by the sword , as the old world did by the deluge , it is not because we are lesse wicked , but because god is more mercifull . o england ! the gospell of christ is fittest to lead our times , and as that is either distressed or prosperous , so let us frame our mirth or mourning . u ngodly policies may bring a kingdome to desolation ; because they are contrary to repentance . w ee have suffered the mischiefe of a long peace , and our estates are not the better , but through security much worse ; and for our sinnes god hath sent his bloody arrow amongst us . e very man is a limbe of the community , and must be affected with the estate of the whole body , whether healthfull or languishing . r epentance neglected is the despising of gods goodnesse , and will cause war to fill our streets and fields with blood . e ven gods long-suffering is an affoordment of time to repent , and is a favour ; not mans , but gods , not a common grace , but a speciall fruit of his goodnesse . t here is great need of mourning where sin is great ; for heavy judgements will not be turned away without deep sorrows . o ur sinnes deserve destruction , our repentance is no satisfaction ; it is only gods mercy in christ that gives absolution . t he greater the corruption , the vaster the destruction ; but if we be found in the faith there is no end of blessednesse . h ee that lookes outward upon some eminent and notorious sinner , concluding he is in the plague of our nation , is a vaine man , looke inward , there is an achan in thine owne bosome . e very sin is mighty , therefore our repentance must be more hearty ; or else expect not the removing of calamity . l ittle pleasure doth the father of all mercies take in the death of a sinner : ere david could see the angell , he had restrained him . e very man censures , none amends , nay all grow worse ; therefore vain man apprehend , condemne and execute thine owne sin . f east , drinke , carouse and play , when so many hearts are bleeding , is the signe of a desperate soule that can rejoyce and be merry when god shews himselfe angry . t he content hath corrupted the continent ; mens sinnes have infected the whole world , as the plague in persons infect th●●ery walls of a house . h ee that wounds the truth by his sinnes which god hath sent to save his soule , no wonder if he perish by her forsaking kim , that hath lost himself by forsaking her . a s no importunity can delay gods judgements , no secresie avoid it , no policie corrupt it : so nothing but sanctification can give us comfort in it . n oah preached much , the world was warned ; so patient is god , that if sin were not desperate , it should not smart . d educt our owne evills from the evills of these dayes ; and then god , the land , and our owne consciences shall finde the lesse . a s gods mercy hath her day in giving time of repentance ; so justice shall have her day of retribution . s atan would have all perish , the infinite goodnesse of god would have all blessed ; their names will fit in our language , good and god , evill and devill . y f a whole nation apostate to lewdnesse , and there be none to stop the course , how should it stand an houre ? o h england , prepare to meet thy god , for although he be offended with the whole land , yet there be some that he will owne . u niversall judgements call for universall repentance ; our land mournes , yet some feel not the sharp wound of that hungry sword . w hen man turnes himselfe out of gods service , all the creatures serving him , are as it were turned out of his service . e very man pray heartily that the lord destroy us not : let our sins be lesse , and our prayers more , that we may sinde mercy . r un not on in sin till thou meet with unexpected mercy , for thou maiest as well spur thy beast till he speake , because balaam did so . e xcept we love our owne lusts and vanities more then the wellfare of a whole land , let us confesse and redresse our sins . t he wrath of a king is a fright , we feare an ague , wonder at a comet , and tremble at thunder ; but fear not the commander of all these . o ur fathers were more devout then we , for they did but what they heard , though it were but the devices of men ; we heare and doe not , though it be the word of god. t hat heart is hard frozen , that nothing but hell fire can thaw ; beware of such a heart . h ee that laughs at the memoriall of his sins , shall weep tears of bloud for those sins . e liphants will be ruled and led about by little dwarfs , but man is an indomable creature , a●● forsees not the judgements of god. r eligion made a sta●king horse for policie , is odious , and of all men the religious dissembler shall be sure of plagues . i n vaine doe men speake well of us when no man knowes good by us . g od is just , he hath many wayes to punish us ; we have none to escape him . h ee loves not the lord that will not suffer for him ; be patient therefore unto his comming . t he glosse of profession will off in a storme , and unlesse we be dyed in graine we never hold grace . h ee will hardly brooke wounds that cannot endure wounds for the cause of our saviour . a true christian may live without doing wrong , but not without receiving wrong . n o walking to heaven upon roses , god put his children into the way of discipline by the fire of correction to eat out the rust of our corruption . d eceits are most abominable when we shrowd them under the name of religion ; nor is there any such devill as he that lookes like an angell . a true christian is like jacobs ladder , while his body the lower part stands on the ground , the top his higher part is in heaven . b ee not devout in a storme , and stormy in a calme , like mariners on land , who imitate the rage of the seas , and roar here as fast as they doe there . o ur faire shewes are a just argument of our unsoundnesse : no naturall face hath so faire a white and cleare a red , as that which is painted . v aine glory swells men with rank opinions of their owne worth , mighty are their words , as if they shooke mountaines , and spake thunderclaps . t he tongue that yeelds not defence when gods glory is in question , is tyed by the devill , and not loosed by god. a wise man wil not be scoffed out of his mony ; nor a just man out of his faith . s ome men may be stored with some acts of patience , but what are they amongst so many troubles ? yet if patience be with us we are all safe . y f we had before we went about our warlike affaires penitently cleansed our hearts , we might have expected better successe . o ne lust fights against another , both against the soule ; they made one soul against another , and many soules fight against god. u nnaturall coldnesse in some , and preternatuall heat in others , hath set us together by the eares about trifles , while the common enemy breaks in . w oolfe and woolfe can agree , lambe and lambe fall not out , but who can reconcile the woolfe to the lambe , but christ jesus ? e very day it is the devills policie to assault the best , the multitude hee knows will follow after ; for the unstable vulg●● are soon carried away with the religion of authority . r ooms schoolmen have invented a doctrine of fables cunningly devised , and the friers had crotchets enough , but the jesuit put downe all . e very bad king hurts much by his unjust commands , but more by their examples : for the common wealth like a fish rots first at the head . t he precepts of kings are sometimes evill , therefore we must only obey them in god , but when god commands we may not examine , but execute . o nly a forme of godlinesse will never remove gods judgements from a nation . t o weare the devills livery , to be the pentioner of hell at the command of that malignant spirit , is a most damnable name and shame . h ee that is to day a papist , tomorrow a protestant , next day no man can tell what , nor himselfe ; such a man denies christ . e very man will try to write with two pens , hunt two wayes , fight with two swords , or travell two wayes together , is a troublesome folly : truth hath but one way , no second , not another . l et truth once flourish , and heresie finde no footing , then shall justice reigne , oppression shall be oppressed ; the hand of bribery shall be broken , the arme of injustice cut off , and the mouth of iniquity stopped . e very man shall sit under his owne vine , we shall feare no breaking in of enemies to invade us , nor heare any news or noyses to affright us . f or joy we shall sing aloud , our princes shall be wiser , and our judges better instructed , and instead of serving themselves and the time , will learne to serve the lord with feare , and rejoyce in him . t he lord is a living lord , and a giving god , unchangeable his goodnesse , most bountifull in his benificence . h ee that is the common enemy , seeks to devoure all : therefore every man cease quarelling one with another , and fight with him . a ll men are merry , but who mournes , for god is angry with us , and would destroy us , did not jesus stand in the breach for us . n ever depend on the favour of god , untill our hearts be purged of pride and selfe-love ; be every thing denyed that hath no relation to christ . d oth all the world acknowledge some god , doe some narions acknowledge too many gods , for shame let us acknowledge one god. a sall times have their incident troubles , so there is one maine day of trouble , yet considering gods promise he will never faile his . b ecause we know not the time of our deaths , let us learn with st. paul to dye daily . o ne halse houre spent fixedly every day , will by gods grace bring alteration heart and life . v igilancie , carefulnesse , and love , are the three marks and helpes of diligence . t hat mans life is well bestowed in death , when to patience is adde godlinesse . a s finer tempers are more sensible of the changes of the weather , so the faithfull and familiar with god can discry his judgements . s uch is the worlds desperatenesse and pollicie to vex whom god hath blessed ; but still he takes them into his tuition , and will devout their enemies . y f man say to god in the middest of his distresses , is this thy justice ? he will answer , oh man , is this thy faith ? o ur sins by sea and land are so great , that it is the only infinite mercy of god that in every place we perish not . u nthankfull men are the worse for all gods favours , and the worse they grow towards the end , the worse it shall be for them in the end . w ee commonly kill our beasts when they are fattest , but judgement surpriseth sinners when they are leanest , which is the remotest distance from goodnesse . e very sin is mighty , therefore our repentance must be more hearty , which mixt with faith and hope , will bring us to heaven . r epent in life , that thou maiest finde comfort in death ; for the great judge cannot erre , he knowes our going out and comming in . e xtraordinary terror was at the law-giving , but was a burning image of what shall be at the law enquiring . r oome thinks the gospels rising , must needs be her falling , and therefore cannot endure like a sister to communicate with us , but like a tyrant to excommunicate . a unwise king destroyes his people : but through the wisdome of them which are in authority , cities are inhabited . n othing so sovereigne but by being abused by sin , may not of a blessing become a curse . k nowledge separated from obedience doth but inslames a mans reckoning , and helps to a greater measure of condemnation . s aint johns short sermon in his old age was , little children love one another . t hree things let us alwayes commit to god , our injuries , our losses , and our griefes , for he is onely able to cure our griefes , to restore our losses , and rederesse our injuries . o ur afflictions shall never end us , but god will rather put an end to them , our mouthes shall be filled with laughter , our tongues with singing . t he end of our conversion is to amend our conversation ; and that word which sounds peace and joy , and remission of sin , leaves this lesson behinde it , sin no more . h ee that is never so poore , if a true beleever , peter and paul , and jesus christ himselfe are his brethren . e xhortations to particular duties of holinesse , is alwaies needfull , even to those that are most holy , for the seeds of vertue are much hindred by naturall corruption . r ingt holinesse is true nobility , for without goodnesse there can bee no true glory . i t is the honour of gods saints to be attended by angels while they live , and to be exalted by augels when they dye . g od both can and will deliver his chosen , he can at all times seasonable for his own glory . h ee that will not be found out of god in his mercy while he he lives , shall be sure to be found out by him in his judgement when he is dead . t hough all enemies be conquered and vanquished , yet the christian souldier shall be crowned . h ee that neglects to please , cannot complaine to be neglected . a ll that live godly in christ shall suffer persecution : thus paul christs aturney pleads our affliction . n ever thinke the vertuous and vitious go all noe way , or that good and bad speed all alike , for it a beast could argue , he would abhorre such a tenant . d espised and distressed soules that humbly acknowledge god on earth shall be acknowledged and glorified by him in heaven , when atheists shall be throwne downe into endlesse calamity . d estruction bates nothing of totall ruine , gods justice will leave nothing , for the wicked shall be preyed upon by insatiate judgement till nothing , be left . o ur ignorance is our curse : but that which knowes not christ is the most miserablest . v ice is alwaies an enemy to true knowledge : but how shall a man like that food of which he never tasted ? b lessed is the man that seeks by all means to grow in grace , for he shall be sure to win a crowne of glory . l et good and we meet in all our actions : for to be wicked is not much worse then to be undisereet , for knowledge without vertue , makes a mans mitimus to hell . e very evill man hath lusts of his own which he is as resolute to maintain , as a father to keep his owne children . a mans conscience is like a pulley that keeps reason in the right wheel . and cashiers mutinous affections , or executes marshall law upon them . s uch as turne grace into wantonnesse , deny christ , for he that calls himself christian , and teaches that in christ is granted liberty of finning , denies his redeemer . y f thou buy honour thou callest it thine ; indeed thy friend thou calst him thine , purchasest a house thou calst it thine : but christ hath bought thee with his blood , yet thou deniest to be his . o ur inward sincerity is not without externall profession : but externall profession may be without inward sincerity . v ertue is ever full of proselt enemies : darknesse is not more contrary to light , nor sicknesse to health , nor death to life then vice to goodnesse . w hat meanes the worldling in our birth , we had but swadling clouts and cradle : in our death we shall have but a winding sheet and a coffin . e very man is a soole that forgets his owne name , that are the sonnes of adam , the son of dust . r iches are but for this world ; yet god is both lord of this world , and of that to come ; and where the glory of this ends , the glory of that begins . e very mans death is the punishment of his first birth : if faithfull , the glory of the second , not a dying but a departing life , with some sorrow laid off , but with much joy said up . r achel weeping for her children because they were not , and shall not we ? can we see the churches teares , and not doe our utmost endeavours to comfort her ? a prayer made in confidence that god will hear us , because he hath heard us , may obtaine mercy : then approach boldly to the throne of grace . n o shame , sorrow or misery , should ever put any christian to any desperate attempt : for there is more valour to endure a miserable life , then to imbrace a wretched death . k eep thy shield of faith , and thou shalt victoriously march with the saints on earth , and triumphantly sing with angels in heaven . s uch is the sincerity of christian religion , that it not only imposeth upon us pure innocencie , but also profitable honesty . t he feare of god , and the love of god are inseparable ; he doth neither that doth both : he omits neither that doth one . o fall the medicines administred to us by our spirituall physitian , love is the sweetest , bitter pills will downe when they are made up in love . t he rules of our faith and life are manifest ; if we would study enough , study them and practise . h ow poore soever thy cottage be , set thy prayers as a guard without , and thy faith as a locke within : the sevenfold walls of babylon cannot bee so strong . e very man hath his owne faith , yet all men have but one faith , by which they must be saved . l et thy thoughts examine thy thoughts , for thy conscience must not only extend to deeds and words , but even to secret thoughts . e ndeavour to be thrifty husbands of time and meanes to bee spiritually rich ; for if man neglect , the occasion will neglect him . f eare god as noah : noah beleeves he shall be saved : why he above the rest ? because he beleeved with feare . t he inseperable effect of justification is obedience ; then we follow christ , when we follow his . h ee that preserves the truth from the malediction of men , preserves himselfe from the malediction of god ; and he that vindicates the truth from present blasphemy , tha truth shall preserve him from everlasting misery . a threefold lot belongs to all faithfull men , the lot of suffering , the lot of happinesse , and the lot of salvation . n o man will hardly brooke wounds that cannot endure words for the cause of his saviour . david had a great company of souldiers at his backe , yet he slew goliah alone : thus faith alone conquers the devill . d estruction is alwayes incident to opulent cities and delightfull places : sodome abounded with all delights and pleasures . o ur sinnes greedily heare that the mercies of god endureth for ever , but they shall all sensibly heare that the wrath of god endureth for ever . u nthankfulnes is the sole witch and sorcerer , whose drousie inchantments have made man forget god himselfe . b ee not such sinnes , rather the image of hell then of heave ; neither measure the joyes of heaven by our owne corrupt and sensual pleasure on earth . l et us appeale from mens lips to their lives : he that obeyes not christ , knowes not christ , it is fruitfulnesse in good that setles him in our hearts . e vill hearts have corrupt hands ; for if the hand grope for a bribe , as felix did of paul , there must be an unjust heart . a wicked man thinks he may be out of danger of the law , if either he have agreat man to his friend , or have not a great man to his enemy . s inne with a voice , is sinne in action ; sinne with a cry , is a sinne in presumption . y fone act of filthinesse doe so distresse us , that we would give all the world for a pardon ; what torture will the same sin bring being committed againe ? o ur dayes are evill , whether we respect their troubles , or that which troubles them our sinnes ; and not likely in either of them both to amend . u ntill knowledge and goodnesse goe together we may be doubtfull , for knowledge will fall from us , when we fall from goodnesse . w oe to those that call evill good : woe indeed for refusing the right way , for approving the wrong : woe , for they have erred : woe , because they will not be converted . e rrors are infinite , and but one truth ; god chargeth us to refuse all waies but one : but the devill bids us refuse that one . r eason , will , memory , imagination , affection and sense , by one act of rebellion , put all their noble family into a shattered disorder . e very corruption is so pleasing to the wicked that they thinke it health it selfe , for every heart overruns with sinne , is all sinne . f orget all sinne in respect of continuance : but remember them in respect of repentance . i n the last dayes we live , on the last dayes we doe not meditate ; so the last dayes falls upon us whilest our first and last , and all our sinnes are found in us . l et us be so kinde to our selves as to thinke doomes day is not past , there is a day , an evening and a morning ; we shall finde no peace , unlesse wee provide for it in the day . e ndeavour to run so much the faster , as we run for the better prise . s o far as holy joy is entred into us , so far are we entred into the everlasting kingdome of christ . t o begin in the spirit and end in the flesh , is in pauls sense folly : but to begin with grace and end with wickednesse is malicious impiety . o ur troubles are felt without , but our peace of conscience is alwayes felt within . t he right way to heaven is by the signified will of god revealed in his word , and whatsoever repugneth that is the wrong . h appy repentance is sorry for ill beginnings ; but to dislike good beginnings is an unhappy repentance . e very wise man will worke by knowledge , but a foole will spread abroad his folly . r ememoer that god is faithfull , and will suffer no man to be tem pted above what he is able to beare . i n gedions army all faint hearted souldiers were commanded to stay at home , no cowards get into the kingdome of heaven . g od will not be worse to them that follow him , then he is to them that forsake him : yet alas , how doth the world ingrosse mens consciences ? h ee that looks up to the promised land , and sees but one glympse of those heaveny treasures , will looke scornfully upon the world . t he way to keep amans heart in heart is by hearty prayer , meditations , hearing and receiving . h ee that obtained the pretious jewell of faith , let him be more thankfull , because it is denyed to thousands . a mans faith , his credit , and his eyes admit of no jest , if his faith be sound , though injury wound his eyes , ignominy his fame ; yet faith shall make all whole . n othing but the infallible promise of god can be the ground of our faith : but the cause of our feare is our owne sinfull weaknesses . d evotion honors god , charity doe good to men , holinesse is the image of heaven , therefore beautious thankfulnesse : but faith is good for every purpose , the foundation of all graces . d oubling and questioning of that truth we have so long imbraced , is the first step of falling away from our owne stedfastnesse . o ur obedience to god must not be only inward and habituall , but outward in the actions of faith , and of the feare of god ; like fruitfull trees bringing forth fruit in due season . u nfruitfulnesse hath ever been held a curse ; for when god gives salvation , he is said to take away barrennesse . b ee not like plaices blacke and white for they are such , as have the faith of christ in their mouths , and the world in their hearts . l et no extremity of sorrow or suffering enervate thy faith ; grudge not to dye with christ or for christ . e very man is charged with every good worke , all holy duties are required of all men ; if we know christ we will imitate him forthwith . a souldier without courage , a horse without mettall , a creature without vivacitie , such is a christian without fervencie . s inne upon earth in its owne soile growes without planting or any paines bestowed on it , but much more when it is manured with applause and practise . y f the sword of vengeance that devoured the heathen having bin shaken amongst us , amend us , we shall escape gods fury , and become blessed examples of his mercie . o ur expectation may be challenged with too much violence , if we bee not qualified and directed by patience . u nload thy conscience by repentance , and the everlasting doores of heaven shall give thee entrance . w hether the good we hope for be deferred , or the evill we feare bee inflicted , still patience is a cordiall , which if god preserve to us , will certainely preserve us to him . e nter into the joy of your lord saies the king himselfe , thus all excuses of our not entring into the kingdome of heaven is taken away . r emember what christ faith to thee , and thou shalt be the better able to remember what he hath done for thee . e ntrance into heaven consists of two things , our union with christ , and communion with the holy ghost . f ull of good works , full of fruits , full of blessings , full of god , brings to lye downe full of peace , and rise againe full of glory . i t is a barren mindefulnesse that does not declare it selfe in holy fruitfulnesse . l et others be ambitious of great and glorious parentage , only pray wee lord make us thy sons and daughters in christ jesus . e xpectation of heaven belongs only to gods owne afflicted ; and to them that suffer much misery in this world , is promised a new . s ome vertues cannot be exercised , but in troubles : we must be poore and want before we can exercise the vertue of thankfulnesse . t here could be no destruction to destroy us , if there were no corruption in us ; neither could man or devill destroy us , if we did not destroy our selves . o israel thou destroyest thy selfe ; if there be-any helpe it is in me : gods hand of justice strikes , but man by his wickednesse draws out the sword . t he tolling of a bell for a friend wakens a man at midnight : yet for all the lamentable dying groanes of the church of god , with the innumerable gaspes of dying christians we are all asleep . h ee that will not be so sullen as to be holy , for feare of displeasing a company of sinners , shall never be so happy as to enjoy the society of god and his holy angels . e mbrace not the world , for it will steale away thy faith : faith obtained , and faith retained , shall without faile advance thy soule to glory . l et no man dye in sinne , for thou canst not be so quicke to dispatch thy sin , as god is to dispatch thy soule . e very sinfull man can no more escape his triall , then a pregnant woman can escape or avoid her travell . f ew men have the lucke to steal themselves into heaven in spight of hell ; many have the fate to cousen themselves into hell , in spight of heaven . t he world is not a minute to eternity , mans life is but a minute to the world , occasion is but a minute to our life ; yet we scarce apprehend a minute of that occasion . h ee that made the world in six dayes , and could have done it in six houres , spared it above a thousand yeares before the flood . a s we are sure our life shall not reach to a thousand yeares , so we are not sure is shall not last out a day . n oman shall ever be condemned for being ignorant of that which he is not bound to know . d eare bought and far fetcht things are for rich purses and rich pallats ; but there is a poore herbe in the garden called time , more pretious then all . d evotion of the heart , profession of the mouth , and conversation of life , are the objects of a christian . o f the flesh comes three sorts of things : some good , as the knowledge of arts : some indifferent , as honour and riches : some evill , as the works of sinne . v ertue grows fastest upon us when vices decay in us ; it is alwayes busie , but then most eager when we are most holiest . b lessed is the man that is holy , nothing can make that man poore , he graceth all conditions , honours and places . l et others boast of generation , but a godly man of regeneration ; this is the best ornament of blood , the nobliest part of the secuchion , and fairest flower in the gentlemans gatland . e ternall life and salvation is not allotted to every one , but for the saints ; he that will have a lot in canaan , let him be sure to be a true israclite . a desire of blessednesse cannot be expected where there is not a well grounded hope to be blessed . s alvation in repentance is gods end , let not him lose his hope , and wee shall not lose ours . y f a man will be noble , let him be humble , for the humble shall bee exalted . o ur honours are the fruits of birth , of wisdome , of valour , of riches , of place and authority , or of royall favour : but it is never of the fruit of grace , nor the blessing of god without humility . u nlesse we honour christ otherwise then the world doth , we have no more grace then the worldling hath . w ee have not the signe of a star in our foreheads , but the signe of the crosse : still humility is the way to glory , this way went all the saints ; this way went even the god of saints . e arthly inheritances are oftentimes divided with much inequality , and the priviledge of primogeniture stretcheth far , but in the new heaven it is not so . r iches gotten and forgotten must be accounted for before god the divine justice : gehezaes talent of gold could not buy off his sores , nor hide his shame . e ven the poorest amongst us may give praises unto god ; and the more he spares us in our bloods and estates , the more we are obliged to him in thankfulnesse . h olinesse is not tyed to literature , doctor and saint are not convertible , for then he that knowes his masters will could not chuse but doe it . a man may be sooner acquainted with the nine muses , then with the three graces , learning , discretion , and honesty . l et others be full of the politicks : it is good for us to be well habited in the morrals : one thing is necessary , integrity of heart . f lattery and treachery are but two names of one vice 〈…〉 dry suits of mischiefe . e very man that defends not gods church , glorifies him not , for he means small honour to the head , that does not his best to save the body . f aithfull service is most accepted where it is least expected : some would doe much for christs glory , and cannot ; thousands of us can doe much for his glory , and will not . i t is better for a man to want some truth then want peace : for a man that never studied controversies , may without controversie be saved . l et every soule humbly cast himselfe downe at the foet of christ , and bee beholding to him only for his salvation , for our best workes are but blankes . e very wise man will be easily requested to doe himselfe good when god sues to us to save us , we are sullen to hinder our own preferment . s alvation comes from god : yet he will be found a god of judgement , they that have denyed it their mortall flesh , shall acknowledge it in immortall fire . t here be two things torment a man : sinne , and a bad conscience : grace delivers from sinne , and peace quiets the conscience . o ld men , covetous young men , voluptuous nobles , ambitious common persons , ceremonious , or whosoever is led away with any kinde of wantonnesse , is brought within the devills lure . t here is fearfull combustion all over the world , wars at home , wars abroad ; if therefore we love peace , every man pray for peace . h ee that desires to be found in peace , let peace be found in him ; peace or nothing , peace and every thing . e very whispering and murmuring is like a vapour rising out of the earth , multiplying into stormes of sedition : sedition grows into mutinies , and mutinies into confusion . r emember david , that holy king would admit no states-min as far as he could discerne , but such as were after his owne heart . i t s a true protraitor of the churches condition , that as israel hath beene temporally wasted ; so the church of god is now spiritually assaulted . g od would have us read our sinnes in our judgements , that we may both repent of our sinnes , and give glory to his justice . h ee that cannot keep himselfe from death while he lives , will more impossioly restore and revive himselfe to life againe , being dead . t hy prince hath honour , thy father reverence , thy master service , thy wife love ; all these are due to god in a more transcendent manner . h ee that sincerely loves god , and detests sinne , desires dissolution for no other end but to be freed from temptation . a s no wise man leaves his he house for some flyes , but rather drives them out : so no good forsakes his holinesse for temptations . n either the gifts of grace , nor the seales of grace can free us from assaults : we may have force to repell bad suggestions , we have not to prevent them . d eclare thy grievance by prayer , it shall bring downe heavenly graces : god knows thy wants , aske , he hath promised to heare . d eath to the godly is good in the cessation of paines , better in the renovation of all things , best in the immutability of all happinesse . o ur talke is of vanity , and vanity is with us : but if christ could be kept in our mouthes , we should alwayes have him in our hearts . u nbeleefe is the bane of constancie and perseverance : of constancie in the purpose of our mindes : of perseverance in the tenor of our lives . b arrennesse is a privation of fruit , shame privation of innocency , and death a privation of life ; for these privations men sell themselves . l ike horses , whether put into perfumed coaches , or noysome carts , they will draw : so our affections will be doing set them on what worke you will. e arth will to earth , an earthly desire to an earthly center : so man lives till earth be turned into earth ; so he dyes till earth be turned out of earth , their earthly soules into hellish torments ; such a life is base and brutish . y f there be ignominy in thraldome , there must be glory in freedome : stand fast therefore in the liberty wherein christ hath set you . o nce turning from god , we continue nought : nought till we returne by repentance . u nholy machiavels admired for policie , commonly falls under jehoakims curse , to be buried with the buriall of an asse : they live fooles , but dye asses . r ighteous men shall live for ever , for their reward is with the lord ; hee hath a care of them . f aith and repentance were two short lessons ; yet israel was forty yeares before they could learne them . r emember your sinnes to repent of them ; forget to practise them , that god may forget them in judgement , and remember us in mercy . o ld sinnes must be lookt backe into , because the vanitie of youth , proves the vexation of age . n one can be too yong to amend that is old enough to dye , for man is apt to sin before he be able . t o give over sinne when we can no longer commit it , is no repentance . a good christian will be good and devout , like good daniel , though alone . s ome trust in horses , some in their swords , some in their lands , some in their wits , some their friends , and some in their monies ; but let every good christian trust in the lord. y f we must converse with evill men , let it be in no evill matters . o nce god spake it , another time performed it , a third time redouled it ; therefore none can plead ignorance that they want instruction . u ngodly men may taste of the waters of life by chance , as a dog laps at nilus , but his voyage is bound for mischiefe . w hile the devill can busie men with ceremony and circumstance , he hopes well , and will let them alone about faith and manners . e xternall prosperity is no good marke of our election : the fairest beasts are kept for slaughter . r emember alwayes the house of mourning is not for mirth ; christ turned the musitians out of doores . e very judgement we see should make us wiser in the feare of god : every mercy we feele wiser in the love of god. h ee that thinks to asswage the anguish of one sin by doing another , preseribes to himselfe a remedy far worse then the disease . a faire carriage keeps temptation out at staves end ; but lightnesse of presence lets it into the graple , and gives encouragement to lewd desires . l ove is commended like water , it neither makes a man in debt nor in drinke ; so love is neither hard to get , nor costly to keep . f alling from christ can be incident to none but christians : for they that were never up , can never be said to fall . f or knowne diseases there be knowne medicines : but hypocrisie prevents all wayes of remedy . i t is better with philosophers to have honesty without religion , then with wicked christians to have religion without honesty . l et men turne from wickednesse to piety , and god will turne judgement to mercy : solomon and idolater , zacheus an extortioner , noah drunke ; yet all these went to heaven . e xpectation is sometimes of feare : so the timer ous traveller looks for the theef , and so the conscious malefactor looks for the comming of the judge . saul is tempted , sinneth , and sleepeth his last : david is tempted , sinneth , and sleepeth not his last . t he lesse space a man hath allowed for his businesse , the more he should ply it , the fewer dayes , the fruitfuller lessons . o h that my people would have heard , these are royall and sweet speeches : but to the wicked god changeth his speech into sharpnesse . t he more a man fears god , the lesse he fears any thing else : for all the fear of satan ariseth from the want of the due feare of god. h ee that loves god only for temporall blessings , and faile him when those blessing faile : is like mutinous souldiers , no longer pay , no longer fight . e ndeavour to keep thy shield of faith , and thou shalt victoriously march with the saints on earth , and triumphantly with angels in heaven . l et princes boast of their delicacies , christ liveth in me : this be the food of our soules . e ndeavour that your faith be encreased , and grow still from faith to faith . f aith is a fundamentall grace , and should overcome the world ; yet it will prove a coward without servencie . t here is no poverty of estate , or consumption of body , to a leane starved soule , which neither knowes nor cares to know christ . h ee that loves god for himselfe , and goodnesse because it is goodnesse , can god. a s god will crowne the faithfull above their deserts with glory : so hee will load the wicked according to their deserts with eternall torments . n ot to have no spots here ; but to have no spots imputed to us hereafter , is the happinesse of christian . d arknesse of nature must have its due course by creation : yet no darknesse shall afflict thy body while there is saving light in thy soule . d esire more grace , seeke more , never thinke you have enough : be still poore that you may be rich , rich that you may be full , full that you may be glorious . o h that men could see how much better it is to be poore then evill ; and that there is no comparison between want and sin ! u se the world , but enjoy the lord : be thankfull for outward blessings , but rest thy heart on jesus christ . b etter are the troubles and differences of righteousnesse , then the peace of wickednesse . l et nothing pierce your hearts deep , either in griefe or feare , but sin and unbeleefe . e nvy not the gifts of god in any , neither thinke hardly of their infirmities , nor fret at the prosperity of the wicked . y f we be departed from babylon , let not a rag or relike of superstition abide with us : for it is proore comfort to escape in sodome , and perish in the playnes . o ur conversation to god must be with a whole heart , without exception , without hypocrisie , without delay , without apostacie , and without despaire . u nstable men are in a wretched estate , their religion is yet to chuse : they know they shall dye , but know not what faith to dye in . r ight holinesse , is true nobility ; for without goodnesse , there can be no true glory . f aith working by love , performes all duties to god and man : but false faith is like sandy earth which never brings forth fruit . r eligion and true piety is the readiest way to the highest advancement : therefore above all treasure , set your hearts thereon . o ne sparke of true religion is far beyond a whole flame of secular wisdome . n eeds must that vertue be fruitfull that is stirring : and needs must that be stirring that is living : and needs must that be living that is quickned by jesus christ . t he neglect of resolution to enter the way of righteousnesse , is the forlorne state of a sinner : for what hopes can be had of him that hath not so much as a purpose to be holy ? a good man lives after death : but the name of the wicked is rotten before their carcaste is cold . s inne like a viper may hang upon pauls hand and not poyson it ; it may bring a potentiall guilt , not an actuall . y f mans heart be divided , if sinks to confusion ; but keep it whole to the way of truth , and it shall be saved . o ur eyes be good , we know our hands be good : god grant our hearts be good , that we may defend christs cause . u ntill a man seele his owne want , and that feeling breed sorrow , that sorrow desire , that desire prayer , that prayer increase of faith ; that prayer of his shall never bring downe gods mercy . w retched are they that flatter themselves : but blessed are they that can prove themselves to be out of the ranke of the ungodly . e xamine thy selfe whether thou hast suffered an heavenly holy violence , or whether grace hath wrought upon thee : if not : thou livest the life of nature . r emember to walk in a measure of holinesse answerable to gods mercy ; for if we turne his grace into wantonnesse , he will turne his mercy into judgement . e very argument is shut up with an ergo , and is the knowne note of a conclusion , thus may the syllogisme be framed : but whosoever would escape destruction , must adhere to the truth . t he greatest shew of sanctity that error puts on , the more fuller of suspition : therefore beware of the intended mischiefe . o ppinionate wisdome is in a manner the sole cause of all folly ; for it transports a man with an imagination of his owne knowledge , that he runs into error with confidence . t hey that will walke to christ , shall have christ walke with them ; for he is the truth , the way , and the life . h ee that beleeves will keep the commandements : for as the law sends us to christ to be saved ; so christ sends us backe againe to the law to learne obedience . e very scribe instructed unto the kingdome of heaaen , brings out of his treasure things new and old ; the new before the old , because the gospel was promised , before the law was printed . r econciliation , and the peace that was made between god and man , did not stretch so far as to conclude a peace between god and sin . i am a sinner , therefore god hath from everlasting rejected me , is a desperate conclusion : i beleeue in christ , and endeavour to live like a christian , therefore am chosen , is a sound inference : so far god gives leave to looke into the booke of life . g ods informer is conscience , a spy in the soule mixing herselfe with all our thoughts and actions . h ee that hopes for a new heaven above , and does not become a new creature below , that mans expectation is in vaine . t he highest act of a christian is to comfort himselfe in christ : he never fell from us ; we are basely unthankfull if ever we fall from him . h ee that knowes god , and lives in evill , is no better then a devill in the shape of a man , or a man in the shape of a devill . a s no place can content the fire but the upmost rising towards its owne region : so let no knowledge satisfie us but the knowledge of christ . n atural men perceive not the things of gods spirit : in other knowledge the righteous have part with sinners ; but in this sinners have no part with the righteous : let me be weake in policie , so i be wise of salvation . d ivine knowledge mounts aloft , and find●s no rest but in the region of immortality . c elsitude of honour is a meer dwarfe to faith ; that can but command mortalls , faith is attended by angels . o ur faith hath need of a good foundation , for it is an heavy and weighty building , all other vertues lye upon faith . u nbeleeving sinners tremble : but let such feare to dye as have no hope to dye ; if we have made our peace with god , we shall escape from death . n o man can take christ from thee , unlesse thou take thy selfe first from christ . t he gospell is no weake thing , but comes in power ; for christ hath a further latitude , he came once unto men , but he comes still into man. e xcept a man be borne he can never see light on earth ; and except he be twice borne he can never see light in heaven . r edemption by christ hath stated us into a blessednesse never to be forgotten : for no soule that christ hath truly bought can ever perish . m ans sinnes have made heavens entrance narrow ; but christs sufferings have made it wide . a little faith with knowledge , is true and saving ; but great presumption with ignorance is damnable . r eligion knows no outward calling or condition : for all those that are in christ , are holy beleeving brethren . c ertainly if men beleeved in christ , they would not , nay could not speak , not look upon his workes without great reverence . h ee that trusts his salvation on a strange faith erres in darknesse , and holds not the way which the light of the gospell directs him . t he gospell speaks of christ buying : ye are bought with a price : to fell that which is bought , is to crosse his proceeding . o f all purchases , buy jesus : for be thou never so poore , christ will sell himselfe for thy soule . t he life of man is pretious in the sight of god : but the life of his whole church is far more pretious . h ee that cares not for any mirth but that which must grieve the holy ghost , must needs procure that peace which is at wars with christ . e very man thinks he loves himselfe better then his enemy ; but while hee loves sin , he loves his enemy better then himselfe . l et the servants that are under the yoke count their owne master worthy of all honour , that the name of god and his doctine be not blasphemed . e very action that gives way to gods dishonour , and heartens others to superstition , is a deniall of christ in some degree of fact . f alse prophets intrude amongst the people , but principally amongst the people of god. t he devill is a false prophet , he calls evill good , and promiseth bad , attempts good events ; either he conceales the end from the way , or the way from the end . h earken not to the world for it is a false prophet , it tells you your gold shall make you rich , when it rather makes you cursed . a n infidell perswades himselfe there shall be no reckoning day , and an epicure dreames of no future life : false : for the lord will take them away in a whirlewind . n atures colours will last ; if not , artificiall shall say pride to the beautifull : false : art shall make a foole of nature , time make a foole of art , and death make a foole of all . d runkards prophesie to morrow shall be as to day , and much more abundant : false : awake and howle , oye drunkards , for the wine is cut off from your mouths . c arnall mindes hope and saie , i will be sure to repent : false : thousands are in hell that promised themselves this evasion , neither hath any man a patent of repentance . o ur ambitious men flatter themselves , saying , we will arise out of the dust , and sit with princes : false : for they shall fall from the throne to the dust . v anity and worldly pleasure saies , i am a queen , and shall see no mournfulnesse : false : for the day of lamentation is come . n aturall men are moles to spirituall objects : but wise and regenerate eyes can pierce the heavens , and espy god in all his earthly occurrences . t he flesh is a false prophet , every affected sin is a false prophet to the soul ; for falshood if it cannot deceive another , it will deceive if selfe . e very man sayes he is in gods favour , so were the children of israell till they were tempted by false prophets and sinned . r ighteousnesse is the life of all lives , without which our bodies shall rot in the dust , and our memories stinke above ground , yea our selves perish in the lowest pit . m any will be in the church way , the road of profession ; not for any love they bear to devotion , but that the sent of their turpitudes may not bee discovered . a ll ungodlinesse robs god of his honour , and is either the true worship of a false god , or the false worship of the true god , or the true worship of the true god with a false heart . r hetoricke is the art of speaking well ; logicke the art of disputing well ; magistracie the art of governing well : but christianity is the art of living well . c an the naturalist with all his eloquence disswade the covetous worldling from his greedinesse : no , one ounce of gold weighs downe all his reasons . h eavenly things are far from carnall sense , and he that will beleeve no more then he sees , shall for ever be blinde . f ew and evill are our dayes , few in number , evill in nature , not one of them good , few and evill below ; many and evill above : misery is our familiar , happinesse but a stranger . i t is a great comfort in distresse to hope for a deliverer : to beleeve is better , but to bee sure of it is best of all . l et us be sure to repent one day before our death ; but hereof we cannot be sure unlesse we repent every day . e very man repent while be lives , that he may rejoyce when he dyes . simeon desired not to dye sooner , he desired not to live longer : now letthy servant goe away in peace . t here is a double martyrdome , a bloody one when christ is magnified in the roses of his church by death : a bloodlesse one when he is magnified in the lillies of his church by a holy life . o f vanities we soon grow weary , and loath them ; but the joyes of righteousnesse will be as everlasting in our desires , as they are in their owne sweetnesse . t o turne from sin is gods speciall grace by giving repentance : but to fall from stedfastnesse , is through defect of perseverance . h ave you righteousnesse , seal and deliver it as your act and deed ; never say you praise god with your words , when you despise him by your works . e very man decline unrighteousnesse which dissolves peace , and then god shall fulfill in our hearts st. peters wish , grace and peace . r espect god in all things , doing nothing but as in his presence , looking unto him as the directer and discerner of all our actions and thoughts . i t is gods delight in extremity to be a deliverer when armies besiege his servants , then he musters up his servants . g ods displeasure for sin is able to turne a nation upside downe ; that like senacherib , they become the spoyle of their owne bowells . h ee that marvells in this rebellious age how or why we thus fall by the sword , let him looke to his sinnes , and cease marvelling . t here are destructions that creep upon men by degrees : but sudden destruction often seizeth upon the wicked . o ur god will not favour us because we have studied hard , and knowne much , but rather the more punish us , because we have knowne good , and done evill . r eligion and piety is made havocke of , and all to atchieve glory , that which the apostles rent their cloaths to put from them ; let us rend our very skins to pluck to us , act. . . l et every servant of god thinke his crosses are meant for his blessings ; punishments to them are signes of his favours . e ven for those who have fought a good fight , a crowne is laid up , bee diligent then in this point , and be saved . f aith is a queen , repentance her usher , and good works the court that shall follow her : so let her come to the king of mercy , the presence chamber of christ jesus . t he ground of hope in the middest of delay is when the deferring of our desires discourageth not our faith . o ur affections if they be not shod with patience , will be so pricked with crosses , that we shall be weary of our journey to heaven . r egard not so much what portion thou hast in the punishment of sin , as what interest thou hast in the covenant . t he execution of gods justice doth magnifie his mereies , when he punisheth some , that he may spare many . o nly a forme of godlinesse will never remove gods judgement from a nation . t o beare meekly with thy persecuters is commendable patience ; to bee commendable at gods dishonour , is commendable basenesse . h ee is a foole that loves sin better then his soule : then never seek to please sin that seeks to confound us . e very man commonly fears gods temporall blows more then his eternall : yet of both they neglect the antidote and prevention . c onsidence in god doth only support us : we cannot put too much trust in him , not too little in our selves . e very affliction prepares us for salvation : a meer paradox to the children of this world , who run in the cirele of sin and pleasure . n ever did pride goe more blustering through the streets then now ; and the language of her pace is , who made me ? t he dust of this world makes many a man blinde ; they did like moles in the earth , and there lose the light of heaven . e very man seeks for something to rest his minde upon ; but to make this world the center , that and our hopes must faile together , for the fire will dispatch them both . r iches shuts abundance out of heaven , but the grace of god lets in many . c hrist rejoyceth in a christian , whensoever a christian rejoyceth in him : the repentant son was not more glad of the father , then the father was glad he found the son . l et every man labour to preferve what hee hath gotten : for the losse of faith is a dangerous ship wrack ; save your faith and save your soules . o ne and the same end is to the sinner without repentance ; and to the righteous without perseverance . s alvation is with more difficulty wrought up then perdition ; yet grace , time and diligence , will worke it up in season . e very worke hath his owne season : only gods worke requires every season , especially the worke of praysing his name . t he law was perfect truth , but we were weake , it could not save us , because we could not keep it : but on the evangelicall truth we may repose our soules . o ne way to honour is by flattery , another to pleasure is by making the flesh mistresse , and a way to be rich by usury : yet but one way to make a man blessed , and that is the way of truth . y f our obedience doe not testifie our faith : that law was not more deadly then the gospell to inhance our condemnation . o ur souldiers are valiant till they come to fight , all philosophers are excellent till they come to dispute ; and all good christians till we come to master our owne lusts . v anity in some men , curiosity in other men ; and unconstancie in all men , makes many faiths . r eligion that bindes the conscience where god hath not bound it , brings snares and fetters , and takes away due liberty . c ommonly too much heat annoyes , but too much heat destroyes : but religion of all tempers in our dayes , complaines not of heat . l ot could be holy among the wicked , a saint amongst sinners ; yet we are evill amongst the good , and sinners amongst saints . o ur growing or fading in grace brings us to heaven or hell , paul turnes an apostle , judas an apostate . s trong bodies without strong grace , are strongest to sin : thus the strongest is weakest ; strong to commit sin , weake to resist sin . e vill can never be the childe of goodnesse , nor can sin so basely descended , lay claime to omnipotencie . o vercome evill with good , and be farre from snatching gods weapon out of his hand , but rather master unkindnesse with kindnesse . r ather labour to avoid sinne by knowledge , then venture to sin upon the conceit of repentance . d elay is dangerous when we are once resolved : if ever good , why not now ? e very man is charged with every good worke , all holy duties are required of all men : if we know christ , we will imitate him . r emember that as addition a addes to grace , so multiplication increaseth the effect of those graces . r epentant eyes are true cisternes of holy water , and the sighs of sorrowfull spirits on earth , makes the spirits joyfull in heaven . a s god regards not so much the quantity , as the quality ; not how much , but how true faith is : so he never rejected them that had any at all . n either the greatnesse of crime , not the thortnesse of time can bar true conversation from for givenesse . k nowledge , vertue , temperance , patience , godlinesse , brotherly kindnes , and charity , with one end tyed to heaven , fasten the other end to the conscience , and it shall draw thee up to heaven . s aving knowledge takes away barrennesse , andmakes fruitfulnesse in the works of obedience . t here be two things torment a man , sin and a bad conscience , grace delivers from sin , and peace quiets the conscience . o ne that hath a will bent to doe harme , and a wit able to prosecute it is like a canon shot that makes a lane where it goes . t here is fearfull combustion all over the world , wars at home , wars abroad ; if therefore we love peace , let every man pray for peace . h ee that desires to be found in peace , let peace be found in him , peace or nothing , peace and every thing . e arthly peace the earth can give , though sometimes she will not : but the peace of christ the world cannot take away . f or profit peace is like the dew of heaven that makes all fat and fruitfull ; wheresoever peace sets her foot , there drops fatnesse . r egeneration makes a man like the garden of eden , wherein stands the tree of life : jesus christ when he dyed , one paradise entred into another , o ur condemantion is great , if we know the light , and yet chuse darknes . n o more but eight saved of the old world : see what sin can doe , bring many millions to eight persons . t here can be no safety without faith , there is no faith without a promise , and no promise is made to disobedience . c hrist was made a sinner by the reputation of our sinnes ; and we made just by the imputation of his justice . l ife brings appetite , appetite brings desire of meat , and meat affords nourishment , if the soule hungers not after christ , it lives not . o ur sins deceived us of our birthright , let it not deceive us of our blessing : it stole us from our happinesse of nature , let it not steale us from our happinesse of grace . s inne shews the devill horrible , god a severe judge , let the gospell remove that : god is my father , the devill his and thy slave . e very wound of christ is a passage , his side was opened , his heart was pierced : through both these breaches we have entrance into heaven . t his is a faithfull saying , and worthy all acceptance that christ can forgive more , then we can offend : but that he will forgive all , is a fearfull question . o ur salvation is sure in christ ; upon sin , will follow doubt ; upon doubt , terror ; upon terror , remorse , upon remorse , deprecation : upon that pardon , and after that peace . y f holinesse be not in the heart , it is not where it should be : ismael was an unbeleever in the house of faith . o pen thy heart as well as thine eare : if the seed of gods word be not sowne there , it will never abound with fruit to everlasting life . v ertue is not temporall , but is still ambitious of improving it selfe , and so is admitted into the number of gods jewells . r ecollect your selves , and become fruitfull trees , that when god transplants you from this misery , he may set you in his owne glorious garden . o ur best works are but blanks , then let us goe out of our selves , and be beholding to the righteousnesse of christ only for our salvation . r aise thy affections above a common pitch , and let thy soule bear herself as the spouse of the great king of heaven . d iligence respects so great an object as salvation , and such an object requires great diligence . e lection in heaven , calls for vocation on earth ; vocation calls for corne , wine , and oyle , which are the fruits of a godly life . r iches brings contention , godlinesse brings contentation : gaine hath often hurt the getters , but piety is profitable to all men . o ne jesus christ in the gospell never satiated any man that read him : therefore let the word of god dwell in you plentiously . r ecover you affecttions so deare to you , that were the prisoners and drudges to lust , and let them now doe service to god. c harity gives part of thy wealth to the poore , but faith gives thy self , yea thy whole self to god. l et this sinfull flesh doe what it can , it shall not hinder thy entrance into heaven , for which thanke god through jesus christ . o ur good is only accepted through the righteousnesse of christ , our very persons are accepted in the beloved : if our persons , then our good actions . s ecurity and expectation are opposites : the servant that lookes for his masters comming is afraid to fall asleep . e very man that is kinde to his brother , comes with best speed to his maker . o f such a zeale as prefers gods service before all other things , comes true godlinesse . r ighteousnesse of reparation is the reforming of errors , and confirming of manners , salving past defects by a bettered life . d ivorce must be suffered , one husband must be lost , happy is he that findes another in heaven , christ jesus . e ndeavour to be saved , is no easie taske , but requires labour ; refuse no worke for such a reward as heaven is . r ead the scriptures constantly , and meditate upon them : for it was holy davids practise day and night . t o be strong to sin is no credit for man , for strength to sin , is to be strong to goe to hell . o christian acknowledge thy dignity , and being made the consort of a divine nature , returne not by thy degenerate conversation unto thy ancient vildnesse . t o small purpose doe we keep the law in memory , and break it in life ; in vaine do we remember christ in our words , and forget him in our deeds . h ee that carties a bible in his hand , and hath not a leston of it in his heart , is like an asse that carries a dainty burden on his backe , and feeds upon thistles . e ither they had no beginning or no end , whose end is worse then their beginning : for death that ends other miseries , begins his that falls away from god. r emembrance of one daies sin , brings to minde how great a masse many dayes have made up ; too great a bottome for one houres sorrow to ravell out . i n youth i was too yong , now i am too old , between both these time i had other businesse : so to shufflle off repentance , is very dangerous . g ods patience invites our repentance , his sparing us so long , is , that our amendment might proeure him to spare us for ever . h ee that hath any motion of repentance in his soule , or but a touch of sorrow , a sparke of hope , a graine of saith , be comforted ; the god of mercie will not have him perish . t his is our day , the next is the lords ; if we do not in this day provide for that , that day shall condemne us for the losse of this . h ee that hath a secret pride , root out that , or a secret infidelity cast out that : strive not to know where or when we shall be judged ; but how we shall answer the judge . a s no day without sin , so let no day passe without sorrow , such showres kill the weeds of lust , and spring the herbs of grace . n ot a lot in canaan without a joshua our captaine : no roome in heaven without a jesus our king. d oe not protract thy conversion : for if thou repell or neglect one good motion , thou art not sure of a second . w ithout some sawce of sorrow , all worldly delights are but like delicate meat to a man that hath lost his taste : give god leave to scrourge us , so long as he doth save us . h ee that is lowest in the world , if his conversation be in heaven , is the highest , let his feet stand upon the earth , his head is in heaven . e very one puts off conversion , and at twenty send religion afore them to thirty , from thence forty ; and yet not pleased to entertaine it at threescore : at last comes death , and allowes not an houre . e very man repent while he lives , that he may rejoyce when he dyes . l et every man be sure to repent one day before his death : but hereof thou canst not be sure unlesse thou repent every day . e arth must do something to bring it selfe to heaven : gods bountifuluesse is beyond our thankfulnesse , then looke to thine owne duty . t o speake of vertue is nothing , the labour of it , is to shew the power of it in vertuous actions . o ur conversation is the index of our estate , if that be bad , the credit of our profession is lost , and we are broke in our religion . t hat heart that conceives grace will bring it forth ; for he that gives strength , denies not strength to bring it forth . h ee that is truly called , hath a sincere devout affection to christ , and above all things loves the place where his honour dwells . e vill men may shew the good they have not : but good men cannot hide the good they have . l et thy life grow white thy haires , lest thou be full of daies , and fuller of sinne . e very mans conscience testifies that there is a rule , which if he follow hee does well , and is at peace ; if not , he findes trouble , with feare of punishment . f aith is the foundation of a christian , but that once lost , all is desperate , t he good man sleeps more secure in his tent , then a sinner in his barracadoed fortifications . h appy is the man that cares not to call any thing his owne , save jesus christ . a righteous soul is alwayes like the body of a square figure ; lay it how you list , it will still be constant , and like it selfe . n o neighbourhood is able to make the serpent and the woman , the cursed seed of the one , and the blessed seed of the other agree . d eath is contrary to life , and commonly they that live like laban , dye like nabal , which is but the same word inverted . w hen man turnes himselfe out of gods service , all the creatures serving him are turned out of his service . h ee that plaies on purpose to lose , is not like to win : therefore be resolved against transgression , as you would be resolved of your salvation . e ither never chuse me , or never lose me , this is vertues charge : to begin in the spirit and end in the flesh , in pauls sense is folly . e very man must fall , and as the tree falls so it must lye ; and commonly it falls to that side which is most loaden with fruit , the fruit of obedience to the right hand , and of wicked nesse to the left . l et us eat to live , not live to eat ; for when we have devoured the most delicate creatures , the wormes shall devoure us . e very man that lives dishonestly will dye shamefully : saul so bloudied against david , that the priests became unmercifull to him . t he lesse space a man hath allowed him for his businesse , the more let him ply it : the fewer dayes the fruitfuller lessons . o sinner thy life is short , the world is not long , but hell is eternall , of whose torment there is no cessation , and from which there is no redemption . t i me past is irrecoverable , the future to us is contingent , and our very now is slippery and transcient : this is all the terme we have , we must enjoy this or none . h oly david ran the way of gods commandements : it is but folly to ask why he made such haste , when we know he would faine be at home . e very day will i blesse and praise thy name , saith david : the day will have an evening , if his praise should last no longer , night would bring in silence , but for ever and ever . r i de faire and foftly , is the weary travellers rule when he comes near his journeyes end : but if we lag so in the way of godlinesse , we shall never come to the end of our expected journey . i s there fulnesse of joy in heaven ? yes : but thy laughing and singing in a taverne is no paterne of it . g reat honour and glory is in heaven : but our base covetous desires of the riches of this world , are no paternes of it . h eavenly musicke and harmony is above : but our wanton sonnets and drunken carches , are no paternes of it . t here is peace and rest above : but mans idle security and slippery neglects are no paternes of it . h eavenly beauties with clarity are above : but mans peecing the defects of nature with art , dressing up of dust in rich atires , are no paterns of it . a great light shines above : but the workes of darknesse that is in man , is no reflection of it . n othing but pure innocencie is above : but mans rapines , rage , and bloudinesse , are no resemblances of it . d oubtlesse there is perfect obedience above : but mans rebellions , are no modules of it . o ther language then the praises of christ is not heard in heaven : mans oaths , curses , and blasphemies , are not like those sounds . r epent and for sake your sinnes while it is called to day , remember the covenat we made in baptisme forbids it . l ooke to the innumerable savours where with god hath blessed us , graced and honoured us , and we shall find them sufficient to oblige us to obedience . e ither the name of saviour in our salvation , or the name of judge in our confusion , some way this honourable name will strike upon us . f eare god more , and we shall feare all other things lesse ; turne all thy feare into the feare of god , for he will honour them that honour him . t ill we have put our sins to the worst , we shall never get the better of our enemies : for god will not be wanting to us , if we be not wanting to him , and our selves . w hen rebellions abound , punishments are full of variety : god destroyed corah by fire , the canaanites by the sword , the whole earth by water . h ee little loves christ , that will not love him without company , and his zeale is cold to heaven , whom the example of numbers can turn away . e very true childe is obedient , and will follow his fathers directions : then if we follow not god , we are bastards . e very promise of god is a cordiall able to fetch backe a swooning soule : there is no condemnation to them which are in christ , is a sweet cordiall . l et every christian soule on the holy feet of faith and obedience travell towards jerusalem , then christ will say thou shalt have my company . e arth is more honourable and brave in the spectators then in the spectacle : but the glory of new jerusalem , the splendor of righteousnesse , is farre more honourable . a s a traveller passeth from towne to towne , till he come to his inne : so the christian from grace to grace till he come to heaven . b lessed is that man that is holy , nothing can make that man poore , for he graceth all conditions , honours and places . o ne grace opens the doore for another ; for god is never weary of blessing where he hath once begun . v ivification and living unto grace , comes only by mortification and dying unto sinne : for by the death of the body , comes the life of glory . t here is nothing for which christ will reward us , but that whereby his glory is the greater for us : such as in great tribulations confesse him . r eprobates and wicked men , if their bodies were like their soules , they would grovell like beasts . a s god shews mercy to some in their salvation : so it is fit he should shew justice upon others in their damnation . n othing can defend against the arrows of god , neither are the strongest cities shot-proofe : for things ordained for refuge , are by his justice made destructive . k nowledge neglected brings great judgements : for he that cloaks error with ignorance , binds two sins together , and receives double vengeance . s innes of ignorance stand in need of mercy : but what cloake is long enough to cover sinnes against knowledge ? o f servants they are in worst case that are sold , but worse that do service in prison , worst of all bound in fetters : such is the condition of the ungodly . p estilence should not be more avoided then the conversation of the mis-religious or openly prophane . e xpiation was offered for the world , and offered to the world : but those that are blessed by it , are separated from the world . n othing so sure as there shall be a judgement : such as is the conscience , such shall be the sentence . b oasting of sin when it is done doubles the lewdnesse , wicked men glory in that which shall everlastingly cast them from glory . a canon doth not so much hurt from a wall as a myne under the wall , nor a thousand enemies that threaten , so much as a few that take an oath to say nothing . c hristianity is become the footstoole of policie , and hath made bargaines with the world for universall monarchy , religion being but the labell to that indenture . k nowledge is not wholly exercised with good , nor wholly taken up with evill ; but it knows both good and evill : thus man thought to have become like god , and became indeed like the devill . w ee know christ to be the best counsellour : therefore undertake nothing without consulting at his oracle . a whole garment is more hand some then a broken one : but a broken heart is more pleasing to god then a whole heart . r epentace is the necessary way to salvation : it is the will of god that none should perish ; yet withall it is his will that all shall perish , except they repent . d estruction would not fall upon the wicked , unlesse they first by their wickednesse bring it upon themselves : o israel , thou hast destroyed thy self . t he imitaters of evill deserve punishment , the abetters more : but there is no hell deep enough for the leaders of wickednesse . o ur owne feet carrie us to sin ; we love the journey , our affections seduce us , and so have been our undoing . y f there will come no period to the rebellion of the wicked till they sinke downe to hell : yet for shame know no date of thy obedience till thou come up to heaven . o f all victories love is the greatest ; to overcome evill with good , is to be like god , whose image we beare in our creation ; and to whose image we are restored in our redemption . u pright justice is without equivocation , it seeks not to obey god for mans sake , but man for gods sake ; it obeyes men , but never against god. r ighteousnesse and all happinesse is in the will of god to his creature , for holinesse is the daughter of repenance . o ur persons are justified by our faith , our faith is justified by our charity , our charity by the actions of a holy life . r emember that there is nothing that makes a man so unlike to god as a hard heart without pity , without patience . d iligence and patience , with painfulnesse , are good : but it is the sincerenesse of the heart that commends the rest . e very christian souldiers scutchion must be patience , and his motto , i serve : angells are glad of this title . r emember the end is neare , thy end nearer , whether the end of this shall not be the end of all thy dayes , thou hast no assurance : to day then heare his voice ; repent one day before thy last day . o ld age were better gather grace for themselves , then goods for their posterity ; for it is their last time of gathering . r eward belongs to labourers , not loyterers ; the crowne is laid up not for cowards , but for conquerers . o into what infortunate times are we fallen , when all our wrongs must be answered in blood ! p ray and repent ; repent and pray : joyne with them abstinence , adde to them three , patience , faith , obedience , and amendment of life ; and the lord our god will deliver us . e very man kisse that hand that strikes us , love god that crosseth us , and trust in that power that kills us : this is the honorable proof of a christian . n o man is the worse for his repentant grief ; if the evill do come ; its labour well spent , if not its a labour well lost . o ur good god takes it in a foule scorne to speake , and not be heard ; to be heard , and not minded . r eligion promiseth no worldly pleasures ; but contrary , they shall whip and scourge you they shall binde and lead you whither you would not . d oe as the most doe , and fewest will finde fault with you : but god chargeth us not to follow a multitude in evill . e very mans hand is not an able instrument of mischiefe : but whosoever the instrument be the consenter is as deep both in the sin and the penalty . r ighteous men shall never be swept away for company : yet the unrighteous are often spared for company . f ew words to the wicked in the latter day , but full of bitternesse : depart , word of separation : ye cursed , words of malediction : into everlasting fire , words of desolation : prepared for the devill and his angell , words of exemplification . i n many things familiarity breeds contempt : but in these things strangenesse and ignorance hath made men prophanely insolent . e very man hath his knowledge from nature ; but the christian his from grace : one is from earth , the other from heaven . l et no man cast with himselfe how old he may be before he returne from his sinnes , lest he reckon without his host . s inne is like stibium , it will tarry with no body , up it must , either here by an humble confession , or hereafter by a wretched confusion . t here can be no full satisfaction or consolation in the minde of any knowledge but of ghrist . o utward crosses and calamities may take from us our goods of this world , but it can never take christ jesus from us . t he contempt of the truth makes it not worse , but thy selfe , and the advancing of it makes it not better , but thy self . h ee that is alwaies for the time , nothing for the truth , is like a top that goes alwayes round , never forwards , unlesse it be whipt . e very worldling is left-handed , he will be doing , though hee have no thanks for his paines . r eligion derived from christ preserves unity with christians : he that will not keep the peace of god , shall not be kept by the peace of god. i t is easie for the greatnesse of authority to beare out the smalnesse of piety , and commonly the sins of the mighty are mighty sinnes : therefore their destruction is answerable to their presnmption . g ods children have three suits of apparrell , blacke , white , and red ; here we are blacke with mourning , red with parse cution ; and shall be white only glorified . h ee that mournes for the cause of his punishment shall mourn but a while ; but he that mournes for the punishment and not for cause , shall mourne for ever . t he good man looks into himself , not into another ; and therefore thinks best of another , not of himself . o bedience it selve would lose a reward by comming short , but for perseverance : for no vertue can expect eternall blessednes , but that which holds out to the end . r emember , o man , how short thy time in and be not weary of thy pains : for what cause can be long in that which is so short of it selfe ? l ooke where the glory of this world ends , the glory of heaven begins : but riches are here to day , and gone to morrow . e very service in the end brings wages : but the wages of sinne is without end . f lattering up others in their sinnes , is the very next way to make them our owne . t he word of god sets down the wages of sin , and tyes punishment to it as an inseparable effect to the cause . h ee that chose us when we were not called , and called us when we were nought , and hath justified us being sinners , will glorifie us being saints . a man may partake of one nature of christ , and be cursed : but if of his divine , then most blessed . n ature created , and nature corrupted , is the difference between gods workmanship and ours . d eath is fearfull wages when it is paid in the proper coine , without the allay of christs death to qualifie it . o ne that will plead christs cause without a fee ; or he that will say with job , though he kill me , yet i will trust in him , shews the heart of a saint . r esolve with hester , if i perish , i perish : for nothing can be lost that wee piously trust god withall . f aith goes along with christ from his cradle to his crosse , it sees him doing good , and suffering ill . r ecrant souldiers first forsake their courage , and the last thing that forsakes them is their heels . o ur backwardnesse requires continuall provocation ; to be good is a thing hardly gotten , quickly forgotten . m ans habitation pleaseth him , his gold bewitcheth him , a womans beauty tempteth him , and yet all is but earth . t ruth is never to be numbred by the pole ; for it is not numbers , but weight that should carry it . h e that mouths a pater noster while his heart is in his coffer , as if he would at once serve god and mammon , in vaine thinks himselfe godly . e arth will to earth , an earthly desire to an earthly center : so man lives till earth bee turned into earth : so he dyes till earth be turned out of earth , their earthly soule into hellish torments : such a life is base and brutish . c omplaine not though other men blanch thee , so long as thou hast fellowship with jesus christ . e very man be contented with his owne measure of good things vouchsafed him , for god will not be prescribed . n one but the king of kings , hath right to the stile imperiall , i will , or i will not , without limitation ; because his will and power are matches only . t o obey well is as great as to governe well , and more mens duties ; they that thinke otherwise , know not the christians part , which is to suffer . e nter not into a restlesse course of life for honour , for a princes breath blowes is up , and the peoples breath blowes it away . r eady for honour , ready for disgrace , for poverty , for riches , for joy or sorrow , for life or death , for all : such a christian will hold out to the latter end . o ur grace is gods glory , the more we are amended , the more he is commended : thus the truth appeares greater in us , though it cannot bee made greater by us . p erseverance is the queen of all vertues ; and the master of all temptations , commands to sight against none but those that persevere in goodnesse . e vill men may shew the good they have not ; but good men cannot hide the good they have . n othing but grace can satisfie the soule of man , give him grace , and then be goes away springing like joseph , and singing like david . t here cannot be a greater argument of a foule soule then the deriding of religious actions . o ther sins have but three enemies to deale withall : but a backslider hath a fourth , a hard heart . y f we receive not the blessed gospell with faith and feare , sodome and gomerah never sinned as we sin , nor were never so plagued as we shall bee . o pinion of the minde are like diseases of the body , all alike infinite . v iolent passions makes men bandy controversies , who fight with their pens , like souldiers with their pikes , wounding the peace of the church . r eligion is more practicall then theoriticall ; rather an occupation then a meer profession , dwelling like an artizan , wit at singers end . o ne man is an atheist , and beleeves no god , another is an i dolater , and worships many : one will be of a new religion , another of none : no matter to the devill , they are both travelling towards his kingdome . roome never means us so sudden a storm as when she makes faire weather , and beares us in hand all is peace . d ogs are fawning , but sicophantising iesuits are worse ; for their tongues doe more harme then their teeth . e very man that will not adhere to the god of truth , shall be turned over to the faither of lies . r esist the devill and he will flye from thee ; give to god obedience , to thy prince allegiance , to superiours reverence , to the weak assistance , to the devill and sin resistance . o ur day is broken , why day we sleep in sin : when the sunne is up good husbands thinke of rising : the slumber of the body and the soul is not much unlike . r epent therefore in life , that thou maiest finde comfort in death ; that thou maiest be acquitted at the day of judgement of jesus christ . o ur entrance into this world is full of weaknesse , our proceeding full of wickednesse , our departure full of wretchednesse . p ray that you may leave the earth when you know the way perfectly to heaven : desire to live till you are inspired by grace , desire to dye when you are assured of glory . e very man with paul learne to dye daily ; for no man knows when he shall dye : therefore be evermore armed with expectation . n ever expect peace without christ : whosoever dyes in peace , dyes in christ the prince of peace . o ur breath is in our bodies ; the life of our soules is in heaven , our bodies move upon earth , let our heart dwell in heaven . r ighteousnesse must dwell in those that looke to dwell in heaven , where righteousnesse dwelleth : for christ is the lord of righteousnesse . d eath takes the clocke of our life asunder : but then the omnipotent maker takes it into his owne hand , and sets it together againe at the resurrection . e nquire not what heaven is too curiously , lest thou have a snib , as manoah had for asking the angels name , it is secret and wonderfull . r emember gods mercies and blessings to us in all times of this pilgrimage , and he will hear us when we pray , with the penitent theefe , lordremember us in thy kingdome . silence . stand right in your files . stand right in your rankes . to the right hand . as you were . to the left hand . as you were . to the right hand about . as you were . to the left hand about . as you were . rankes to the right hand double . as you were . rankes to the left hand double . as you were . files to the right hand double . as you were . files to the left hand double . as you were . halfe files to the right hand double your front. as you were . halfe files to the left hand double your front. you may doe the same by bringers up , or leave it our . to the right hand countermarch . to the left hand countermarch . files to the right or left , or to the center : close to your order , or close order . rankes close forward to your order , or close order . to the right hand wheel . to the left hand wheel . to the right or left hand wheel about . rankes open backward to your order , open order , or double distance . files to the right or left , or from the center , open to your order , or open order . in distances observe , if you open from the right to the left , that the left hand man next to the right hand man , is to take his distance from the said right hand man first , and so every man on the left hand successively one alter another : be in any of the distances of close order , order , open order , or double distance : if in ranks , the first standing , the second opens backwards to either of the distances above said and not forwards : in closing of ranks it is to be done forwards , and not backwards , all moving together , saving the first ranks . in facings you are to be sure to keepe your left foot on the ground●s : in doublings if you come up to the right , turne off to the left , and so alway to the contrary hand . in wheelings , if you close to the left , then wheel to the right , or if you close to the right , wheel to the left , or you may wheel upon the center . according to my intended purpose , i shall adde to the exercise of the pike and musket in the briefest manner , being only what shall belong to present service : and first for the pike : in all standing postures of the pike , keep your left foot fast fixt upon the ground : in all marching postures move with the left foot advancing forward . advance your pikes . order your pikes . shoulder your pikes . port your pikes . advance your pikes . shoulder your pikes . traile your pikes . cheeke your pikes . charge your pikes . shoulder your pikes . charge to the front , reare , right or left . shoulder your pikes . advance your pikes . or order your pikes . charge to the horse and draw your sword any of the foure wayes . for the musket standing or marching : first , your musket not being charged without a rest , supposing alwayes your left hand to be your rest . slip your muskes . poyse your muskes . bring her to your rest . open your pan. clear your pan. prime your pan. shut your pan. cast off . blow , cast about , and charge . draw out your scourer shorten your scourer put in your bullet . ram your scourer draw out your scourer shorten your scourer put up your scourer recover . poyse . shoulder . slope . slip. poyse . bring to your rest . draw forth your match . blow . cock. try. guard your pan. blow . open. present . give fire . returne your match . clear your pan , and so charge again as is taught . all these in service are reduced into these three words : make ready . with these two added , either shoulder your muskets . present . or give fire . order your muskets . t he postures of arming and disarming , according to my intention of brevity is needlesse to be here inserted , they having been sufficiently written of by your trained band teachers : i shall but only present you further with what firings are necessary for our present service out of a single company or regiment : wishing heartily all noble captaines , and their officers , would conforme themselves to these brief rules , using no other words of command then what are here used . y our single company being drawne up regiment wise at three foot distance , being your order , and your pikes all shouldered the manner of firing to the front , is first , let the two first ranks , making ready , advance or paces from the body , the rest of the ranks marching to the front of pikes ; which two ranks having presented and fired one after another , let them march off to the right and left hand , the next two ranks doing the same with the rest successively as long as you please , when you draw near to your enemy , or by way of supposition , charge over your pikes three ranks deep , and the rest ported following the charge . t o fire from the reare ; first command your body to advance their pikes , then face them about to the right or left , and then shoulder your pikes againe : moving your body , command the two last ranks to make ready , being ready , command the last ranke , to the rear present , who is to turn to the right hand , and give fire , and so turning up to the right and left , advanceth into front , placing themselves before their leaders : the rest of the ranks doing the same successively one after another . t o fire from your right and left stanks , command the right and left hand file to make ready , which done , marching your body , command them to present to the right and left , and so give fire , which being done , let the files stand and charge their muskets again , by which time the two next files wil have performed the like , who are also in like manner to stand facing toward their commander , and the first file is immediately to march up to the second : the next files having done the like are to stand , the first and second file advancing up to them ; and so of all the rest successively making up your body again with all speed that may be . t here is sometimes another firing used standing , whereby an enemy may receive suddenly a very hot charge when you are retreating ; command your body to face about to the right or left , and then let them all make ready , which done standing , let the first ranke fire and fall off into the reare , and so the rest of them in like maner successively one after another , your pikes retreating back as your body loseth ground . y ou are to use your endeavour to bring your souldiers to know the severall notes of a drum , and what he is to performe upon the hearing of them , your pikemen being to be shouldered upon the beat of a march , and advanced upon the beat of a troop : this thing perfected , will be sufficient for our present service : to which god give 〈◊〉 finis . monday, december . . whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy, formerly a great charge to the nation, are by order of parliament discharged, and sent with recommendations unto their respective counties and places, where they did last reside, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) monday, december . . whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy, formerly a great charge to the nation, are by order of parliament discharged, and sent with recommendations unto their respective counties and places, where they did last reside, ... england and wales. parliament. house of commons. sheet ([ ] p.) printed by john bill, printer to the king's most excellent majestie, london : mdclx. [ ] title from caption and opening lines of text. signed: w. jessop, clerk of the commons house of parliament. an order of the house of commons for parochial relief of maimed soldiers and pensioners. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military pensions -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no monday, december . . whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy, formerly a great charge to the n england and wales. parliament. a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion monday , december . . whereas the maimed soldiers and pensioners belonging to ely-house and the savoy , formerly a great charge to the nation , are by order of parliament discharged , and sent with recommendations into their respective counties and places , where they did last reside , but are not accordingly received , or relieved by the respective justices of the peace : it is therefore ordered by the commons in parliament assembled , that all and every the justices of the peace in all counties , corporations , and places within his majesties dominions , do take speedy care , and make provision , according to the statute for maimed souldiers , and that of . of queen elizabeth concerning the overseers for the poor , for the relief and livelyhood of such pensioners , maimed souldiers , widows , and orphans as come unto them , with such recommendations signed with the hands of thomas lord fairfax , sir gilbert gerard , sir anthony irby , sir william wheeler , sir iohn robinson , sir francis gerard , sir thomas meeres , sir thomas clergis , iohn birch , william prynn , edward king , gilbert gerrard , richard knightly and michael mallet esquires , or any three of them , being members of the committee of parliament , appointed to discharge the said pensioners . and that this order be forthwith printed , and that the knights , citizens and burgesses do convey the same unto the respective places for which they serve in parliament : reminding the said justices of the necessity of this good work , and of the laws made concerning the same . w. jessop , clerk of the commons house of parliament . london , printed by john bill , printer to the kings most excellent majestie . mdclx . obseruations vpon the fiue first bookes of cæsars commentaries setting fourth the practise of the art military in the time of the roman empire : wherein are handled all the chiefest point of their discipline, with the true reason of euery part, together with such instructions as may be drawn from their proceedings, for the better direction of our moderne warres / by clement edmunds. edmondes, clement, sir, or - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) obseruations vpon the fiue first bookes of cæsars commentaries setting fourth the practise of the art military in the time of the roman empire : wherein are handled all the chiefest point of their discipline, with the true reason of euery part, together with such instructions as may be drawn from their proceedings, for the better direction of our moderne warres / by clement edmunds. edmondes, clement, sir, or - . caesar, julius. de bello gallico. english. abridgments. [ ], , p., [ ] leaves of plates ( folded) : ill. printed by peter short, dwelling on bredstreet hill at the signe of the starre, at london : . a commentary on "commentaria de bello gallico" by julius caesar, with an abridged translation. contains printer's device, mck. , with initials "p.s." imperfect: item at reel : has print showthrough. signatures: *², a-aa⁸, bb⁵. reproductions of originals in yale university library and university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. includes bibliographical references in marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng caesar, julius. -- de bello gallico. -- english. -- abridgments. military art and science -- early works to . rome -- history -- republic, - b.c. -- early works to . gaul -- history -- gallic wars, - b.c. -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations , vpon the five first bookes of caesars commentaries , setting fovrth the practise of the art military , in the time of the roman empire . wherein are handled all the chiefest points of their discipline , with the true reasons of euery part , together with such instructions as may be drawn from their proceedings , for the better direction of our moderne warres . by clement edmvnds . printer's device. p s at london , printed by peter short , dwelling on bredstreet hill at the signe of the starre . . to his honorable friend and most worthie knight , sir francis vere , chiefe commander of her maiesties forces in the seruice of the states , in the vnited prouinces , and gouernour of the cautionarie towne of briele , in holland . sir , hauing at length ended this taske of obseruations , it falleth necessarily vnder your patronage , as well in regard of the continual incouragement , which i receiued from the fauor you beare to such imploiments ; as also for that this worke of caesar hath alwaies beene held in your particular recommendation , as the breuiarie of soldiers ; and thought worthie of as great regard , as euer m. brutus attributed to polybius , or charles the fift to philip de commines . i must acknowledge the beginning of this work to haue proceeded from sir iohn scot , a knight deseruing great honour for his iudgement and skill in matter of war , whose desire to vnderstand the true sense of this history , and the mysterie of that discipline , first mooued me to vndertake this labour . the obseruations which i haue taken , are such as offer themselues to vulgar wits , vpon the consideration of such points as are handled in this discourse : for as an old gouernesse well experienced in error , directeth her young charge to vertue , by such documents as rise from her owne mistakings ; so the fruit of this worke riseth chiefely from thence , where the benefit of good direction is manifest ; or where ill atchieuement beareth witnesse of an error . the specialities of greater consequence , which are either skilfully shadowed , or necessarily implied in the historie , i leaue to the wisedome of iudicious commanders , as an obiect fit for such iudgments , and impertinent to conceits of an inferiour condition . that which is alreadie handled shall serue to witnesse , that caesars works containe matter sufficient to entertaine the greatest wits , and that my desire is to gratifie our souldiers with my best labour , which i recommend chiefely to your lordship , and rest readie to doe you seruice , c. edmvnds . to the reader . i haue aduentured to entertaine our souldiers , with a relation of part of caesars actions , vpon that incouragement which hee himselfe gaue to a fisherman , not to despaire of a good passage because he carried caesar and his fortunes : wherein i haue not tied my selfe to a litter all translation of the history , but followed the sense ; not daring to make any resemblance of the sweetnesse of that stile , but desirous to gratifie our better sort of souldiers , with the pourtraiture of that discipline . if my labour be accepted with that affection as i offer it , i shall thinke it well spent , and imploy more time to doe them seruice . howsoeuer , i holde it reasonable to leaue to euery man the free censure of his iudgement , as best fitting him that readeth with profit , and not to be taken from any reader whatsoeuer : and as i looke not to be approoued of all ; so i make no question but i shall finde some fauourers , which is as much as any writer can boast of , farewell . reading and discovrse , are reqvisite to make a sovldier perfect in the arte militarie , how great soeuer his knowledge may be , which long experience and much practise of armes hath gayned . when i consider the weaknesse of mans iudgment in censuring things best knowne vnto it selfe , and the disability of his discourse in discouering the nature of vnacquanted obiectes ; choosing rather to hold any sensible impression , which custome hath by long practise inured , then to hearken to some other more reasonable perswasion : i do not maruell that such soldiers , whose knowledge groweth only from experience and consisteth in the rules of their owne practise ; are hardly perswaded , that history and speculatiue learning are of any vse in perfecting of their arte , being so different in nature from the principles of their cunning , and of so small affinity with the life of action ; wherein the vse of armes and atchieuments of war seeme to haue their chiefest being . but those purer spirits embilished with learning , and enriched with the knowledge of other mens fortunes ; wherein variety of accidents affordeth variety of instructions , and the mutuall conference of thinges happened , begetteth both similitudes and differences , contrary natures , but yet iointly concurring to season our iudgment with discretion , and to enstall wisedome in the gouernment of the minde : these men i say , mounting aloft , with the winges of contemplation , doe easily discouer the ignorance of such martialistes , as are only trained vp in the schoole of practise , and taught their rudiments vnder a fewe yeares experience , which serueth to interpret no other author but it selfe , nor can approue his maximes , but by his own authority ; and are rather moued to pittie their hard fortune , hauing learned onely to be ignorant , then to enuie their skill in matter of war , when they oppose themselues against so manifest a truth as this : that a meere practicall knowledge cannot make a perfect soldier . which proposition that i may the better confirme , giue me leaue to reason a little of the groundes of learning , and dispute from the habitude of arts and sciences ; which are then said to be perfectly attained , when their particular parts are in such sort apprehended , that from the variety of that indiuiduality , the intellectuall power frameth generall notions and maximes of rule , vniting tearms of the same nature in one head , and distinguishing diuersities by differences of properties , aptely diuiding the whole body into his greatest and smallest branches , and fitting each part with his descriptions , duties , cautions and exceptions : for vnlesse the vnderstanding be in this sort qualified and able by logisticall discourse , to ascend , by way of composition , from singularitie to catholike conceptions ; and returne againe the same waie , to the lowest order of his partitions , the minde cannot be saide to haue the perfection of that arte , nor instructed in the true vse of that knowledge : but guiding her selfe by some broken preceptes , feeleth more want by that shee hath not , then benefite by that shee hath . whereby it followeth , that a science deuided into manie braunches , and consisting in the multiplicitie of diuers members , being all so interessed in the bulke , that 's mayme of the smallest part causeth either debilitie or deformitie in the bodie , cannot be saide to bee throughlie attayned , nor conceiued with such a profiting apprehension as steeleth the minde with true iudgement , and maketh the scholler maister in his arte , vnlesse the nature of these particularities bee first had and obtained . and for as much as no one science or faculty whatsoeuer , in multitude and pluralitie of partes , may anie waie be comparable to the arte militarie , wherein euery small and vnrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the action , and breedeth such disparitie and difference , that the resemblance of their equall participating properties is blemished with the dissimilitude of their disagreeing partes ; it cannot be denied , but he that is acquainted with most of these particular occurrences , and best knoweth the varietie of chances in the course of warre , must needes be thought a more perfect souldier , and deserueth a title of greater dignity in the profession of armes , then such as content themselues with a fewe common precepts and ouer-worne rules : without which , as they cannot be said at all to be souldiers , so with them and no more , they no way deserue the name of skilfull and perfect men of war. now whether meere experience , or experience ioyned with reading and discourse , doe feast the minde with more variety and choise of matter , or entertaine knowledge with greater plentie of nouelties , incident to expeditions and vse of armes , i will vse no other reason to determine of this question , then that which franciscus patricius alleadgeth in his parallely , where he handleth this argument which i intreat of . he that followeth a warre ( saith he ) doth see either the course of the whole , or but a part onely . if his knowledge extend no farther then a part , he hath learned lesse then he that sawe the whole : but admit he hath seene and learned the instructions of one whole warre , he hath notwithstanding learned lesse then he that hath seene the proceeding of two such warres . and hee againe hath not seene so much as another that hath serued in three seuerall warres : and so by degrees , a souldier that hath serued ten yeares , must needes knowe more then one that hath not serued so long . and to conclude , he that hath receiued yeares stipend ( which was the iust time of seruice amongst the romans before a souldier could be dismist ) hath greater meanes of experience than another that hath not so long a time followed the campe , and cannot challenge a discharge by order and custome : and hence it consequently followeth , that if in one or more or all these warres , there haue happened few or no actions of seruice , which might teach a souldier the practise of armes ; that then his learning doth not counteruaile his labour . and if the warre through the negligence , or ignorance of the chiefe commanders haue beene ill caried , he can boast of no knowledge , but that which acquainted him with the corruptions of militarie discipline ; if the part which he followed were defeated and ouerthrowne , he knoweth by experience howe to loose , but not how to gaine : and therefore it is not onely experience and practice which maketh a souldier worthie of his name , but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions , wherein reason and error , like merchants in trafficke , enterchange contrarie euentes of fortune , giuing sometime copper for siluer , and balme for poyson , and repaying againe the like commoditie as time and circumstances doe answere their directions . and this knowledge is onely to be learned in the registers of antiquitie and in histories , recording the motions of former ages . caius iulius caesar ( whose actions are the subiect of these discourses ) after his famous victories in france , and that he had gotten the prouinces of spaine , broken the strength of the romaine empire at pharsalia , was held a souldier surmounting enuie and all her exceptions ; and yet notwithstanding all this , the battell he had with pharnaces king of pontus , was like to haue buried the glorie of his former conquestes , in the dishonourable memorie of a wilfull ouerthrow : for hauing possest himselfe of a hill of great aduantage , he began to encampe himselfe in the toppe thereof . which pharnaces perceiuing , ( being lodged likewise with his campe vpon a mountaine confronting the romaines ) imbattelled his men , marched down from his campe into the valley , and mounted his forces vp the hill , where the romaines were busied about their intrenchments , to giue them battel . all which , caesar tooke but for a brauado : and measuring the enemie by himselfe , could not be perswaded that any such foole-hardines could carrie men headlong into so dangerous an aduenture , vntill they were come so neere , that he had scarce any time to call the legions from their worke , and to giue order for the battell : which so amazed the romaines , that vnlesse , as caesar himselfe saith , the aduantage of the place and the benignitie of the gods had greatly fauoured them ; pharnaces had at that time reuenged the ouerthrow of pompei and the senat , and restored the romaine empire to libertie . which maie learne vs how necessary it is ( besides experience , which in caesar was infinit ) to perfect our knowledge with variety of chances : and to meditate vpon the effectes of other mens aduentures , that their harmes maie be our warnings , and their happie proceedings our fortunate directions . and albeit amongst so manie decades of historie , which pregnant wits haue presented to these latter ages , we seldome or neuer meete with any one accident which iumpeth in all pointes with an other of the like nature , that shall happen to fall out in managing a warre , or setting forth of an armie ; and so doe seeme to reape little benefit by that we reade , and make small vse of our great trauell . yet we must vnderstand that in the audit of reason , there are many offices , which through the soueraigne power of the discoursiue faculty , receiue great commodities by whatsoeuer falleth vnder their iurisdiction , and suffer no action to passe without due triall of his nature , and examination of his state ; that so the iudgment maie not be defrauded of her reuenues , nor the minde of her learning : for notwithstanding disagreeing circumstances , and differences of formes , which seeme to cut off the priuiledge of imitation , and frustrate the knowledge we haue obtained by reading , the intellectuall facultie hath authoritie to examine the vse , and looke into the inconueniences of these wants and diuersities , and by the helpe of reason to turne it to her aduantage ; or so to counterpoise the defect , that in triall and execution it shall not appeare anie disaduantage . for as in all other sciences , and namely in geometrie , of certaine bare elements , and common sentences , which sense admitteth to the apprehension , the powers of the soule frame admirable theoremes and problemes of infinit vse , proceeding with certaintie of demonstration , from proposition to proposition , and from conclusion to conclusion , and still make new wonders as they go , besides the strangenesse of their architecture , that vpon such plaine and easie foundations , they should erect such curious and beautifull buildings : so in the arte military , these examples , which are taken from histories , are but plaine kinde of principles , on which the minde worketh to her best aduantage , and vseth reason with such dexterity , that of inequalities she concludeth an equality , and of dissimilitudes most sweete resemblances ; and so she worketh out her owne perfection by discourse , and in time groweth so absolute in knowledge , that her sufficiency needeth no further directions : but as lomazzo the milinese , in that excellent worke which he writ of picturing , saith of a skilfull painter , that being to drawe a portraiture of gracefull lineaments , will neuer stand to take the symmetry by scale , nor marke it out according to rule ; but hauing his iudgment habituated by knowledge , and perfected with the variety of shapes and proportions ; his knowledge guideth his eie , and his eie directeth his hand , and his hand followeth both with such facilitie of cunning , that each of them serue for a rule wherby the true measures of nature are exactly expressed . the like may i say of a skilfull souldier , or any artizan in his faculty , when knowledge hath once purified his iudgment , and tuned it to the key of true apprehension . and although there are many that will easily admit a reconciliation of this disagreement , in the resemblāce of accidents being referred to the arbitrement of a well tempered spirit ; yet they will by no meanes acknowledge , that those monstrous and inimitable exāples of valour & magnanimity ( whereof antiquity is prodigall , & spendeth as though time should neuer want such treasure ) can anie way auaile the maners of these daies , which if they were as they ought to be , would appeare but conterfeit to the luster of a golden age , nor yet comparable to siluer or brasse , or the strength of yron , but deserue no better title then earth or clay , whereof the frame of this age consisteth . for what resemblance ( say they ) is betweene the customs of our times , & the actions of those ancient heroes ? they obserued equity as well in warre as in peace : for vertue rather flourished by the naturall disposition of men , then by lawe and authority ; the tenure of their empire was valour in warre and concord in peace ; the greatest treasure which they esteemed , were the deedes of armes which they had atchieued for their countrey , adorning the temples of their gods with pietie , and their priuate houses with glory , pardoning rather then prosecuting a wrong , and taking nothing from the vanquished but ability of doing iniury : but the course of our times hath another bias , for couetousnesse hath subuerted both faith and equity , and our valour affecteth nothing but ambition , pride and cruelty tyrannize in our thoughtes , and subtilty teacheth vs to carrie rather a faire countenance , then a good nature ; our meanes of getting are by fraud & extortion , and our manner of spending is by wast and prodigality ; not esteeming what we haue of our owne , but coueting that which is not ours ; men effeminated and women impudent , vsing ritches as seruants to wickednesse , and preuenting natures appetite with want on luxurity ; supplanting vertue with trecherie , and vsing victory with such impiety , as though iniuriant facere , were imperio vti : and therefore the exemplarie patternes of former times wherein true honour is expressed , may serue to be gazed vpon , but no way to be imitated by this age , being too subtile to deale with honesty , and wanting courage to incounter valour . i must needes confesse , that he that compareth the history of liuie with that of guichardine shall finde great difference in the subiects which they handle ; for liuie triumpheth in the conquestes of vertue , and in euery page erecteth trophes vnto valour , making his discourse like cleanthes table , wherein vertue is described in her entire maiestie , and so sweetned with the presence & seruice of the graces , that all they which behold her are rapt with admiration of her excellencie , and charmed with the loue of her perfection : but guichardine hath more then theseus taske to performe , being to winde through the labyrinthes of subtilty , and discouer the quaint practises of politians , wherein publike and open dessignes are oftentimes but shadowes of more secret proiectes , and these againe serue as foiles to more eminent intentions ; being also discoloured with dissimulation , and so insnared in the sleightes of subtilty , that when you looke for war , you shall finde peace ; and expecting peace , you shall fal into troubles , dissentions and wars : so crabbed and crooked is his argument in respect of liuies fortune , and such arte is required to vnfolde the truth of these mysteries . but to answere this obiection in a word , and so to proceede to that which followeth , i say those immortall memories of vertue which former time recordeth , are more necessary to be knowne , then any strategems of subtler ages : for equitie and valour being truely apprehended so season the motions of the soule , that albeit in so corrupt a course , they cannot peraduenture stir vp imitation ; yet they oftentimes hinder many malicious practises , and diuelish deuises , when euill is reproued by the knowledge of good , and condemned by the authority of better ages . and if we will needs follow those steppes which the present course of the world hath traced , and plaie the cretian with the cretian ; this obiection hindereth nothing , but that historie , especiallie these of latter times ; affordeth sufficient instructions to make a souldier perfect in that point . let not therefore anie man despise the sound instructions which learning affordeth , nor refuse the helpes that historie doth offer to perfect the weaknesse of a short experience , especially when no worth can counteruaile the waight of so great a businesse for i take the office of a chiefe commander , to be a subiect capable of the greatest wisdedome that may be apprehended by naturall meanes , being to manage a multitude of disagreeing mindes , as a fit instrument to execute a dessigne of much consequence and great expectation , and to qualifie both their affections and apprehensions according to the accidentes which rise in the course of his directions ; besides the true iudgement , which he ought to haue of such circumstances as are most important to a fortunate end , wherein our prouidence cannot haue enough either from learning or experience , to preuent disaduantages , or to take holde of opportunities . neither can it be denied , but as this knowledge addeth perfection to our iudgment , so it serueth also as a spur to glory , and increaseth the desire of honour in such as beholde the atchieuments of vertue , commended to a perpetuall posteritie , hauing themselues the like meanes to consecrate their memorie to succeeding ages , wherein they may serue for examples of valour , and reape the reward of true honour . or to conclude , if we thirst after the knowledge of our owne fortune , and long to foresee the ende of that race which we haue taken , which is the chiefest matter of consequence in the vse of armes ; what better coniecture can be made , then to looke into the course of former times , which haue proceeded from like beginnings , and were continued with like meanes , and therefore not vnlikely to sort vnto like endes ? and now if it be demanded whether reading or practice haue the first place in this arte , and serueth as a foundation to the rest of the building ? let marius answere this question , who enuying at the nobilitie of rome , saith thus . qui postquam consules facti sunt , acta maiorum & graecorum militaria praecepta legere caeperint : homines praeposteri , nam legere quam fieri , tempore posterius , re & vsu prius est . whereas ( saith he ) reading ought to go before practise ( although it follow it in course of time , for there is no reading , but of some thing practised before , ) these preposterous men , after they are made consuls and placed at the helme of gouernment , begin to reade , when they should practise that which they had read ; and so bewray their insufficiencie of knowledge by vsing out of time that , which in time is most necessarie . this testimonie gaue marius of reading & booke learning , being himselfe an enemy to the same , for as much as all his knowledge came by meere experience . but howsoeuer his iudgment was good in this point : for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soule , and cannot well be produced , vntill the idea thereof be first imprinted in the minde , according to which patterne the outward being and sensible resemblance is duely fashioned ; how is it possible that any action can be well expressed , when the minde is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort , as shall best agree with the occurrentes of such natures , as are necessarily interessed both in the meanes and in the end thereof ? and therfore speculatiue knowledge as the tramontane , to direct the course of all practise is first to bee respected . but that i may not seeme partiall in this controuersie , but carrie an equall hand betweene two so necessarie yoakefellowes , giue me leaue to conclude in a word , the benefite of practise , and define the good which commeth from experience ; that so nothing that hath beene spoken may seeme to come from affection , or proceede from the forge of vniust partiality . and first it cannot bee denied , but that practise giueth boldnesse and assurance in action , and maketh men expert in such things they take in hand , for no man can rest vpon such certainty , through the theorike of knowledge , as he that hath seene his learning verified by practise , and acknowledged by the testimony of assured proofe : besides , there are many other accōplements gotten only by practise , which grace the presence of knowledge , & giue credit to that which we haue read ; as first to learne the vse and aduantage of the armes which we beare ; secondly , by frequent aspect and familiarity of dangers , and accidents of terrour , to learne to feare nothing but dishonour , to make no difference betweene heate and cold , sommer and winter , to sleepe in all places as on a bed , and at the same time to take paines and suffer penury , with many other difficulties which custome maketh easie , and cannot be gotten but by vse and practise . and thus at length , i haue brought a shallow discourse to an abrupt end , wishing with greater zeale of affection then i am able with manifest proofe of reason , to demonstrate the necessity , that both these partes were by our souldiers so regarded , that neither practise might march in obstinate blindnesse without learned knowledge ; nor this againe be entertained with an idle apprehension without practise : but that both of them may be respected , as necessarie partes to make a compleat nature ; wherein knowledge as the intellectuall part giueth life and spirit to the action , and practise as the materiall substance maketh it of a sensible being , and like a skilfull workman expresseth the excellency , which knowledge hath fore conceiued : wishing no man to despaire of effecting that by practise which the theorike of knowledge commendeth . for cur desperes nunc posse fieri , quod iam toties factum est ? the svmme of the first booke of caesars commentaries , with obseruations vpon the same , discouering the excellencie of caesars militia . the argvment . in this first booke , are contained the specialities of two great wars , begun and ended both in a summer : the first , between caesar & the heluetij : the second , between him and ariouistus king of the germans . the historie of the heluetians may be reduced to three principall heads : vnder the first , are the reasons that moued the heluetians to entertaine so desperate an expedition , and the preparation which they made for the same . the second , containeth their defeate by cesar : and the third , their returne into their countrey . that of ariouistus deuideth it selfe into two parts : the first giueth the causes that induced caesar to vndertake that war : the second intreateth of the warre it selfe , and particularly describeth ariouistus ouerthrow . chap. i. gallia described : the heluetians dislike their natiue seate , and propound to themselues larger territories in the continent of gallia . orgetorix feedeth this humor , for his owne aduantage . gallia is diuided into three partes , differing one from an other in manners , in language , and in lawes . the first part is inhabited by the belgae : the second by the celtae , whom we call galli : and the third by the aquitani . belgia is the northeast part of gallia , bounded on the east with the riuer rhene , and deuided from the celtae , with the riuers marne and sene. the inhabitants of this belgia , are without comparison the stowtest and best men at armes amongst all the galles : for besides , that they are far remote from the ciuility of the roman prouince , and vnacquainted with traffike or entercourse of strangers , they are in continuall warres with the germans , which maketh them hardy , expert and valorous . the celtae possest the greatest part of gallia , and haue the ocean , sene , garum , and the vpper part of rhene for their confines . aquitania is limited with the riuer garume and the perinaean hils . in each of these partes are diuers states and common weales , gouerned for the most part by the annuall magistracie of their nobility , but all diuided into factions and partes ; whereof the hedui and sequani , are contrarie , chiefe and opposite ring-leaders . the chiefest reason that moued the heluetians to forsake their countrey , was the good opinion they had of their owne vertue and magnanimity , and the smal capacity and circuit of their territories : for heluetia being bounded with the famous riuers rhene and rhone , and with the lake lemanus , and the high hanging rockes of the hill iura ; extending it selfe within these boundes , but miles in length and in breadth , seemed too narrow a roome to containe so warlike a people , that long before had ouerflowne the marches of their countrey , with the conceit they had of their owne valour , and that it heard that nature should oppose it selfe by riuers and mountaines against the prowesse , which no enemy could euer resist : and therefore , they resolued to for sake their countrey , which first gaue them breath and being , rather then it should hinder a correspondent proceeding to their warlike nature . these coles of ambition were first kindled , and daily blowne , by the earnest perswasions and impulsions of orgetorix , the chiefest man of authority amongst the heluetians , both for his wealth and nobility , who not contented to be greatest in that manner he was ; but affecting the greatnesse of princely dignity , thought no meanes fitter to shadowe the alteration of their state , then the change of their soile , and in their new seate and place of rest to laie the foundation of a new gouernment . the first observation . he that will examine this expedition of the heluetians , by the transmigrations and flittings of other nations , shall finde some vnexampled particularities in the course of their proceeding : for first it hath neuer beene heard , that any people vtterly abandoned that countrey which nature or prouidence had allotted them ; vnlesse they were driuen thereunto by a generall calamity , as the infection of the aire , the cruelty & oppression of a neighbour nation , as were the sueuians , who thought it great honor to suffer no man to border vpon their confines ; or some other vniuersal , which made the place inhabitable and the people willing to vndertake a voluntarie exile . but oftentimes we read , that when the inhabitants of a country were so multiplied , that the place was ouer charged with multitudes of ofspring , and like a poore father had more children then it was able to sustaine , the aboūding surplus was sent out to seeke new fortunes in forraine countries , and to possesse themselues of a resting seat ; which might recompence the wants of their natiue country , with a plenteous reuenue of necessary supplementes : and in this sort , we read that rome sent out manie colonies into diuers parts of her empire : and in this maner the ancient galles disburdened themselues of their superfluity , and sent them into asia . the gothes came from the ilandes of the balticke sea , and in sulla his time swarmed ouer germany : besides many other nations whose transmigrations are particularly described by lazius . but amongst all these , we find none that so forsooke their country , but there remained some behind to inhabit the same , from whence as frō a fountaine , succeeding ages might deriue the streame of that ouerflowing multitude , and by them take notice of the causes , which moued them vnto it : for their maner was in all such expeditions , and sending out of colonies , to deuide themselues into two or three parts , equall both in equality and number . for after they had parted their common people into euen companies , they deuided their nobility with as great equality as they could , among the former partitions ; and then casting lots , that part which went out to seeke new aduentures , left their landes and possessions to the rest that remained at home ; and so by industrie they supplied that defect which continuance of time had drawen vpon them . and this was the means which the first inhabitants of the earth found out after the floud , to people the vnhabited places , and to keepe off the inconueniences of scarcity and famine . the second observation . he that would prognosticate by the course of these seuerall proceedings , whether of the two betokened better successe , hath greater reason to foretell happines to these which i last spake of , then to the heluetians ; vnlesse their valour were the greater , & quitted al difficulties which hatred and enuie would cast vpon them : for an action which sauoureth of necessitie , ( which was alwaies vnderstood in sending out a colonie ) hath a more plauisible pasport amongst men , then that which proceedeth from a proud voluntarie motion : for as men can be content to tollerate the one , if it concerne not their particular ; so on the other side , they count it gaine to punish pride with shame , and to oppose themselues against the other . the third observation . orgetorix , thirsting after princely dignity , discouereth the humor of vaine glory . for not contented with the substance of honor , being already of greatest power amongst the heluetians , and ordering the affaires of the state by his owne direction , thought it nothing without the markes and title of dignitie , vnto which the inconueniences of maiestie are annexed : not considering that the best honour sitteth not alwaies in imperial thrones , nor weareth the diadems of princes ; but oftentimes resteth it selfe in meaner places , and shineth better with obscurer titles . for proofe wherof , to omit antiquity , take the familie of the medices in florence , and particularly cosimo and lorenzo , whose vertue raised them to that height of honour ; that they were nothing inferiour to the greatest potentates of their time , being themselues but priuate gentlemen in that state , and bearing their proper names as their greatest titles . but howsoeuer the oportunity of changing their soile , was well obserued by orgetorix , as the fittest meanes to attempt an innouation ; but the successe depended much vpon the fortunate proceeding of their expedition : for as a multitude of that nature , can be content to attribute a great part of their happines , wherein euery man thinketh himselfe particularly interessed , to an eminent leader ; and in that vniuersall extasie of ioie will easily admit an alteration of their state : so if the issue be in any respect vnfortunate , no man will acknowledge himselfe faultie , but euery one desiring to discharge his passion vpon some obiect : a chiefe director is likeliest to be the marke , at which the dartes of their discontent will be throwen , and then he will finde it hard to effect what he intendeth . chap. ii. orgetorix practises are discouered : his death : the heluetians continue the resolution of their expedition , and prepare themselues accordingly . bvt orgetorix failed in the first entrance into his proiectes , for seeking to colour his attempt by the example of casticus , a man of the like authority amongst the sequani , and dumnorix among the hedui , ( whom he persuaded ) in their seuerall states to clime the same steps of ambition , he reuealed his intent , and ended it also : for being called by the heluetians to answere that treason ; before he came to triall , his body was found dead , not without suspition of murthering himselfe . the heluetians notwithstanding continued their determined voyage , making preparations correspondent for the same ; and for their better prouision of victuals , they thought two yeares little enough to study tillage , to furnish themselues with conuenient store of corne ; and in the meane time to prouide themselues of cartes and cariages , that nothing might be wanting to make the iourney easie and the end fortunate . and that no neare borderer might interrupt with newe troubles , a dessigne of such hope , they made peace with all their neighbour nations , and resolued for their owne aduantage , to part friendes with those , whom they had euer liued with in continuall iars . and lastly , considering the mutability of mans nature , which scarce continueth constant the space of one houre , but altereth his determinations , according as he diuersly apprehendeth the same subiect , least any of them should change their minde , and suffer the difficulties of the action to ouersway the honour that might ensue thereof : in the heate of their forwardnes they made a law , which at the ende of two yeares , commanded their departure . the observation . as these prouisoes were all requisite , so one thing was omitted , which might haue furthered their good fortune more then any thing thought of , which was to haue concealed by all meanes the time of their departure : for all the beastes of the wood must needes stand at gaze , when such lyons roused themselues out of their dens , and be then very watchfull of their safety when they knewe the instant of time , when some of their spoiles must needes be offered to appease their furie : or at the least it behooued them so to haue dealt by hostages and treaty , that such as were likeliest and best able to crosse their dessignements , might haue beene no hinderance of their proceedings : considering there were but two waies out of their countrey by which they might go , the one narrow and difficult betwene the hill iura and the riuer rhone , by the countrey of the sequani : the other through prouence far easier and shorter , but not to be taken but by the permission of the romans . but howsoeuer their errour was , that after two yeares prouision to go , and hauing made an exterminating decree which inioyned them to go , when they came to the point they knew not what way to go . chap. iii. caesar denieth the heluetians passage through the roman prouince : he fortifieth the passage betweene the hill iura , and the lake of geneua . caesar proconsull of the prouince in gallia , being then at rome , and hearing what course the heluetians purposed to take , made great iourneyes to hasten into the prouince , least it should receiue any detriment by them : and to that ende he gathered what forces he could at his first arriuall , which was but one legion , and caused the bridge at geneua to be broken downe , to hinder their passage what he might : and then too late the heluetians began to perceiue their omissions , for finding themselues ready to depart , they rased all their walled townes being twelue in number , and burnt villages besides priuat houses , with the rest of the corne which they could not carrie with them , and appointed a day to meete all vpon the bankes of rhone , which day was the fift of the calendes of aprill , in the consulship of lu. piso , and a. gabinius : at their arriuall vnderstanding of the resistance which caesar made ; they sent vnto him some of the chiefest of their tribes , to intreat a quiet passage through the prouince . although caesar was resolued to deny thē their pasport , yet for that time he thought it best to stand doubtfull of an answere ; that he might the better prouide himselfe in the meane time , to make good his deniall if it were refused . the reason that moued him to denie them passage , was grounded vpon the ouerthrow which l. cassius a roman consull had receiued by the heluetians , wherein the consull himselfe was slaine , and the souldiers solde for bōdslaues : and this accident procured their hinderance for two respects ; first , he thought that the people of rome could not with the maiesty of their empire , shewe any fauour to a nation that had so foiled them , least they should seeme to stand in feare of such as durst make head against their armies , and buckle with the strength of their legions . secondly , he thought it impossible that the heluetians hauing lent them such a blow , could passe through their prouince without further violence : and therfore in this time of deliberation , hee made a ditch , and a rampier from the hill iura to the lake of geneua , containing miles in length . the rampier was foote high with an answerable latitude and depth of the ditch : and this he fortified with many castles well manned with souldiers , and stored with munition . notwithstanding the heluetians attended peaceably their daie of audience ; and then returned and receiued a deniall . the first observation . this manner of prolonging of time to renforce the troupes or get some other aduantage , as it was then of great vse to caesar , and hath oftentimes beene practised to good purpose ; so doth it discouer to a circumspect enemie , by the directions in the meane time ( which cannot easily be shadowed ) the drift of that delay ; and so inuiteth him with greater courage , to take the oportunitie of that present aduantage ; especially if tract of time maie strengthen the one , and not further the other , which is easily discerned by the circumstances of the action . the second observation . the request of the heluetians seemed to deserue a facile answere , being in effect no more then nature had giuen to the riuer rhone , which was to passe through the prouince , with as much speed & as little hurt as they could : but caesar looking further into the matter and comparing things already past , with occurrences that were to follow after , found the maiesty of the roman empire to be interessed in the answere , being either to maintaine her greatnes by resisting her enemies , or to degenerat from ancient vertue , by gratifying such as sought her ruin , which in matter of state are things of great consequence . and further , he knew it to be an vnsafe course to suffer an enemie to haue meanes of doing hurt ; considering that the nature of man is alwaies prone to loade him with further wronges whom he hath once iniured : not but that he could peraduenture be content to end the quarell vpon that aduantage ; but fearing the other , whom he wronged , to expect but an oportunitie of reuenge , he gets what aduantage he can before hand , and so ceaseth not vntill he haue added a bloudie end to an iniurious beginning . the third observation . concerning this maruellous fortification , betweene the hill and the lake , how seruiceable such workes were vnto him in all his warres ; in what sort , and in howe small time , they were made , i will defer the treatise of them vntill i come to the height of alesia , where he gaue some ground of that hyperbolicall speech : an me deleto , non animaduertebatis decem habere lectas quidem legiones populum romanum , quae non solum vobis obsister sed etiam coelum diruere possent ? chap. iiii. the heluetians failing to passe the rhone , take the way through the countrey of the sequani . caesar hasteth into italie , and there inrolleth more legions : and returning , ouerthroweth part of them at the riuer arar . the heluetians perceiuing caesars determination , resolued to redeeme the ouerslip they had committed in the course of their proiect , with the power of their forces ; and to open a way by valour and armes , where peaceable intreatie had no passage : and therfore , they endeuoured some by boats , and others by fordes & shallowes , to passe the rhone , and enter into prouince , maugre caesar and his legion . but being easily repelde by meanes of the fortification , they made a vertue of necessity , and tooke the narrow and difficult way , through the territories of the sequani : of whom by dumnorix intercession they obtained a friendly through-fare . in the meane time , caesar hasted into italie , & there inrolled two new legions , and tooke three more out of their standing campes in aquileia : and with these fiue legions returned speedily into gallia . at his returne hee vnderstood , that the heluetians had passed the straites , and were now sacking the territories of the edui , a state that had alwaies deserued well of the people rf rome . the ambari complained in like maner of the same hostilitie : and so did the allobroges which inhabited beyond the rhone . caesar not thinking it conuenient to linger any longer , and vnderstanding that three partes of their troupes had alreadie past the riuer arar , and a fourth remained to be transported , he thought it not good to forslow that aduantage : and therfore at the third watch of the night , he marched out of his campe with three legions , to the place where they laie , and finding them scattered and dispersed ; he put the greatest part of them to the sword , and the rest escaped into the woods neere adioyning . this part that was thus defeated , was named pagus tigurinus . the first observation . this defeat being chiefely a seruice of execution vpon such as were taken at a dangerous disaduantage , which men call vnaware , containeth these two aduisoes . first , not to neglect that aduantage which sertorius by the haires of his horse taile hath proued to be very important , that beginning with a part , it is a matter of no difficulty to ouercome the whole . secondly , it may serue for a caueat , so to transport an armie ouer awater , where the enemy is within a reasonable march , that no part may be so seuered from the bodie of the armie , that aduantage may thereby be taken to cut them off all together , and separate them from themselues . the safest and most honourable way , to transport an armie ouer a riuer , is by a bridge , placing at each end sufficient troupes of horse and foote , to defend the armie from sudden assaults , as they passe ouer the water ; and thus went caesar ouer the rhene into germanie two seuerall times . the second observation . concerning the circumstance of time , when caesar went out of his campe , which is noted to be in the third watch , we must vnderstand that the romans diuided the whole night into foure watches , euerie watch containing three houres ; and these watches were distinguished by seuerall notes & sound of cornets or trumpets , that by the distinction and diuersitie therof , it might easily be knowne what watch was sounded . the charge & office of sounding the watches , belonged to the chiefest centuriō of a legion , whom they called primipilus , or primus centurio , at whose pauilion the trumpeters attended , to be directed by his houre-glasse . the first watch began alwaies at sunne-setting , and continued three houres , ( i vnderstand such houres as the night contained , being diuided into twelue : for the romans diuided their night as well as their day into twelue equall spaces , which they called houres ) the second watch continued vntill midnight ; and then the third watch began , and contained likewise three houres ; the fourth was equall to the rest , and continued vntill sunne rising . so that by this phrase de tertia vigilia , we vnderstand that caesar went out of his campe in the third watch , which was after midnight : and so we must conceiue of the rest of the watches , as often as we shal finde them mentioned in historie . cap. v. caesar passeth ouer the riuer arar : his horsemen incountred with the heluetians and were put to the worst . the heluetians hauing passed the riuer , caesar made haste to followe after , and making a bridge he transported ouer his legions in one day , which the heluetians could scarce doe in twentie : and sending all his horse to the number of foure thousand which he had raised in the prouince and amongst the hedui , to discouer what waie the enemie tooke , it happened that they fell so neare vpon the reregard of the heluetians , that they were forced to giue battell in a place of disaduantage , and by that meanes some of them were slaine , and the rest put to flight . the heluetians made insolent with this victory , for as much as of their men had put to route so great a multitude , began now boldly to resist , and sometimes part of their rereward would violently assault the roman legions . caesar held his men from giuing battell , thinking it sufffcient for the present to keepe the enemie from pillaging , forrage , and depopulation : and so they marched fifteene daies together in such sort , that there was not aboue fiue or six miles between the rereward of the heluetians and the vangard of the romans . the observation . this example of the heluetians maie lesson a commander , not to waxe insolent vpon euery ouerthrow which the enemie taketh , but duely to waie the true causes of a victorie gotten or an ouerthrowe taken ; that apprehending the right currant of the action , he maie neither vaunt of a blinde victorie , nor be dismaied at a casuall mishappe . and herein let a heedfull warines so moderate the sequels of victorie in a triumphing spirit , that the care and ielousie to keepe still that sweete sounding fame on foot , maie as farre surpasse the industrie , which he first vsed to obtaine it , as the continuance of happinesse doth exceede the beginning of good fortunes . for such is the nature of our soule , that although from her infancy euen to the manhood of her age , she neuer found want of that which she lusted after ; yet when she meeteth with a counterbuffe to checke her appetite , and restraine her affections from their satisfaction ; she is as much troubled in that want , as if she had neuer receiued anie contentment at all : for our will to euerie obiect which it seeketh after , begetteth alwaies a new appetite , which is not satisfied with a former quittance , but either seeketh present paiment , or returneth discontentment vnto the minde . and as our soule is of an euerlasting being , and cannot thinke of an end , to her beginning ; so she seeketh a perpetuall continuance of such thinges which she lusteth after : which hee , that meaneth to holde fortune his friend , will endeuour to maintaine . chap. vi. caesar sendeth to get the aduantage of a hill , and so to giue the heluetians battell : but was put off by false intelligence : the oportunitie being lost , hee intendeth prouision of corne . caesar being aduertised by his discouerers , that the heluetians laie vnder a hill , about eight miles distant from his campe ; and vnderstanding that the ascent vnto the toppe of the hill , on the further side from the enemie was readie and easie : in the third watch he sent labienus with two legions , to possesse themselues of the said hill , and he himselfe followed with the rest of the armie in the fourth watch . his direction to labienus was , that assoon as he perceiued him to charge the enemy below in the valley , that then he should descend with as violent a shocke as he could , and so the heluetians should bee charged both in front and flancke at one instant . but this intent was at that time frustrated through the causelesse feare of one publius considius , a man helde very skilfull in matter of warre , for his experience first vnder sulla , and afterward with crassus ; who being sent by caesar to discouer whether labienus had tooke the hill , was stroken with such a terrour being so neare an enemie of that fame , that seeing the roman ensignes displaied vpon the mountaine , could not be perswaded but they were the heluetians , & returned that aduertisement to caesar : wherupon he desisted for that time from following his purpose , and retired to the next hill , where he imbattailed his souldiers with aduantage of the place . this oportunitie being thus lost , because the day of measuring corne vnto the souldiers , was within two daies : he would in no wise omit that care ( although peraduenture he might haue had the like oportunity within a daie or two ) but turned towardes bibracte a great and opulent citie of the hedui miles distant from his campe , and there purposed to prouide corne to paie his souldiers . the first observation . the getting of this hill as a place of aduantage , was maruellous important to the happy successe of the battel : for the aduantage of the place is not only noted as an especial cause of easy victory , throughout this historie ; but in al their warres from the very cradle of their empire , it cleared their armies from all difficulties , to what extremitie soeuer they were put . the first reason may be in regard of their dartes and slinges , and especially their piles , which being a heauie deadly weapon , could not any waie be so auailable , being cast countremont or in a plaine leuell , as when the decliuitie and downfall of a swelling banke did naturally second their violent impression : neither can the shocke at handy-blowes bee anie thing so furious ( which was a point of great respect in their battels ) when the souldiers spent their strength in franchising the iniurie of a rising mountaine , as when the place by a naturall inclination did further their course . and to conclude , if the battell succeeded not according to their desire , the fauour of the place afforded them meanes of a strong retrait , in the highest part wherof , they had commonly their campes well fenced and fortified against all chances . if it be demaunded whether the vpper ground be of like vse , in regard of our weapons : i answere , that in a skirmish of shot , i take the aduantage to lie in the lower ground rather then on the hill ; for the pieces being hastily charged , as commonly they are after the first volley , if the bullet chance to lie loose , when the nose of the peece is lower then the breech , it must needes flie at randome , and be altogether vneffectuall : but when the nose shall be raised vpward to the side of a hill , the bullet being rammed in with his owne waight , shall flie with greater certaintie and furie ; considering the nature of the pouder to be such , that the more it is stopt and shut in , the more it seeketh to enlarge his roome , and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury . concerning other weapons , i take the vpper ground in the shocke and incounter , to be aduantagious , as well for the sword as the pike , and would deserue as great respect , if the controuersie were decided by these weapons , as seldome times it is . the second observation . by causidius his demeanour , we see that verified which phisitions affirme , that nothing will sooner carrie our iudgment out of her proper seate , then the passion of feare : and that amongst souldiers themselues , whom custome hath made familiarly acquainted with horror and death , it is able to turne a flocke of sheepe into a squadron of corselets , and a few canes or osiers into pikes and lanciers : which may serue to aduise a discreet generall , not easily to credit a relation of that nature , when a man of reputation , in so perfect a discipline and so experienced in the seruice of three famous chiefes , was so surprised with feare , that he could not discern his friends frō his enimies : but i wil speake more of this passion in the war , with ariouistus . the third observation . in euery relation throughout the whole course of this historie , the first wordes are commonly these , re frumentaria comparata ; as the foundation & strength of euery expedition , without which no man can manage a warre , according to the true maximes and rules of the art military , but must be forced to relieue that inconuenience , with the losse of many other aduantages of great cōsequence : which gaue occasion to gaspard de coligni that famous admiral of france amongst other oracles of truth , wherewith his minde was maruellously enriched , often to vse this saying : that he that will shape that beast ( meaning warre ) must begin with the belly : and this rule was diligently obserued by caesar , who best knewe how to expresse the true portraiture of that beast , in due proportion and liuely resemblance . the order of the romans was , at the daie of measuring , to giue corne to euery particular souldier , for a certain time , which was commonly defined by circumstances : and by the measure which was giuen them , they knew the daie of the next paiment ; for euerie footman receiued after the rate of a bushell a weeke , which was thought sufficient for him and his seruant : for if they had paied them their whole stipend in money , it might haue beene wasted in vnnecessarie expences ; but by this meanes they were sure of prouision for the time determined ; and the sequell of the warre was prouidently cared for by the generall . the corne being deliuered out , was husbanded , ground with hand-milles , which they carried alwaies with them , & made into hastie cakes , daintie enough for a souldiers mouth , by no other but themselues and their seruants : neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread ; for salust reckoneth this vp amongst other dishonours , of the discipline corrupted , that the souldiers sold away their corne , which was giuen them by the treasurer , & bought their bread by the day . and this manner of prouision had many speciall commodities , which are not incident to our custome of victualing : for it is impossible , that victualers should followe an armie vpon a seruice , in the enemies countrey twentie or thirtie daies together , with sufficient prouision for an armie : and by that meanes the generall cannot attend aduantages and fittest oportunities , which in tract of time are often offered , but is forced either to hazard the whole , vpon vnequall tearmes , or to sound an vnwilling retrait . and whereas the victualers are for the most part voluntarie , respecting nothing but their gaine ; and the souldiers on the other side , carelesse of the morrow and prodigall of the present , in that turbulent marmarket , where the seller hath an eie onely to his particular , and the buyer respecteth neither the publike good nor his priuate commoditie , there is nothing to be looked for , but famine and confusion . where as the romans by their manner of prouision , imposed the generall care of the publike good vpon the chiefe commander , whose dutie it was to prouide store of corne for his armie ; and the particular care vpon euerie priuate souldier , whome it especially concerned to see , that the allowance which the common weale had in plentifull manner giuen him , for his maintenance , might not be wasted through negligence or prodigalitie ; which excellent order , the nature of our victuals will no way admit . their prouinces and the next confederate states furnished their armies continually with corne ; as it appeareth by this place , that for prouision of graine , he depended altogether vpon the hedui : and when they were in the enemies countrey , in the time of haruest , the souldiers went out to reape and gather corne , and deliuered it threshed and clensed to the treasurer , that it might be kept vntill the daie of paiment . but to leaue this frugall and prouident manner of prouision as vnpossible to be imitated by this age , let vs returne to our historie , and see how the heluetians were led , by a probable errour , to their last ouerthrow . chap. vii . the heluetians follow after caesar , and ouertake the rereward . he imbattaileth his legions vpon the side of a hill : and giueth order for the battell . the heluetians , vnderstanding of the romans departure by fugitiues that came vnto them , were fullie perswaded that feare was the greatest cause of their retraite : for the daie before hauing the vpper ground , they durst not vse the aduantage of the same : and hoping withall to intercept them from victuals , they followed after them with what speed they could , & as they ouertooke them they charged vpon the rereward . which when caesar perceiued , he sent his horsemen to sustaine the assault , & in the meane time he drew his forces vnto the next hill , and in the side thereof about the middle of the hill , hee made a triple battell of foure olde legions , on the toppe of the hill he placed two newe legions , which he had last inrolled in italie , with the associate forces ; and to these hee commended the baggage and impediments of the whole armie , and filled all the rest of the hill with light armed men . the heluetians on the other side , conuaied their cariage and impedimentes into one place ; and hauing beaten backe caesars horsemen , with a thicke thronged batallion , they put themselues into a phalanx , and so pressed vnder the first battell of the roman legions . the first observation . concerning the true sense of this triple battell , which caesar made vpon the side of the hill , i vnderstand it according to the ancient custome of the romans ; who in the infancie of their militarie discipline , diuided their armie into three sortes of souldiers , hastati , principes , and triarij : for i omit the velites , as no part of their standing battels , and of these they made three seuerall battels from front to backe : in the first battell were the hastati , and they possessed the whole front of the armie , and were called acies prima . behinde these in a conuenient distance , stood the principes , in like sort and order disposed , and were called acies secunda : and lastly in a like correspondent distance , were the triarij imbattelled and made aciem tertiam . their legion consisted of ten companies , which they called cohortes , and euerie cohort consisted of three small companies , which they named manipuli : a maniple of the hastati , a maniple of the principes , and an other of the triarij , as i will more particularly set downe in the second booke . and as these three kindes of souldiers were separated by distance of place from front to backe : so was euerie battell deuided into his maniples ; and these were deuided by little allies and waies , one from an other , which were vsed to this purpose : the hastati being in front did euer begin the battell , and if they found themselues too weake to repell the enemie , or were happily forced to a retrait , they drew themselues through these allies or distances , which were in the second battell betweene the maniples of the principes into the space , which was betweene the principes and the triarij , and there they rested themselues whilest the princes tooke their place and charged the enemie : or otherwise , if the commanders found it needfull , they filde vp those distances of the principes , and so vnited with them into one bodie , they charged the enemy all in grosse ; and then if they preuailed not , they retired into the spaces between the triarij , and so they gaue the last assault , all the three bodies being ioyned all into one . now if we examine by the current of the historie , whether caesar obserued the same order and diuisions in his warres , we shall find little or no alteration at all , for first this triplex acies here mentioned , was no other thing but the diuision of the hastati , principes and triarij , according to the manner of the first institution . and least any man should dreame of that ordinarie diuision , which is likewise threefold , the two cornets and the battell , and in that sence he might saie to haue made triplicem aciem , let him vnderstand , that the circumstances of the diuision haue no coherence with that diuision ; for in that he saith of the heluetians , successerunt aciem primam , pressed neare the first battel or vangard , he maketh it cleare that the armie was deuided into a triple battell from front to backe : for otherwise , he would haue said , successerint dextrum aut sinistrum cornu , aut mediam aciem : for so were the partes of that diuision tearmed . againe , in the retrait which the heluetians made to the hill , when hee saith that the first and second battell followed close vpon the enemie , and the third opposed it selfe against the boij and tulingi , and stood readie at the foote of the hill , to charge the legions in the flanke and on the backe . it is manifest , that no other diuision can so fitly be applied to this circumstance , as that from front to backe . but that place in the first of the ciuill warres taketh away all scruple of controuersie , where he vseth the verie same tearmes of prima , secunda and tertia acies : for being to incampe himselfe neare vnto afranius , and fearing least his souldiers should be interrupted in their worke , he caused the first and second battel to stand in armes and keepe their distance , to the end they might shroud and couer the third battel ( which was imploied in making a ditch behind them ) from the view of the enemie ; and this kind of imbattailing caesar obserued , in most of his fightes : by which it appeareth that he vseth the verie same order and discipline for imbattailing , as was instituted by the old romans . concerning the auncient names of hastati , principes and triarij , which ramus in his militia iulij caesaris , vrgeth to be omitted throughout the whole historie : i grant they are seldome vsed in these commentaries , in the sense of their first institution : for the hastati , when the discipline was first erected , were the youngest and poorest of the legionarie souldiers . the principes were the lustie , and able bodied men : and the triarij the eldest and best experienced . but in caesars campe , there was little or no difference either of valour or yeares , betweene the hastati , principes or triarij , which he nameth prima , secunda and tertia acies ; and therefore were neuer tearmed by those names , in respect of that difference . notwithstanding in regard of order and degrees of discipline , that vertue might bee rewarded with honour , and that time might challenge the priuiledge of a more worthie place , the said distinctions and tearmes were religiously obserued : for in the battell with perreius at ilerda in spaine , he mentioneth the death of q. fulginius , ex primo hastato legionis quartae decimae : and in the ouerthrow at dirrachium he saith , that the eagle bearer , being grieuously wounded , commended the safetie of his ensigne to the horsemen , all the centurions of the first cohort being slaine , praeter principem priorem . and for the triarij , there is no tearme more frequent in caesar then primipilus , which name by the rules of the ancient discipline , but to the chiefest centurion of the first maniple of the triarij : wherby it appeareth that the maniples kept the same names in regard of a necessarie distinction , although peraduenture the hastati were as good souldiers , as either the principes or the triarij . as touching the spaces betweene the maniples , whereinto the first battell did retire it selfe if occasion vrged them , i neuer found any mention of them in caesar . excepting once here in england , where in a skirmish the brittaines so vrged the court of guard , which kept watch before the roman campe , that caesar sent out two other cohortes to succour them , who making distance betweene them as they stoode , the court of guard retired it selfe in safetie , through that space into the campe ; otherwise we neuer finde that the first battell made any retrait into the allies betweene the maniples of the second battell , but when it failed in any part , the second and third went presently to second them , as appeareth in the battell following with arionistus and in diuers others . concerning the vse of this triple battell , what can be said more then lipsius hath done ? where he laieth open the particular commodities thereof as farre forth as a speculatiue iudgment can discerne of thinges so farre remote from the vse of this age , which neuer imitateth this triple battell but only in a march : for then commonly they make three companies , a vangard , a battell and a rereward : but in imbattailing , they drawe these three companies all in front , making two cornets and the battel , without any other troupes to second them . but let this suffice concerning caesar his manner of imbattailing and his triplex acies , vntill i come to the second booke , where i will handle more particularly the parts of a legion , and the commodity of their small battailions . the second observation . the macedonian phalanx is described by polybius to be a square battell of pikemen , consisting of in flancke and in front ; the souldiers standing so close together that the pikes of the fift ranke were extended three foote beyond the front of the battell ; the rest whose pikes were not seruiceable by reason of their distance from the front , couched them vpon the shoulders of those that stoode before them , and so locking them in together in file , pressed forward to holde vp the swaie or giuing backe of the former rankes , and so to make the assault more violent and vnresistable . the grecians were very skilfull in this part of the arte militarie , which containeth order and disposition in imbattailing , for they maintained publike professors whom they called tactici , to teach and instruct their youth the practise and art of al formes conuenient for that purpose . and these tactici found by experience , that in flancke so ordered as they were in a phalanx , were able to beare any shocke how violently soeuer it charged vpon them : which number of they made to consist of foure doubles , as first vnitie maketh no order , for order consisteth in number and pluralitie ; but vnitie doubled maketh two , the least of all orders , and this is the double : which doubled againe maketh the second order of foure souldiers in a file , which doubled the third time maketh , & this doubled maketh , which is the fourth doubling from a vnite ; and in it they staied as in an absolute number and square , whose roote is the quadruple in regard of both the extremes : for euery one of these places , the tactici had seuerall names , by which they were distinctly knowne . but the particular description requireth a larger discourse , then can be comprehended in these short obseruations : he that desireth further knowledge of them , may reade elianus , that liued in the time of adrian the emperour : and arianus in his historie of alexander the great : with mauritius , and leo imperator , where hee shall haue the diuisions of tetrafalangia difalangia , phalangia vnto a vnite , with all the discipline of the grecians . the chiefest thing to be obserued is , that the grecians hauing such skill in imbattailing , preferd a phalanx before all other formes whatsoeuer ; either because the figure in it selfe was very strong , or otherwise in regard that it fitted best their weapons , which were long pikes and targets . but whether caesar tearmed the battell of the heluetians a phalanx in regard of their thicke manner of imbattailing onely , or otherwise , for as much as besides the forme , they vsed the naturall weapon of a phalanx which was the pike , it remaineth doubtfull . brancatio in his discourses vpon this place , maketh it no controuersie , but that euerie souldier carried a pike and a target , the target is particularly named in this historie : but it cannot so easily be gathered by the same , that their offensiue weapons were pikes . in the fight at the baggage it is said , that manie of the legionarie souldiers were wounded through the cart wheeles , with tragulas & materas , which are commonly interpreted speares and iauelins : and i take them to bee weapons longer then common dartes , but whether they were so long as the sarissas of the macedonians , i cannot tell . howsoeuer , this is certaine , that the heluetians haue euer beene reputed for the true phalangitae , next vnto the macedonians ; and that in their thicke and close imbattailing ; they failed not at this time of the forme of a phalanx : for they roofed it so thicke with targets , that caesar saith they were sore troubled , because many of their targets were fastned and tied together , with piles darted through them : which argueth that their phalanx was very thicke thronged , whatsoeuer their weapon was . chap. viii . caesar sendeth away all the horses of ease : exhorteth his men : and beginneth the battell . both the armies being in this forwardnesse , caesar to take away all hope of safetie by flight , first caused his owne horse and then all the prinate horses of ease , of the legates , tribunes , and the rest of the chiefe leaders , to be carried out of the battell , and vsing some motiues of courage , according as the circumstances afforded him occasion , he gaue the signe of battell . the romans casting their piles with the aduantage of the hill , did easily breake the heluetian phalanx ; and then taking themselues to their swordes ; they did second the furie of the pile with a rude and violent close . the first observation . the ancient sages found it necessary , to a faithfull and serious execution of such an action , to prepare the mindes of their men with wordes of encouragement , and to take away all scruple out of their conceites , either of the vnlawfulnesse of the cause , or disaduantage against the enemie : for if at anie time that saying be true , that oratio plus potest quam pecunia , it is here more powerfull and of greater effect . for a donatiue or liberanca , can but procure a mercenarie indeuour euer yeelding to a better offer , and doe oftentimes breede a suspicion of wrong , euen amongst those that are willingly enriched with them ; and so maketh them flacke to discharge their seruice with loialtie : yea oftentimes of friendes to become enemies . but in as much as speech discloseth the secrets of the soule , and discouereth the intent and drift of euerie action , a few good wordes laying open the iniurie which is offered to innocencie , how equity is controlled with wrong , and iustice controlled by iniquitie ( for it is necessarie that a commander approue his cause , and settle an opinion of right in the minde of his souldiers , as it is easie to make that seeme probable which so many offer to defend with their bloud , when indeed euerie man relieth vpon anothers knowledge , and respecteth nothing lesse the right ) a few good words i say , will so stirre vp their mindes in the feruentnes of the cause , that euery man will take himselfe particularly ingaged in the action by the title of equity ; and the rather for that it iumpeth with the necessitie of their condition . for men are willing to doe well , when weldoing agreeth with that they would doe , otherwise the acte may formerly be effected , but the mind neuer approueth it by assent . and this maner of exhortation or speech of incouragement , was neuer omitted by caesar in any conflict mentioned in this historie : but he still vsed it as a necessarie instrument to set vertue on foote , and the only meanes to stirre vp alacrity : or if it happened that his men were at any time discouraged by disaster or crosse accident , as they were at gergobia , and at the two ouerthrowes he had at dirrachium ; he neuer would aduēture to giue battell vntill he had incouraged them againe , and confirmed their mindes in valour and resolution . but this age hath put on so scornfull a humor , that it cannot heare a speech in this key , sound it neuer so grauely , without scoffing and derision : and on the other side discontinuance of so necessarie a part , hath bred at length such an inutilem pudorem in our chiefe commanders , that they had rather loose the gaine of a great aduantage , then buy it with wordes to be deliuered in publike . the second observation . in this chapter we may further obserue the violence of the roman pile , which being a heauie deadly weapon , could hardly be frustrated with any resistance , and in that respect was very proper and effectual against a phalanx , or any other thicke and close battell , or wheresoeeuer els , the stroke was certaine , or could hardly deceiue the aime of the caster : for in such incounters it so galled the enemy , that they were neither able to keepe their order , nor answere the assault with a resisting counterbuffe . by which it appeareth that the only remedie against the pile was , to make the rankes thin , allowing to euery souldier a large podisme or place to stand in , that so the stroke might of it selfe fall without hurt , or by foresight be preuented ; as it shal plainly appeare by the sequell of this historie , which i will not omit to note , as the places shall offer themselues to the examination of this discourse . but as touching the pile , which is so often mentioned in the roman historie , polybius describeth it in this manner . a pile ( saith he ) is a casting weapon , the staffe whereof is almost cubites long , and it hath palmarem diametrum , a hand breadth in thicknesse . the staues were armed with an head of yron , equall in length to the staffe it selfe : but in that sort that halfe the head was fastened vp to the middle of the staffe , with plates of yron like the head of a halbert : and the other halfe stucke out at the ende of the staffe like a pike , containing a fingers breadth in thicknes , and so decreasing lesse and lesse vnto the point which was barbed . this head was so slender toward the point , that the waight of the staffe would bend it as it stucke , as appeareth in this battell of the heluetians . this weapon was peculiar to the romans , and was called pilum , as varro noteth of pilum a pestell , quod hostes feriret vt pilum . lipsius finding that palmarem diametrum , was too great a thicknesse to be managed by any mans hand , interpreteth it to be foure inches in circuit , if the staffe were either round or square , for they had of both sortes , and so he maketh it very manageable ; but nothing answerable to the description giuen by polybius either in forme or waight . patricius in his paralleli , maketh the staffe to haue palmarem diametrum in the butte end , but the rest of the staffe he maketh to decrease taper wise , vnto the head of yron , where it hath the thicknesse of a mans finger ; and so it answereth both in forme and waight to a pestell , as may be seene by the figure , and i take it to be the meaning of polybius . patricius in that place setteth downe foure discommodities of the pile . first a furious and hoat spirited enemie will easily preuent the darting of the pile , with a nimble and speedie close : and so we read , that in the battell which caesar had with ariouistus , the germans came so violently vpon them , that the souldiers cast away their piles , and betooke them to their swordes . and likewise in that worthy battell betweene cateline and marcus petreius , they cast away their piles on either part . the second discommoditie was , that the piles being so heauie , could not be cast any distance , but were only seruiceable at hand . thirdly , they could not be cast with any aime , or as they say point blanke : and lastly the souldiers were to take aduantage of ground backward when they threw them , which might easily disorder their troups , if they were not very wel experienced . the third observation . the last thing which i obserue in this speciality is , that the legionarie souldiers had no other offensiue weapon , but one pile or two at the most , and their swordes . by which it may be gathered , that all their victories came by buckling at handy-blowes , for they came alwaies so neare before they cast their pile , that they left themselues no more time then might conueniently serue them to drawe their swordes : neither would their armes of defence , which was compleat , besides a large target which they carried on their left arme , suffer them to make any long pursuit , or continued chase whensoeuer a light armed enemie did make any speedy retrait , as will more plainly appeare by that which followeth . chap. ix . the heluetians fainting in the battell , retire to a hill , the romans follow after , and the battell is continued . the heluetians were sore troubled with the roman piles , which stucke so fast in their shields , that they were neither able to pull them out , nor to vse their targets to any purpose : and therfore after a wearisome toile , they chose rather to cast them away , and to hazard their nakednesse vpon agilitie and readinesse ; then to betray their life with an vnmanageable weapon : but at length fainting with woundes , they began to giue place , and made their retrait to a hill not farre off , the better to saue themselues from the furie of the romans . the hill being taken , and the legions following on to driue them from thence , the reregard of the heluetians , which were the boy and tulingi , consisting of men stood readie at the foote of the hill , to charge the romans in flanke and to inuiron them round about : which the heluetians no sooner perceiued but they returned and began a fresh from the hill to renew the battell , and so the legions were set vpon both in front and flanke at one instant . to remedie this difficultie , conuersa signa bipartito intulerunt , saith the history : the first and second battell fought against the heluetians that returned from the hill and the third battell turned themselues to beare the assault of the rereward , which stood readie to inclose them about , and to charge them on the backe . and here the fight was doubtfull and vehement for a long time , vntill at length they were no longer able to indure the violence of the legionarie souldiers , part of them fled to the toppe of the hill , and the rest betooke themselues to the place , where their baggage and impediments were lodged . and hitherto , here was not one man seene to haue turned his backe in all the conflict , although the fight continued from the seuenth houre vntill the euening . the first observation . concerning the ensignes of the romans : we are to vnderstand that the chiefest ensigne of euerie legion was an eagle , which alwaies attended vpon the primipile or chiefe centurion of the said legion . the ensigne of a maniple was , either a hand or a dragon , a woolfe or a sphinx , as it appeareth ( besides the testimonie of history ) by the columne of traiane in rome , wherein the ensignes are figured , with such purtraitures : so that these ensignes , resembling the proportions of liuing creatures , had their fore partes alwaies caried that way which the legions were to march , or where they were to fight : and therefore in this historie , by the aspect and carying of the ensignes , the front of the armie was commonly noted : as in this the battel which caesar had with the helvetians place it is said , that the ensignes of the first and second battell were carried towardes the hill , whither the heluetians had made their retrait ; and the ensignes of the third battell looked an other waie , towardes the boij and tulingi , which stood of the foot of the hill : by which is signified , how the legions were diuided to resist the brunt of the double incounter . the second observation . concerning the time of the daie : we are to vnderstand that the romans vsed not the same diuision of the daie as we commonly do : for they diuided their artificiall ( which is the space betweene sunne rising and setting ) into equall partes , which the astronomers called vnequall or planetarie houres . the first houre of the daie began alwaies at sunne rising ; the sixt houre was alwaies high noone ; and the twelfth houre was sunne setting . and as the day waxed longer or shorter , so these houres were either greater or lesse : neither did they agree with equall or equinoctiall houres , such as are now vsed , but only at the acquinoctium : so that by this maner of reckoning , ab hora septima ad vesperum , is meant the battell began about one of the clocke according to our computation , and continued vntill the euening . the like we must vnderstand , throughout this whole historie , as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time . chap. x. the heluetians continue their fight , at the cariages : but at length they left the field , and marched towardes langiers . the like courage was also shewed on either side at their baggage , the place being fortified with cartes and wagons in steed of a rampier , which so troubled the romans that they could not winne it vntill it was late in the night : for the heluetians being fenced with their cariages , so galled the legions with dartes and tauelins , vnder the chariots and from betweene the wheeles , that the victory was not easily atchieued . at last being able no longer to resist , they left the place and marched all that night , without any intermission ; and the fourth day they came into the confines of the * lingones , being about that escaped in the battell . the observation . if we consider the nature of the action , and looke into the true causes of their ouerthrow , as farre as the right sense of the historie shall direct our iudgment , we shall finde valour not to be wanting in the heluetians , but rather superlatiuely abounding in the romans . for that vehement opinion of their valiancie and manhood , which carried them out of the streights of the country , to seeke larger fortunes in other kingdomes , was not so abated with the losle of the fourth part of their host at the riuer arar ; nor with the terrible furie of those veteran legions : but it yeelded this effect , which caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable , that for fiue houres space or more , there was not one man seene to haue turned his backe . their manner of imbattailing , had not the romans beene the enemy , was vnresistable : for being cast into a phalanx , which in the plaines of asia had made alexander the great and the macedonians famous , they did as farre surpasse any other forme of imbattailing ( supposing that the conueniencie of the place did fit that disposition ) wherein the strength of the whol is deuided into many particulars , as the violēce of a great bodie exceedeth the force and motion of his partes , when it is diuided into smaller cantons . for as in a phalanx , many particular souldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire bodie : so their seueral vertues are gathered into one head , and are as partes vnited into one generall force , which easily swalloweth vp the ability of many other lesser quantities , into which a greater strength is equally diuided . the aduantage of the place which they got by retrait , and the double charge wherewith they ingaged the romans both in front and flanke , was able in an indifferent conflict to haue made fortune fugitiue , and beare armes on their side ; or at the least so to haue steemed the swelling tide of victorie , which carried the romans so violently in the chase , that they might haue beene equall sharers in the honour of the daie : had it not flowed from an ocean of valour , whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions , vntill it came to that height , which true valour and vnexampled resolution affected . and yet the height of this courage could not so alaie the heate of the heluetians furie ; but it brake foorth into dangerous flames , when they came to the place where their cariages were laide , and cost much bloud and many mens liues before they quitted the place : for they fought with that spirit and industry , as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would proue no better in the night then it had done in the daie . the ouerthrow of the tigurine canton at the riuer arar , proceeded rather from want of good directions ( which is the lesse to be maruelled at , considering they had no chiefe commander as we read of ) then from any defect of valour : for the rules of militarie gouernment require especiall care in passing ouer a water ; for then especially an armie is in greatest danger , when it is disordered and diuided . and therfore the romans atchieued this victorie by the horrible vigilancie as tully calleth it , of their commander : who alwaies watched oportunitates rei bene gerendae , as necessarie and speedie meanes to ouercome in all his warres . chap. xi . caesar after three daies respite , followeth after the heluetians : he taketh them to mercie , and sendeth them backe againe to the country . caesar abode three daies in the place where the battell was fought , as well to burie the dead , as to refresh the wearied spirits of his ouerlaboured souldiers , that their woundes might the better be cured : and in the meane time he sent letters to the * lingones , not to furnish the heluetians either with corne , or any other prouisions : for if they did , he would esteeme of them as of enemies , and take them in the number of the vanquished heluetians ; and at the three daies end , he made after them with all his forces . the heluetians constrained through penurie and want of necessarie supplements , sent embassadors to caesar to intreat an acceptation of rendrie : who meeting him on the waie , threwe themselues at his feete , and with manie teares and supplications , they craued such fauourable conditions of peace , as might best comfort a distressed people , and beseeme the glory of so famous a conquest . caesar first sent them word to attend his cōming in the place where they were : and at his comming he commanded them to deliuer vnto him a sufficient number of hostages and pledges , . to giue vp all the armes and weapons they had , . and to deliuer vp the fugitiues that were fled vnto them in the time of the war. whiles these thinges were a doing , part of the heluetians to the number of , stole out of the campe in the night , and tooke their iourney towardes the rhene , and the confines of the germans : which when caesar vnderstood , hee sent presently to those cities , through whose territories the heluetians had passed ; and commaunded them to bring them backe againe : which being diligently performed , he welcommed them with the entertainment of an enemy , and put them all to the sword . the rest he commanded to returne into their country from whence they came , and because they had neither corne nor any other sustenance , he caused the * allobroges to supply their necessities , and willed the heluetians to reedifie their townes and citties which they had before destroied , and to inhabit in those friendly places which had giuen to their ancestors and themselues greater fortunes , then could elsewhere be afforded them : wherein he was the more carefull , least if their country lying waste , the fertilitie of the soile might inuite the germans from beyond the rhene to tast the sweetnes which the galles enioyed , and so the prouince should be sure of an vnquiet neighbour . in the campe of the heluetians was found a register , containing the particular summes of all that were in that iourney , amounting to the number of , whereof were fighting men : they that returned and saw the fortune of both their states , were . and thus ended that warre . the observation . the directions concerning their rendrie and returne , were very sound , and of good consequence . for first in that he commanded them to attend his comming in the place where they were , he tooke away al motions of new trouble which often remoues might haue caused , by the oportunitie of some accident which might haue happened : assuring himselfe that their abode in that place would increase their miseries , and consequently ripen that desire of peace which they made shew of ; considering that the lingones in whose territories they were , durst not for feare of caesars displeasure , furnish thē with any necessaries in that extremity . touching the security which the romans required of the loialty of such people as they conquered ; their manner was , to take as hostages a sufficient number of the men children of the chiefest men of that nation , whose liues depended vpon their parentes fidelitie , and ended with the first suspicion of their rebellion : which custome besides the present good , promised the like or better security to the next age , when as those children by conuersation and acquaintance should be so affected to the roman empire , that returning to their owne country , their actions might rather tend to the aduancement thereof , then any way be preiudiciall to the same . and least the loue of liberty and freedome should preuaile more with them , then that affection which nature had inioyned them to beare to their children : he did what he could to take away the meanes and instruments of their rebellion , by causing them to deliuer vp such armes and weapons as were there present : and so to become sutable to that petition of peace , which they had made . the sum of all is this . he corrected the insolencie of a furious people , & reduced them to a feeling of their owne madnes . he kept thē from sacking the possessions of manie thousandes , in the continent of gallia ; and sent them backe againe to continue their name and nation in the place , where they first inhabited ; which continueth vnto this day . and thus we see , that there is no humour so headstrong , nor so backt with strength of circumstances , but it may meete with a remedie to qualifie the insolencie thereof , and make it subiect to correction and controlment . chap. xii . the states of gallia congratulate caesars victorie : they call a councell , and discouer their inward griefe concerning ariouistus , and his forces . the heluetian warre being so happely ended , the princes and chiefe men of all the states of gallia , came to caesar to congratulate the happinesse of his victorie : and with all they besought him that with his good liking , they might call a generall councell ; wherein they had matters of great importance to be handled , which they desired with a common consent , to prefer to his consideration . which being granted , and the day of meeting appointed , they bound themselues by oath not to reueale the causes of their assembly , but to such as they should make choice of , to be their oratours . the councell being ended , the same princes returned to caesar , and in lamentable manner cast themselues at his feete , contending with as great earnestnesse , that those things which they deliuered might not be reuealed , as they did to haue their petition granted : forasmuch as they saw , that the discouerie of such declarations as they propounded , would necessarily pull on most grieuous afflictions . diuitiacus the heduan was made speaker for the rest , and in effect deliuered these wordes . that gallia was vnhappely diuided into two factions , the hedui were the head of the one , and the auerni of the other . these two states contending manie yeares for the principalitie , the auerni with the sequani their clients , finding themselues the weaker partie , hired the germans to take their part , who at the first sent them men to strengthen their faction : but afterward tasting the sweetenesse and pleasure of the galles , the barbarous people so liked the country , that now there were no lesse then one hundred and twentie thousand , that were come out of germanie and seated in their territories . with these the hedui and their clients had once or twise fought , hoping by their prowesse , both to chastice the malice of the sequani , and to cleare their country of a barbarous enemie : but their labour effected nothing but their owne calamitie , and the vtter ouerthrowe of their nobilitie and senate : for they were driuen to deliuer the chiefest of their citie , as pledges to the sequani , and to binde themselues by oath neuer to seeke their release or freedome , nor to implore the aide of the people of rome , but euer to remaine their perpetuall bondmen : only diuitiacus amongst all the hedui could neuer be brought to that thraldome , but vsing that libertie which his resolution afforded him , he went to rome and boldly opened his distressed case vnto the senate . but in the ende , the victorie became as grieuous to the sequani , as to the hedui . for ariouistus king of the germans , was alreadie possest of the third part of their territories , and at that instant he commanded them to let go another third part : for there were germans come newely vnto him , that were allotted to that inheritance . if this violent course were not staied by the opposition of some greater motion , the galles would soone be driuen out of their country , and beforced to imitate the heluetians in seeking new habitations and seates of rest , farre remote from the crueltie of the germans . caesar might by his owne authoritie , or by the presence of his armie , or by the renowne of his late victorie , or by the name of the people of rome , keepe the germans from transporting any more colonies into gallia . the observation . in this relation , there are diuers points worthily recommended to the discretion of such , as are willing to be directed by other mens misaduentures . as first into what extremities ambition doth driue her thirstie fauourites , by suppressing the better faculties of the soule , & setting such vnbrideled motions on foot , as carrie men headlong into most desperate attempts : for as it had deserued commendation in either faction so to haue carried their emulation , that by their owne meanes and strength applied to the rule of good gouernment , their authority might wholy haue swaied the inclinations of the weaker states ; so was it most odious in the sequani , to call in forraine forces to satisfie the appetite of their vntempered humor , and in the ende were accordingly rewarded . secondly , it appeareth how dangerous a thing it is , to make a stranger a stickler in a quarrell which ciuill dissention hath broched , when the partie that called him in , shall not be as able to refuse his assistance vpon occasion , as he was willing to entertaine it for aduantage . lastlie , the often discontents of these states shew the force of a present euill , which possesseth so vehemently the powers of the soule , that any other calamity either already past or yet to come , how great soeuer , seemeth tollerable and easie in regard of that smart which the present griefe inflicteth . so the sequani chose rather to captiuate their libertie to the barbarisme of a sauage nation , then to indure the hedui to take the hand of them : and againe , to make themselues vassals to the romans , rather then indure the vsurping cruelty of the germans : and finally ( as the sequell of the historie will discouer ) to hazard the losse of life and country , then to suffer the taxes and impositions of the romans : so predominant is the present euill in mens affections , and so it preuaileth at the seate of our iudgment . chap. xiii . the reasons that moued caesar to vndertake this warre . to these petitions of the galles caesar made an answere , comporting the mildnesse of his naturall disposition , promising them his best furtherance in the cause , and doubted not but that ariouistus would be intreated in any reasonable matter : and so he dismissed the assembly . amongst many inducements , there were two of especiall importance , which vrged him to vndertake this warre : the first was the dishonour and blot of infamie , wherewith the present age might haue noted the roman empire , if vpon complaint and imploration of aide , they should haue suffered a barbarous nation to haue held the hedui in thraldome , who in the maiesty of their senate had oftentimes been called their brethren and kinsmen , and graced with such titles of respect , as by the tenure of loyalty and sincerity of affection , might command greater dueties then these which were required . the second reason was the feare he had , least the germans accustoming more and more to transport the superfluitie of their increasing families ouer the rhene , and to plant them in the fertile seates of the galles , the roman prouince might at length he indangered , and italie it selfe attempted . and therefore it seemed best vnto him , to send embassadours to ariouistus , to will him to thinke of some conuenient place of parley , where they might meete to intreat of matters concerning the publike good . the observation . i maie here take an occasion , to speake somewhat concerning the authoritie of the roman generals , which we see to be verie large , considering that caesar of himselfe , without any further leaue of the senate and people of rome ( for what may be gathered by this historie ) did vndertake a warre of that consequence , and put in ieopardie the legions , the prouince , or what other interest the romans had in gallia . wherein we are to vnderstand , that when the state of rome did allot the gouernment of any prouince to a proconsull , they did likewise recommend vnto him the careful managing of such accidents , as might any way concerne the good of that regiment . for considering that such causes as may trouble a well ordered gouernment , are as well external and forraine , as internall and bred within the bounds of that empire : it had beene to small purpose to haue giuen him onely authoritie , to maintaine a course of wholesome gouernment at home , and no meanes to take awaie such oppositions , which forraine accidentes might set vp against him : and so we see that caesar vndertooke the heluetian warre , in regard of the safetie of the prouince : and this againe with ariouistus , least the germans should so multiplie in gallia , that the prouince it selfe might at length bee indangered . neither had their generals authoritie onely to vndertake these wars , but the absolute disposition also of the whole course thereof , whether it were to treat , capitulate , compound , or what els they thought conuenient for the aduancement of the common weale , did wholy rest vpon their direction : repub . bene gesta , being the stile of the warrant for all their actions . neither may we thinke that any subordinate or depending authority can be so powerfull in the course of businesses , as that which absolutely commandeth without controlment , and proceedeth according to the oportunity of time and occasion , further then either prescription or limitation can direct it . and therefore whensoeuer the roman affaires were distressed and driuen to an exigent , they created a dictator that had regiam potestatem , such an absolute command , that whatsoeuer power rested either in the consuls , or in the tribunes , in the senate or in the people , it gaue waie to the greatnes of that magistrate ; that there might be no let or retracting power to weaken that course , which nothing but an absolute command could establish , for the good of the common weale . and yet notwithstāding this absolute gouernment , they attributed such power to the course of humane actions , that by the punishment which they inflicted vpon dissolute and vnfortunate leaders , they seemed to acknowledge that no man , how circumspect soeuer , could promise more then likelihoods or probabilities of good fortune , as farre forth as his meanes and industrie could atchieue it . for olde m. fabius , pleading for the life of his gallant sonne , and opposing the rigor of papyrius the dictator with examples of antiquity , saith : populi quidem , penes quem potestas omnium rerum esset , ne iram quidem vnquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent , quam vt pecunia eos multaret : capite anquisitum ob rem male gestam de imperatore nullum ad eam diem esse . the people ( saith he ) in whome the soueraigne power of thinges consisteth , neuer shewed greater displeasure against such , as had lost an armie either by rashnesse or vnskilfulnesse , then imposing a fine vpon them : but to bring the life of a generall in question for failing in his indeuours , was neuer heard of to that daie . the condition of the inferiour officers of their campe , was farre otherwise in regard of militarie discipline : for prescription guided them in all their seruices , and the chiefest part of their duetie was obedience ; although they saw euident reason to the contrarie , & found their directions vnperfect in that behalfe : and therefore caesar saith vpon that occasion : aliae sunt legati partes atque imperatoris , alter omnia agere ad praescriptum , alter libere ad summam rerum consulere debet . the office of a legate or lieutenant , differeth from that of a generall : the one doing all things by prescription ; and the other freely deliberating of whatsoeuer may concerne the cause . and this course the romans helde , concerning the authoritie of their generals . chap. xiiii . ariouistus his answere : a second embassage , with the successe thereof . to that embassage ariouistus answered , that if his occasions had required caesars assistance , he would haue furthered them with his owne presence . and he thought it as reasonable that if it were in his meanes to pleasure the romans , caesar ought not to thinke much of the like labour : for his owne part , he durst not come into those quarters without an armie , neither could he leuie an armie without great charge . the thing that he most wondered at was , what the romans had to doe in that part of gallia , which the law of armes had made his inheritance . vpon the returne of this message , caesar framed a second embassage , the purport whereof caried this sense : for as much as he thus requited the honour wherewith the people of rome had beautified his best dignitie ( for in caesars consulship by that controlling authoritie of their empire , they had vouchsafed to esteeme of him as a king in his dominions , and as a friend vnto their state ) that he disdained to admit of a parlee concerning the common good : let him knowe that these were the thinges which he required to be performed by him . first that he should not suffer any more sauage troupes of the germans to be transported ouer the rheine into gallia : secondly , that he should deliuer vp those hostages which he had from the hedui and sequani , and should cease to molest them with further iniuries . these things if he did performe , caesar would assure him of a gratefull acceptation , in the behalfe of the people of rome : otherwise , for as much as he himselfe was proconsull of the prouince in gallia , his charge extended by the same commission to the defence of their associates and friendes ; and therefore he would not neglect the iniurie of the hedui . to these mandates ariouistus thus answered : the lawe of armes kept this tenure among all nations , that a conquerour might gouerne a subdued people according as he thought best for his owne safetie . the people of rome did not direct the course of their gouernment by another mans prescript , but by their owne arbitrement : and as he had not directed the romans , so ought not they to hinder the course of his proceedings . the hedui hauing tried the fortune of the war , and hauing hazarded their life and libertie in the casualtie of many battels , were by right become stipendarie to his empire , whose hostages he would retaine according to the couenants by which they made their peace . if caesar would needes vndertake that quarell ; let him know that no man euer contended with ariouistus , but to his owne destruction . trie when hee would , he should find what valour consisted in the germans , that for yeares space were neuer couered with any other roofe then the heauens . the observation . and thus farre proceeded caesar with ariouistus , in debating the wronges and agreeuances of the hedui : wherin appeareth the difference betweene a matter handled , according to morall ciuilitie in tearmes of mildnesse and pleasing accent , and that which is rudely deliuered , and dependeth rather vpon the plainnesse of the proiect , then suted with wordes fit for perswasion . for that which ariouistus alleadged , to make good his interest in gallia , was as consonant to reason , as any thing to the contrarie vrged by caesar . but as the lacedemonian said of one , that he spake the truth otherwise then it should be spoken : so it may be said of ariouistus answere , that it wanted that sweeting humanitie which giueth credit to veritie it selfe ; for as much as it proceedeth from a well tempered spirit , wherein no turbulent passion seemeth to controll the force of reason , nor hinder the sentence of true iudgment ; but rather seasoning her conceptions with humilitie , doth couertly complaine of open wrong , and strengthen her assertions with a pleasing deliuerie . and therfore how great soeuer the controuersie be , that partie which exceedeth not the boundes of modestie , but maketh mildnesse his chiefest aduocate , will so preuaile in any auditorie , that albeit equitie doth disallow her title ; yet the maner of his cariage will cleare him from offering wrong , in that he vseth the sequels of innocencie to proue his interest in that which he demandeth . but to leaue this circumstance , as only to be noted ; let vs proceed to the war it selfe , which i made the second part of this historie . cap. xv. the treuiri bring newes of one hundred townships of the sweui that were come to the rhene . caesar taketh in besanson : his souldiers are surprised with an extreame feare of the germans . at the same instant , as this countermessage returned from ariouistus , there came messengers from the hedui and * treuiri vnto caesar : the hedui complained that the * harudes , which were lately come into gallia , did sacke their country and spoile their territories : neither could they conclude any peace with ariouistus ; but by giuing sufficient pledges for their alleageance . the treuiri brought newes of one hundred towneshippes of the sueui that were come vnto the riuer rhene to seeke a passage into gallia , conducted by nasua and cimberius two brethren . whereat caesar being moued thought his best means of preuention to consist in celerity , least the difficultie of resisting should grow greater , when those newe forces of the sueui were ioyned with that power which was alreadie with ariouistus . and therfore hauing prouided corne , he made haste to seeke the germans , and hauing gone three daies iourney on his way , he had intelligence that ariouistus with all his forces was going to take in besanson , and that he was three daies iourney on his waie alreadie . caesar knowing how much it imported him to preuent that disaduantage ( for as much as the scite of the towne , was of that strength that he that commanded it might prolong the warre at his owne pleasure , being incircled with the riuer * alduabis , excepting a small space of foote , which was fortified with an exceeding high hill , and the hill strengthened with a wall , and so ioyned to the towne ) made al the haste he could to take in the towne , & left a strong garrison in the same . and as he rested there a fewe daies to make prouision of corne , his whole armie was surprised with such an extraordinarie feare , that their mindes were not a little troubled therewith . for the romans enquiring of the galles and marchant-men , concerning the quality of the germans , vnderstood that they were men of a huge stature , of courage inuincible , and of great practise and experience in feates of armes : whereof the galles had oftentimes made triall , for when they incountred them they were not able to indure so much as the sternenes of their countenance , or the fearcenesse of their lookes : whereat the whole armie conceiued such a feare , that the courage of his men was wonderfullie appalled . the feare began among the tribunes , and prefects , and such other as accompanied caesar in this iourney , and had small or no skill in matter of warre , these men faining some one excuse , and some an other of verie earnest businesse which called them home , desired leaue to depart . the rest whom shame would not suffer to forsake the campe , bewraied the like passion by their countenances and hauiour : for hiding themselues in their tentes , they either bewailed their destiny secretly to themselues ; or otherwise with their acquaintance and familiar friendes , they lamented the danger they were all like to fall into : so that throughout the whole campe there was nothing but making and signing of testaments . and through the talke and fearefulnesse of these men , the olde souldiers and centurions and such as had great experience in the campe , began by little to apprehend the terrour , wherewith the rest were amazed : and those that would seeme to be lesse fearefull , said they feared not the enemie , but the narrownesse of the waies , the greatnesse of the woods that were betweene them and ariouistus ; or otherwise they cast doubtes where they might haue prouision of corne ; and manie stucke not to tell caesar , that whensoeuer he should giue commandement to march forward or to aduance the standarts , the souldiers would refuse to doe it . observations . wherein , for that we finde a strange alteration , no waie answerable to that courage , which a late gotten victorie doth vsually breede in noble spirits ; it shall not be amisse a little to insist vpon the quality of the accident , and to gather such breefe instructions from their weakenesse , as may best serue to qualifie the amasement of horror , and mitigate the frensie of so violent a passion . and albeit my ignorance in the works of nature cannot promise any such learning , as may discouer the true meanes and secret motions , whereby a sore conceiued feare doth trouble the senses and astonish the minde ; yet since the historie offereth it to our scanning , giue me leaue only to note the strangenes of the circumstance , & rudely to delineat the purtraiture of a beast oftener seene then well knowen , vsing the vnweldie pile for my pensile , and suting my speech to a warlike auditorie . i know not how it happeneth , but thus it may happen , that when the senses receiue intelligence of an eminent euill , which may either dispossesse the soule of this earthly mansion , or trouble the quiet wherein she resteth : the spirits ( as it seemeth ) by the direction of their soueraigne mistresse , retire themselues into the inner cabinets and secreter pauillions of the body , where the chiefest part of the soule is most resident , and so they leaue the frontire quarters of her kingdome naked and vngarrizoned , the better to strengthen that capitall citie of the heart , out of which the life cannot flie but to the vtter ruine and destruction of the whole body : for feare is not onely a perturbation of the soule , proceeding from the opinion it hath of some euill to come , but it is also a contraction , and closing vp of the heart , when the blood and the spirits are recalled from the outward partes , to assist that place which giueth life and motion to all the rest . in this chaos and confusion of humors and spirits , when the multiplicitie of faculties ( which otherwise require an ordinate distinction in their seruice , and by the order of nature should be disposed into seuerall instruments , and be dilated throughout the body ) are thus blended confusedly together , the conceptions of the minde , which presently rise from these aduertisements , are suddenly choaked with the disordered mixture of so many seuerall properties , and are stifled as it were in the throng , before they can be transported to our iudgment , or examined by reason , for want of that ordinate vniformitie of place which nature requireth in the powers of the minde . and hence proceedeth that amazednesse and astonishment , which so daunteth the hearts of men when they are taken with this passion , that because the soule giueth no counsell , the body can afford no motion , but standeth frozen through the extremitie of the perturbation , benummed in sense , and forsaken of the spirits . so we read that theophilus the emperour in an ouerthrow which hee had giuen him by the hagerans , was stroken with such an excessiue feare , that he could not betake himselfe to flight , adeo pauor etiam auxilia formidat , vntill one of his chiefe commanders shaking him by the shoulder , as though he were to awake him out of a deepe sleepe , threatned him with present death if he would not preuent the ruine of the empire , by vsing that meanes , which was only left for his safetie . againe , if in that turbulent consistorie , the spirits chance distinctly to receiue any apprehension proceeding from the forging facultie of the soule , they carie it presently to execution before it be examined by reason , and follow the action with such vehemencie , that they leaue no place for better aduice and reknowledgment . and this is the cause that oftentimes through extremitie of feare to auoide one euill we run headlong into a worse , and finde a greater danger in the meanes we vse to auoide a lesse , because reason did not first trie the apprehension before it was deliuered to externall agents . and so we finde in the battel betweene germanicus and the almains , that two grosse troupes of souldiers were driuen into such an extasie of feare , that taking contrarie courses to auoide one and the same danger , they eihther of them fled to that place , which the other had quitted : neither could they bee aduised by each others flight , that the places which they sought after afforded them no remedie . and albeit reason be called to counsell , when a parlee is summoned of composition , yet it beareth so small a sway in the consultation , that the will of it selfe concludeth to betraie vertue to dishonour ; and so to purchase peace with the losse of the soules chiefest treasure : which ought euer to be estimated at a higher rate , then any other happinesse which can betide the minde . for among all the sensible thinges of this world , there is no creature that hath such a confused feare , or is more amazed therewith , then man is : neither is there anie miserie greater , or any bondage more shamefull , seruile , or vile , then this which maketh men very abiects , of all other creatures , to redeeme the euill which the danger threatneth : and then doth shame follow after so base a part , and aggrauatethe burthen of the sinne with loathsome disgrace , and penitent discontentment , adding oftentimes aloes to wormewood , and making the end grieuouser then the beginning . and thus doth danger breed feare , and feare yeeldeth to dishonour , and dishonour bringeth shame , and shame being alwaies mingled with wrath and anger , reuengeth it selfe vpon it selfe , and bringeth more perill then the first danger could threaten . wherby it appeareth , that as the affections of the mind are bred one of another : so on the contrarie part , some are bridled and restrained by others ; for as enuie , hatred and anger , rise oftentimes of loue ; so is ioie lessened with griefe , enuie with mercie , and feare with shame . but for as much as all such perturbations proceede of ignorance and inconsideratenesse , whereby we thinke that the euill is greater then indeede it is ; let vs consider what disposition of our iudgment best moderateth the violent heate of these affections . and first touching the passages , whereby the soule receiueth her aduertisements , as they are of diuers natures , the chiefest whereof are the eie and the eare , so are their auisos different in qualitie , and require a seuerall consideration to bee rightly discerned . the intelligence by the eie is more certaine , then that which commeth by the way of hearing : forasmuch as the eie is a witnes it selfe of euery action , whereof it taketh notice ; neither is it deceiued in her proper obiect : and therfore the iudgment is not much troubled , to determine definitiuely how great or how small the danger is , when the relations carie alwaies that certainty . and albeit the eare in like manner be not deceiued in her proper obiect , for it faithfully giueth vp that sense , which sound hath deliuered vnto it : yet for as much as the fantasie hath greater scope to coine her vaine conceptions , in regard of the absence of the action , it is necessarie that the discoursing facultie be called for an assistant before the iudgment can truly determine : and then it will appeare , that the truth doth not alwaies answere the report which is made thereof , in as much as diseased spirits will not sticke to dilate or qualifie relations , according to the key wherein they themselues are tuned . and therefore this first commeth to bee considered of in all such violent commotions , by which of these two senses the first intelligence was receiued . but concerning the iudgment it selfe this is most certaine , that the more it is infected with the corruptions of the flesh , the more violent are the affections of the soule : and againe , the purer the iudgment is , and the higher it is lifted vppe from earthly natures , being no further interessed therein , then to holde a resolution of well doing , the fewer and lighter are the affections , which trouble and molest it ; for then it better discerneth the truth and falsehood , good or euil that is in thinges . to redresse this inconuenience , caesar betooke himselfe to the fittest & most proper remedie , which was by the authoritie of his speech to restore reason to her former dignitie , & by discourse which feare had interrupted in them , to put downe a vsurping passion which had so troubled the gouernment of the soule ; recalling it to the meane of true resolution , which was to moderat audacity with warines , but not to choake valour with beastly cowardice : for these oratorie inducing perswasions were not the least point of their discipline , considering how they framed the inward habite of the minde ( being the fountaine and beginning of all motion ) to giue life and force to those actions which the seuerity of outward discipline commanded . for as lawes and constitutions of men inforce obedience of the bodie : so reason and perswasions must winne the soules consent , according to that saying , homines duci volunt , non cogi . cap. xvi . caesar his speech to the armie , concerning this feare . caesar calling a councell of war , wherein the legates , tribunes and centurions of all the orders and degrees were assembled , he greatly blamed them : first , that any man should bee so inquisitiue as to imagine to himselfe , whither and vpon what seruice they were carried . concerning ariouistus , he had in the time of caesars consulshippe , most earnestly sued for the friendship of the people of rome ; and why then should any man misdeeme , that he should so vnaduisedly goe backe from his duety ? for his owne part he was verelie perswaded , that if ariouistus once knew his demandes , and vnderstood the reasonable offers that he would make him , that he would not easily reiect his friendship , nor the fauour of the people of rome . but if he were so madde , as to make warre vpon them , why should they be affraid of him ? or why should they despaire either of their owne prowesse , or of caesars circumspectnesse ? for if it came to that point , the enemie that they were to incounter , had beene tried what he could doe twise before . first , in their fathers daies , when the * cimbri and the teutoni were vanquished by marius ; and now of late againe in italie , at the insurrection of the bondmen , who were not a little furthered through the practise & discipline which they receiued of the romans , whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute : in as much as whom for a time they feared without cause being naked and vnarmed , the same men afterwardes ( although well armed and conquerors withall ) they nobly ouercame . and to be short , these were no other germans , then those whom the heluetians had vanquished in diuers conflicts , not onely in their owne country where the heluetians dwelt themselues , but also euen at home at their owne dores ; and yet the same heluetians were not able to make their partie good against our armies . concerning the galles , they were ouercome more by cunning & pollicie , then by force ; which although it tooke place against sauage and vnskilfull people , yet was not ariouistus so simple as to thinke that he could ensnare our armies with the like subtilties . as for those that fained the cause of their feare to be the difficultie of prouision of corne , and the dangerousnesse of the way , they tooke more vpon them then became their place , in presuming to teach their generall what he had to doe , as if he had not knowne what pertained to his duty . the sequani and lingones had vndertooke that charge , and what the waies were , should shortly be seene : whereas it was reported that the souldiers would not obey his mandates , nor aduance their standarts , he little esteemed it ; for he was well assured , that if an armie refused to be obedient to their generall , it was either because he was thought vnfortunate in his enterprises ; or els for that hee was notoriously conuicted of auarice : but the whole course of his life should witnesse his innocencie , and the ouerthrow of the heluetians his happines . and therefore that which he was minded to haue put off for a longer time , he would now put in execution out of hand : for the night following at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence , that without further delay he might vnderstand , whether shame and respect of dutie would preuaile more with them , then feare and cowardice . and though he wist that no man els would follow him : yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legion alone , of which he doubted nothing , and would accept it as the chiefe band and guard of his person . vpon the making of his speech , the mindes of all men were wonderfully changed : for it bred in euery one a great alacritie and desire to fight : neither did the tenth legion forget to giue him thankes by their tribunes , for the good opinion he had of them , assuring him of their readinesse to set forward to the warre . the first observation . in the speech it selfe are presented many specialities , both concerning their discipline and militarie instructions , which deserue examination ; amongst which i note first , the extraordinarie number admitted to the councell , omnium ordinum ad id concilium adhibitis centurionibus : whereas there were vsually no more admitted to their councell of warre but the legates , questor , tribunes , and the centurions of the first orders , which i vnderstand to be the first hastate , the first princeps , and the first pilum of euery legion . and this is manifestly proued out of the fift commentarie where cicero was besieged by ambiorix , in which amongst other there were two valiant centurions , pulfio , and varenus : betweene whom there was euerie yeare great emulation for place of preferment , & iam primis ordinibus appropinquabant , saith caesar , that is , they had passed by degrees through the lower orders of the legion , and were very neare the dignitie of the first cohort , wherein as in all the rest there were maniples , and in euerie maniple two orders . the second observation . the first motiue which he vseth to recall their exiled iudgment , discouered their breach of discipline : for contrarie to the course of militarie gouernment , they had presumed not only to make inquirie , but to giue out whither , and vpon what seruice they were caried ; which in the rigour of campe pollicie , could not passe without due punishment : for what can more contradict the fortunate successe of an expedition , then to suffer to be measured with the vulgar conceit ? or waied in the ballance of such false iudgmentes ? especially when those weake censors are to be actors , and executioners of the dessigne : for then euerie man will sute the nature of the action according to his own humor , although his humor be led with blindnesse , and haue no other direction , then an vncertaine apprehension of profit or disaduantage . and in this case there cannot be a better president then nature hath prescribed : for as natural agents , whilest they concurre to produce a worke of absolute perfection , neither know what they doe , nor can discerne the thinges they looke vpon ; but yeeld themselues to be guided by a moderator of infinite knowledge : so ought a multitude to submit their abilitie to the direction of some wise and prudent captaine , that beholdeth the action in true honour ; and balanceth the losse of many particulars , with the health and safetie of the publike good . for if euery man should prescribe , who should obay ? tam nescire quaedam milites , quam scire oportet , saith otho in tacitus vpon the like disorder : and againe , parendo potius quam imperia ducum sciscitando res militares continentur ; which proueth that the greatest vertue which is required in a souldier is obedience , as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth . the third observation . in the reason which he vseth to proue their disparitie of valour , in regard of the romans , being superiour to the heluetians that had oftentimes ouerthrowen the germans ; he strengtheneth the argument with the aduantage of the place , and saith that the heluetians had put them to the worst , not onely where the heluetians dwelt themselues ; but euen in their owne country , and at home at their owne dores : as though an enemie were charged with greater furie in the presence of a mans own country and dearest friendes , then in a strange and vnknowne land . this question was handled in the roman senate , by fabius maximus , and scipio surnamed africanus , when they sate in counsell how to ridde their country of that subtile carthaginian , that for sixteene yeares space had fretted like a canker the beautie of italie , wasted the land and brought it to desolation : sacked their confederates , or alienated them from their duety , ouerthrowen their armies , slaine their consuls , and threatned their imperiall cittie with ruine and destruction . fabius vpon the motion to make warre in africke , thought it agreeable to nature , first to defend that which was their owne , before they attempted other mens possessions : when peace was established in italy , then let warre be set on foot in africke ; and first let them be without feare themselues , before they went about to terrifie others : for those forces afforded little hope of victorie in another kingdome , that were not able to free their owne country from so dangerous an enemie . alcibiades ouerthrew the athenian common weale with the like couusel : and concerning hannibal , let them be sure of this , that they should finde him a sorer enemy in his owne country , then in an other kingdome . scipio on the other side , caried on with the honour of so glorious an enterprise , wanted neither reasons nor examples to impugne fabius his authoritie : for he shewed that agathocles the syracusian king , being a long time afflicted with the punicke warre , auerted the carthaginean from cicily , by transporting his forces into africke : but how powerfull it was to take awaie feare , by retorting danger vpon the oppressor , could there be a presenter example then hanniball ? there was great difference in the nature of the action , betweene the spoile and wast of a strangers country , and to see their owne natiue country wasted with sword and destruction : plus animi est inferenti periculum , quam propulsanti , for he that inuadeth an others kingdome , easily discouereth both the aduantage which may be taken against the enemy , and the strength whereupon he resteth : and amongst the variable euents of warre , many vnexpected occasions arise which present victory to him that is ready to take it ; and many strange chances so alter the course of thinges , that no foresight can discerne what may happen . with these and the like remonstrances , this question of no lesse doubt then importance , was handled by two famous and worthy captaines , whose mindes as it seemed , were intangled with such particular affections for the present , as might rather draw them to wrest reason to their owne humor , then to determine in sincerity of iudgment , vpon what specialities the truth was grounded , in the contrariety of their positions . but to leaue other commodities or disaduantages , which are annexed vnto either part , i will only set downe some reasons to proue how valour and courage may either grow or be abated , by the accidents which rise in a warre of that nature . and first this cannot be denied , the testimonie of an vnfallible truth being grounded vpon the property of mans nature ; that as aduantage bringeth hope of victorie , and hope conceiueth such spirites as vsually follow , when the thing which is hoped for , is effected ; and thereby the courage becommeth hardie and resolute in victorie : so on the other side disaduantage and danger breede feare , and feare so checketh valour , and controlleth the spirits , that vertue and honor giue place to distrust , and yeelde vp their interest to such directors , as can afford nothing but diffidencie & irresolution : neither can it be denied , but he that setteth vpon an enemie in a strange country , and so preuenteth such attemptes as might be made vpon his owne territories , hath that aduantage which giueth life vnto action , and steeleth his enterprise with resolution ; for besides the commoditie of leauing when he list , and proceeding as far foorth as he shall finde his meanes able to fortunate his attemptes ; hee knoweth that the strife and controuersie is not for his natiue country , which he quietly enioyeth , and is reserued at all times to entertaine him , howsoeuer fortune shal fauour his dessignes : but for a strangers kingdome which his ambition thirsteth after ; wherein for as much as the ritches and wealth of that state are laide before them as the recompence of their labour , besides the honour which is atchieued thereby , euerie mans valour soareth at a high pitch , and their courage is increased without any trouble or disturbance of the other faculties of the minde . but when a prince shall be assaulted in his owne kingdome , and in the sight of his subiectes haue his land consumed with ruine and destruction : the danger will so disturbe the powers of the soule , that through the turbulent disorder of the weaker partes , the better faculties will lose their prerogatiue of aduising how the enemy may be best resisted ; when as euery man shal apprehend the terrour of the danger , and few or none conceiue the true meanes to auoide it . and albeit the presence of such thinges as are dearest to his soule , as the pietie and respect of aged parents , the tender affection towards wife and children , are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution : yet the motiues are of such waight as will rather make them diffident of their owne worth as vnsufficient to maintaine so great a cause , then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth : for as much as the terrour and feare of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their minde , then the hope of victory can afforde them ioy . hence therefore groweth the difference betweene him , that seeketh to maintaine that estate which he hath in possession by force of armes ; and an other , that seeketh to increase his meanes by valour . for the former is presented with the danger of loosing all his estate , which affrighteth and troubleth , hauing no other reward propounded vnto him ; and the other looketh vpon the aduantage , which he gaineth by ouercomming ; which much increaseth his valour , without any losse or disaduantage , if he chance to be put to the worst . and therefore there is alwaies great ods betweene him that hath alreadie lost his goods , and is by that meanes become desperate , hauing nothing further to loose ; and another , that yet keepeth his substāce , but is in danger to loose it : for feare will so dismay his mind , that he will rather distrust his owne ability , then entertaine a resolution of valour . to proue this , we neede not seeke other examples , then those imperiall cities , in whose cause this controuersie was first moued . for when hanniball was come into italy and had defeated sempronius the consull at trebeas , the romans were driuen into such an extasie of terrour , that they beleeued verely that the enemie was then comming to assault the citie ; neither had they any hope or aid in themselues to keepe or defend the same . on the other side , scipio was no sooner landed in africke , but there was such a tumult in carthage , as though the citie had been alreadie taken : neither could the opinion of victory , which hanniball by a conquering armie in italy had confirmed for sixteene yeares together , preuaile in the apprehension of so imminent a danger : and then that which fabius borowed of nature to teach the romans ( that first men ought to defend their own , before they seeke other mens possessions ) was carefully followed by the carthaginians : for with all speed they sent for hanniball out of italy , to be their champion against young scipio . if therfore other things be correspondent , as there are many other particularities concerning the power and strength of either nation to be considered , i take it much better for a prince to inuade an enemie in his owne country , then to attend him at home in his owne kingdome . the fovrth observation . the last circumstance which i note in this speech , was the trust which he reposed in the tenth legion , being in it selfe peraduenture as faultie as any other : wherein he shewed great arte and singular wisdome . for he that hath once offended and is both burthened with the guilt of conscience , and vpbraided with the reproch of men , can hardly be perswaded that his fault can bee purged with any satisfaction . and although the punishment be remitted , yet the memorie of the fact will neuer be blotted out with any vertuous action ; but still remaineth to cast dishonour vpon the offender , and to accuse him of disloialtie : and therefore it oftentimes happeneth , that an errour being once rashly committed , through despaire of remission admitteth no true penitencie , but either draweth on more grieuous crimes , confirming that of the poet , scelere scelus luendum est ; or maintaineth his errour by wilfull obstinacie : as it is saide of the lyon that being found by hunters in a caue , will rather die in the place then quit it , for shame that he was found in so base a place of refuge ; and therfore his propertie is thus expressed , ingrediendo caecus , exeundo proteruus . this did caesar wisely preuent , by cleering the tenth legion of that , which he accused the rest of the armie , which made them so much the more earnest to answere his expectation , in as much as they were witnes to themselues of a common errour : and the other legions , enuying at their fortune , resolued to shew as great alacrity in the sequell of the warre , and to deserue more then the iudgment of the emperour had imputed to their fellowes . chap. xvii . the treatie betweene caesar and ariouistus . the rest of the legions in like manner dealt with their tribunes and chiefest centurions , to satisfie caesar of their obedience , affirming that they neuer doubted nor feared , no nor so much as thought that it belonged to them , to determine any thing concerning the course of the warre , but that it was onely left to their emperour ; their purgation accepted , and good instructions being taken by diuitiacus , in the fourth watch he marched forward according to the purport of his former speech . the seuenth day as he continued on his iourney , his espialles brought him word , that ariouistus with all his forces was within miles of that place : who assoone as he vnderstood of caesars comming , sent embassadours vnto him , declaring that forasmuch as he was come somewhat nearer , and that he might doe it without danger , he was content to admit of a parlee , vpon this condition , that caesar would bring no footmen to the meeting ( for he feared to be surprised by treacherie ) but onely horsemen , and in that sort he would meete him . caesar accepted of the condition , hoping at length that he would harken to reason and desist from wilfull obstinacie : and because he durst not commit himselfe to the french horsemen , he thought it best to take their horses , and to set the souldiers of the tenth legion vpon them , that if he stood in neede he might haue a faithfull guard of his friendes about him . there was a great and open plaine , and in the middest thereof a rising mount , and thither they came to the parlee : the legion which caesar had brought with him on horsebacke , he placed paces from the said mount ; and likewise the horsemen of ariouistus stood in the same distance : ariouistus requested that they might talke on horsebacke , and bring each of them ten persons to the parlee . their expostulations were the same in effect , with those messages which were carried betweene them by embassadours . much vnkindnes tooke by caesar , considering the friendship which the romans had shewed vnto ariouistus , that he would not vouchsafe to treate with them : and on the other side as great iniurie conceiued by him , forasmuch as the law of nations gaue no such prerogatiue to any one people that they should challenge in other countries by desert : but that generally it had giuen dominion to valour , and kingdomes to conquering armies . but while the treatise thus continued , it was told caesar that ariouistus his horsemen were comming neerer vnto the mount , and that they began to skirmish with his soldiours ; whereupon caesar brake off the treatie , and withdrewe himselfe to his men , commaunding them that they shoulde not cast a weapon at the enemie : for although hee perceiued that without peril of his legion hee might haue incountered with ariouistus men , yet he would not giue occasion by putting them to flight , to haue it said , that he had entrapped them vnder pretence of parlee . at his returne , when it was reported to the common soldiors , howe arrogantly ariouistus had caried himselfe in the treaty , forbidding the romaines all gallia , and that his men of armes did offer to assault the legion , insomuch that the treaty was thereby broken off ; the soldiors were more desirous of battell then before , and by these degrees they obtained it . two daies after ariouistus sent againe to caesar , to haue those thinges perfited which were begun in the treaty . caesar thought it not good to make any further meeting in his owne person , and the rather because the germaines had no staie of themselues the daie before , but they threwe dartes and stones at his men ; and whome soeuer of his men hee should send vnto him should go into great danger , as cast into the hands of a sauage people . the best way he could thinke of was , to send valerius procillus , a well accomplisht yong man , that spake the french toung well , and had no waie offended the germaines , and with him he sent marcus titius , a man well knowne to ariouistus , vsing sometimes to resort as a guest vnto him : to these he gaue in charge that they should diligentlie marke , and iustlie report vnto him what ariouistus said ; but assoone as ariouistus sawe them in his campe , hee cried out to them in the presence of his army , asking them what they ahd to do there , and whether they came as spies ? and as they went about to make their answere , he would not heare them , but caused them to be cast into irons . the same day he remoued , and incamped vnder the side of a hill . miles from caesars campe ; the next day he came two miles beyond caesar , neerer to the middest of gallia , of purpose to cut off all corne and conuoie as should be sent vnto the romains , by the hedui and sequani . from that day forwarde , by the space of fiue daies togither , caesar imbattailed his men before his campe , to the intent that if ariouistus pleased to giue battell , he might haue libertie when hee would ; but ariouistus all this while kept his armie within his campe , and daily sent out his horsemen to skirmish with the romaines . this was the manner of fighting which the germaines had practised : there were . horsemen , and as many strong and nimble footmen , whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host , euerie man one for his safegard ; these they had alwaies at hand with them in battell , and vnto these they resorted for succour ; if the horsemen were ouercharged , these euer stept into helpe them , if anie one were wounded and vnhorsed , they stood about him and succoured him : if the matter required either to aduenture forward , or to retire speedilie backe againe ; their swiftnesse was such through continuall exercise , that hanging on the horse maine by the one hand , they would run as fast as the horses . the observation . it may seeme strange vnto the soldiours of our time , that the footemen should bee mingled pell mell amongst the horsemen , without hurte and disaduantage to themselues : so vnlikely it is that they shoulde either succour the horsemen in any danger , or annoy the enemy : and therefore some haue imagined that these footmen in the incounter cast themselues into one bodie , and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen . but the circumstances of this place , and of others which i wil alleage to this purpose , plainly euince that these footemen were mingled indifferently amongst the horsemen , to assist euery particular man as his fortune and occasion required : and therfore the choise of these footemen , was permitted to the horsemen , in whose seruice they were to be imploied , that euery man might take his friend in whom he reposed greatest confidence : when they were ouercharged these stept in to helpe them ; if anie man were wounded or vnhorsed he had his footeman ready to assist him ; and when they were to go vpon any speedie seruice , or suddainly to retire vpon aduantage , they staied themselues vpon the maine of the horses with one hande , and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go : which seruices they could not possiblie haue performed without confusion and disorder , if the footemen had not seuerally attended vpon them , according to the affection specified in their particular election . the principall vse of these footmen of the germaines consisted in the aide of their owne horsemen vpon any necessity , not so much regarding their seruice vppon the enemie , as the assistance of their horsemen . but the romains had long before practised the same arte to a more effectuall purpose , namely as a principall remedy not onely to resist , but to defeat far greater troupes of horse , then the enemy was able to oppose against them . wherof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth , is recorded by liuie in the second punicke war , at the siege of capua , vnder the regiment of quintus fuluius the consul : where it is said , that in all their conflicts , as the romaine legions returned with the better ; so their caualry was alwaies put to the worst : & therfore they inuented this means to make that good by art which was wanting in force . out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men , both for strength & agilitie , and to them were giuen little round bucklers , and seuen darts apeece in steed of their other weapons ; these soldiours practised to ride behind the horsemen , and speedily to light from the horses at a watchword giuen , & so to charge the enemy on foot : and when by exercise they were made so expert that the nouelty of the inuention no whit affrighted them , the romaine horsemen went forth to incounter with the enemy , euery man carying his foot soldior behinde him , who at the encounter suddainly alightning charged vpon the enemy with such a fury , that they followed thē in slaughter to the gates of capua : and hence saith liuie grew the first institution of the velites , which euer after that time were inrolled with the legions . the author of this strategem is said to be one q. nauius a centurion , & was honorably rewarded by fuluius the consull for the same . salust , in the history of iugurth , saieth , that marius mingled the velites with the caualrie of the associates , vt quacunque inuaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent . the like practise was vsed by caesar , as appeareth in the thirde booke of the ciuill warre ; sauing that insteed of the velites , hee mingled with his horsemen . of the lustiest of his legionarie soldiours , to resist the caualrie of pompei , while the rest of his armie passed ouer the riuer genusum , after the ouerthrow he had at dirrachium , qui tantum profecere , saith the text ; vt equestri praelio commisso , pellerent omnes , complures interficerent , ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent . many other places might be recited , but these are sufficient to proue , that the greatest captaines of auncient times strengthened their caualrie with footemen dispersed amongst them . the romaine horsemen , ( saith polibius ) at the first caried but a weake limber pole , or staffe , and a little round buckler ; but afterwards , they vsed the furniture of the grecians , which iosephus affirmeth to bee a strong launce or staffe , and three or foure dartes in a quiuer with a buckler , and a long sword by their right side . the vse of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troupe , pouldron to pouldron ; and that maner of fight afforded no meanes to intermingle footmen : but when they vsed their dartes , euerie man got what aduantage of ground he coulde , as our carbins for the most part do , and so the footemen might haue place among them : or otherwise , for so good an aduantage , they woulde easilie make place for the footmen to serue among them : but howsoeuer it was , it appeareth by this circumstance howe little the romaines feared troupes of horse , considering that the best meanes to defeate their horse was by their foote companies . but to make it more plaine , of many examples i will onely alleage two ; the one out of liuie , to proue that the romaine horsemen were not comparable for seruice to footemen : the other out of hirtius , to shewe the same effect against strangers , and numidian horsemen , in the consulships of l. valerius , and marcus horatius : valerius hauing fortunatelie ouerthrowne the equi and the volsci , horatius proceeded with as great courage in the warre against the sabines , wherein it happened , that in the day of battell , the sabines reserued . of their men to giue a fresh assault vpon the lefte cornet of the romaines , as they were in conflict , which tooke such effect , that the legionarie footemen of that cornet were forced to retreit . which the romaine horsemen beeing in number . perceiuing , and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy ; they presently forsooke their horses ; and made haste to make good the place on foote ; wherein they caried themselues so valiantly , that in a moment of time they gaue the like aduantage to their footemen , against the sabines ; and thē betooke themselues againe to their horses , to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled . for the second point . the numidians , as caesar witnesseth , were the best horsemen that euer hee met with , and vsed the same arte as the germaines did , mingling among them light armed footemen : an ambuscado of these numidians charging the legions vpon a suddaine , the history saieth , that primo impetu legionis equitatus & leuis armatura hostium , nullo negotio , loco pulsa & deiecta est de colle . and as they sometimes retired , and sometimes charged vpon the rerewarde of the armie , according to the manner of the numidian fight ; the historie saieth , caesariani interim , non amplius tres aut quatuor milites veterani si se conuertissent & pila viribus contorta in numidas infestos coniecissent , amplius duorum millium ad vnum terga vertebant . so that to free himselfe of this inconuenience , he tooke his horsemen out of the rereward , and placed his legions there , ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat . and euer as he marched hee caused . soldiours of euerie legion to bee free and without burthen , that they might be ready vpon all occasions , quos in equitum labieni immisit . tum labienus , conuersis equis , signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere , multis eius occisis , compluribus vulneratis , milites legionarij ad sua se recipiunt signa , atque iter inceptum ire caeperunt . i alleage the verie wordes of the historie , to take awaie all suspicion of falsifying , or wresting anie thing to an affected opinion . if any man will looke into the reason of this disparitie , he shall finde it to be chiefely the worke of the roman pile , an vnresistable weapon , and the terrour of horsemen , especially when they were cast with the aduantage of the place , and fell so thicke , that there was no meanes to auoid them . but to make it plaine , that any light armed footmen could better make head against a troupe of horse , then the caualry of their owne partie , although they bare but the same weapons : let vs consider how nimble and readie they were , that fought on foote , either to take an aduantage , or to shunne and auoide anie danger ; casting their darts with farre greater strength and more certaintie , then the horsemen could doe . for as the force of all the engines of olde time , as the balistae , catapultae and tolenones , proceedeth from that stabilitie and resting center , which nature affordeth as the onely strength and life of the engine ; so what force soeuer a man maketh , must principally proceede from that firmenes & stay , which nature by the earth or some other vnmoueable rest , giueth to the body , from whence it taketh more or lesse strength , according to the violence which it performeth ; as he that lifteth vp a waight from the ground , by so much treadeth heauier vpon the earth , by how much the thing is heauier then his bodie . the footmen therfore , hauing a surer staie to counterpoise their forced motion , then the horsemen had , cast their dartes with greater violence , and consequently with more certainty . chap. xviii . caesar preuenteth ariouistus of his purpose , by making two campes . the superstition of the germans . when caesar perceiued that ariouistus meant nothing lesse then to fight , but kept himselfe within his campe ; least peraduenture he should intercept the sequani and other of his associates , as they came with conuoies of corne to the romans , beyond that place wherein the germans abode about paces frō their campe ; he chose a ground meete to incampe in : and marched thither in three battels , commanding two of them to stand readie in armes , and the third to fortifie the campe . ariouistus sent footmen , and all his horse to disturbe the souldiers , and to hinder the intrenchment . notwithstanding caesar as he had before determined , caused two battels to withstand the enemie , and the third to go through with the worke : which being ended , he left there two legions , and part of the associate forces , and led the other foure legions backe againe into his greater campe , and so he rested secure concerning the conuoies from the sequani , and by his greater campe cut off the passages betweene ariouistus and the rhene . the next day caesar according to his custome , brought his whole power out of both his campes , and marching a little from the greater campe , he put his men in aray and profered battell to the enemie ; but perceiuing that ariouistus would not stir out of his trenches , about noone he conuaied his armie into their seuerall campes . then at length ariouistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser campe : the incounter continued very sharpe on both parts , vntill the euening ; and at sunsetting after many woundes giuen and taken , ariouistus conuaied his armie againe into their campe . and as caesar made inquirie of the captaines what the reason was , that ariouistus refused battell : he found this to be the cause , the germans had a custome , that their women should by casting of lots , and southsaying , declare whether it were for their behoofe to fight or no , and that they found by their arte , the germans could not get the victorie if they fought before the newe moone . the first observation . first we may obserue what especiall importance , this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the romans obserued , and by which they conquered so many nations : for besides the safetie which it affoorded their own troupes , it serued for a hold well fenced and manned , or as it were a strong fortified towne in any part of the field , where they saw aduantage , and as oft as they thought it expedient , either to fortifie themselues , or impeach the enemie by cutting off his passages , hindering his attempts , blocking vp his campe , besides many other aduantages , all auetring the saying of domitius corbulo : dolabra vincendum esse hostem : a thing long time neglected , but of late happely renewed by the commanders of such forces as serue the states in the vnited prouinces of belgia : whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertaine the vse of the spade , and to hold it in as great reputation as any weapons whatsoeuer , which maie bee thought worthie executioners of the deedes of armes . the second observation . in the second place we may obserue , that there was no nation so barbarous ( for i vnderstand the germans to be as barbarous in regard of the motions of religion as any knowne nation of that time , being in a climate so neare the north , that it afforded no contemplation at al ) that could not make vse in their greatest affaires , of that superstition to which their minde was naturally inthralled ; and forge prophesies and diuinations as well to stir vp as to moderate the irregular motions of a multitude , according as they might best serue to aduantage their proceedings . neither did caesar let slip the occasion of making vse of this their religion : for vnderstanding by their prisoners , that their diuinations forbad them to fight before the newe moone , he vsed all the meanes he could to prouoke them to battell ; that their religious opinion of mischieuing might preiudice their resolution to returne conquerers : which may serue to proue that a superstitious people are subiect to many inconueniences , which industry or fortune may discouer to their ouerthrow . it is recorded that columbus , being generall of some forces , which ferdinando king of castile sent to discouer the west indies , & suffering great penury for want of victuals in the i le of iamaica : after that he had obserued how the ilanders worshipped the moone , and hauing knowledge of an eclipse that was shortly after to happen , he tolde the inhabitants that vnlesse they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time , the wrath of their god should quickly appeare towardes them , by changing his bright shining face into obscuritie and darkenesse : which was no sooner happened , but the poore indians , stroken with a superstitious feare of that which the course of nature required , kept nothing backe that might assist their enemies to depopulate , and ouer runne their owne countrie . chap. xix . caesar seeketh meanes to giue them battell , and the germans dispose themselues thereunto . caesar foreslowed not that aduantage : but the next daie in the morning leauing a sufficient garrison in each of his campes , for as much as the number of his legionarie souldiers was small in respect of the multitude of the germans , he placed al the auxiliarie troupes , for a shew before the lesser campe , and putting his legions into a triple battell , he marched towardes the campe of ariouistus . and then at length were the germans constrained to bring out their power , setting euery tribe & people by it selfe , in a like distance and order of battell , and inuironing their whole armie with their cartes and cariage , that there might be no hope at all left to saue any man by flight , that durst not abide the fortune of the battell : in these chariots they placed their women , that they by their outstretched handes and teares mouing pitty , might implore the souldiers as they descended by course into the battell , not to deliuer them , the authors of their life and being , into the bondage and thraldome of the romans . caesar assigned to euerie legion a legate and a questor , that euerie man might haue an eie witnesse of his valour : and he himselfe began the battell with the right cornet ; for as much as he perceiued that part of ariouistus armie to be the weakest . the first observation . the romaines euen from the infancie of their state were euer zealous admirers of true honour , and alwaies desired to beholde with the eye , to what measure of vertue euerie man had attained ; that the toung with greater feruency of spirit might sounde out the celebration of macte virtute , which imported more honour then any wealth that could be heaped vpon them . neither was this the least part of their wisedom , considering that the most pretious things that are , loose much of their worth , if they be not suted with other correspondent natures , whose sympathie addeth much more excellencie then is discerned , when they appeare by themselues without such assistance . for how small is the beauty which nature hath giuen to the eie-pleasing diamond , when it is not adorned with an artificiall forme ? or what perfection can the forme giue without a foile to strengthten it ? or what good is in either of them if the light doe not illuminate it ? or what auaile all these where there wanteth an eye to admire it , a iudgement to value it , and an heart to imbrace it ? such a vnion hath nature imprinted in the diuersitie of creatures concurring to perfection , and especially in morall actions , in whose cariage there is a far greater exactnes of correspondency required to approue them honorable , then was requisite to make the iewell beautiful . and this did caesar in all his battels ; amongst the rest that at alesia is particularly noted in this manner , quod in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur , neque recte aut turpiter factum celari poterat , vtrosque & laudis cupiditas & timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat . and when liuie would expresse how valiantly an action was caried , he saith no more but in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur , which is as much to saie , that forasmuch as the romaines were diligent obseruers of euerie mans worth , rewarding vertue with honor , and cowardice vvith reproch ; euerie man bent his vvhole indeuour to deserue the good opinion of his generall , by discharging that duty which he owed to the common wealth , with all loyalty and faithfulnes of spirit . the second observation . the romaines had foure formes of the front of their battell , the first was called acies recta , when neither the cornets nor the battell was aduanced one before another , but were all caried in a right line , and made a straight front ; and this was their most vsuall manner of imbattailing . the second forme of the front was called obliqua , when as one of the cornets was aduanced neerer vnto the enemy then the rest , to beginne the battell : and this was commonly as vegetius noteth , the right cornet : for the right cornet of an army had great aduantage against the left of the enemies , in regarde of their weapons and furniture : but caesar did it in this place , because hee perceiued that the enemy was weakest in that part ; following a maxime of great authoritie , that the weakest part of an enemie is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an army : for so fauorable are mens iudgementes to that which is already happened , that the sequell of euery action dependeth for the most part vpon the beginning , dimidium facti qui bene caepit habet , ( saith a poet ) and not without great reason , so forcible continually is the beginning , and so connexed to the sequel by the nature of a precedent cause , that the ende must needes erre from the common course , when it doth not participate of that qualitie which was in the beginning . neither can there be any good ende without a good beginning : for although the beginning bee oftentimes disastrous and vnlucky , and the end fortunate and happie , yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning : for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good , but of an euill end . and therefore that his men might foresee a happy ende in a good beginning , it behooued him with the best of his armie to assault the weakest part of the enemy . the third forme of the front is called sinuata , when both the cornets are aduanced forward , and the battell standeth backwarde off from the enemy , after the fashion of a halfe moone . scipio vsed it in spaine , hauing obserued some daies before , that the enemy continually so disposed of the battell , that his best soldiours were alwaies in the midst ; and therefore scipio put all his old soldiours in the cornets , and brought them out first to charge vpon the weakest part of the enemy , that those might decide the controuersie , before the other that were in the midst could come to fight . the last forme is called gibbosa or gibbera acies , when the battel is aduanced , and the two cornets lag behinde . this forme did haniball vse in the battell of cannas , but with this art , that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his soldiours , and placed his weakest in the middest , that the romaines following the retreit of the battell , which was easily repeld , might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets . chap. xx. the battell betweene caesar and ariouistus . the signe of battel was no sooner giuen , but the romaines charged vpō the enemy so fiercely , as though they ment to giue themselues the lye : for seeming to acknowledge that they once conceiued any feare of the germaines ; and the enemie on the other side returned so speedie a counterbuffe , that the legions had no time to cast their piles , and therefore they speedilie betooke them to their swordes . but the germaines putting themselues according to their manner into a phalanx , receiued the force of their swords , without any daunger or losse at all . in the battell there were many legionarie souldiers , that were seene to keepe vpon the phalanx , & to pull vp with their hands the targets that couered it , and so to wound & kil those that were vnderneath : and by that means , they brake & dispersed it , and so the left cornet of the enemy , was ouerthrowne & put to flight . now while the right cornet was thus busied , the left cornet was ouercharged with an vnequall multitude of the germans , which young crassus the prefect of the horsemen no sooner perceiued ( hauing more scope and libertie then any of the commanders that were in the battell ) he sent tertiam aciem , the third battell , to rescue and aide their fellowes that were in danger , by meanes whereof the fight was renewed , and all the enemie was put to flight and neuer looked backe vntill they came to the rhene , which was about fiue miles from the place where they fought ; where some few of them saued themselues by swimming , others found a fewe boates and so escaped ; ariouistus lighting vpon a little barke tied to the shore , with much a doe recouered the other side of the rhene , and so saued himselfe : the rest were all slaine by the horsemen . as caesar pursued the german horsemen , it was his chance to light vpon valerius procillus , as he was drawne vp and downe by his keepers , bound with three chaines , which accident was as gratefull to him as the victorie it selfe ; being so fortunate to recouer his familiar friend , whom the barbarous enemie , contrarie to the law of nations , had cast into prison ; & in his own presence had three seuerall times cast lots vpon his life , whether he should be then burned or repriued vnto another time ; and still he was saued by the fortune of the lots : and marcus titius was found in like manner and brought vnto him . the fame of this battell being caried beyond the rhene : the sueui that were come to the bankes of rhene , returned home againe , whom the inhabitants belonging to the saide riuer pursued , and slew a great number of them . caesar hauing thus ended two great warres in one sommer , he brought his armie into their wintering campes , somewhat sooner then the time of the yeare required . the first observation . this phalanx here mentioned , can hardly be proued to be the right macedonian phalanx ; but we are rather to vnderstand it to be so tearmed , by reason of the close and compact imbattailing , rather then in any other respect : and it resembled much a testudo , as i said of the heluetian phalanx . secondly , i obserue , that caesar kept the olde rule concerning their discipline in fight : for although the name of triaries be not mentioned in his historie ; yet he omitted not the substance , which was , to haue primam , secundam , & tertiam aciem ; and that prima acies should begin the battell , and the second should come fresh and assist them ; or peraduenture if the enemie were many and strong , the first and second battell were ioyned together , and so charged vpon the enemie with greater furie and violence : but at all aduentures , the third battell was euer in subsidio , as they tearmed it , to succour any part that should be ouercharged ; which was a thing of much consequence , and of great wisedome . for if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers , or the casualtie of fortune ; what could be more added to their discipline in this behalfe , then to haue a second & a third succour , to giue strength to the fainting weaknes of their men , and to repaire the disaduantage which any accident should cast vpon them ? or if their valour were equally balanced , and victorie stood doubtfull which of the two parties shee should honour , these alwaies stept in , being fresh , against wearie and ouer laboured spirits , and so drew victorie in despite of casualtie vnto themselues . the second observation . concerning vse of lots , it shall not be amisse to looke into the nature of them , being in former times so generall , that there was no nation ciuill or barbarous , but were directed in their greatest affaires , by the sentence of lots . as we may not refuse for an vndoubted truth , that which salomon saith the of prouerbs : the lots are cast into the lap : but the direction thereof belongeth to the lord : through the knowledge whereof , iosua was directed to take achan , the mariners ionas , and the apostles , to consecrate matthias . so whether the heathen and barbarous people , whose blindnes in the way of truth could direct them no further then to sencelesse superstition , and put them in minde of a dutie which they owed ; but could not tell them what it was , nor how to be performed : whether these i say , were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries , which directed the action to the decree of destenie , and as the gods would haue it , it remaineth doubtfull . aristotle the wisest of the heathen , concerning things naturall , nameth that euent casuall , or proceeding from fortune ; of which the reason of man could assigne no cause , or ( as he saith ) which hath no cause : so that whatsoeuer happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workeman , was tearmed an effect of fortune , or chance of habnab . for all other effects which depended vpon a certaine and definite cause , were necessarily produced ; and therefore could not be casuall or subiect to the inconstancie of chance : and because manie and sundrie such chances daily happened , which like terrae filij had no father , and could not be warranted , as lawfull children , either to nature or to reason , by the appearance of an efficient cause , they reduced them all to the power of fortune ; as the principall efficient and soueraigne motor of all such vnexpected euents , that is , they made nothing else the gouernesse , and directresse of many things : which afterward grew to such credit amongst men , that it surpassed in dignity all naturall causes , and was deified with celestiall honour , as the poet saith , nos te facimus fortuna deam caeloque locamus . by the prouidence of this blinde goddesse which held her deity by the tenure of mens ignorance , were all casuall actions directed , and especially lots ; the euent whereof depended onely vpon her pleasure and decree : neither could their direction be assigned to any other power , for then their nature had been altered from chance to certainty , & the euent could not haue been called sors , but must haue been reputed in the order of necessary effects , whereof discourse of reason acknowledgeth a certaine foregoing cause . whereby we see vpon how weake an axletree , the greatest motions of the godlesse world were turned , hauing irregularitie and vncertaintie , for the intelligentiae , that gouerned their reuolutions . all herein all sortes of men , ( although in diuers respectes ) rested as well contented , as if an oracle had spoken vnto them , and reuealed the mysteries of fatall destinie . rome directed the maine course of her gouernment , by the fortune of this mocke destiny . for although their consuls and tribunes were elected by the people , who pleased their own fancie with the free choice of their commanders , and suted their obedience with a well liking authority : yet the publike affaires , which each consull was seuerally to manage , was shared out by lots . for if an enemie were entered into their confines to depopulate and wast their territories , the lots assigned this consull for the gouernment of the cittie ; and the other to command the legions , and to manage the war. if forces were to be sent into diuers prouinces and against seuerall enemies , neither the senate nor the people could giue to either consull his taske : but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots . if any extraordinarie action were to be done in the citie , as the dedication of a temple , the sanctifying of the capitoll after a pollution , sors omnia versat , did all in all . and yet ( notwithstanding the weake foundation of this practise in their theologie & deepest diuinitie ) we may not thinke but these skilfull architectors of that absolute gouernment , wherein vertue ioyned with true wisdome , to make an vnexampled patterne : we may not thinke i say , but they foresaw the manifold danger , which in the course of common actions could no otherway be preuented , but by the vse of lots . for when things are equally leueled betweene diuers obiects , and run with indifferencie to equall stations , there must be some controlling power , to draw the current towardes one coast , and to appropriate it vnto one chanell , that the order of nature be not inuersed , nor a well established gouernmēt disturbed : so the state of rome casting many things with equall charge vpon her two soueraigne magistrates , which could not be performed but by one of them ; what better meanes could there be inuented to interesse the one in that office and to discharge the other , then to appoint an arbiter , whose decree exceeded humane reason ? of which it could not be saide why it was so , but that it was so : for if the wisdome of the senat had been called to counsell , or the voices of the people calculated to determine of the matter ; it might easily haue burst out into ciuill discord , considering the often contentions between the senat and the people , the factions of clients , & the constant mutabilitie of euery mans priuate affections necessarily inclining vnto one , althogh their worth were equal & by true reason indiscernable ; which might haue made the one proud of that which peraduenture he had not , and cast the other lower then would haue well beseemed his vertues : and therfore to cut off these , with many other inconueniences , they inuented lots ; which without either reason or will might decide such controuersies . by this it appeareth how little the ancient law-makers respected the ground & reason of an ordinance , so the commoditie were great , and the vse important to the good of the state : for as they saw the thing it selfe to be casuall , so they saw that casuall thinges are sometimes more necessarie , then demonstratiue conclusions : neither ought the nature , and speculatiue consideration of lawes and statutes , belong to the common people : but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the common weale flourish . and thus endeth the first commentarie of caesar his warre in gallia . the second commentarie of the wars in gallia . the argvment . like as when a heauy bodie lyeth vpon the skirt of a larger continued quantity , although it couer but a small parcell of the whole surface ; yet the other quarters are burthened & kept vnder with a proportionable measure of that waight ; and through the vnion and continuation which bindeth all the parts into one totality , feele the same suppression which hath really seased but vpon their fellow part : in like maner the belgae , inhabiting the furthest skirt of that triple continent , seemed to repine at that heauy burthen , which the romaine empire had laide vpon the prouince , the hedui , and other states of that kingdome . and least it might in time be further remoued and laide directly vpon their shoulders , they thought it expedient whilest they felte it but by participation to gather their seuerall forces into one head , and trie whether they coulde free their neighbour nations from so greeuous a yoak ; or at the least keepe it frō comming any neerer vnto themselues : and this is the argument of this second booke , which deuideth it selfe into two partes : the first containing the warres betweene caesar and all the states of belgia vnited togither : the secōd recording the battailes which he made with some of the states thereof in particular , as time and occasion gaue him meanes to effect it . chap. i. caesar hasteth to his army , marcheth towardes the confines of the belgae , & taketh in the men of rheims . the report of this confederacie being brought vnto caesar , whilest he wintred beyond the alpes , as wel by letters from labienus , as by the common hearesay of the worlde : hee leuied two new legions in lumbardie , and sent them by q. pedius into gallia , and assoone as there was any forrage in the fieldes he himselfe came to the armie . at his arriual , vnderstanding by the senones & the rest of the galles that bordered vpon the belgae ( to whom he gaue in charge to learne what was done amongst them , ) that there was nothing in belgia but mustering of soldiours , and gathering their forces into one heade : he thought it not safe to make anie further delaie , but hauing made prouision of corne , he drewe out his army from their wintering campes , and within fifteene daies he came to the borders of the belgae . assoone as he was come thither , which was much sooner then was looked for ; the men of rheimes being the vttermost of the belgae , next adioining to the celtae , thought it best to entertaine a peaceable resolution , and sent iccius and antebrogius , two of the cheefe men of their state , vnto caesar , to submit themselues and all that they had , to the mercy of the romaine empire ; affirming that they were innocent both of the counsel of the belgae , and of their conspiracie against the romaines : for proofe wherof they were ready to giue hostages , to receiue them into their towns , and to furnish them with corne or what other thing they stood in neede of . that the rest of the belgae were al in armes , and the germains on the other side of the rhene had promised to send them succour : yea their madnesse was so great , that they themselues were not able to hold backe the suessones from that attempt , being their brethren and kinsmen in bloud , and vsing the same lawes and customes as they did , hauing both one magistrate and one forme of gouernment ; but they would needs support the same quarrel which the rest of the belgae had vndertaken . the observation . i might heere take occasion to speake somwhat of a particular reuoult in a generall cause ; and howe a confederate state may in regarde of their owne safetie forsake a common quarrell , or whatsoeuer the vniuersall societie hath enacted preiudiciall to their common weale : but that i onely intende to discouer warlike practises , leauing these questions of lawe and policie to men of greater iudgement and better experience . onlie i obserue in the behalfe of the romaine gouernment , that such cities as yeelded to the empire , and became tributarie to their treasury ( howsoeuer they were otherwise combined by confederacy ) seldome or neuer repented them of their facte , in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that state , and of the due respect obserued towards them . chap. ii. the power of the belgae , and their preparation for this warre . caesar inquiring of the ambassadors which came frō rheimes what the states were that had taken armes , and what they were able to do in matter of war : found the belgae to be descended from the germaines ; who passing ouer the rhene time out of minde , droue away the galles and seated themselues in their possessions : and that these only of al the galles kept the cimbri and teutoni frō entering into their country : and in that regard they chalenged to themselues great authoritie , & vaunted much in their feats of armes . concerning their number they had these aduertisements ; the a bellouaci exceeded all the belgae in prowesse , authoritie , and number of men , and promised . men : and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole warre . the b suessones inhabiting a large and fertile countrey , and hauing . walled towns , promised to set out . the c neruij as many ; the d attrebatij . the e ambiani . the velocassij , and f veromandui as many ; the g morini . the menapij . the caletani . the catuaci . the h eburones , condrusones , and others . caesar incouraging the men of rheimes to persist their faithfulnes to the romaine empire , propounded vnto them great offers and liberall promises of recompence , and commanded all their senate to come before him , and bring with them their noble mens sonnes to be giuen vp for hostages , which they diligently perfourmed by a day appointed . and hauing receiued two especial aduertisements from the men of rheimes , the one concerning the multitude of the enemy ; and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood : hee prouided for the first by persuading diuitiacus the heduan , that it much imported the whole course of those businesses , to keepe asunder the powre of the enemy ; and to withhold their forces from making a head , that so he might auoide the dange of incountering so great a power at one instant . which might easilie be brought to passe , if the hedui woulde enter with a strong power into the marches of the bellouaci , and sacke their territories with sword and confusion , which diuitiacus promised to performe , and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country . vpon the second aduertisement which presented vnto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies , he resolued not to be too hastie in giuing them battell , but first to proue by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowesse could do , and what his own men durst doe . the observation . this rule of making triall of the worth of an enemy , hath alwaies been obserued by prudent and graue commanders , as the surest principle whereon the true iudgment of the euent may be grounded . for if the doctrine of the old philosophers , which teacheth that the worde non putabam was neuer heard out of a wise mās mouth , haue any place in the course of humane actions , it ought especiallie to be regarded in managing these main points , whereon the state of kingdomes and empires dependeth . for vnlesse we be persuaded that blind chance directeth the course of this worlde vvith an vncertaine confusion , and that no foresight can swaie the balance of our hap into either part of our fortune ; i see no reason why we should not by al meanes indeuor to grounde our knowledge vpon true causes , and leuel our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things thēselues . and this is the rather to be vrged , inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceiued when they look no further then to match an enemy vvith equalitie of number , referring their valour to bee tried in the battell ; not considering that the eye of it selfe cannot discerne the difference betweene two champions of like presence and outward cariage , vnlesse it see their strength compared together and waied as it were in the scale of triall : which caesar omitted not diligently to obserue , before he would aduenture the hazard of battell . for besides his owne satisfaction , it gaue great incouragement to his men , when they sawe themselues able to countermatch an enemie , and knew their taske to be subiect to their strength : neither did he obserue it onely at this instant , but throughout the whole course of his actions ; for we finde that he neuer incountered any enemie , but with sufficient power , either in number or in valour to make head against them : which equality of strength , being first laide as a sure foundation , he vsed his owne industrie and skill , and the discipline wherein his men were trained , as aduantages to ouersway his aduersarie : and so drew victorie maugre fortune vnto himselfe , and seldome failed in any of his battels . chap. iii. caesar passeth his armie ouer the riuer * axona , leauing titurius sabinus incamped on the other side with sixe cohorts . assoone as caesar vnderstood , as well by his discourers , as from the men of rheimes , that all the power of the belgae was assembled together into one place , and was now making towardes him no great destance off ; he made all the haste he could to passe his armie ouer the riuer axona , which deuided the men of rheimes from the other belgae . wherby he brought to passe , that no enemie could come on the backe of him to worke any disaduantage : and that corne might be brought vnto him from rheimes , and other cities without danger . and further , that he might command the passage backe againe , as occasion should serue to his best aduantage , he fortified a bridge which he found on the riuer , with a strong garrison of men , and caused titurius sabinus a legate , to incampe himselfe on the other side of the riuer with sixe cohortes , commaunding him to fortifie his campe with a rampier of foote in altitude , and a trench of foote in breadth . observation . if it be demaunded , why caesar did passe his armie ouer the riuer , leauing it on his backe ; and did not rather attend the enemie on the other side , and so take the aduantage of hindering him , if he should attempt to passe ouer ? i will set downe the reasons in the sequell of this warre , as the occurrences shall fall out to make them more euident . in the meane time let vs enter into the particularitie of these sixe cohortes , that wee maie the better iudge of such troupes which were imploied in the seruices of this warre : but that wee may the better coniecture what number of souldiers these sixe cohortes did containe , it seemeth expedient , a little to discourse of the companies and regiments , which the romans vsed in their armies . and first we are to vnderstand , that the greatest and chiefest regiment in a roman armie , was tearmed by the name of legio : as varro saith , quod leguntur milites in delectu : or as plutarch speaketh , quod lecti ex omnibus essent militares ; so that it taketh the name legio of the choise and selecting of the soldiers . romulus is said to be the first author & founder of these legions , making euerie legion to containe soldiers : but shortly after they were augmented , as festus recordeth vnto : and afterward againe from to . and that number was the common rate of a legion vntill hanniball came into italie , and then it was augmented to , but that proportion continued onely for that time . and againe , when scipio went into africke , the legions were increased to footmen , and horse . and shortly after the macedonian warre , the legions that continued in macedonie to keepe the prouince from rebellion , consisted of footmen and horse . out of caesar it cannot be gathered , that a legion in his time did exceede the number of men ; but oftentimes it was short of that number : for he himselfe saith , that in this warre in gallia his soldiers were so wasted , that he had scarce men in two legions . and if we examine that place out of the of the ciuill war , where he saith , that in pompei his armie were cohorts , which amounted to the nūber of men : and being manifest as well by these number of cohortes , as by the testimonie of diuers authors , that pompei his army consisted of legions ; if we deuide into partes , we shall finde a legion to consist of men . which number or thereabout , being generally knowne to be the vsuall rate of a legion , the romans alwaies expressed the strength of their armie by the number of legions that were therein : as in this warre it is said , that caesar had eight legions , which by this account might arise to men , besides associates , and such as necessarily attended the armie . further we are to vnderstand , that euery legion had his peculiar name , by which it was knowne and distinguished from the rest , and that it tooke either from their order of muster , or inrolment ; as that legion which was first inrolled , was called the first legion ; and that which was second in choice , the second legion ; and so consequently of the rest ; and so we reade in this historie , the seuenth , the eighth , the ninth , the tenth , the eleuenth and twelfth legion : or otherwise from the place of their warfare , and so we read of legiones germanicae , panonicae , britannicae , and such others ; and sometime of their generall , as augusta , claudia , vitellianae , legiones , and so forth . or to conclude , from some accident or qualitie , as rapax , victrix , fulminifera and such like . and this much of the name and number of a legion , which i must necessarilie distinguish into diuers kindes of souldiers , according to the first institution of the olde romans , and the continuall obseruation thereof vnto the decay of the empire , before i come to the description of these smaller partes , whereof a legion was compounded . first therefore we are to vnderstand , that after the consuls had made a genenerall choise and sworne the souldiers , the tribunes chose out the youngest and poorest of all the rest , and called them by the name of velites . their place in regard of the other souldiers was both base & dishonorable : not only because they fought a farre off , and were lightly armed ; but also in regard they were commonly exposed to the enemy , as our forelorne hopes are . hauing chosen out a competent number for this kinde , they proceeded to the choise of them which they called hastati , a degree aboue the velites , both in age and wealth , and tearmed them by the name of hastati ; forasmuch as at their first institution they fought with a kind of iauelin , which the romaines called hasta : but before polybius his time they vsed piles ; notwithstanding their ancient name continued vnto the latter time of the empire . the third choise which they made was of the strongest and lustiest bodied men , who for the prime of their age were called principes ; the rest that remained were named triarij , as varro saith , quod tertio ordine extremis subsidio deponuntur : these were alwaies the eldest and best experienced men , and were placed in the third diuision of the battell , as the last helpe and refuge in all extremity . polybius saith , that in his time the velites , hastati , and principes , did consist of men a peece ; and the triarij neuer exceeded the number of . although the generall number of a legion were augmented : whereof lypsius allegeth these reasons . first bicause these triarij consisted of the best of the soldiors , and so might counteruaile a greater number in good worth and valour . secondly , it seldome came to buckle with the enemy , but when the controuersie grewe very doubtfull . lastly , wee may well coniecture that the voluntaries and extraordinarie folowers , ranged themselues amongst these triaries , and so made the third battel equal to either of the former ; but howsoeuer , they neuer exceeded the number of . and by this it appeareth , that in polybius his time the common rate of a legion was . in this diuision of their men consisted the ground of that well ordered discipline ; for in that they distinguished them according to their yeeres and abilitie , they reduced their whole strength into seueral classes ; & so disposed of these different parts , that in the generall cōposition of their whole bodie euery part might be fitted with place and office , according as his worth vvas answerable to the same : & so they made not only a number in grosse , but a number distinct by parts and properties , that from euery accident which met with any part of the armie , the iudgement might determine how much or howe little it imported the whole bodie : besides the great vse vvhich they made of this distinction in their degrees of honour and preferment ; a matter of no smal consequence , in the excellencie of their gouernment . the soldiours , at their inrolement beeing thus deuided according to their yeeres and abilitie , they then reduced them into smaller companies , to make them fitter for command and fight : and so they deuided the hastati , principes , and triarii , each of them into companies , making of those . sortes of soldiours . small regiments , vvhich they called manipuli : and againe , they subdeuided euerie maniple into two equall parts , and called them ordo , vvhich was the least companie in a legion ; and according to the rate set down by polybius , contained . soldiours . in euerie ordo there was a centurion , or captaine , and a lieuetenant , whom they named optio or tergiductor . the maniples of the triarii were much lesser then the maniples of either the hastati or the principes ; for as much as their whole band consisted but of . men . the velites were put into no such companies , but were equally distributed amongst the other maniples ; and therefore the hastati , principes , and triarij were called subsignanos milites , to make a difference between them and the velites , which were not deuided into bandes ; and so consequently had no ensigne of their own , but were distributed amongst the other companies : so that euery maniple had . velites attending vpon it . and now i come to the description of a cohort , which the history heere mentioneth . the worde cohors in latine doth signifie that part of grounde which is commonly inclosed before the gate of a house , which from the same word we call a court : and varro giueth this reason of the metaphor . as in a farme house , saith he , many out-buildings ioined together make one inclosure ; so a cohort consisteth of seuerall maniples ioined together in one body . this cohort consisted of three maniples ; for euerie legion had ten cohorts , which must necessarily comprehend those thirty maniples : but these . maniples were not al of one and the same kind of soldiors , as three maniples of the hastati , . of the principes , and . of the triarij , as patricius in his paralleli seemeth to affirme ; for so there would haue remained an odde maniple in euery kind , that could not haue been brought into any cohort : but a cohort contained a maniple of the hastati , a maniple of the principes , and a maniple of the triarij ; and so al the . maniples were included into . cohorts ; & euery cohort was as a little legion ; forasmuch as it consisted of al those sortes of soldiours that were in a legion . so that making a legion to containe . men ; a cohort had . and so these . cohorts , which he incamped on the other side of the riuer , vnder the command of titurius sabinus , contayned . soldiours : but if you make a legion to consist but of . which was the more vsuall rate , there were . soldiours in these sixe cohortes . by this therefore it may appeare , that a legion consisted of foure sorts of soldiours , which were reduced into ten cohorts , and euery cohort contained . maniples ; & euery maniple . orders ; and euery order had his centurion marching in the head of the troupe ; and euery centurion had his optionem , or lieutenāt , that stood in the taile of the troupe . when a legion stoode ranged in battell ready to confront the enemy , the least body or squadron that it contained was a maniple ; wherein the two orders were ioined together , making iointly ten in front , and twelue in file : and so euerie fiue files had their centurion in front , and lieutenant in the rereward , to direct them in all aduentures . in the time of the emperours , their battailions consisted of a cohort , and neuer exceeded that number how great soeuer the army were . polybius distinguishing a maniple into two centuries or orders , saith , that the centurion first chosen by the tribunes , commanded the right order , which was that order which stoode on the right hand , knowne by the name of primus ordo : and the centurion elected in the second course , commanded the left order ; and in the absence of either of them , hee that was present of them two , commaunded the whole maniple . and so wee finde that the centurion of the first place was called prior centurio : in which sense caesar is to be vnderstood , where hee saith , that all the centurions of the first cohorte were slaine , praeter principem priorem . from whence we gather two specialities , first ; the prioritie betweene the centurions of the same maniple : for a cohorte consisting of . maniples , vvhereof the first maniple vvere triarij , the second principes , and the thirde hastati ; and euerie maniple containing two orders ; and euerie order a centurion : he saith , that all the centurions of this cohort vvere slaine ; sauing the first or vpper centurion of the principes . the second thing vvhich i obserue , is the title of the first cohort : for these . cohortes , vvhereof a legion consisted , vvere distinguished by degrees of worthinesse ; and that vvhich vvas held the vvorthiest in the censure of the electors , tooke the prioritie both of place and name , and vvas called the first cohort : the next , the second cohort ; & so consequently vnto the tenth and last . neither did the legions want their degrees of preheminēce , both in imbattailing & in incāping , according either to the seniority of their inrolement , or their fauor of their general , or their own vertue : and so we read that in these vvars in gallia , the tenth legion had the first place in caesars army . and thus much concerning the diuisions , and seuerall companies of a legion , and the degrees of honour which they held in the same . vpon this description it shall not be amisse , briefelie to laie open the most apparant commodities depending vpon this discipline ; the excellency vvhereof more plainely appeareth , bein compared to that order , vvhich nature hath obserued in the frame of her vvorthiest creatures : for it is euident , that such workes of nature come neerest to perfect excellencie , vvhose material substance is most particularlie distinguished into parts , and hath euery part indued vvith that propertie , which best agreeth to his peculiar seruice . for beeing thus furnished with diuersitie of instruments , and these directed vvith fitting abilities ; the creature must needs expresse many admirable effects , and discouer the vvorth of an excellent nature : vvhereas those other bodies , that are but slenderly laboured , and find lesse fauour in natures forge , being as abortiues , or barbarously composed , vvanting the diuersitie both of partes and faculties ; are no vvay capable of such excellent vses , nor fit for such distinct seruices , as the former that are directed vvith so many properties , and inabled vvith the power of so wel distinguished faculties . which better works of nature the romains imitated in the architecture of their army , deuiding it into such necessary & seruiceable partes , as were best fitting all vses and imploiments : as first into legions , and legions into cohorts , and cohorts into maniples , and maniples into centuries or orders , and these into files ; wherein euery man knewe his place , and kept the same without exchange or confusion . and thus the vniuersall multitude was by order disposed into partes , vntill it came vnto a vnitie : for it cannot bee denied , but that these centuries were in themselues so sensiblie distinguished , that euerie soldiour caried in his minde the particular mappe of his whole centurie : for in imbtttailing , euerie centurie was disposed into . files , contayning twelue in a file , whereof the leaders were alwayes certaine , and neuer changed but by death or some other especiall occasion : and euerie leader knew his follower , and euerie second knewe the third man , and so consequently vnto the last . vpon these particularities it plainly appeareth , how easie a matter it was , to reduce their troupes into any order of a march or a battell , to make the front the flanke , or flanke front , when they were broken and disrankt to rallie them into any forme , when euery man knew both his owne and his fellowes station . if any companies were to be imploied vpon sudden seruice , the generall idea of the armie being so deepely imprinted in the minde of the commanders , would not suffer them to erre in taking out such conuenient troupes , both for number and quality , as might best agree with the safetie of the armie , or nature of the action : at all occasions and oportunities , these principles of aduantage offered themselues , as readie meanes , to put in execution any dessigne , or stratagem whatsoeuer ; the proiect was no sooner resolued of , but euerie man could readily point out the companies that were fit to execute the intention . and which is more important , in regard of the life and spirit of euerie such part , their sodalitie was sweetned , or rather strengthened with the mutuall acquaintance , and friendshippe one of another , the captaine marching alwaies in the head of the troupe , the ensigne in the middest , and the lieutenant in the rereward , and euerie man accompanied with his neighbour and his friend ; which bred a true and vnfained courage , both in regard of themselues , and of their followers . besides these specialities , the places of title and dignity depending vpon this order , were no small meanes to cutte off all matter of ciuill discorde , and intestine dissention : for here euerie man knew his place in the file , and euerie file knewe his place in the centurie , and euerie centurie in the maniple , and euerie maniple in the cohort , and euerie cohort in the legion , and euerie legion in the armie ; and so euerie souldier had his place , according to his vertue ; and euerie place gaue honour to the man , according as their discipline had determined thereof . the vvant of this discipline hath dishonoured the martiall gouernment of this age , with bloudshed and murthers ; whereof france is too true a witnesse , as well in regard of the french themselues , as of our english forces that haue beene sent thither to appease their tumults : for through defect of this order , which allotteth to euerie man his due place , the controuersie grew between sir william drurie and sir iohn bowrowes , the issue whereof is too well known to the world : wherein as our commanders in france haue been negligent , so i may not forget to giue due commēdation to the care which is had of this point amongst the english troups , in the seruice of the states in the vnited prouinces , where they are very curious in appointing euerie man his place in the file , and euerie file in the troupe , and find much benefit thereby , besides the honour of reuiuing the roman discipline . to conclude this point , i will onely touch in a word the benefite , which the romans found in their small battailions , and the disaduantage , which we haue in making great squadrons . and first it cannot be denied , but that such troupes stand best appointed for disposition and array of battell , which standing strong to receiue a shocke , bring most men to fight with the enemie : for the principall thinges which are required in setting of a battell , are so to order the troupes , that the depth in flanke may serue conueniently to withstand the assault , taking vp no more men then may well serue for that purpose ; and giuing meanes to the rest to fight with the enemie ; and in these two points , were both their defensiue and offensiue considerations comprehended . but smaller troupes and battailons afforde this conueniencie better then great squadrons , which drowne vp manie able men in the depth of their flankes , and neuer suffer them to appeare , but when the breaking of the squadron doth present them to the butcherie of the enemie . the macedonian phalanx , as i haue noted in the first booke , neuer caried aboue in flanke , and brought to fight in front . and these little battailons ( considering them as they stood in battell ray ) made as great a front or greater , then that of the phalanx , keeping a depth answerable to the same ; besides the and battell , which alwaies were to succour them , which the phalanx wanted : neither would their thicke and close imbattailing admit any such succour behind them . now if we cōpare the aduantages & discommodities , which by place and accident were incident to either of these , we shall find great ods betweene them . these great squadrons are not faisable , but in plaine and open places , where they may either stand immoueable , or make easie and slow motions without shaking , or disordering their bodie : but the lesser are a scantling for all places , champion or wooddie , leuell or vneuen , or of what site or quality soeuer . and to conclude , if two or three rankes of these great battailons chance to be broken and disordered , the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder , as the said rankes are ; and hath lesse meanes to rally it selfe , then any other lesser companie : but if any violence chance to rout a maniple , it proceedeth no further in the armie , then that part which it taketh : neither can the disranking of any one part , betraie the safetie of the armie to disorder and confusion ; for as much as their distinction serued to cut off such inconueniences , and yet no waie hindered the generall vniting of their strength into one body . more may be said concerning this matter , but i onely point at it , and leaue the due consideration thereof , to the iudgment of our commanders , & returne to our history . chap. iiii. the belgae attempt the surprise of * bibrax : caesar sendeth succour vnto it . there was a towne called bibrax , belonging to the state of rheimes , about eight mile from caesars campe ; which the belgae thought to haue surprised , as they came along to meete with caesar , and suddenly assaulted it with such furie , that the townesmen could hardly hold out the first daie . the celtae and belgae vse one and the same manner , in assaulting a towne : for hauing beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers , they neuer cease flinging of stones vntill they finde the wall naked of defendantes ; and then casting themselues into a testudo , they approch to the gate and vndermine the walles . assoone as the night had made an end of the assault , iccius of rheimes , a man of great birth and authoritie in his countrey , who at that time was gouernour of the towne , and had beene before with caesar , to treat and conclude a peace : sent him word by messengers , that if there came not present succour , he was not able to holde out any longer . the same daie about midnight ( vsing the same messengers for guides ) he sent both numidian and cretian archers , and slingers of the iles of baleares , to relieue the towne ; by meanes whereof , the townesmen were put in good hope to make their partie strong , and the enemie made hopeles of winning the towne : and therefore after a small stay , hauing populated their fieldes , and burned their villages and out-buildinges , they marched with all their power towardes caesars campe , and within lesse then two miles of his armie , they incamped their whole hoast : which , as was gathered by the smoake and fire , occupied more ground then eight miles in breadth . the first observation . in the description of their assault , we are to obserue two circumstances : the first is , the manner they vsed in a sudden surprise : the second is , the forme and quality of a testudo . although caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a towne , as peculiar , to the galles ; yet wee maie not thinke but that the romans vsed it , as often as they had occasion to surprise any cittie : but because the galles knew no other means to take a towne but this , therefore he setteth it downe as peculiar vnto them . the romans called this manner of assault corona ; and so we read oftentimes this phrase , cingere vrbem corona : for as much as the souldiers inclosed the towne with a circle , and so resembled a crowne or garland . ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of souldiers , which incompased a towne : and iosephus telleth of iotapatam , which the romans besieged duplici peditum corona : and besides these , there was a third circle of horsemen vtmost of all . there is no further matter to be obserued but this , that in surprising a towne , they incircled it round about with thick continued rankes of men , and where they found the wall weakest , there they entered as they could . the second observation . the testudo requireth a larger discourse , and is liuely described in liuie , after this manner . in the amphitheater , where the people did often assemble to see strange sightes and publike shewes , were brought in ( saith he ) iustie young men , who after some motion , and seemely march , cast themselues into a square troupe , & roofing their heads close with their targets , the first ranke which made the front of the testudo , stood vpright on their feete ; the second ranke bowed it selfe somewhat lower ; the third and fourth rankes did more incline themselues , and so consequentlie vnto the last ranke , which kneeled on the ground , and so they made a bodie resembling halfe the side of an house , which they called testudo . vnto this squadron thus strongly combined togither , came two soldiours running some fiftie foot off , and threatning each other with their weapons , ran nimbly vp the side of the roofe ; and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy , that would haue entred vpon it ; sometimes againe incountering each other in the midst of it , leaped vp and downe as steddily as if they had been vpon firme ground . and which is more strange , the front of a testudo being applied to the side of a wall , there ascended many armed men vpon the said testudo , and fought in an equall height with other soldiors , that stood vpon the said wal to defend it . the dissimilitude in the composition was this , that the soldiors that were in front , and in the sides of the square , caried not their targets ouer their heads , as the other did ; but couered their bodies with them , and so no weapons either cast from the wall , or otherwise throwne against it , coulde any waie hurt them ; and whatsoeuer waight fell vppon the testudo , it quicklie glided downe by the decliuitie of the roofe , without anie hurte or annoyance at all . thus far liuie goeth , neither doe i know what to saie further of it : the chiefest vse thereof was in a surprise or suddaine attempt against a towne , before the townes men were throughly prepared to defend the same . this inuention serued them to approach the wall with safetie , and so either to vndermine it , or to clime vp : and to that ende they oftentimes erected one testudo vpon another . tacitus saith , that the soldiours climed vppon the wall , super iteratam testudinem , by one testudo made vpon an other ; and this was the ancient forme and vse of a testudo in a suddain assault or surprise . dio cassius in the actes of anthonie , saieth , that beeing galled with the parthian archers , hee commanded his whole armie to put it selfe into a testudo , which was so strange a sight to the parthians , that they thought the romaines hadde sunke downe for wearinesse and faintnesse ; and so forsaking their horse , drewe their swordes to haue made execution : and then the romaines at a watch-worde giuen , rose againe with such a furie , that they put them all to sworde and flight . dio describeth the saide testudo after this manner , they placed , saieth hee , their baggage , their light armed men and their horsemen , in the middest ; and those heauie armed footemen that caried long gutter-tiled targettes , were in the vtmost circles nexte vnto the enemie ; the reste which bare large ouall targettes were thronged togither throughout the whole troupe , and so couered with their targets both themselues and their fellowes , that there was nothing discerned by the enemy but a roofe of targets , which were so tiled togither , that men might safely go vpon them . further , wee oftentimes reade , that the romaines cast themselues into a testudo , to breake through an enemy , or to route and disranke a troupe . and this vse the romaines had of a testudo in field seruices , and only by the benefit of their target . it was called a testudo , in regarde of the strength , for that it couered and sheltred , as a shell couereth a fish . and let this suffice concerning a testudo . the third observation . thirdly we may obserue , how carefully caesar prouided for the safetie of such succours , as he sent vnto bibrax : for hee commanded the same messengers to direct them that came from the towne , as the best and surest guides in that iourney , least peraduenture through ignorance of the way , they might fall into inconueniences or dangers : a matter of no small consequence in managing a warre , but deserueth an extraordinarie importunitie , to persuade the necessitie of this diligence . for a generall that hath perfectlie discouered the nature of the countrey , through which he is to march , and knoweth the true distances of places , the qualitie of the waies , the compendiousnesse of turnings , the nature of the hils and the course of the riuers , hath all these particularities as maine aduantages , to giue meanes of so many seuerall attempts vpon an enemy : and in this point hanniball had a singular dexterity , and excelled all the commanders of his time in making vse of the way , by which he was to passe . but he that leadeth an army , by an vnknown and vndiscouered way , and marcheth blindfold vpon vncertaine aduentures , is subiect to as many casualties and disaduantages , as the other hath opportunitie of good fortune . let euery man therefore persuade himselfe , that good discouerers are as the eyes of an army , and serue for lights in the darkenesse of ignorance , to direct the resolutions of good prouidence , and make the path of safetie so manifest , that we neede not stumble vpon casualties . caesar in his iourney to ariouistus vsed the helpe of diuitiacus the heduan , in whome amongst all the galles , he reposed greatest confidence to discouer the waie , and acquaint him with the passages ; and before hee would vndertake his voyage vnto * britanie , he well enformed himselfe by marchants and trauailers , of the quantity of the iland , the quality of the people , their vse of warre , and the oportunitie of their hauens : neither was he satisfied with their relations , but hee sent caius volusenus in a ship of warre , to see what hee could further discouer , concerning these points . suetonius addeth moreouer , that hee neuer caried his army , per insidiosa itinera , vnlesse he had first well discouered the places . concerning the order , which skilfull leaders haue obserued in discoueries , we are to knowe that this point consisteth of two partes : the one in vnderstanding the perfect description of the countrey ; and the second in obseruing the motions of the enemy . touching the first , we finde as well by this as other histories , that the romains vsed the inhabitants of the country for guides , as best acquainted with their natiue places , that they might not erre in so important a matter ; prouided alwaies , that their owne scoutes were euer abroad to vnderstand what they could of themselues , that they might not altogither relie vpon a strangers direction . the motions of the enemy were obserued by the horsemen , and these for the most part were veterani , well experienced in the matter of warre , and so the generall receiued sound aduertisements : and yet they were not too forward vpon any new motion , vnlesse they found it confirmed by diuers waies : for some espials may erre , either through passion or affection , as it happened in the heluetian warre . if therefore the vse and benefit , which prudent and wise commanders made of this diligence , or the misfortune which the want of this knowledge brought vpon the ignorant , haue any authoritie to perswade a circumspect care herein , this little that hath beene spoken may be sufficient , for this point . the fovrth observation . the souldiers which caesar sent to relieue bibrax , were archers of creta and numidia , and slingers of the iles baleares , which are now called maiorica , and minorica : which kinde of weapon , because it seemeth ridiculous to the souldiers of these times , whose conceites are held vp with the furie of these fierie engines ; i will in briefe discouer the nature and vse of this weapon . the latines ( saith isodore ) called this weapon funda : quod ex ea fundantur lapides . plinie attributeth the inuention thereof to the insulairs called baleares . florus in his third booke and eighth chapter , saith , that these baleares vsed three sortes of slinges , and no other weapon besides : for a boy had neuer any meate giuen him , before he had first strooke it , with a sling . strabo distinguisheth these three sortes of slings , which the baleares vsed ; and saith that they had one sling with long raines , which they vsed when they would cast a farre off : and another with short raines , which they vsed neere at hand : and the third with raines of a meane sise , to cast a reasonable distance . lipsius saith , that in columna antonina at rome , he obserued that the balearean was made with one sling about his head , another about his bellie , and the third in his hand ; which might be their ordinarie manner of carrying them . the matter whereof they were made was threefold , the first was hempe or cotton , the second haire , and the third sinewes : for of either of these stuffes , they commonly made them : the forme and fashion of a sling resembled a platted rope , somewhat broade in the middest , with an ouall compasse ; and so by little and little decreasing into two thongs or raines . their manner of slinging was to whirle it twise or thrise about their head , and so to cast out the bullet . virgill speaking of mezentius saith , ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habena . but vegetius preferreth that skill , which cast the bullet with once turning it about the head . in suidas we find , that these baleares did commonly cast a stone of a pound waight , which agreeth to these dames in caesar , fundas , librales . the leaden bullets are mentioned by salust , in the warre with iugurth ; and by liuie , where he saith , that the consull prouided great store of arrowes , of bullets , and of small stones to be cast with slings . this weapon was in request amongst diuers nations , as well in regard of the readines , & easie reiterating of the blow , as also for that the bullet fledde verie farre , with great violence : the distance which they could easily reach with their sling , is expressed in this verse , fundum varro vocat , quem possis mittere funda . which vegetius interpreteth to be foote : their violence vvas such , as the same author affirmeth in his first booke and sixteenth chapter , that neither helmet , gaberdine , nor corselet could beare out the blow ; but he that was hit with a sling , was slaine sine inuidia sanguinis , as he saith in the same place . lucrece , ouid , and lucan , three of the latine poets saie , that a bullet skilfully cast out of a sling , went with such violence that it melted as it flew : vvhereof seneca giueth this reason , motion ( saith he ) doth extenuate the aire , and that extenuation or subtilitie doth inflame : and so a bullet cast out of a sling melteth as it flieth . but howsoeuer , diodorus siculus affirmeth , that these balearean slingers brake both target , headpiece , or any other armour vvhatsoeuer . there are also two other sorts of slings , the one mentioned by liuie ; and the other by vegetius : that in liuie is called cestrophendo , vvhich cast a short arrowe with a long thicke head : the other in vegetius , is called fustibalus , vvhich was a sling made of a coard and a staffe . but let this suffice for slinges and slingers , vvhich were reckoned amongst their light armed souldiers , and vsed chieflie in assaulting , and defending townes , and fortresses , vvhere the heauie armed souldiers could not come to buckle ; and present the place of our hargebusiers , which in their proper nature , are leuis armaturae milites , although more terrible then those of ancient times . chap. v. caesar confronted the belgae in forme of battell , but without any blow giuen : the belgae attempt the passing of the riuer axona ; but in vaine , and to their losse : they consult of breaking vp the warre . caesar at the first resolued not to giue them battell , as well in regard of their multitude , as the generall fame and opinion conceiued of their valour : notwithstanding he daily made triall by light skirmishes with his horsemen , what the enemy could do , and what his owne men durst doe . and when he found that his men were nothing inferiour to the belgae , he chose a conuenient place before his campe and put his armie in battell : the banke where he was incamped rising somewhat from a plaine leuell , was no larger then would suffice the front of the battell ; the two sides were steepe , and the front rose a slope by little & little , vntill it came againe to a plaine , where the legions were imbattailed . and least the enemie abounding in multitude , should circumuent his men and charge them in flanke as they were fighting , he drew an ouerthwart ditch behind his armie , from one side of the hill to the other , paces in length ; the ends wherof he fortified with bulwarkes , and placed therein store of engines : and leauing in his campe the two legions which he had last inrolled in lombardie , that they might bee readie to be drawne forth when there should neede any succour , he imbattailed his other sixe legions in the front of the hill , before his campe . the belgae also bringing forth their power , confronted the romans in order of battell . there laie between both the armies a small marish , ouer which the enemie expected that caesar should haue passed ; and caesar on the other side , attended to see if the belgae would come ouer , that his men might haue charged them in that troublesome passage . in the meane time the caualrie on both sides incountered betweene the two battels , and after long expectation on either side , neither partie aduenturing to passe ouer , caesar hauing got the better in the skirmish betweene the horsemen , thought it sufficient for that time , both for the incouraging of his owne men , and the contesting of so great an army ; and therefore he conuaied all his men againe into their campe . from that place the enemy immediately tooke his way to the riuer axona , which laie behinde the romans campe , and there finding foordes they attempted to passe ouer part of their forces , to the ende they might either take the fortresse which q. titurius kept , or to breake downe the bridge , or to spoile the territories of the state of rheimes , and cut off the romans from prouision of corne . caesar hauing aduertisement thereof from titurius , transported ouer the riuer by the bridge all his horsemen and light armed numidians , with his slingers and archers , and marched with them himselfe ▪ the conflict was hoat in that place , the romans charging their enemies as they were troubled in the water , slewe a great number of them ; the rest like desperate persons , aduenturing to passe ouer vpon the dead carkases of their fellowes , were beaten backe by force of weapons : and the horsemen incompassed such as had first got ouer the water , and slewe euerie man of them . when the belgae perceiued themselues frustrated of their hopes , of winning bibrax , of passing the riuer , and of drawing the romans into places of disaduantage , and that their owne prouisions began to faile them : they called a councell of war , wherein they resolued , that it was best for the state in generall , and for euerie man in particular , to breake vp their campe , and to returne home vnto their own houses : and into whose confines or territories soeuer , the romans should first enter to depopulate and waste them in hostile maner , that thither they should hasten from al parts , and there to giue them battell , to the end they might rather trie the matter in their own countrie , then abroad in a strange and vnknowne place ; and haue their owne houshold prouision alwaies at hand to maintaine them . and this the rather was concluded , for as much as they had intelligence , that diuitiacus with a great power of the hedui , approched neare to the borders of the bellouaci , who , in that regard , made haste homeward to defend their country . the first observation . first we may obserue the arte , which he vsed to counteruaile the strength of so great a multitude , by choosing out so conuenient a place , which was no broader in front then would suffice the front of his battell ; and hauing both the sides of the hill so steepe , that the enemy could not ascende nor clime vp , but to their own ouerthrow ; hee made the backe part of the hil strong by art , & so placed his soldiors as it were in the gate of a fortresse , where they might either issue out , or retire at their pleasure . whereby it appeareth how much he preferred securitie and safetie before the vaine opinion of foole-hardie resolution , which sauoreth of barbarisme rather then of true wisedome : for he euer thought it great gaine , to loose nothing ; and the day brought alwaies good fortune , that deliuered vp the army safe vnto the euening ; attending , vntil aduantage had laid sure principles of victory : and yet caesar was neuer thought a coward . and now it appeareth , what vse hee made by passing his army ouer the riuer , and attending the enemie on the further side , rather then on the side of the state of rheimes : for by that meanes he brought to passe , that whatsoeuer the enemie should attempt in any part or quarter of the lande , his forces were readie to trouble their proceedings ; as it happened in their attempt of bibrax : & yet notwithstanding , he lost not the opportunitie of making slaughter of thē , as they passed ouer the riuer . for by the benefitte of the bridge which hee had fortified , he transported what forces he woulde , to make heade against them , as they passed ouer ; and so hee tooke what aduantage either side of the riuer coulde affoord him . the second observation . and heere the reader may not maruel , if when the hils are in labour , they bring forth but a mouse ; for how soone is the courage of this huge army abated ? or what did it attempt worthy such a multitude ? or answerable to the report which was bruted of their valour ? but beeing hastely caried together by the violence of passion , were as quickly dispersed vpon the sight of an enemy , which is no strange effect of a suddaine humour . for as in nature all violent motions are of short continuance , and the durabilitie , or lasting qualitie of all actions , proceedeth from a slowe and temperate progression ; so the resolutions of the minde that are caried with an vntemperate violence , and sauour so much of heat and passion , do vanish awaie euen with the smoake thereof , and bring forth nothing but leasurable repentaunce : and therefore it were no ill counsell for men of such natures , to qualifie their hastie resolutions , with a mistrustfull lingering , that when their iudgement is well informed of the cause , they may proceed to a speedie execution . but that which most bewraieth their indiscreet intemperāce , in the hote pursuit of this enterprise , is , that before they had scarce seene the enemy , or had oportunity to contest him in open field , their victual began to faile them : for their mindes were so caried away with the conceite of warre , that they had no leisure to prouide such necessaries , as are the strength and sinewe of the warre : it was sufficient for euery particular man , to be knowne for a soldiour in so honorable an action , referring other matters in the care to the state . the states in like manner thought it inough to furnish out forty or fiftie thousand men a peece , to discharge their oath , and to saue their hostages , committing other requisites to the generall care of the confederacie : which , beeing directed by as vnskilful gouernours , neuer looked further then the present multitude , which seemed sufficient to ouerthrow the romaine empire . and thus each man relied vpon an others care , and satisfied himselfe with the present garbe ; so many men of all sortes and qualities , so many helmets and plumed crests , such strife and emulation , what state should seeme in greatest forwardnesse ; were motiues sufficient to induce euerie man to go , without further inquiry , how they should goe . and herein the care of a generall ought especially to bee seene , considering the weakenesse of particular iudgements , that hauing the liues of so many men depending altogither vpon his prouidence , and ingaged in the defence of their state and country ; he do not faile in these maine points of discipline , which are the pillars of all warlike dessignes . to conclude this point , let vs learne by their errour , so to carrie a matter ( especially of that consequence ) that we make it not much worse by ill handeling it , then it was before we first toooke it to our charge ; as it heere happened to the belgae . for their tumultuous armes sorted to no other ende , then to giue caesar iust occasion to make warre vpon them , with such assurance of victorie , that he made small account of that which was to follow , in regard of that which had already happened : considering that hee should not in all likelihood , meet with the like strength againe , in the continuance of that warre . and this was not onely grauius bellum successori tradere , as it often falleth out in the course of a long continued warre ; but to drawe a dangerous warre vpon their heads , that otherwise might haue liued in peace . chap. vi. the belgae brake vp their campe ; and as they returne home , are chased and slaughtered by the romaines . this generall resolution beeing entertained by the consent of the whole councell of warre ; they departed out of their campe with a great noise and tumult , without any order ( as it seemed ) or gouernement : euerie man pressing to bee formost on his iourney in such a turbulent manner , that they seemed all to run away : whereof caesar hauing notice by his spies , and mistrusting some practise , not as yet perceiuing the reason of their departure , he kept his armie within his campe. in the dawning of the day , vpon certaine intelligence of their departure , hee sent first his horsemen to staie the rerewarde , commaunding labienus to followe after with three legions ; these ouertaking the belgae , and chasing them manie miles , slewe a great number of them : and while the rerewarde staied , and valiantlie receiued the charge of the romaines , the vantguarde being out of danger , and vnder no gouernment , assoone as they heard the alarum behind them , brake out of their rankes and betooke themselues to flight ; and so the romaines slewe them as long as the sunne gaue them light to pursue them ; and then sounding a retrait , they returned to their campe . observation . it hath beene an olde rule amongst soldiours , that a great and negligent errour committed by an enemy , is to be suspected as a pretence to trecherie . we reade of fuluius a legate in the romaine armie , lying in tuscanie , the consul being gon to rome to performe some publike dutie : the tuscanes tooke occasion by his absence to trie whether they could drawe the romaines into any inconuenience ; and placing an ambuscado neere vnto their campe , sent certaine soldiours , attired like shepheardes , with droues of cattell to passe in view of the romaine army , who handled the matter so , that they came euen to the rampier of the campe ; whereat the legate wondering as at a thing void of reason , kept himselfe quiet vntill he had discouered their treacherie , and so made frustrate their intent : in like maner caesar not persuaded that men should bee so heedles , to carry a retrait in that disorderly and tumultuous maner , would not discampe his men to take the oportunity of that aduantage , vntill he had found that to be true , which in all reason was vnlikely . and thus . belgae were chased and slaughtered by three legions of the romaines , for want of gouernment and order in their departure . chap. vii . caesar followeth after the belgae into the countrey of the suessones ; and there besiegeth * nouiodunum . the next day after their departure , before they could recouer thēselues of their feare and flight ; or had time to put thēselues againe in breath : caesar as it were continuing still the chase and victorie , led his armie into the countrey of the * suessones , the next borderers vnto the men of rheimes : and after a long iourney came vnto nouiodunum , a towne of good importance , which he attempted to take by surprise , as he passed along by it . for he vnderstoode , that it was altogether vnfurnished of defensiue prouision , hauing no forces within to defende it : but in regard of the breadth of the ditch and heigth of the wall , he was for that time disappointed of his purpose : and therefore hauing fortified his campe , hee began to make preparation for a siege . the night following the whole multitude of the suessones , that had escaped by flight , were receiued into the towne : howbeit when the vineae were with great expedition brought vnto the wall , the mount raised , and the turrets built ; the galles being amazed at the highnes of the workes , such as they had neuer seene nor heard of before , and the speede which was made in the dispatch thereof , sent ambassadours to caesar , to treate of giuing vp the towne , and by the mediation of the men of rheimes obtained their suite . the first observation . in this relation we may obserue the industrious art , which the romans vsed in assaulting , and taking holdes and townes ; wherein we find three sortes of engines described , vinea , agger , and turres . vinea is thus described by vegetius : a little strong built house or houell , made of light wood , that it might be remoued with greatest ease ; the roofe was supported with diuers pillars of a foote square , vvherof the formost were foot high , and the hindmost ; and betweene euerie one of these pillars , there was foot distance : it was alwaies made with a double roofe ; the first or lower roofe was of thicke plankes , and the vpper roofe of hurdles , to breake the force of a waight , without further shaking or disioyning the building : the sides were likewise walled with hurdles , the better to defend the soldiers that vvere vnder it : the vvhole length vvas about foot , and the breadth : the vpper roofe vvas commonly couered vvith greene or raw hides , to keepe it from burning , many of these houels vvere ioined together in ranke , vvhen they went about to vndermine a vval : the higher end was put next vnto the wal , that all the waights which vvere throwen vpon it might easily tumble down , without any great hurt to the engine : the foure sides and groundsils , had in euery corner a vvheele , & by them they vvere driuen to any place as occasion serued : the chiefest vse of them vvas to couer and defend the souldiers , as they vndermined or ouerthrew a vval . this engine vvas called vinea , which signifieth a vine , for it sheltered such as vvere vnder the roofe thereof , as a vine couereth the place vvhere it groweth . agger ; vvhich vve call a mount , is described in diuers histories to be a hil or eleuation made of earth and other substance , vvhich by little and little was raised forward , vntil it approched neare vnto the place , against which it vvas built ; that vpon this mount they might erect fortresses and turrets , and so fight with an aduantage of height . the matter of this mount , vvas earth and stones , fagots , and timber . iosephus saith , that at the siege of ierusalem , the romans cut downe al the trees vvithin mile compasse , for matter and stuffe to make a mount . the sides of this agger vvere of timber to keepe in the loose matter ; the forepart which was towards the place of seruice , was open without any timber worke : for on that part they stil raised it & brought it nearer the wals . that which was built at massilia vvas foot high , and that at auaricum foot high and foote broad . iosephus and egesippus writ , that there was a fortresse in iudea , cubites high , which sulla purposing to vvin by assault , raised a mount cubites high ; and vpon it , he built a castle of stone cubites high , and cubites broad ; and vpon the said castell he erected a turret of cubites in hight , and so took the fortresse . the romans oftentimes raised these mounts in the mouth of a hauen , and commonly to ouer-toppe a towne , that so they might fight with much aduantage . amongst other engines , in vse amongst the romans , their moueable turrets were verie famous ; for they were built in some safe place out of danger , and with wheeles put vnder them , were driuen to the walles of the towne . these turrets were of two sortes , either great or little : the lesser sort are described , by vitruuius , to be cubites high ; and the square side cubites ; the breadth at the top was a fift part , of the breadth at the base ; and so they stood sure without any danger of falling : the corner pillars were at the base , inches square ; & inches at the top : there were commonly stories in these little turrets , & windowes in euerie storie . the greater sort of towers were cubites high , and the square side was cubites , the breadth at the top was a fift part of the hase ; and in euerie one of these were commonly stories . there was not one and the same distance kept betweene the stories , for the lowest commonly was cubites , and inches high : the highest storie cubites , and the rest cubites , and a third . in euerie one of these stories , were souldiers and engines , ladders , and casting bridges , by which they got vpon the wall and entered the towne . the forepart of these turrets were couered with yron , and wet couerings , to saue them from fire . the souldiers that remoued the tower to and fro , were alwaies within the square thereof , and so they stood out of danger . the new water-worke by broken wharfe in london much resembleth one of these towers . the second observation . vpon the building of these mightie engines , it was no maruell if the suessones submitted themselues to such powerfull industrie . for whatsoeuer is strange and vnusuall , doth much affrighte the spirits of an enemie , and breede a motion of distrust and diffidencie , when as they finde themselues ignorant of such warlike practises : for noueltie alwaies breedeth wonder , in as much as the true reasons and causes being vnknowen , we apprehend it , as diuers from the vsuall course of thinges , and so stand gazing at the strangenesse thereof : and wonder as it addeth worth to the noueltie ; so it inferreth diffidencie , and so consequently feare , the vtter enemie of martiall valour . chap. viii . caesar carieth his armie to the territories of the bellouaci , ambiani and the neruij . caesar taking for pledges the chiefest of their cittie , vpon the deliuerie of all their armes , receiued the suessones to mercie : and from thence led his armie against the bellouaci ; who hauing conuaied both themselues and their goods into the towne , called bratispantium , and vnderstanding that caesar was come within fiue mile of the place , all the elder sort came foorth to meete him , signifying their submission , by their lamentable demeanour . for these diuitiacus became a mediator ( who after the belgae had broken vp their campe , had dismissed his heduan forces and was returned to caesar ) the hedui ( saith he ) haue alwaies found in the bellouaci , a faithfull and friendly disposition to their state : and if they had not beene betraied by their nobilitie , ( who made them beleeue , that the hedui were brought in bondage by the romaines , and suffered all villanie and despight at their handes , ) they had neuer withdrawne themselues from the hedui , nor consented to conspire against the romaines . the authors of this counsel , perceiuing into what great miserie they had brought their countrey , were fled into britanie : wherfore not onelie the bellouaci , but the hedui also in their behalfe besought him to vse his clemencie towardes them . caesar in regarde of the hedui and diuitiacus , promised to receiue them to mercie ; but forasmuch as the state was verie great and populous , hee demanded . hostages : which being deliuered , and their armour brought out of the towne , he marched from thence into the coast of the ambiani , who without further lingering , gaue both themselues and al that they had into his power . vpon these bordered the neruij , of whom caesar found this much by inquirie , that there was no recourse of marchants vnto them ; neither did they suffer any wine , or what thing else might tende to riot , to bee brought into their countrey : for they were persuaded , that by such thinges their courage was much abated , and their vertue weakened . further , he learned that these neruij were a sauage people , and of great valour , often accusing the rest of the belgae , for yeelding their neckes to the romaine yoake , openly affirming , that they would neither sende ambassadors nor take peace vpon any condition . caesar hauing marched three daies iourney in their countrey , he vnderstood that the riuer * sabis was not past ten miles from his campe ; and that on the further side of this riuer , all the neruij were assembled together , and there attended the comming of the romaines : with them were ioined the attrebatij , and veromandui , whom they had persuaded to abide the same fortune of warre with them . besides , they expected a power from the aduatici ; the women and such as were vnmeete for the fielde , they bestowed in a place vnaccessible for any armie , by reason of fens and bogs , and marishes . vpon this intelligence , caesar sent his discouerers and centurions before , to choose out a fit place to incampe in . now whereas many of the surrendred belgae , and other galles were continuallie in the romaine army , certaine of these ( as it was afterward known by the captiues ) obseruing the order which the romaines vsed in marching , came by night to the neruij and tolde them , that betweene euerie legion went a great sort of cariages ; and that it was no matter of difficultie , assoone as the first legion was come into the campe , and the other legions yet a great way off , to set vpon them , vpon a suddaine , before they were disburdened of their cariages ; and so to ouerthrowe them : which legion being thus cut off , and their stuffe taken , the rest would haue smal courage to stande against them . it much furthered this aduice , that , forasmuch as the neruij were not able to make any power of horse , that they might the better resist the caualrie of their borderers , whensoeuer they made any roade into their marches ; their manner was to cut yong trees halfe asunder , & bowing the tops down to the ground , plashed the boughes in breadth , and with thornes and briers planted between them , they made them so thicke , that it was impossible to see through them , so hard it was to enter or passe through them ; so that , when by this occasion , the passage of the romaine army must needes be hindred , the neruij thought the foresaid counsell not to be neglected . caesars march where in euery legion had his cariadges in front caesars march where the enemy was neerer at hand the place which the romaines chose to incampe in , was a hill , of like leuell from the top to the bottome , at the foot whereof ran the riuer sabis : and with the like leuell , on the other side , rose an other hill directly against this , to the quantity of . paces ; the bottom whereof was plaine and open , and the vpper part so thicke with wood , that it could not easilie be looked into : within these woods the neruians kept themselues close , and in the open grounde , by the riuer side were onely seene a fewe troupes of horse , and the riuer in that place was about . foot deepe , caesar sending his horsemen before , followed after with all his power ; but the maner of his march differed from the report which was brought to the neruii : for inasmuch as the enemy was at hand ; caesar ( as his custom was ) led . legions alwaies in areadines , without burthen or cariage of any thing , but their armes : after them hee placed the impediments of the whole army . and the two legions which were last inrolled were a rereward to the army , and garded the stuffe . observations . this trecherous practise of the surrendred belgae , hath fortunatelie discouered the maner of caesars march , as well in safe passages , as in dangerous and suspected places : which is a point of no smal consequence in martiall discipline , being subiect to so many inconueniences , and capable of the greatest arte that may be shewed in managing a war. concerning the discreet cariage of a march ; by this circumstance it may bee gathered , that caesar principally respected safetie : and secondly conueniency . if the place affoorded a secure passage , and gaue no suspicion of hostilitie , hee was content in regarde of conueniency , to suffer euery legion to haue the ouersight of their particular cariages , and to insert them among the troupes , that euery man might haue at hand such necessaries as were requisite , either for their priuate vse or publike discipline . but if he were in danger of any sodain attempt , or stood in hazard to be impeached by an enemy ; hee then omitted conuenient disposition , in regard of particular vse , as disaduantageous to their safety : & caried his legions in that readines , that if they chanced to be ingaged by an enemy , they might without any alteration of their march , or incumbrance of their cariages receiue the charge , in that forme of battell , as was best approoued by their military rules , & the ancient practise of their fortunate progenitors . the old romains obserued likewise the same respects , for in vnsafe & suspected places , they caried their troupes agmine quadrato , which as liuie seemeth to note , was free from all cariage and impediments , which might hinder them in any sodaine alarum . neither doth that of * hirtius any way cōtradict this interpretation , where he saith , that caesar so disposed his troupes against the bellouaci , that . legions marched in front , & after them came al the cariages , to which the . legion serued as a rereward ; & so they marched , pene agmine quadrato . * seneca in like maner noteth the safety of agmen quadratū , where he saith , that where an enemie is expected , wee ought to march agmine quadrato , readie to fight . the most material consequence of these places alleadged is , that as ofte as they suspected anie onset or charge , their order in a march little or nothing differed from their vsuall maner of imbattailing ; and therefore it was called agmen quadratum , or a square march , inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts , as were obserued in quadrata acie . for that triple forme of imbattailing , which the romaines generally obserued in their fights , hauing respect to the distances between each battel , contained almost an equal dimension of front and file : and so it made aciem quadratam ; and when it marched , agmen quadratum . polybius expresseth the same in effect , as often as the place required circumspection ; but altereth it somewhat in regard of the cariages : for he saith that in time of danger , especially where the countrey was plaine and chāpion , and gaue space & free scope to cleere themselues , vpon anie accident , the romains marched in a triple battel , of equal distāce one behind an other , euery battel hauing his seueral cariages in front : and if they were by chance attacked by an enemy , they turned themselues according to the oportunity of the place , either to the right or left hande , and so placing their cariages on the one side of their army , they stood imbattailed ready to receiue the charge . the contrary forme of marching , where the place afforded more security , & gaue scope to conueniency , they named agmen longum ; when almost euery maniple or order , had their seueral cariages attending vpon them , & stroue to keep that way which they found most easie , both for thēselues & their impediments . which order of a march , as it was more commodius then the former , in regard of particularity , so was it vnsafe and dangerous , where the enemy was expected : and therfore caesar much blamed sabinus and cotta , for marching , when they were deluded by ambiorix , longissimo agmine ; as though they had receiued their aduertisements from a friend , and not from an enemy . and albeit our moderne wars are far different , in quality , frō them of ancient times ; yet in this point of discipline , they cannot haue a more perfect direction , then that which the romaines obserued , as the two poles of their motions , safety and conueniency : whereof the first dependeth chiefely vpon the prouident disposition of the leaders ; and the other wil easily follow on , as the commodity of euerie particular shal giue occasion . concerning safety in place of danger , what better course can bee taken then that maner of imbattailing , which shall be thought most conuenient , if an enemy were present to confront them ? for a well ordered march must either carie the perfect forme of a battell , or containe the distinct principles and elements thereof , that with little alteration it may receiue that perfection of strength , which the fittest disposition can affoord it . first therefore , a prudent and circumspect leader , that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march , is diligentlie to obserue the nature and vse of each weapon in his army , howe they may be placed for greatest vse and aduantage , both in respect of their different and concurring qualities , as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed : and this knowledge will consequentlie inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattailing , as the said forces are capable of ; which if it may be obserued in a march , is no way to be altered . but if this exactnes of imbattailing wil not admit conuenient cariage of such necessarie adiuncts , as pertaine to an armie ; the inconuenience is to bee relieued , with as little alteration from that rule , as in a warie iudgment shall be found expedient : that albeit the forme be somewhat changed ; yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safetie consisteth , maie still be retained . neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point : he may exemplifie the practises of manie great and experienced commanders ; what sort of weapon marched in front , and what in the rereward , in what part of the armie the munition marched , and where the rest of the cariage was bestowed , according as their seuerall iudgments thought most expedient , in the particular nature of their occurrences . but the issue of all will fall out thus ; that he that obserued this rule before prescribed , did seldome miscarrie through an vnsafe march . let a good martialist well know their proper vse in that diuersity of weapons in his armie ; how they are seruiceable or disaduantageous , in this or that place , against such or such an enemie : and he will speedily order his battell , dispose of his march , and bestow his cariages , as shall best fall out both for his safetie , and conueniencie . caesars custome was , to send his caualrie and light armed footmen , before the body of his armie , both to discouer and impeach an enemie ; for these troupes were nimble in motion and fit for such seruices : but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front , the horsemen marched in the tayle of the armie , and gaue securitie where there was most cause of feare . but if it happened that they were found vnfit to make good the seruice in that place , as oftentimes it fell out , and especially in africa against the numidians : he then remoued them , as he best found it conuenient , and brought his legionarie souldiers , which were the sinewes and strength of his forces , and marched continually in the bulke of the armie , to make good that which his horsemen could not performe . and thus he altered the antique prescription , and vniformitie of custome , according as he found himselfe best able to disaduantage an enemie , or make waie to victorie . chap. ix . the romans begin to fortifie their campe : but are interrupted by the neruij . caesar maketh haste , to prepare his forces to battell . the roman horsemen , with the slingers and archers , passed ouer the riuer , and incountered the caualrie of the enemie : who at first retired backe to their companies in the wood , and from thence sallied out againe vpon them : but the romans durst not pursue them further then the plaine and open ground : in the meane time the sixe legions that were in front , hauing their worke measured out vnto them , began to fortifie their campe . but assoone as the neruij perceiued their former cariages to be come in sight , which was the time appointed amongst them to giue the charge , as they stood imbattailed within the thicket , so they rushed out with all their forces , and assaulted the roman horsemen : which being easily beaten backe , the neruij ranne downe to the riuer , with such an incredible swiftnesse , that they seemed at the same instant of time to bee in the woods at the riuer , and charging the legions on the other side : for with the same violence , hauing passed the riuer , they ranne vp the hill to the roman campe , where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment . caesar had all partes to plaie at one instant , the flagge to be hung out , by which they gaue the souldiers warning to take armes , the battell to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet , the souldiers to be recalled from their worke , and such as were gone farre off to get turfe and matter for the rampier , to bee sent for ; the battell to be ordered , his men to be incouraged , and the signe of battell to be giuen : the most of which were cut off by shortnesse of time , and the sudden assault of the enemie . the first observation . as the romans excelled all other nations in many good customes ; so especially in their campe-discipline , they stroue to be singular : for it seemed rather an academie , or a citie of ciuill gouernment , then a campe of souldiers : so carefull were they both for the safetie , and skilfull experience of their men at armes . for touching the first , they neuer suffered their souldiers to lodge one night without a campe ; wherein they were inclosed with ditch and a rampier , as in a walled towne : neither was it any newe inuention or late found out custome in their state , but in vse amongst the auncient romans , and in the time of their kinges ; their manner of incamping was included within these circumstances . the centurions , that went before to choose out a conuenient place , hauing found a fit situation for their campe , first assigned the standing for the emperours pauillion , which was commonly in the most eminent place of the campe ; from whence he might easily ouerview all the other partes , or any alarum or signum pugnae , might from thence be discouered to all quarters . this pauillion was knowne by the name of praetorium , for as much as amongst the auncient romans the generall of their armie was called praetor : in this place where the praetorium was to be erected , they stucke vp a white ensigne , and from it they measured euerie waie foote , and so they made a square containing foot in euerie side , the area , or content whereof , was almost an acre of ground : the forme of the praetorium was round and high , being as eminent among the other tentes , as a temple is amongst the priuate buildings of a cittie : and therefore iosephus compareth it to a church . in this praetorium was their tribunal or chaire of the estate , and the place of diuination , which they called augurale , with other appendices of maiestie and authoritie . betweene the tentes of the first maniples in euerie legion and the praetorium , there went a waie of foote in breadth throughout the whole campe ; which was called principia ; in this place the tribunes sate to heare matters of iustice ; the souldiers exercised themselues at their weapons , and the leaders and chiefe commanders frequented it as a publike place of meeting ; and it was helde for a reuerent and sacred place , and so kept with a correspondent decencie . on either side the emperours pauillion , in a direct line to make euen & straight the vpper side of the principia , the tribunes had their tentes pitched , euerie tribune confronting the head of the legion whereof he was tribune : aboue them , towardes the head of the campe , were the legates and treasurer : the vpper part of the campe was strengthened with some select cohorts and troupes of horse , according to the number of legions that were in the armie . polybius describing the manner of incamping which the romans vsed in his time , when as they had commonly but two legions in their armie , with as manie associates , placeth the ablecti and extraordinarij , which were select bandes and companies , in the vpper part of the campe ; and the associates on the outsides of the legions . the ditch and the rampier , that compassed the whole campe about , was foote distant from any tent : vvhere of polybius giueth these reasons ; first , that the souldiers marching into the campe in battell array , might there dissolue themselues into maniples , centuries , and decuries , without tumult or confusion : for order was the thing which they principally respected , as the life and strength of their martiall body . and againe , if occasion vvere offered to sallie out vpon an enemie , they might verie conueniently in that spatious roome , put themselues into companies and troupes : and if they vvere assaulted in the night , the dartes and fire vvorkes , vvhich the enemie should cast into their campe , would little indammage them , by reason of the distance betweene the rampier and the tentes . their tentes were all of skinnes and hides , helde vp with props , and fastened with ropes : there were souldiers , as vegetius saith , in euerie tent , and that societie was called contubernium , of whom the chiefest was named decanus , or caput contubernij . the ditch and the rampier were made by the legions , euerie maniple hauing his part measured out , and euerie centurion ouerseeing his centurie ; the approbation of the whole worke belonged to the tribunes . their maner of intrenching was this : the soldiors being girt with their swords and daggers , digged the ditch about the campe , which was alwaies foot in breadth at the least , and as much in depth , casting the earth thereof inward ; but if the enemy were not farre off , the ditch was alwaies . or . or . foot in latitude , & altitude ; according to the discretion of the general : but what scantling soueer was kept , the ditch was made directis lateribus , that is , as broad in the bottome as at the top . the rampier from the brim of the ditch was three foot in heighth , and sometimes foure , made after the maner of a wall , with greene turfes cut all to one measure , halfe a foot in thicknesse , a foot in breadth , and a foot and a halfe in length . but if the place , wherein they were incamped , would afford no such turfe ; they then strengthened the loose earth , which was cast out of the ditch , with boughs and fagots , that it might be strong and wel fastened . the rampier they properly called agger : the outside whereof , which hung ouer the ditch , they vsed to stick with thicke and sharpe stakes , fastened deep in the mound , that they might be firme ; and these for the most part were forked stakes , which made the rampier very strong , and not to be assaulted but with great difficulty . varro saith , that the front of the rampier thus stucke with stakes , was called vallum , a varicando , for that no man could stride or get ouer it . the campe had foure gates , the first was called praetoria porta , which was alwaies behind the emperours tent : and this gate did vsually looke either toward the east , or to the enemy , or that way that the army was to march . the gate on the other side of the campe opposite to this , was called porta decumana a decimis cohortibus , for the tenth or last cohort of euery legion , was lodged to confront this gate : by this gate the soldiours went out to fetch their wood , their water , and their forrage , and this waie their offendours were caried to execution . the other two gates were called portae principales , forasmuch as they stoode opposite to either ende of that so much respected place , which they called principia , onely distinguished by these titles , laeua principalis and dextra , all these gates were shut with doores , and in standing campes fortified with turrets , vpon which were planted engines of defence , as balistae , catapultae , tolenones and such like . porta proetoria the romaine campe the vse and commodity of this incamping , i briefely touched in my first booke : but if i were worthie any way to commend the excellency thereof to our moderne soldiours , or able by perswasion to restablish the vse of incamping in our warres ; i woulde spare no paines to atchieue so great a good , and vaunt more in the conquest of negligence , then if my sense had compassed a new found out meanes ; and yet reason would deeme it a matter of small difficultie , to gaine a point of such worth , in the opinion of our men , especiallie when my discourse shall present security to our forces , and honour to our leaders , maiestie to our armies , and terrour to our enmies , wonderment to strangers , and victorie to our nation . but sloth hath such interest in this age , that it commendeth vaine glory and foole-hardinesse , contempt of vertue , and derision of good discipline , to repugne the dessignes of honour , and so far to ouermaister reason , that it suffereth not former harmes to beare witnesse against errour , nor correct the ill atchieuements of ill directions : and therefore ceasing to vrge this pointe anie further , i wil leaue it to the careful respect of the wise . the second observation . the fury of the enemy , and their sodaine assault , so disturbed the ceremonies which the romaine discipline obserued , to make the soldiours trulie apprehend the waight and importance of that action , which might cast vppon their state either soueraignty or bondage ; that they were all for the most part omitted ; notwithstanding they are here noted vnder these titles , the first was vexillum proponendum , quod erat insigne cum ad arma concurri oporteret : for when the generall had determined to fight , hee caused a skarlet coate or red flag to bee hung out vpon the top of his tent , that by it the soldiours might be warned , to prepare themselues for the battell ; and this was the first warning they had , which by a silent aspect presented bloud and execution to their eyes , as the onlie meanes to worke out their owne safetie , and purchase eternall honour . the second was signum tuba dandum ; this warning was a noise of manie trumpets , which they tearmed by the name of classicum a calando , which signifieth calling : for after the eie was filled with species sutable to the matter intended ; they then hasted to possesse the eare , and by the sense of hearing to stir vp warlike motions , and fil them with resolute thoughts , that no diffident or base conceites might take hold of their mindes . the third was , milites cohortandi , for it was thought conuenient to confirme this valour , with motiues of reason , which is the strength and perfection of al such motions . the vse and benefit whereof i somewhat inlarged in the heluetian warre , and could affoord much more labour to demonstrate the commoditie of this part , if my speech might carrie credit in the opinion of our souldiers , or be thought worthie regard to men so much addicted to their owne fashions . the last was signum dandum , which , as some thinke , was nothing but a word , by which they might distinguish and know themselues from their enemies . hirtius in the war of afrike saith , that caesar gaue the word felicitie ; brutus and cassius gaue libertie ; others haue giuen virtus , deus nobiscum , triumphus imperatoris , and such like wordes , as might be ominous to a good successe : besides these particularities , the manner of their deliuerie gaue a great grace to the matter . and that was distinguished by times , and cues : whereof caesar now complaineth ; that all these were to be done at one instant of time : for without all controuersie , there is no matter of such consequence in it selfe , but may bee much graced with ceremonies and complements , which like officers or attendants ad much respect and maiestie to the action ; which otherwise being but barely presented , appeareth farre meaner and of lesse regard . chap. x. the battell betweene caesar and the neruij . in these difficulties , two things were a help to the romans ; the one was , the knowledge and experience of the souldiers : for by reason of their practise in former battels , they could as well prescribe vnto themselues , what was to be done , as any other commander could teach them . the other was , that notwithstanding caesar had giuen commandement to euerie legate , not to leaue the worke or forsake the legions , vntill the fortifications were perfited ; yet when they sawe extremitie of danger , they attended no countermaund from caesar : but ordered all thinges as it seemed best to their owne discretion . caesar hauing commanded such thinges as he thought necessarie , ranne hastelie to incourage his souldiers , and by fortune came to the tenth legion , where he vsed no further speech , then that they should remember their ancient valour , and valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies . and for as much as the enemie was no further off , then a weapon might be cast to incounter them , he gaue them the signe of battell : and hastening from thence to another quarter , he found them alreadie closed and at the incounter . for the time was so short and the enemie so violent , that they wanted leasure to put on their headpieces , or to vncase their targets : and what part they lighted into from their worke , or what ensigne they first met withall , there they staied ; least in seeking out their owne companies , they should loose that time as was to be spent in fighting . the armie being imbattailed rather according to the nature of the place , the decliuitie of the hill , and the breuitie of time , then according to the rules of art ; as the legions incountered the enemie in diuers places at once , the perfect view of the battell being hindered by those thicke hedges before spoken of , there could no succors be placed any where ; neither could any man see what was needful to be done : & therfore in so great vncertainty of things , there happened diuers casualties of fortune . the soldiers of the ninth and tenth legion , as they stood in the left part of the army , casting their piles , with the aduantage of the hil , did driue the attrebatij , breathles with running & wounded in the incounter , down into the riuer ; & as they passed ouer the water , slew many of them with their swordes : neither did they sticke to follow after them ouer the riuer , and aduenture into a place of disaduantage , where the battell being renewed againe by the enemie , they put them to flight the second time . in like maner two other legions , the and the , hauing put the veromandui from the vpper ground , fought with them vpon the bankes of the riuer ; and so the front & the left part of the campe was well neere left naked . for in the right cornet were the and the legions , where as all the neruij , vnder the conduct of boduognatus , were heaped together ; and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side , and other some to possesse themselues of the highest part of the campe . at the same time the roman horsemen , and the light armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them , and were at first all put to flight by the enemie , as they were entering into the campe , met with their enemies in the face , and so were driuen to flie out another way . in like manner , the pages and souldiers boies , that from the decumane port and toppe of the hill , had seene the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit ouer the riuer , and were gone out to gather pillage , when they looked behind them , and saw the enemie in their campe ; betooke them to their heeles as fast as they could . which accident so terrified the horsemen of the treuiri ( who for their prowesse were reputed singular amongst the galles , and were sent thither by their state , to aide the romans ) first when they perceiued the roman campe to be possest , by a great multitude of the enemie , the legions to be ouercharged and almost inclosed about , the horsemen , slingers , and numidians to be dispersed and fled , that without anie further expectation they tooke their waie homeward , and reported to their state , that the romans were vtterly ouerthrowen . caesar departing from the tenth legion , to the right cornet , found his men exceedingly ouercharged , the ensignes crowded together into one place , and the souldiers of the legion so thicke thronged on a heape , that they hindered one another ; all the centurions of the fourth cohort being slaine , the ensigne bearer kild and the ensigne taken , and the centurions of the other cohorts either slaine , or sore wounded ; amongst whom pub. sextus baculus , the primipile of that legion , a valiant man , so grieuously wounded , that he could scarce stand vpon his feete ; the rest not verie forward , but many of the hindmost turning taile and forsaking the field ; the enemie on the other side , giuing no respite in front , although he fought against the hill , nor yet sparing the open side , and the matter brought to a narrow issue , without any meanes or succour , to relieue them : he tooke a target from one of the hindmost souldiers ( for he himselfe was come thither without one ) and pressing to the front of the battell , called the centurions by name , and incouraging the rest , commanded the ensignes to be aduanced toward the enemie , and the maniples to be inlarged , that they might with greater facilitie and readinesse vse their swordes . the first observation . this publius sextus baculus was the chiefest centurion of the legion , being the first centurion of that maniple of the triarij , that was of the first cohort in that legion ; for that place was the greatest dignitie that could happen to a centurion ; and therefore he was called by the name of centurio primipili , or simplie primipilus , and sometimes primopilus , or primus centurio . by him were commonly published , the mandates and edicts of the emperour , and tribunes : and therefore the rest of the centurions , at all times had an eie vnto him ; and the rather for that the eagle , which was the peculiar ensigne of euerie legion , was committed to his charge and carried in his maniple . neither was this dignitie , without speciall commoditie , as may be gathered out of diuers authors . we reade further , that it was no disparagement for a tribune , after his tribunality was expired , to be a primipile in a legion ; notwithstanding , there was a law made , i know not vpon what occasion , that no tribune should afterward be primipile . but let this suffice concerning the office and title of p. s. baculus . the second observation . and heere i may not omit to giue the target any honour i may , and therefore i will take occasion to describe it in caesars hand , as in the place of greatest dignitie , and much honouring the excellencie therof . polybius maketh the target to containe two foot and an halfe in breadth , ouerthwart the conuexsurface thereof ; and the length foure foote , of what forme or fashion soeuer they were of : for the romans had two sortes of targets amongst their legionarie , the first caried the proportion of that figure , which the geometricians call ouall , a figure of an vnequall latitude , broadest in the midst , and narrow at both the endes , like vnto an egge , described in plano : the other sorte was of an equall latitude , and resembled the fashion of a guttertile ; and thereupon was called scutum imbricatum . the matter whereof a target was made , was a double board , one fastened vpon another , with lint and buls glew ; and couered with an oxe hide , or some other stiffe leather ; the vpper and lower part of the target were bound about with a plate of yron , to keepe it from cleauing ; and in the middest there was a bosse of yron or brasse , which they called vmbo . romulus brought them in first amongst the romans , taking the vse of them from the sabines . the wood whereof they were made , was for the most part either sallow , alder , or figtree : whereof plinie giueth this reason , for as much as these trees are colde and waterish , and therefore any blow or thrust that was made vpon the wood , was presently contracted and shut vp againe . but for as much as the target was of such reputation amongst the roman armes , and challenged such interest in the greatest of their empire , let vs enter a little into the consideration of the vse and commoditie thereof ; which cannot be better vnderstood , then by that conference , which polybius hath made betweene the weapons of the romans and the macedonians : and therefore i haue thought it good to insert it in these discourses . and thus it followeth . of the difference of the roman and macedonian weapons . i promised in my sixt book that i would make a comparison , between the weapons of the romans , and macedonians . and that i would likewise write of the disposition of either of their armies ; how they do differ one from another : & in what regard , the one , or the other , were either inferiour , or superiour : which promise i wil now with diligence endeuour to performe . and for as much as the armies of the macedonians haue giuen so good testimonies of themselues by their actions , by ouercomming the armies as wel of those of asia , as of greece ; and that the battailes of the romans haue conquered , as well those of africa as all the easterne countries of europe : it shall not be amisse , but very profitable , to search out the difference of either ; especially seeing that these our times haue not once , but many times seene triall , both of their battailes and forces ; that knowing the reason why , the romans do ouercome , and in their battailes carie awaie the better : we doe not as vaine men were wont to do , attribute the same to fortune , and esteeme them without reason happy victors ; but rather looking into the true causes , we giue them their due praises , according to the direction of reason , and sound iudgment . concerning the battels betweene hanniball and the romans ; and concerning the romans their losses , there is no neede that i speake much . for their losses are neither to be imputed to the defect of their armes , or disposition of their armies ; but to the dexteritie and industrie of hanniball : but wee haue entreated therof when we made mention of the battels themselues , and the end it selfe of that warre doth especiallie confirme this our opinion . for vvhen they had gotten a captaine equall vvith hanniball , euen consequentlie vvith all his victories vanished . and hee had no sooner ouercome the romans , but by and by , reiecting his owne weapons , hee trained his armie to their weapons , and so taking them vp in the beginning , he continued them on vnto the ende . and pyrrhus in his war against the romans , did vse both their weapons and order , and made as it were a medlie both of the cohort , and phalanx : but notwithstanding it serued him not to get the victory , but alwaies the euent by some meanes or other , made the same doubtfull : concerning whom it were not vnfit , that i should saie something , least in being altogether silent , it might seeme to preiudice this mine opinion . but notwithstanding i will hasten to my purposed comparison . now touching the phalanx , if it haue the disposition , and forces proper to it , nothing is able to oppose it selfe against it , or to sustaine the violence thereof ; as maie easily by many documents be approued . for when an armed man doth stand firme in the space of three foote in so thicke an array of battell , and the length of their pikes being according to the first basis , or scantling sixteene foote ; but according to the true and right conueniencie of them , cubits , out of which are taken foure allowed for the space betweene the left hand , which supporteth the same , and the butte ende thereof , vvhiles he standes in a readinesse to attend the incounter : being thus ordered , i saie , it is manifest that the length of tenne cubites doth extend it selfe before the bodie of euerie armed man , where with both his handes he doth aduance it readie to charge the enemie : by vvhich meanes it followeth , that some of the pikes doe not onely extend themselues before the second , third , and fourth ranke , but some before the formost , if the phalanx haue his proper and due thicknesse , according to his naturall disposition , both on the sides and behinde , as homer maketh mention vvhen he saith , that one target doth enclose and fortifie another ; one headpiece is ioyned to another , that they maie stande vnited and close together . these circumstances being rightly and truely set downe , it must follow , that the pikes of euerie former ranke in the phalanx , doe extend themselues two cubites before each other , which proportion of difference they haue betweene themselues : by which maie euidently be seene the assault , and impression of the whole phalanx , what it is , and what force it hath , consisting of rankes in depth , or thicknesse ; the excesse of which number of rankes aboue fiue . for as much as they cannot commodiously couch their pikes , without the disturbance of the former , the points of them not being long inough to enlarge themselues beyond the formost rankes , they grow vtterly vnprofitable , and cannot man , by man , make any impression , or assault : but serue onely , by laying their pikes vpon the shoulders of those which stand before them , to sustaine and hold vp the swaies and giuing backe of the former rankes , which stand before them to this end , that the front may stand firme and sure ; and with the thicknes of their pikes they doe repell all those dartes , which passing ouer the heads of those that stand before , would annoy those rankes which are more backward . and farther by mouing forward , with the force of their bodies , they doe so presse vpon the former , that they doe make a most violent impression . for it is impossible that the formost rankes should giue backe . this therefore being the generall and particular disposition of the phalanx : we must now speake on the contrarie part , touching the properties and differences , as well of the armes , as of the whole disposition of the roman battell . for euerie roman soldier for himselfe , and his weapon is allowed three foot to stand in , and in the incounter , are moued man , by man , euery one couering himselfe with his target ; and mutually moouing whensoeuer there is occasion offered . but those which vse their swordes , do fight in a more thinne and distinct order ; so that it is manifest , that they haue three foote more allowed them to stand in both from shoulder to shoulder , and from backe to bellie , that they maie vse their weapons with the better commoditie . and hence it commeth to passe , that one romaine soldiour taketh vp as much ground , as two of those which are to encounter him of the macedonian phalanx : so that one romain is as it were to oppose himselfe against tenne pikes , which pikes the said one soldior can neither by any agilitie come to offende , or else at handy blowes otherwise annoy : and those which are behinde him , are not onely vnable to repell their force , but also with conueniencie to vse their owne weapons . whereby it may easily be gathered , that it is impossible , that any battaile being assaulted , by the front of a phalanx , should be able to sustaine the violence thereof , if it haue his due and proper composition . what then is the cause that the romaines do ouercome , and that those that doe vse the phalanx are voyde of the hope of victorie ? ( euen from hence ) that the romaine armies haue infinite commodities , both of places , and of times , to fight in . but the the phalanx hath only one time , one place , and one kinde , whereto it may profitablie applie it selfe : so that if it were of necessitie , that their enemy shoulde incounter them at that instant , especiallie with their whole forces , it were questionlesse not only , not without danger , but in al probabilitie likelie , that the phalanx should euer carrie away the better . but if that may be auoided , which is easily done : shal not that disposition then , be vtterlie vnprofitable , and free from all terror ? and it is farther euident , that the phalanx must necessarily haue plaine & champion places , without any hinderances , or impediments ; as ditches , vneuen places , vallies , little hils and riuers : for al these may hinder & disioine it . and it is almost impossible to haue a plaine of the capacity of . stadia , much lesse more , where there shall bee found none of these impediments . but suppose there bee found such places , as are proper for the phalanx : if the enemy refuse to come vnto them , and in the meane time , spoile , and sacke the cities , and countrie round about ; what commodity , or profit shal arise by an army so ordered ? for if it remaine in such places , as hath beene before spoken of ; it can neither relieue their friends , nor preserue themselues . for the conuoies which they expect from their friends , are easily cut off by the enemy , whiles they remaine in those open places . and if it happen at any time , that they leaue them vpon any enterprise , they are then exposed to the enemy . but suppose , that the romaine army should find the phalanx in such places , yet would it not aduēture it selfe in grosse at one instant ; but would by little & little retire it selfe , as doth plainly appeare by their vsual practise . for there must not bee a coniecture of these things by my words only , but especially by that which they do . for they do not so equally frame their battaile , that they doe assault the enemy altogether , making as it were but one front : but part make a stande , and parte charge the enemie , that if at any time the phalanx doe presse them , that come to assault them and bee repelled ; the force of their order is dissolued . for whether they pursue those that retire , or flie from those that do assault them , these doe disioyne themselues from part of their armie ; by which meanes there is a gap opened to their enemies , stauding and attending their opportunitie : so that nowe they neede not anie more to charge them in the front , where the force of the phalanx consisteth : but to assault where the breach is made , both behind , and vpon the sides . but if at any time the romaine armie may keepe his due proprietie , and disposition , the phalanx by the disaduantage of the place , being not able to doe the like : doth it not then manifestlie demonstrate the difference to be great , betweene the goodnes of their disposition , and the disposition of the phalanx ? to this may bee added the necessities imposed vppon an army , which is to march through places of all natures , to encampe themselues , to possesse places of aduantage , to besiege , and to be besieged ; and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in viewe of the enemie : for all these occasions necessarilie accompanie an armie ; and oftentimes are the especial causes of victory , to which the macedonian phalanx is no way fit , or conuenient : forasmuch as neither in their generall order , nor in their particular disposition , without a conuenient place , are able to effect any thing of moment : but the romaine army is apt for all these purposes . for euerie soldiour amongst them , beeing once armed and ready to fight , refuseth no place , time , nor occasion ; keeping alwaies the same order , whether he fight togither with the whole body of the army , or particularlie by himselfe , man to man. and hence it happeneth , that as the commodity of their disposition is aduantagious : so the end doth answere the expectation . these things i thought to speake of at large , because many of the grecians are of an opinion , that the macedonians are not to bee ouercome . and againe , many wondered , how the macedonian phalanx should bee put to the worst by the romaine army , considering the nature of their weapons . thus far goeth polibyus , in comparing the weapons and imbattailing of the romaines , with the vse of armes amongst the macedonians : wherein we see the pike trulie , and exactlie ordered , according as the wise grecians could best proportion it with that forme of battell , which might giue most aduantage to the vse thereof : so that if our squadrons of pikes iumpe not with the perfect manner of a phalanx , ( as wee see they doe not ) they fall so much shorte of that strength , which the wisedome of the grecians and the experience of other nations , imputed vnto it . but suppose wee could allow it that disposition , in the course of our wars , which the nature of the weapon doth require ; yet forasmuch as by the authority of polybius , the said maner of imbattailing is tied to such dangerous circumstances of one time , one place , and one kinde of fight : i hold it not so profitable a weapon , as the practise of our times doth seem to make it , especially in woody countries , such as ireland is ; where the vse is cut off by such inconueniences , as are noted to hinder the managing thereof . and doubtles , if our commanders did but consider of the incongruity of the pike & ireland , they would not proportion so great a number of thē in euery company , as there is ; for commonly halfe the company are pikes , which is as much to saie in the practise of our wars , that halfe the army hath neither offensiue nor defensiue weapōs , but only against a troupe of horse . for they seldom or neuer come to the push of pike , with the foot cōpanies , where they may charge & offende the enemy : & for defence , if the enemy think it not safe to buckle with thē at hād , but maketh more aduantage to play vpon thē a far off with short ; it affordeth smal safety to shake a long pike at them , and stand faire in the meane time , to entertaine a volleie of shot with the body of their battailion . as i make no question , but the pike in some seruices is profitable , as behind a rampier , or at a breach ; so i assure my selfe , there are weapons if they were put to triall , that would counteruaile the pike euen in those seruices , wherein it is thought most profitable . concerning the target , we see it take the hand , in the iudgement of polybius , of all other weapons whatsoeuer , aswell in regard of the diuers and sundrie sortes of imbattailing , as the qualitie of the place whersoeuer : for their vse was as effectuall in small bodies and centuries , as in grosse troupes and great companies ; in thinne and spacious imbattailing , as in thicke thronged testudines . neither could the nature of the place make them vnseruiceable ; for whether it were plaine or couert ; leuel or vnequall ; narrow or large , if there were any commodity to fight , the target was as necessarie to defend , as the sword to offend : besides the conueniency , which accompanieth the target in any necessitie imposed vpon an armie , whether it bee to march through places of all natures , to make a fast march , or a speedie retraite , to incampe themselues , to possesse places of aduantage , to besiege and to be besieged , as polybius saith , with manie other occasions which necessarilie accompanie an armie . the vse of this weapon hath beene too much neglected in these latter ages , but may be happilie renued againe in our nation , if the industrie of such as haue laboured to present it vnto these times , in the best fashion , shall finde anie fauour in the opinion of our commaunders . concerning which target , i must needes saie this much , that the light target will proue the target of seruice , whensoeuer they shall happen to be put in execution : for those which are made proofe , are so heauie and vnwieldie , ( although it be somewhat qualified with such helpes as are annexed to the vse thereof , ) that they ouercharge a man , with an vnsupportable burthen , and hinder his agilitie and execution in fight , with a waight disproportionable to his strēgth . for our offensiue weapons , as namely the hargebusiers and musketiers , are stronger in the offensiue part , then any armes of defence , which may be made manageable and fit for seruice . neither did the romains regard the proofe of their target further , then was thought fit for the readie vse of them in time of battel , as it appeareth in many places , both in the ciuill warres and in these commentaries : for a romaine pile hath often times darted through the target , and the bodie of the man that bare it , and fastened them both to the ground , which is more then a musket can wel do ; for the bullet commonly resteth in the bodie . and although it may be said that this was not cōmon , but rather y e effect of an extraordinary arme ; yet it serueth to proue , that their targets were not proofe to their offensiue weapons , when they were well deliuered and with good direction . for i make no doubt , but in their battailes there were oftentimes some hinderances , which woulde not suffer so violent an effect , as this which i speake of : for in a volley of shotte , wee must not thinke that all the bullets flie with the same force , and fall with the like hurt ; but as armour of good proofe will hardly hold out some of them ; so slender armes and of no proofe , will make good resistance against others . and to conclude , in a battell or incounter at hand , a man shall meete with more occasions , suting the nature and commoditie of this light target , then such as will aduantage the heauie target of proofe , or counteruaile the surplus of waight , which it earieth with it . some men will vrge , that there is vse of this target of proofe , in some places and in some seruices : which i deny not to those , that desire to bee secured from the extremity of peril : but this falleth out in some places and in some particular seruices , and hindereth not but that the vniuersal benefit of this weapon consisteth in the multitude of light targetiers , who are to manage the most important occasions of a warre . this much i am further to note , concerning the sworde of the targetiers , that according to the practise of the romaines , it must alwaies hang on the right side ; for carying the target vpon the left arme , it cannot be that the sword should hang on the left side , but with great trouble and annoiance : and if any man say , that if it hang on the right side , it must bee verie short , otherwise it will neuer bee readilie drawne out . i saie that the sworde of the targetiers , in regard of the vse of that weapon , ought to be of a very short scantling , when as the targetier is to command the point of his sword within the compasse of his target , as such as looke into the true vse of this weapon , wil easily discouer . but let this suffice concerning the vse of the pike and the target . chap. xi . the battell continueth , and in the ende caesar ouercommeth . at the presence of their generall , the soldiours conceiued some better hopes ; and gathering strength and courage againe , when as euery man bestirred himselfe in the sight of the emperour , the brunt of the enemie was a litle staied . caesar perceiuing likewise the seuenth legion , which stood next vnto him , to bee sore ouerlaide by the enemy , commaunded the tribunes by little and little , to ioine the two legions together , and so by ioining backe to backe , to make two contrarie fronts ; and beeing thus secured one by another from feare of being circumuented , they began to make resistance with greater courage . in the meane time the two legions , that were in the rerewarde to guarde the cariages , hearing of the battell , doubled their pace , and were discried by the enemy vpon the top of the hill . and titus labienus , hauing won the campe of the neruij , and beholding from the higher ground what was done on the other side of the reuer , sent the tenth legion to helpe their fellowes , who vnderstanding by the horsemen and lackies that fled , in what case the matter stood , and in what daunger the campe , the legions , and the generall was , made all the haste they possibly could . at whose comming there happened such an alteration and change of things , that euen such as were sunke downe , through extreame griefe of their woundes , or leaned vpon their targets , began againe to fight a fresh , and the pages and the boies perceiuing the enemie amazed , ran vpon them vnarmed , not fearing their weapons : the horsemen also striuing with extraordinarie valour , to wipe away the dishonour of their former flight , thrust themselues in all places before the legionarie souldiers . howbeit the enemie in the vtmost perill of their liues , shewed such manhood , that as fast as the formost of them were ouerthrowen , the next in place bestrid their carkases , and fought vpon their bodies : and these being likewise ouerthrowen , and their bodies heaped one vpon another , they that remained , possest themselues of that mount of dead carkases as a place of aduantage , and from thence threwe their weapons , and intercepting the piles , returned them againe to the romans . by which it may be gathered , that there was great reason to deeme them men of hautie courage , that durst passe ouer so broade a riuer , climbe vp such high rockes , and aduenture to fight in a place of such inequalitie . the battell being thus ended , and the nation and name of the neruij being well neare swallowed vp with destruction , the elder sort with the women and children , that before the battell were conuaied into ilands and bogs , when they heard thereof ; sent ambassadours to caesar , and yeelded themselues to his mercie ; and in laying open the miserie of their state affirmed , that of senatours they had now left but three ; and of fighting men , there was scarce fiue hundred that were able to beare armes . caesar , that his clemencie might appeare to a distressed people , preserued them with great care , granting vnto them the free possession of their townes and country , and streightly commanding their borderers , not to offer them any wrong or iniurie at all . observations . and thus endeth the relation of that great and dangerous battell , which ramus complaineth of as a confused narration : much differing from the direct and methodicall file , of his other commentaries . but if that rule holde good , which learned rhetoritians haue obserued in their oratorie , that an vnperfect thing ought not to be told in a perfect maner ; then by ramus leaue , if any such confusion do appeare , it both sauoureth of eloquence , and wel suteth the turbulent cariage of the action , wherein order and skill gaue place to fortune , and prouidence was swallowed vp with peraduenture . for that which hirtius saith of the ouerthrow he gaue to pharnaces , may as well be said of this ; that he got the victorie , plurimum adiuuante deorum benignitate , qui cum omnibus belli casibus intersunt , tum praecipue ijs quibus nihil ratione potuit administrari . for so it fell out in this battell , and the danger proceeded from the same cause , that brought him to that push in the battell with pharnaces : for he well vnderstood that the neruij attended his comming on the other side the riuer sabis : neither was he ignorant how to fortifie his camp in the face of an enemy , without feare or danger , as we haue seene in his war with ariouistus ; when he marched to the place where he purposed to incamp himselfe with battels , and caused two of them to stand ready in armes to receiue any charge , which the enemy should offer to giue , that the third battell in the meane time might fortifie the camp . which course would easily haue frustrated this stratagem of the neruij , and made the hazard lesse dangerous ; but he little expected any such resolution , so contrarie to the rules of militarie discipline , that an enemie should not sticke to passe ouer so broad a riuer , to clime vp such steepe and high rocks , to aduenture battell in a place so disaduantagious , and to hazard their fortune vppon such inequalities . and therefore , hee little mistrusted any such vnlikelie attempt , wherein the enemy had plotted his owne ouerthrow , if the legions had beene ready to receiue them . which may teach a generall that which caesar had not yet learned , that a leader cannot be too secure in his most assured courses ; nor too carefull in his best aduised directions ; considering that the greatest means may easily bee preuented , and the safest course weakened with an vnrespected circumstance : so powerful are weake occurrences in the maine course of the waightiest actions ; and so infinite are the waies , wherby either wisdom or fortune may worke . neither did this warne him , to prouide for that which an enemy might do , how vnlikelie soeuer it might seeme vnto him , as appeareth by that accident in the battel with pharnaces : which practise of attempting a thing against reason and the arte of warre , hath found good successe in our moderne wars ; as appeareth by the french histories : notwithstanding , it is to be handeled sparingly , as no way sauoring of circumspect and good direction , forasmuch as temeritas non semper felix , as fabius the great answered scipio . the chiefest helpes which the romaines founde , were first the aduantage of the place ; whereof i spake in the heluetian warre . secondlie , the experience , which the soldiours had got in the former battailes , which much directed them in this turbulent assault ; wherein they caried themselues as men acquainted with such casualties : lastly , the valour and vndanted iudgment of the general , which ouerswaied the peril of the battel , and brought it to so fortunate an end . wherin we may obserue , that as in a temperate course , when the issue of the battel rested vpon his directions , he wholy intended warines & circumspection , so in the hazard and peril of good hap , he confronted extremity of danger with extremity of valor , and ouertopt fury , with a higher resolution . chap. xii . the aduatici betake themselues to a strong hold , and are taken by caesar . the * aduatici before mentioned , comming with all their power to aide the neruij , and vnderstanding by the way of their ouerthrow , returned home againe ; and forsaking all the rest of their townes , and castles , conuaied themselues and their wealth into one strong and wel fortified town , which was compassed about with mighty rocks and stiepe downefals , sauing in one place of . foot in breadth , where there was an entry by a gentle and easie ascent , which passage they had fortified with a double wal of a large altitude , and had placed mightie great stones and sharpe beames vpon the walles readie for an assault . this people descended from the cimbri and teutoni , who in their iourney into italy had left such cariages on this side of the rhene , as they coulde not conueniently take along with them , in the custodie of these forces ; who after the death of their fellowes , being many yeares disquieted by their neighbours , somtimes inuading other states , and sometimes defending themselues , at length procured a peace , and chose this place to settle themselues in . at the first comming of the romaine army , they sallied out of the towne , & made many light skirmishes with them : but after that caesar had drawne a rampier about the towne of foot in height , miles in compasse , and had fortified it with castles very thicke about the towne ; they kept themselues within the wall : and as they beheld the vines framed , the mount raised , and a towre in building a far off ; at first they began to laugh at it , and with scoffing speeches frō the wal , began to aske : with what hands , & with what strength , especially by men of that stature ( for the romaines were but little men in respect of the galles ) a towre of that huge massie waight should bee brought vnto the walles ? but when they saw it remoued , and approching neere vnto the towne , as men astonished at the strange and vnaccustomed sight thereof , they sent ambassadors to caesar , to intreat a peace with this message : they beleeued that the romaines did not make war , without the special assistance of the gods , that could with such facility transport engines of that height , & bring them to incounter at hand , against the strongest part of their town : and therfore they submitted both themselues , and all that they had , to caesars mercy ; desiring one thing of his meere clemency , that he would not take away their armes , forasmuch as al their neighbors were enemies vnto them , and enuied at their valour ; neither were they able to defend themselues , if they shoulde deliuer vp their armor : so that they had rather suffer any inconuenience by the people of rome , then to be butcherly murthered by them , whom in former time they had held subiect to their command . to this caesar answered , that hee would saue the city rather of his owne custome , thē for any desert of theirs ; so that they yeelded before the ram touched the wal : but no condition of remedy should be accepted , without present deliuery of their armes ; for he would do by thē as he had done by the neruij , and giue cōmandement to their neighbours , that they should offer no wrong to such , as had commended their safety to the people of rome . this answere being returned to the city , they seemed contented to doe whatsoeuer hee commanded them , and thereupon casting a great part of their armour ouer the wall into the ditch , insomuch as they fild it almost to the top of the rampier : and yet ( as afterward was known ) concealing the third part , they set open the gates , and for that daie caried themselues peaceably . towards night caesar commanded the gates to be shut , and the soldiours to be drawn out of the towne . but the aduatici hauing consulted together before , forasmuch as they beleeued that vpon their submission , the romaines woulde either set no watch at all , or at the least , keepe it verie careleslie ; partlie with such armour as they had retained , and partly with targets , made of barke or wrought of wicker , which vppon the sodaine they had couered ouer with leather , about the third watch where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest ; they issued sodainly out of the towne with al their power : but signification thereof being giuen by fiers , as caesar had commanded , the romains hasted speedilie to that place . the enemy fought very desperatelie , as men in the last hope of their welfare , incountering the romains in a place of disaduantage , at length with the slaughter of . the rest were driuen backe into the towne . the next daie when caesar came to breake open the gates , and found no man at defence , he sent in the soldiors , and sold al the people and spoile of the towne : the number of persons in the towne amounted to . bondslaues . the first observation . in the surprise , attempted by the belgae vpon bibract , i set downe the maner , which both the galles and the romaines vsed in their sodaine surprising of a towne : whereof if they failed ( the place importing any aduantage in the course of the war ) they then prepared for the siege , in that maner , as caesar hath described in this place . they inuironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier , and fortified the saide rampier , with many castles and fortresses , erected in a conuenient distance one from another ; and so they kept the town from any forraine succor or reliefe : and withal secured themselues frō sallies or other stratagerns , which the townsmen might practise against them . and this manner of siege was called circumuallatio ; the particular description wherof , i refer vnto the history of alesia , where i will handle it , according to the particulars there set down by caesar . the second observation . the ram , which caesar heere mentioneth , was of greatest note amongst all the romaine engines , and helde that place which the canon hath in our warres . vitruuius doth attribute the inuention thereof , to the carthagimans , who at the taking of cadiz , wanting a fit instrument to raze and ouerthrow a castle , they tooke a long beame or timber tree , and bearing it vpon their armes and shoulders , with the one end thereof they first brake downe the vppermost ranke of stones : and so descending by degrees , they ouerthrewe the whole towre . the romaines had two sortes of rams , the one was rude and plaine ; the other artificial and compound : the first , is that which the carthaginians vsed at cadiz , and is purtraited in the column of traian at rome . the compound ram is thus described by iosephus ; a ramme ( saith he ) is a mighty great beame , like vnto the mast of a ship , and is strengthned at one end with a head of yron , fashioned like vnto a ram ; and thereof it tooke the name . this ram is hanged by the middest with roapes vnto an other beame , which lieth crosse a couple of pillars , and hanging thus equallie balanced , it is by force of men thrust forward , and recoiled backeward ; and so beateth vpon the wall with his yron heade : neither is there any towre so strong , or wal so broad , that is able to stande before it . the length of this ramme was of a large scantling , for plutarch affirmeth , that anthonie in the parthian warre had a ram eighty foote long : and vitruuius saith , that the length of a ramme was vsuallie . and sometimes ; and this length gaue great strength and force to the engine . it was managed at one time with a whole centurie or order of souldiers : and their forces being spent , they were seconded with another centurie ; and so the ramme plaied continually vpon the wall , without intermission . iosephus saith , that titus , at the siege of ierusalem , had a ramme for euerie legion : it was oftentimes couered with a vine , that the men that managed it might bee in more safety . it appeareth by this place , that if a towne had continued out vntill the ramme had touched the wall , they could not presume of any acceptation of rendrie ; for as much as by their obstinacie , they had brought in perill the liues of their enemies , and were subdued by force of armes , which affoordeth such mercie as the victor pleaseth . the third observation . the aduatici , as it seemeth , were not ignorant of the small securitie , which one state can giue vnto another , that commendeth their safetie to be protected by it : for as architas the pythagorean saith , a bodie , a familie , and an armie are then well gouerned , when they containe within themselues the causes of their safetie ; so we must not looke for anie securitie in a state , when their safetie dependeth vpon a forraine protection . for the olde saying is , that neque murus , neque amicus quisquam teget , quem propria arma non texere . although in this case the matter was well qualified , by the maiestie of the roman empire , and the late victories in the continent of gallia , wherof the hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses : but amongst kingdomes , that are better suted with equalitie of strength & authority , there is small hope of safetie to be looked for , vnlesse the happy gouernment of both do mutually depend vpon the safetie of either nation . for that which polybius obserued in antigonus king of macedonia , taketh place for the most part amongst all princes ; that kinges by nature esteeme no man , either as a friend or an enemie , but as the calculation of profit shall finde them answerable to their proiectes . and contrariwise , it cutteth off many occasions of practises & attempts , when it is knowne that a state is of it selfe able and readie to resist the dessignes of forraine enemies , according to that of manlius : ostendite modo bellum , pacem habebitis : videant vos paratos ad vim , ius ipsi remittent . the fovrth observation . the manner of signifying any motion or attempt by fire , was of great vse in the might leason , where the fortification was of so large an extension : for fire in the night doth appeare far greater then indeed it is , for as much as that part of the aire , which is next vnto the fire , as it is illuminated with the light thereof , in a reasonable distance cannot be discerned from the fire it selfe , and so it seemeth much greater then it is in substance : and contrariwise , in the daie time it sheweth lesse then it is ; for the cleare brightnesse of the aire doth much obscure that light , which proceedeth from a more grosse and materiall bodie : and therefore their custome was to vse fire in the night , and smoake in the daie , suting the transparent middle with a contrarie qualitie , that so it might more manifestly appeare to the beholder . the fift observation . and albeit after the victorie , the romans inflicted diuers degrees of punishment , according to the malice which they found in an enemie ; yet as flauius lucanus saith in liuie , there was no nation more exorable , nor readier to shew mercie , then the romans were . the punishments which we find them to haue vsed towardes a conquered nation , were these ; either they punished them by death , or solde them for bondslaues , sub corona , or dismissed them sub iugum ; or merced them , in taking away their territories ; or made them tributarie states . of the first we finde a manifest example in the third of these commentaries , where caesar hauing ouerthrowne the veneti by sea , in as much as they had retained his ambassadours by force , contrarie to the law of nations , he put all the senate to the sword , and sold the rest sub corona . festus saith , that an enemie was said to be sold sub corona , in as much as the captiues stood crowned in the market place , where they were set out to sale ; as cato saith in his booke de re militari , vt populus sua opera potius ob rem bene gestam coronatus , supplicatum eat ? quam re male gesta coronatus vaeneat . and gellius affirmeth the same thing , but addeth also another reason , for as much as the soldiers that kept them while they were in selling , incircled them round about , to keepe them together ; and this round-about-standing was called corona . festus saith , that oftentimes they vsed a speare ; and therfore they were said to be sold sub hasta : for as much as amongst the greekes , by the speare or pike , was signified the power of armes , and maiestie of empires . when they dismissed them sub iugum , their order was to erect three trees like a paire of gallowes , vnder which they caused all the captiues to passe , as a signe of bondage : for they had so conquered them by force of armes , that they laide vpon their necke the yoake of thraldome . liuie saith , that quintius the dictator dismissed the aequos sub iugum ; and this iugum was made of speares , whereof two were stucke vpright in the ground , and the third was tied ouerthwart them . the souldiers that passed sub iugum , were vngirt , and their weapons taken from them , as festus saith . sometimes againe they tooke awaie their landes and territories , and either solde it for mony , & brought it into the treasurie , or deuided the land amongst the roman people , or let it out to farme rent : of all which liuie hath manie pregnant examples . chap. xiii . crassus taketh in all the maritimate cities that lie to the ocean : the legions are carried into their wintering campes . the same time pub. crassus , whom he had sent with one legion to the maritimate cities that laie to the ocean , aduertised him that al those states had yeelded themselues to the people of rome : the wars being thus ended , and all gallia being setled in peace , there went such a fame of this warre among other barbarous people , that from nations beyond the rhene there came ambassadours to caesar , offering both hostages and obedience to whatsoeuer he commanded them . but caesar willed them to repaire vnto him againe in the beginning of the next sommer , for as much as he then hasted into lumbardie , after he had placed his legions in their wintering campes . for these thinges , vpon the sight of caesars letters , a generall supplication was proclaimed in rome for daies together , which honour before that time had happened to no man. and thus endeth the second commentarie . observations vpon the third booke of caesar his commentaries . the argvment . this commentarie beginneth with an accident , which happened in the latter ende of the former sommer ; wherein the belgae had so leane a haruest : and then it proceedeth to the warre betweene caesar and the veneti ; crassus and the aquitani ; titurius sabinus and the curiosolitae : and titus labienus , with the treuiri . chap. i. sergius galba , being sent to cleere the passage of the alpes , was besieged by the seduni and veragri . caesar taking his iourney into italie , sent sergius galba with the twelfth legion , and part of the horsemen vnto the nantuates , veragri & seduni : whose territories are extended from the riuer rhone , and the lake lemanus , vnto the tops of the highest alpes . the ende of this voyage was chiefely to cleare the alpes of theeues and robbers , that liued by the spoile of passengers that trauelled betweene italie and gallia : galba hauing order , if he found it expedient to winter in those partes , after some fortunate incounters and the taking of some castles and holdes , he concluded a peace , and resolued to place two cohortes of his legion , amongst the nantuates ; and himselfe to winter with the other cohortes , in a towne of the veragri , named octodurus . this towne being sited in a narrow valley , and incircled about with mightie high hils , was deuided by a riuer into two partes , whereof he gaue one part to the galles , and the other he chose for his wintering campe , and fortified it about with a ditch and a rampier . after he had spent many daies of wintering , and giuen order , that corne should be brought thither for prouision ; he had intelligence vpon a sudden , that the galles , in the night time , had all left that part of the towne that was allotted vnto them ; and that the hils which hung ouer the valley , wherein the towne stood , were possest with great multitudes of the seduni , and veragri . the reasons of this sudden commotion were cheefly the paucitie of the roman forces , not making a compleat legion ; for as much as two cohorts wintered amongst the nantuates : besides many particulars , that were wanting vpon necessarie occasions . and to make them more contemptible in regard of themselues , the place affoorded such aduantage , that they were perswaded by reason of the steepe decliuitie of the hill , that the romans would not indure the brunt of the first assault : besides this , it greeued them exceedingly to haue their children taken from them , vnder the title of hostages ; and the alpes , which nature had exempted from habitation , and placed as boundes betweene two large kingdomes , to be seased vpon by the roman legions , and vnited to their prouince . vpon these aduertisements , galba not hauing as yet finished the fortification of his campe , nor made prouision of corne and forrage for the winter season , in that he little feared any motion of warre , being secured of their amitie , and obedience , both by hostages and rendrie : he presently called a councell of warre , to determine what course was best to be taken . in which councell the mindes of many were so amazed , with the terrour of so vnexpected a danger , when they beheld the hils pestered with armed soldiers , the passages taken and intercepted by the enemie , and no hope left of any succour or reliefe , that they could thinke of no other waie for their safetie , then leauing behind them their baggage and impediments , to sallie out of their campe , and so to saue themselues by the same waie they came thither : notwithstanding the greater part concluded , to referre that resolution to the last push ; and in the meane time , to attend the fortune of the euent , and defend the campe . the observation . which aduise although at this time sorted to small effect ; yet it better suted the valour of the romans , and sauoured more of tempered magnanimitie , then that former hazard , which argued the weakenesse of their mindes , by their ouer hastie and too forward resolution . for as it imported greater danger , and discouered a more desperate spirit , to breake through the thickest troupes of their enemies , and so by strong hand to saue themselues by the helpe of some other fortune ; so it manifested a greater apprehension of terrour , and a stronger impression of feare , which can affoord nothing but desperate remedies : for desperate and inconsiderate rashnes riseth sooner of feare , then of any other passion of the mind . but such as beheld the danger with a lesse troubled eie and qualified the terrour of death with the life of their spirite , reseruing extremitie of helpe to extremitie of perill , and in the meane time attended what chances of aduantage might happen vnto them , vpon any enterprise the enemie should attempt ; i say , they so gaue greater scope to fortune and inlarged the boundes of changing accidents . chap. ii. the enemie setteth vpon the wintering campe : galba ouerthroweth them . the councell being dismissed , they had scarce time to put in execution such thinges , as were agreed vpon for their defence : but the enemie at a watchword giuen assaulted the campe , on all sides with stones and dartes , and other casting weapons : the romans at first when their strength was fresh , valiantly resisted the brunt of the charge ; neither did they spend in vaine any weapon which they cast from the rampier ; but what part soeuer of their campe seemed to be in greatest danger , and want of helpe , thither they came with succour and reliefe ; but herein they were ouermatched . for the enemie being spent and wearied with fight , whensoeuer anie of them gaue place and forsooke the battell , there were alwaies fresh combatants to supplie it : but the romans by reason of their small number , had no such helpe . for their extremitie in that point was such , that no man was permitted neither for wearinesse nor woundes , to forsake his station , or abandon his charge . and hauing thus fought continually the space of sixe houres , when both strength and weapons wanted , the enemie persisting with greater furie to fill the ditch and breake downe the rampier , and their hopes relying vpon the last expectation : p. sex. baculus the primipile of that legion , whom we said to be so sore wounded in the neruian battell , and caius volusenus tribune of the souldiers , a man of singular courage and wisedome , ranne speedily to galba and tolde him , that the only waie of safetie was to breake out vpon the enemie , and to trie the last refuge in that extremitie . whereupon they called the centurions , and by them admonished the soldiers to surcease a while from fighting , and onely to receiue such weapons as were cast into the campe ; and so to rest themselues a little and recouer their strength : and then at a watchword to sallie out of their campe , and laie their safety vpon their vertue ; which the souldiers executed with such alacritie and courage of spirite , that breaking out at all the gates of the campe , they gaue no leasure to the enemie to consider what was done , nor to satisfie his iudgement touching so vnexpected a noueltie . and thus fortune being suddenly changed , they slewe more then the third part of , and put the rest to flight , not suffering them to staie vpon the hils neere about them . observations . which strange alteration liuely describeth the force of noueltie , and the effectuall power of vnexpected aduētures : for in the first course of their proceeding , wherein the romans defended the campe , and the galles charged it by assault , the victorie held constant with the galles , and threatned death and mortality to the romans . neither had they any meanes to recouer hope of better successe , but by trying another waie ; which so much the more amazed the galles , in that they had vehemently apprehended an opinion of victorie , by a set fight continuing the space of sixe houres , without any likelihood of contrarietie , or alteration . which practise , of frustrating a dessigne intended by an indirect and contrary answere , serued the romans oftentimes to great aduantage ; as besides this present example , in this commentarie we shall afterward read , how titurius sabinus defeated the vnellos , with the same stratagem ; and ouerthrew them by eruption and sallying out , when they expected nothing but a defensiue resistance from the rampier . from whence a commander may learne , to auoide two contrarie inconueniences , according as the qualitie of the warre shall offer occasion : first ( if other thinges be answerable , which a iudicious eie will easily discouer ) that a sallie made out at diuers portes of a holde , will much mitigate the heate of a charge , and controll the furie of an enemie . and on the other side , he that besiegeth any place what aduantage soeuer he hath of the defendant , may much better assure himselfe of good fortune , if he appoint certaine troupes in readines to receiue the charge of any eruption , that the rest that are busily imploied in the assault may prouide to answere it , without disorder or confusion . which order , if the galles had taken , they had not in likelihood so often been deceiued . chap. iii. galba returneth into the prouince : the vnelli giue occasion of a new warre . the enemie being thus defeated , galba was vnwilling to trie fortune any further ; and the rather for that he wanted both corne and forrage : and therefore hauing burned the towne , the next daie he returned towardes the prouince , and without let or resistance , brought the legion safe into the nantuates ; and from thence to the * allobrogae , and there he wintered . after these thinges were dispatched : caesar supposing for manie reasons , that all gallia was now in peace , and that there was no further feare of anie new warre , the belgae being ouerthrowen , the germans thrust out , and the seduni amongst the alpes subdued and vanquished ; in the beginning of the winter , as he went into illyricum , hauing a great desire to see those nations : there grewe a sudden tumult and dissention in gallia vpon this occasion . pub. crassus wintering with the seuenth legion in aniou neare vnto the ocean , and finding scarcitie of corne in those partes ; he sent out the prefects of the horsemen , and tribunes into the next cities to demaund corne , and other prouisions for his legion , of whom titus terrasidius was sent vnto the * venelli , marcus trebius to the * curiosolitae , q. velanius , and titus silius to the * veneti . these veneti were of greatest authoritie amongst all the maritimate nations in that coast , by reason of their great store of shipping , with which they did trafficke into britanie , and exceeded all their neighbour states in skill and experience of sea-faring matters ; hauing the most part of such as vsed those seas , tributaries to their state : these veneti first aduentured to retaine silius and velanius , hoping thereby to recouer their hostages which they had giuen to crassus . the finitimate cities induced by their authoritie and example , for the same reason , laide hold vpon trebius and terrasidius ; and sending speedie ambassages one vnto another , coniured by their princes and chiefest magistrates , to approue their fact by common consent , and to attend all the same euent of fortune ; solliciting also other cities and states , rather to maintaine that libertie , which they had receiued of their ancestors , then to indure the seruile bondage of a stranger . the first observation . the circumstance in this historie , which noteth the sudden breaking out of warres , when the course of thinges made promise of peace : sheweth first , what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse , in calculating the natiuitie of after-chances ; which so seldome answere the iudgment we giue vpon their beginnings , that when we speake of happinesse , we finde nothing but miserie : and contrariwise , it goeth often well with that part , which our art hath condemned to ill fortune . and therefore i do not maruel , if when almost all nations are at oddes , and in our best conceites , threaten destruction one to another , there happen a sudden motion of peace ; or if peace be in speech , soothing the world with pleasing tranquilitie , and through the vncertainty of our weake probabilities , promise much rest after many troubles : there follow greater wars in the ende , then the former time can truely speake of . which being well vnderstood , may humble the spirits of our hautie polititians , that thinke to comprehend the conclusions of future times , vnder the premisses of their weake proiectes , and predestinate succeeding ages , accorto the course of the present motion : when an accident so little thought of , shall breake the maine streame of our iudgment , and falsifie the oracles which our vnderstanding hath vttered . and it may learne them withall , how much it importeth a wise commander , to preuent an euill that may crosse his dessigne , ( how vnlikely soeuer it be to happen ) by handling it in such manner , as though it were necessarily to confront the same . for then a thing is well done , when it hath in it selfe both the causes of his being ; and the direct meanes to resist the repugnancie of a contrarie nature : and so hap what will , it hath great possibility to continue the same . the second observation . this practise of the veneti may instruct a circumspect prince in cases of this nature , to haue a more watchfull eie ouer that prouince or city , which shall be found most potent and mightie amongst the rest , then of any other inferiour state of the same nature and condition : for as example of it selfe is of great authoritie , making improbabilities seeme full of reason , especially when the intention shal sympathize with our will ; so when it shall happen to be strengthened with powerfull meanes , and graced with the acte of superiour personages : it must needes be verie effectuall to stirre vp mens mindes , to approue that with a strong affection , which their owne single iudgment did no waie allow of . and therfore equalitie bringeth this aduantage to a prince , which differencie can not affoord , that albeit example doe set on foote any rebellious motion , yet no supereminencie shall authorise the same . chap. iiii. caesar hauing aduertisement of these new troubles ; hasteth into gallia and prepareth for the warre . all the maritimate states being by this meanes drawne into the same conspiracie , they sent a common ambassage vnto crassus ; that if he would haue his men againe , he must deliuer vp the hostages , which he had taken from them . whereof caesar being certified by crassus , in as much as he was then a great way distant from his armie , he commanded gallies and shippes of warre to be built vpon the riuer * loier , which runneth into the ocean ; and that gallie men , mariners , and shipmasters should be mustered in the prouince : which being speedely dispatched , assoone as the time of the yeare would permit him , he came into gallia . the veneti and the rest of the confederacie , vnderstanding of caesars arriuall , and considering how haynous a fact they had committed , in detaining the ambassadours and casting them into yrons , whose name is held sacred and inuiolable amongst all nations : prepared accordingly to answere so eminent a danger , & especially such necessaries , as pertained to shipping & sea-fights . the observation . from hence i may take occasion , briefely to touch the reuerent opinion , which all nations , howe barbarous soeuer , haue generally conceiued of the qualitie and condition of ambassadours : and what the groundes are of this vniuersall receiued custome , which in all ages , and times hath held authenticall . and first we are to vnderstand , that all man kinde ( as indued with the same nature and properties ) are so linked together in the strict alliance of humane society ; that , albeit their turbulent and disagreeing passions ( which in themselues are vnnaturall , as proceeding from corruption and defect ) driue them into extreme discord and disunion of spirit , and breake the bonds of ciuill conuersation , which otherwise we do naturally affect : yet without a necessarie entercourse and trafficke of societie , we are not able to keepe on foote the very discord it selfe , in tearmes of reason and orderly proceeding , but all parts will be blended with disordered confusion , & go to wrack , for want of these mutuall offices performed by messengers : so streight are the bondes of nature , and so powerfull are the lawes which she enacteth . and therfore if it were for no other end , which might sort to the benefit of either partie , ( as there are many good vses thereof ) yet to holde vp the quarrell and keepe it from falling , making war , according to the grounds of reason , the entercourse of messengers is not to be interrupted , nor their persons to be touched with hateful violence : but that which the common reason of nations hath made a law , ought as religiously to be obserued , as an oracle of our owne beliefe . secondly , for as much as the ende of warre is , or at the least should be , peace : which by treatie of mutuall messengers is principally to be confirmed , to the end that no people may seeme so barbarous , as to maintaine a warre ; which onelie intendeth bloud , and proposeth as the chiefest obiect , the death and mortality of mankind , no way respecting peace and ciuill gouernment : such as refuse the entercourse of messengers , as the meanes of amitie and concord , are iustly condemned in the iudgment of all nations , as vnworthie of humane societie . last of all , it is an iniurie of great dishonour , and deserueth the reward of extreme infamie , to reuenge the master his quarrell vpon a seruant , and punish ambassadours for the faults of their state : considering that their chiefest dutie consisteth in the faithfull relation of such mandates , as they haue receiued , which may as well tende to the aduancement and honour of that cittie , to which they are sent ; as to the dishonour and ruine of the same , whereof the messengers take no notice . and therefore whether we desire warre or peace ; the free libertie , and holy order of ambassadours , is reuerently to be respected , and defended from brutish and vnnaturall violence . chap. v. the proceedings of either partie , in the entrance of this warre . the veneti conceiued great hope of their enterprise , by reason of the strength of their situation : for as much as all the passages by land were broken and cut off , with armes and creekes of the sea ; and on the other side , nauigation and entrance by sea was so troublesome and dangerous , in that the romans were altogether vnacquainted with the chanels , and shelues of the coast . neither did they thinke that the roman armie could long continue there without corne , which was not to be had in those quarters . and if it happened , that the course of thinges were carried contrarie to this probable expectation ; yet they themselues were strong in shipping : whereas the romans had none at all : neither had they knowledge of the flats and shallowes , portes and ilands of that coast , where they were to fight . and to conclude , they should finde the vse of nauigation in that narrow sea , to be farre different from that , which they were accustomed vnto , in the vast and open ocean . in this resolution , they fortified their townes , stored them with prouision , and brought all their shipping to vannes ; against whom , caesar ( as it was reported ) would begin to make warre , taking the osisimi , lexouij , nannetes , ambiuariti , morini , menapij , diablintres , as consorts and partakers in this quarrell . notwithstanding these difficulties , many motiues stirred vp caesar to vndertake this war : as namely , the violent detaining of the roman knights : their rebellion , after they had yeelded themselues by rendrie , and giuen hostages of their loialtie : the conspiracie of so manie citties , which being now neglected , might afterward incite other nations and states to the like insolencie . and therefore vnderstanding , that almost all the galles were inclining to noueltie and alteration , and of their owne nature , were quicke and readie to vndertake a warre ; and further , considering that all men by nature desired libertie , and hated the seruile condition of bondage : he preuented all further insurrections of the other states , with the presence of the roman forces : and sent titus labienus with the caualrie , vnto the * treuiri , that bordered vpon the rhene : to him he gaue in charge , to visit the men of rhemes and the rest of the belgae , to keepe them in obedience ; and to hinder such forces , as might peraduenture be transported ouer the riuer by the germains , to further this rebellious humour of the galles . he commanded likewise pub. crassus , with legionarie cohortes , and a great part of the horse to go into aquitaine , least there might come any aide from those nations . he sent also q. titurius sabinus with three legions , vnto the lexouij , curiosolitae , vnelli , to disappoint any practise which rebellious mindes might intend . and making d. brutus chiefe admirall of the nauie , he gaue him in charge , to make towardes vannes , with what speede he could : and hee himselfe marched thitherward with the rest of the foote forces . the observation . in the first booke , i obserued the authoritie which the roman leaders had to vndertake a warre , without further acquainting the senat with the consequence thereof : in this place , let vs obserue the care and circumspection , which the generals had , not to vndertake a troublesome and dangerous warre vpon a humor , or any other slender motion : but diligently waighing the circumstances thereof , and measuring the perill and hazard of the warre , with the good and consequence of the effect ; informed their iudgments of the importance of that action ; and so tried whether the benefit would answere their labour . and thus we finde the reasons particularly deliuered , that moued caesar first to vndertake the heluetian warre : and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with ariouistus : then followeth the necessitie of that warre with the belgae ; and nowe the motiues which induced him to this with the maritimate cities of bretaine : and so consequently of his passage into germanie , or what other enterprise he attempted : which he laieth downe as the groundes and occasions of those warres , and could not be auoided but with the losse and dishonour of the roman empire . further , let vs obserue the meanes he vsed to preuent the inclination of the galles , and to keepe them in subiection and peaceable obedience , by sending his men into diuers quarters of that continent ; and so setling the wauering disposition of the further skirtes , with the waight of his armie , and the presence of his legionarie souldiers , which he sent readie to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning , that they might not breake out to the preiudice and diminution of the roman empire , and the good successe of his proceedings : besides the aduantage , which he gained in the opinion of the enemie ; whom he so little feared concerning the vpshot of that quarrell , that he had dispersed the greatest part of his armie vpon other seruices , the rest being sufficient to end that war. chap. vi. the maner of their shipping , and their sea-fight . the scite , of almost all these cities was such , that being built in pointes and promontories , they could not at full sea , which happened alwaies twise in houres , be approched by foot forces , nor yet with shipping neither ; for againe ▪ in an ebbe , the vessalles were laid on the ground , and so left as a praie to the enemy . and if the romans went about to shut out the sea , with mounts which they raised equal to the wals of the town , and were at the point of entering & taking it : yet the townsmen hauing such store of shipping , would easily conuey , both themselues and their cariages , into the next townes , and there helpe themselues with the like aduantage of place . and thus they deluded caesar the greatest part of the sommer : for the roman fleete by reason of continuall windes and foule weather , durst not aduenture to put out of the riuer loier into so vast a sea , wherein the hauens and roades were fewe , and farre distant one from another , and the tides great . the shipping of the galles was thus built and rigged : the keele was somewhat flatter then the roman shipping , the better to beare the ebbes , and shalowes of that coast : the foredecke was altogether erect and perpendicular : the poupe was made to beare the hugenesse of the billowes , and the force of the tempest . and in a word , they were altogether built for strength : for the ribbes and seates were made of beames of a foote square , fastned with yron pins of an inch thicke : in steed of cables , they vsed chaines of yron ; and raw hides and skins for sailes , either for want of linnen or ignorant of the vse thereof , or because sailes of linnen would hardly serue to carrie ships of that burthen . the meeting and conflict of the roman nauie , with this kinde of ships was such , that they onely excelled them in celeritie and speedie nimblenes , with force of oares ; but in all other thinges , either concerning the nature of the place , or the dangers of the foule weather , were farre inferiour vnto them : for the strength of them was such , that they could neither hurt them with their beake-heads , nor cast a weapon to anie purpose into them , by reason of their altitude , and high built bulkes . and if anie gust chanced in the meane time to rise , that forced them to commit themselues to the mercie of the weather , their shipping would better beare the rage of the sea ; and with greater safetie shelter it selfe amongst flats and shallowes , without feare of rockes or any such hazard : of all which chances the roman nauie stood continually in danger . observations . and here , let it not seeme impertinent to the argument which we handle , considering the generall vse which we insulairs haue of nauigation , briefly to set downe the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea , as farre forth as shall seeme necessarie to the knowledge of a souldier : which , albeit may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret ; yet for as much as they stand for true principles of regularitie , and well approued rules in our arte of nauigation , let vs take them for no lesse then they effect , and giue them that credit in our imagination , which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heauens : that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposal ; yet for as much as they serue to direct our knowledge to a certainty , in that variety and seeming inconstancie of motion , we esteeme of them as they effect , and not as they are . considering then the globe of the world , as it maketh a right spheare ( for in that position , the naturalistes chiefly vnderstand celestiall influence to haue operation in this liquid element of the water ) it is deuided by the horizon and meridian into foure quarters : the first quarter is that , betweene the east horizon and the noone meridian , which they cal a flowing quarter : the second , from the noone meridian , to the west horizon ; which they make an ebbing quarter : the third , from the west horizon to the midnight meridian ; which they likewise call a flowing quarter : and againe , from the midnight meridian to the east horizon , the second ebbing quarter : and so they make two flowing quarters , and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heauen . the instruments of these sensible qualities , and contrarie effects , are the sunne and the moone , as they are caried through these distinct partes of the heauen . and although experience hath noted the moone to be of greatest power in warrie motions ; yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force , which the sunne yeeldeth in this miracle of nature . first therfore we are to vnderstand , that when the moone or the sunne begin to appeare aboue the right horizon , and enter into that part of the heauen which i tearmed the first flowing quarter , that then the sea beginneth to swell : and as they mount vp to their meridian altitude ; so it increaseth vntill it come to a high floud . and againe , as those lightes passing the meridian , decline to the west , and runne the circuit of the ebbing quarter : so the water decreaseth and returneth againe from whence it came . againe , as they set vnder the west horizon and enter into the second flowing quarter ; so the sea beginneth againe to flow , and still increaseth vntill they come to the point of the night meridian : and then againe , it refloweth , according as the sunne and moone are carried in the other ebbing quarter from the night meridian , to the east horizon . and hence it happeneth that in coniunction or new of the moone , when the sunne and the moone are caried both together in the same flowing , and ebbing quarters ; that then the tides and ebbes are very great : and likewise in opposition or full of the moone , when these lightes are caried in opposite quarters , which we haue described to be of the same nature , either ebbing or flowing ; that then in like manner the tides are great : forasmuch as both these planets , through the symbolising quarters wherein they are carried , doe ioyne their forces , to make perfect this worke of nature in the ebbing and flowing of the sea . and contrariwise , in a quadrate aspect ( as the astronomers call it ) or quarter age of the moone , when as the moone is caried in a flowing quarter ; and at the same instant , the sunne doth happen to be in an ebbing or decreasing quarter , as the course of nature doth necessarily require : then are the tides lessoned , as dailie experience doth witnesse . and for as much as both the right horizon and the meridian also , deuide euerie diurnall circle , which either the sun or the moone maketh in their reuolutions , into equall parts ; it followeth that euery tide is continually measured with the quantitie of houres : and therfore that which caesar here saith , must needs be true , that in the space of houres , there are alwaies high tides . and least any man should imagine , that euery inland citie , standing vpon an ebbing and flowing riuer , may take the computation of the tide according to this rule : let him vnderstand that this which i haue deliuered , is to be conceiued principally of the sea it selfe ; and secondarily of such portes and hauens , as stand either neare or vpon the sea : but where a riuer shall run many miles from the sea , and make many winding meanders , before it come to the place of calculation ; it must needs lose much of this time before mentioned . and thus much i thought conuenient to insert in these discourses touching the ebbing and flowing of the sea , as not impertinent to martiall knowledge . concerning the shipping of the romans , whereof posteritie hath onely receiued the bare names , and some fewe circumstances touching the manner of their equipage , the critickes of these times haue laboured to set foorth a fleet , answerable to that , which the tearmes and title mentioned in historie seeme to report : but yet the gaine of their voyage doth not answere their charge . for manie men rest vnsatisfied , first touching the names themselues , whereof wee finde these kindes , names longas . onerarias . actuarias . triremes . quadriremes . quinqueremes . the first we may vnderstand to be gallies or ships of seruice : the second ships of burthen : the third , ships that were driuen forward with force of oares , and the rest sounding according to their names ; for i dare not intitle them with a more particular description . nowe whether these names longas and actuarias , were a seuerall sorte of shipping by themselues ; or the generall names of the quadriremes , triremes , and quinqueremes , for as much as euerie kinde of these might be called both longas and actuarias , as it yet remaineth in controuersie : so it is not much materiall to that which wee seeke after . but that which most troubleth our sea-critickes , is in what sense they maie vnderstand these vocabularies , triremes , quadriremes , and quinqueremes , whether they were so tearmed in regard of the number of rowers , or watermen that haled continually at an oare , as the custome of the gallies is at this daie ; or otherwise , because a trireme had three orders of oares on either side , a quadrireme foure , and a quinquereme fiue : whereof they tooke their distinction of names . such as holde , that a trireme had on each side three rankes of oares , and so consequently , of a quadrireme and quinquereme ; alleadge this place of liuie , to make good their opinion . in the warres betweene rome and carthage , laelius meeting with adherball in the straightes of gibraltar , each of them had a quinquereme , and seauen or eight triremes a piece , the current in that place was so great that it gaue no place to arte , but carried the vessailes according to the fall of the billow : in which vncertaintie the triremes of the carthaginean , closed with the quinquereme of laelius : which either because she was pondere tenacior , as liuie saith , or otherwise , for that pluribus remorum ordinibus scindentibus vertices facilius regeretur ; in regarde of the pluralitie of bankes of oares , which resisted the billowe and steamed the current , she sunke two of the triremes , and so got the victorie . from hence they proue , that a quinquereme had plures remorum ordines , then a trireme had ; and therefore it tooke the name from the pluralitie of bankes of oares , and not from the number of men that rowed at an oare . but the contrarie opinion doth interpret ordo remorum , to be a couple of oares one answering another , on each side of the vessaile , which we call a paire of oares : so that a quinquereme being far greater and longer then a trireme , had more paires of oares then a trireme had , and those oares were handled with fiue men at one oare , according to the vse of our gallies at this daie . but to leaue this , and come to their manner of sea-fights , wee must vnderstand that the romans , wanting the vse of artillerie and managing their ships of warre with force of oares , failed not to make vse of their arte , in their conflictes and incounters by sea : for all their shippes of seruice , which we tearme men of warre , carried a strong beake-head of yron , which they called rostrum , with which they ranne one against another , with as great violence and furie , as their oares could carrie them . and herein arte gaue great aduantage ; for he that could best skill to turne his ship , with greatest celeritie , and so frustrate an offer ; or with speedie and strong agitation follow an aduantage : commonly got the victorie . in the battell , which d. brutus had with the massilians , we reade that two triremes charging the admirall , wherein brutus was one at the one side , and the other at the other ; brutus and his marriners so cunningly handled the matter , that when they should come to the hurt , they speedily in a trice of time , wound themselues from betweene them , and the two triremes met with such a carriere one against another , that one brake her beakehead , and the other split with the blowe . for this skill and fortune withall , euphranor the rodian was of great fame in caesars time ; although his ende found too true the saying of the historian , that whom fortune honoureth with many good haps , she oftentimes reserueth to a harder destinie ; as other seamen besides euphranor , can truely witnesse . this first brunt being ended : when they came to grapple and boording one of another , then the art and practises of their land seruices came in vse : for they erected turrets vpon their deckes , and from them they fought with engines and casting weapons , as slinges , arrowes , and piles ; and when they entered , they fought with sword and target . neither did the legionarie souldier finde any difference , when he came to the point , betweene their fight at sea and that at land : sauing that they could not be martialed in troupes and bandes , in regard wherof the sea seruice was counted more base , and dishonourable ; and the rather , in as much as it decided the controuersie , by slinges and casting weapons : which kinde of fight was of lesse honour , then buckling at handy-blowes . chap. vii . the battell continueth : and caesar ouercommeth . the maner of their fightes being this , as i haue described , neither brutus , nor any tribune or centurion in his nauie , knewe what to doe or what course of fight to take : for the shipping of the galles was so strong , that the beake-head of their quinqueremes could performe no seruice vpon them : and although they should raise turrets according to their vse , yet these would not equall in height the poupe of the enemies shipping , so that therein also the galles had aduantage : neither had they any meanes , whereby they might foile so great a nauie , which amounted to the number of shippes of warre . one thing there was amongst their prouisions which stood them in great steed : for the romans had prouided great sharpe hookes or sickles , which they put vpon great and long poles , these they fastened to the tackling which held the maine yarde to the mast ; and then haling away their ship , with force of oares , they cutte the said tackling , and the maine yard fell downe : whereby the galles , whose onely hope consisted in sayling and yare turning of their ships , lost at one instant ▪ both their sailes and the vse of their shipping : and then the controuersie fell within the compasse of valour , wherein the romans exceeded the gals ; and the rather , inasmuch as they fought in the sight of caesar and the whole armie , no valiant act could be smothered in secret ; for all the hilles and clifts , which affoorded neare prospect into the sea , were couered with the roman armie . their maine yardes being cutte downe , and the romans indeuouring with great furie to boord them , failed not to take manie of their ships : which the galles perceiuing , and finding no remedie nor hope of resistance , began all to flie , & turning their ships to a forewind , were vpon a sudden so becalmed , that they were able to make no waie at all . which fell out so fitly for the romans , that of so great a nauie , verie few through the helpe of the euening escaped to land , after they had fought the space of houres : with which battell , ended the warre with the veneti , and the rest of the maritimate nations . for all sort of people both young and olde , in whom there was either courage , counsell , or dignitie , were present at this battell , and all their shipping was taken and lost ; so that such as remained , knew not whither to go , nor how to defend their townes any longer : and therefore yeelded themselues to caesar , in whom he vsed the greater seueritie , that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people , not to violate the law of nations : for he slew all the senat with the sword , and solde the people for bondslaues . the observation . in this battell i chiefly obserue the good fortune , which vsually attendeth vpon industrie : for amongst other prouisions , which the diligence of the romans had furnished out to the vse of this war , they had made readie these hookes , not for this intent wherin they were imploied , but at all occasions & chances , that might happen , as seruice able complements rather then principall instruments : and yet it so fell out , that they proued the only meanes , to ouerthrow the galles . which proueth true the saying of caesar , that industrie commaundeth fortune and buyeth good successe , with extraordinary labour : for industrie in action is as importunitie in speech , which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason ; and striueth through continuall pursuit , to make good the motiues , by often inculcations ; and at length findeth that disposition , which will easily admit whatsoeuer is required : in like manner diligence and laboursome industrie , by circumspect and heedefull cariage , seldome faile either by hap or cunning , to make good that part wherein the maine point of the matter dependeth . for euetie action is intangled with many infinite adherents , which are so interessed in the matter , that it succeedeth according as it is carried answerable to their natures . of these adherentes , some of them are by wisedome , foreseene ; and directed to that course which may fortunate the action : the rest being vnknowne , continue without either direction or preuention , and are all vnder the regiment of fortune ; for as much as they are beyonde the compasse of our wisest reach , and stand in the waie either to assist or disaduantage : of these , industrie hath greatest authoritie ; in as much as she armeth her selfe for all chances , whereby she is said to command fortune . chap. viii . sabinus ouerthroweth the * vnelli , with the manner thereof . while these things happened in the state of vannes , l. titurius sabinus entereth with his forces , into the confines of the vnelli , ouer whom viridouix was made chiefe commander , hauing drawne the * aulerci and the * eburonices , with a great number of vagabondes and theeues into the same conspiracie : sabinus incamping himselfe in a conuenient place , kept his souldiers within the rampier . but viridouix , being lodged within lesse then two miles of sabinus his campe , brought out his forces daily , and putting them in battell gaue him oportunitie to fight if he would : which sabinus refused in such sort , that he began not onely to be suspected by the enemie of cowardice , but to be taunted with the reprochfull speeches of his owne souldiers ; which opinion of feare being once setled in the mindes of the enemie , he vsed all meanes to increase it , and caried it so wel , that the enemie durst approch the verie rampier of the campe . the colour that he pretended was , that he thought it not the part of a legate , in the absence of the generall , to fight with an enemie of that strength , but vpon some good oportunitie , or in a place of aduantage . in this generall perswasion of feare , sabinus chose out a subtile witted gall , whom he perswaded with great rewards , and further promises , to flie to the enemie , and there to carrie himselfe , according to the instructions , which he should giue him . this gall , comming as a reuolter to the enemy , laide open vnto them the feare of the romans : the extremitie that caesar was driuen into by the veneti ; and that the night before , sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his campe , and to make all the haste he could to relieue caesar . vpon which aduertisement , they all cried out with one consent , that this oportunity was not to be omitted ; but setting apart all other deuises , to go and assault the roman campe . many circumstances perswaded the galles to this resolution ; as first the lingering & doubt which sabinus had made , when he was offered battell : secondly the intelligence which this fugitiue had brought : thirdly the want of victuals , wherein they had bin negligent and vnaduisedly carelesse : fourthly the hope they conceiued of the warre of vannes ; and lastly , for that men willingly beleeue that which they would haue come to passe . the force of these motiues was so strong , that they would not suffer viridouix , nor the rest of the captaines , to dismisse the councell vntill they had permitted them to take armes , and go to the roman campe . which being granted , they gathered rubbish and fagots to fill vp the ditch , and with cheerefull harts , as though the victorie were alreadie gotten , they marched to the place where sabinus was incamped , which was the toppe of a hill rising gently from a leuell , the quantitie of paces : hither the gals hasted with all expedition ; and to the intent the romans might not haue so much time , as to put on their armour , the galles for haste ran themselues out of breath . sabinus incouraging his souldiers , gaue the signe of battell , and sallying out at two seuerall gates of his campe , it fell out that through the oportunitie of the place , the wearines and vnexperience of the enemie , the valour of the roman soldier and their exercise in former battels , that the galles could not indure the brunt of the first incounter ; but presently tooke themselues to flight , of whom verie few escaped . and so it happened that at one time , sabinus had newes of the ouerthrow at sea ; and caesar of sabinus victory by land . vpon these victories , all the cities and states yeelded themselues to titurius : for as the galles are prompt to vndertake a warre ; so are they weake in suffering , and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof . observations . this practise of a counterfeit feare was often put in vse by the roman leaders , as well to disappoint the expectation of an enemie , as to draw them into an inconuenience , & so to defeat them of their greatest helpes in time of battell . caesar comming to succour the campe of cicero made such vse of this art , that he put to route a great armie of the galles , with a handfull of men : which i will referre vnto the place , where it is particularly set downe by caesar . the chiefest thing in this place , which brought them to their ouerthrow , was disappointment : for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of smal consequence , to be frustrated of a setled expectation , when the minde shall dispose her selfe to one only intent , and in the vpshot meete with a counterbuffe to crosse her purposes , and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained : how much more then in things of such importance , when we shall proceede in a course of victorie , and humour our conceites with that we wish and would haue to happen ; and in the end meete , either with bondage or death ; must our best wittes be appauled ? hauing neither respite nor means , to thinke how the euill may be best preuented . which the wise romans well vnderstood , and counted it no dishonour to be reproched with shamefull cowardice , by such as knew not the secrets of wisedome ; while they in the meane time foresaw their good fortunes , shrowded vnder the cloake of a pretended distrust . let these examples instruct a leader , so to take the oportunitie of any such fortune , that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline , as well for the better effecting of the dessigne , as for his owne safety and the securitie of his armie . for order is as the sinewes and strength of martiall discipline , vniting the particular members into the firme composition of a well proportioned bodie : and so it maketh it more powerfull then any number of disunited partes , how able or infinite soeuer . i might here alleadge infinite examples to confirme this truth : but let the battell of drux serue for all ; wherein the protestantes ouercharging the catholike army , followed the retrait so hard , that they quickly became masters of the field : and then neglecting martiall discipline , fell in confusedly with the broken multitude , to make the victorie more glorious by slaughter and mortalitie : the duke of guise all this while bouged not a foot : but in vnexampled patience kept his regiment close together , and would not suffer them to rescue their general that was taken , vntill the regiment of the prince of condie was likewise dispersed and broken ; and then perceiuing no difference of order , betweene the victor protestant , and the vanquished catholike ; he dissolued that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspence , and so changing the fortune of the daie , that he tooke the chiefest of their princes prisoners , with little or no losse of his owne men : so powerfull is order in the deedes of armes , and of such consequence in obtaining victorie . and thus we haue first seene the inconueniences , which a counterfet feare well dissembled , may cast vpon a credulous and vnaduised enemie , when pretence and appearance hath brought them into an errour , which their owne credulitie doth afterward auouch : and secondly , what strength and safetie consisteth in order ; and how powerfull it is to throw downe , and to set vp . chap. ix . the proceedings of crassus in aquitanie . at the same instant of time it happened also , that pub. crassus comming into aquitania , ( which both in regard of the large extension of the countrey , as also for the multitude of the inhabitants , was named the third part of gallia ) and considering that he was to make warre in those partes , where l. valerius preconius the legate was slaine , and the armie ouer throwen ; and where lucius manilius was faine to flie with the losse of his cariages ; he thought that his affaires required no meane diligence : and therfore hauing made prouision of corne , and mustered many auxiliarie forces , and sent for many valiant and prudent men from tolouse and narbone , he caried his army into the confines of the * sontiates , which was no sooner knowne but they leuied great forces both of horse & foote , and with their horse charged vpon the romans in their march : which being easily repelled , as they followed the retrait , the infanterie of the galles shewed it selfe in a valley as it laie in ambush . these setting vpon the romans renewed the battell , and there the fight continued hot a long time ; the sontiates being animated with the former victories , saw all the hope of aquitanie relie vpon their vertue : and the romans on the other side , desired to shew what they were able to doe of themselues , without their grand captaine , and vnder the conduction of a young souldier : at length the enemy ouerwaged with prowesse , and wearied with woundes , betooke themselues to flight ; of whom the romans slewe a great number . and then marched directlie to the towne of the sontiates , and laid siege vnto if ; the siege grew hot on both sides ; the romans approched the walles , with vines , turrets and mounts : the townesmen defended themselues some time , by sallying out ; sometimes , by vndermining the mounts and fortifications , wherin the aquitani are very skilfull . but when they perceiued the industry of the romans to exceed all that they were able to do , they intreated crassus to accept their rendry : which being granted , and al the armie intending the deliuery of their armes ; adcantuanus their chiefe magistrate , fled out in the meane time at an other port of the citie , with . deuoted companions whom they called soldurij : but as they attempted to escape , the soldiers that kept that part of the fortification , as they signified his cuasion by a clamour and shout , the rest be tooke themselues to armes ; and so repelled him againe into the towne , where he desired to bee taken in the number of the submissiue multitude . crassus hauing taken hostages of them , went into the confines of the vocontij . the first observation . these skilfull and experienced men , which crassus sent for out of all the cities in aquitaine , were those , whom the romans called euocati : such as were free from warfare , and exempted by their lawes from giuing their names in musters , either by reason of their yeares , or the magistracy which they had borne , or for some other causes , which gaue them that priuiledge : and in that regard were sent for by letters , intreating their assistance in the cariage of that war , as men wel acquainted with the nature of such businesses . their places were nothing inferiour to the centurions , for aduise and direction , although they had no part in command or authority . the second observation . in this fight we may further obserue , their maner of defence against mountes , and caualieros ; which we find chiefly to bee mines . iosephus in the iewish warre saith , that the romans hauing raised an exceeding high mount , the iewes vndermined the same with such art , that as they digged vnderneath ; they supported the mount with huge props and planks , that it might not shrinke : and watching a time of greatest aduantage , they set all the timber worke , which vnderpropped the mount , on fire , which taking fire with the helpe of brimstone and pitch , the mount fell vpon a sodaine , to the great terrour and amazement of the romans . at the siege of auaricum , we find how the galles by vndermining , did take the earth from the mount , as fast as it was caried vnto it by the romans ; and so kept it from rising , and made it vneffectuall . but if it were for the most parte made of woode , or other combustible matter , they sought then by all meanes to burne it ; as it happened at the siege of massilia : and oftentimes when both burning and vndermining failed , they confronted it , with an other mount within the walles , to disappoint the disaduantage by equall contesting of it ; and so made it vnprofitable . concerning mines , this much may i saie , without preiudice to that art : that the chiefest points to be respected are these : first , the true distance to a dessigned place , which is best got by instrument and helpe of geometrie , where other markes of certainty are wanting : secondlie , the direction of the myne , that wee may not erre in our course which the compasse affoordeth : thirdlie , the strengthening of the mine with timber worke , if neede require : lastly , the countermining and crossemeeting : all which parts haue very many circumstances , and require a larger discourse , then may bee thought pertinent for this place . the third observation . the strange contract betweene these soldurij , and their chiefetaine , may wel deserue a place amongst these obseruations , especiallie considering the obligatorie conditions , which either party stood bound to obserue : for the captaine was to make his soldurij partakers of all his happines in this life ; in regard whereof , they were to take part of whatsoeuer ill chance or disaster shoulde happen to befall him . if death , which is the last end of all sensuall miserie , tooke hold of their head , these deuoted were tied voluntarilie to follow him the selfe same way : neither in any memory was there ouer man found , that refused to die , if he to whom he was deuoted , chanced to be slaine . which bloudy league of amitie , as it was repugnant to the course of nature , multiplying particular destinie to a generall calamitie : so was it dangerous in a well ordered state , if the ringleader were either ambitious , or sought to practise any thing contrarie to good gouernement : for hee himselfe would presume much vpon the assistance of his soldurij ; and they on the other side , must needs wish well to his attempts that were so interessed in his life & death . chap. x. the galles raise new forces , against crassus . the barbarous galles were much troubled , that a towne of that strength should so soone bee taken ; and therefore they sent ambassadours into all quarters , coniured one with another , confirmed their couenants with mutuall hostages , and leuied what power they were able to make : sending for aide out of spaine , and from other states that bordered vpon aquitaine ; at the comming of these forces they began to make warre , with a great power , and with many soldiours of great fame . for they appointed such leaders as had seene the experience of sertorius his warres , and were great in the opinion of men , for their skill and knowledge in the arte militarie ; these according to the custome of the people of rome , beganne to take places of aduantage , to fortifie their campe , and to intercept the romaines from free passage of conu●ies and necessary entercourses . which when crassus perceiued , and considering withall that his owne forces were so few , that hee could not well dismember them vpon any seruice or aduantage ; and that the enemy went out at his pleasure , kept the passages , and left notwithstanding , a sufficient garison in his campe ; by which meanes their corne and prouision would in time grow scarce , and the enemy waxed euery daie stronger : he thought it his best course not to linger any longer , but presently to giue them battel . the matter being referd to a councel of warre , when hee vnderstoode that all men were of the same opinion , he appointed the next daie to giue them battaile ; and in the dawning putting his men in a double battaile , and placing the auxiliarie forces in the middest , he attended to see what the enemy would doe . the galles , although they were persuaded , that they might aduenture battel both in regard of their multitude and ancient prowes of warre , as also in respect of the paucitie of the romains ; yet they though it better to blocke vp the passages , and so cut off all cariages , and conuoies of corne ; and so the victory would follow without bloudshed : and if the romans for want of corne should offer to make a retreit , they would then set vpon them as they marched , wearied with trauell , and heauilie laden with their burthens . this resolution being approued by the whole councell of the galles , when the romans imbattailed their forces , they kept their men within their campe . the first observation . this sertorius had followed the faction of marius and cinna , and when sylla had ouerthrowne both the elder and yonger marius , hee fled into spaine , and there maintained the quarrell on foote against pompeie and metellus ; and ouerthrew them in many battels : but in the end was trecherously slaine by perpanna at a banket . he was a man of great spirit , and of admirable dispatch ; and vnder him were these captaines brought vp , which caesar commendeth for their skil in armes . the second observation . in histories , propounding to our consideration the deedes and moniments of former ages , we may obserue two especiall meanes , which the great commanders of the world haue entertained to atchieue victory , and ouermaster their enemies : the first by cunning and wise cariage of a matter , before it come to triall by blowes : the second , by forceable meanes & waging of battel ; the one proceeding from wisdom and the better faculties of the soule ; and the other depending vpon the strength and ability of the body . concerning the first , it hath euer bin held more honorable , as better suting the worth of the spirit and the diuine essence of our nature , so to direct the course of an action , that the aduerse part may be weakened by wit , and preuented in the proiects of their better fortunes , by anticipation of meanes and occasions , & so through aduantages taken from their owne proceedings , to be driuen to that exigent , which may determine of the controuersie before they come to blowes , & conclude the matter by tearmes of arte , taken from the directions of good prouidence . for to speake a truth , the action of battel , as it is the last part in that facultie ; so it is the worst in regarde of christian duty , and better fitteth the progeny of lamech his second wife , which the diuines do note to be borne to the ruine and destruction of mankind , then the children of grace , whose ioy consisteth in peace and loue . caesar in the first of the ciuill warres respected the same thing , but from other grounds : for hauing shut vp afranius , and petreius in a place of disaduantage , and might haue cut them off without further trouble ; yet forasmuch as he foresaw the victorie comming towards him without blow or wound , he thus answered his captaines that were earnest vpon the enemie : cur etiam secundo praelio aliquos ex suis amitteret ? cur vulnerari pateretur optime de se meritos milites ? cur denique fortunam periclitaretur ? and this course did these galles take , which vnder sertorius had learned the romaine arte , and the romaine industry ; and were now become so expert , that they had almost beaten the romains at their owne weapon . this first meanes is principally to be imbraced , as the safest waie in these vncertaine and casual euentes : for that which resteth vpon corporall strength , and maketh execution the meanes to a conclusion , is verie terrible euen to the better party , full of hazard and of little certaintie . for it were a miracle of fortune neuer heard of yet , so to carrie a battaile vpon what aduantage or meanes whatsoeuer , that the victor army shoulde buie so great a fortune without bloudshed or losse of men ; and erect a trophee to honour at the sole cost of the enemy , without losse or expence of his owne treasure . and for the vncertaintie in a battell , who knoweth not what infinite chances and changes may happen in euery small moment of time , to turne the fortune of the day to this or that party , and make both sides vnconstant in their affections , by presenting them interchangeably with hope and feare , ioy and sorrow ? and therefore caesar thought it not best to tempt the waie-wardnes of fortune , when by other meanes he might obtaine his desires . this i say is chiefely to be imbraced , if our meanes wil affoord vs that happinesse : but howsoeuer i holde it wisedome so to entertaine this course of victorie , that we omit not the chiefest helpes of furtherance when it commeth to blowes , but to thinke of this conquest by arte and wit , as necessarie , if our meanes will serue vs to compasse it ; and of the other , as necessarie whether we will or no : for the historie maketh it plaine , that when brutus found himselfe destitute of meanes to vndertake that course of victorie , which proceedeth from prouidence and discreete cariage ; hee then betooke himselfe necessarilie to the latter , and by the helpe of battell , sought to free himselfe from those disaduantages , into which the galles had brought him . the third observation . i obserue further out of this place , that what course soeuer be taken , a discreet leader wil not easily forgo an aduantage , without great assurance of a better fortune : nor change the certainty of a benefit , vpon probabilities of other hopes , vntill it haue paid him the interest of his expectation , and wrought that effect which it promised to performe . for so he might forgo his fortune by presuming too much vpon the fauour of future chances , which are oftner seene to crosse our purposes , rather then to further the way which is taken . the fovrth observation . fvrther i obserue , this double battell to be answerable to the paucity of the roman forces : for their vsuall manner was , to make a triple battell , that the first might haue a second , and a third helpe : but where their number would not affoord that commoditie , they then made two battels , that there might be the succour of a second supplie . but they neuer fought with one single battell , for ought that may bee gathered by their histories . the fift observation . the last thing which i obserue , is the place , where crassus bestowed the auxiliarie forces , in the disposition of his troupes to battell ; which is here said to be , in mediam aciem : for as their armies were diuided into three battels ; so euerie battell was deuided into three partes ; the two cornets , and the battell , wherein these auxiliarie forces were in this seruice bestowed : of these he afterward saith , that in as much as he durst not put any confidence in them , he commanded them to serue the romans in time of battell , with stones and weapons , and to carrie earth and turfe to the mount . the reason why suspected troupes are placed in the battell , rather then in either of the cornets , is , for that the battell hath not such scope to fling out , or take aduantage of place to doe mischiefe , as the corners haue : for wheresoeuer there hath beene set battels fought , the strength of their armie consisted alwaies in the cornets , as the two principall instruments of the battell ; and as long as these stood sound , the victorie went alwaies certaine on that part : for the cornets kept the enemie both from incompassing about the bodie of their armie , and had the aduantage also of charging vpon the open side of their aduersarie . at the battell of cannas hanniball put the weakest of his forces in the battell , and aduancing them towards the enemie , left the two cornets behind : so that , when the enemie came to charge vpon the battell , they easily beat them backe , and as they followed the retrait fell in betweene the two cornets , wherein the strength of the armie consisted , and being by them incompassed on each side , were defeated and ouerthrowen . and thus we see the aduantage which a generall hath , when his two cornets stand firme ; although the battell shrinke in the incounter . hanniball in the battell he had with scipio in africke , placed the strangers in the front and in the rereward , according peraduenture as he found their number and the vse of their armes , which are circumstances to be considered in this case , and depend rather vpon the iudgment of a generall , then of anie prescription that can be giuen in this matter . chap. xi . crassus taketh the campe of the galles : and with their ouerthrow endeth that warre . crassvs vnderstanding their drift , and finding his men willing to set vpon their campe , incouraged his soldiers ; and to the contentment of all men , went directly to the place where they were lodged : and as some began to fill vp the ditch ; and others with casting weapons to beate the galles from the rampier , he commanded the auxiliarie forces , of whom he had no great assurance , to bring stones and weapons to the soldiers that fought , and to carrie earth and turfe to the mount ; that so they might make a shew of fighting . and on the other side , as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance , and to caste their weapon from the higher ground , to the great hurt of the roman souldier ; the horsemen in the meane time riding about the campe of the galles , brought worde to crassus that the rampier at the decumane port , was not fortified with such diligence , as they found it in other places , but would admit an easie entrance . crassus dealt earnestly with the commanders of the horse , to incourage their men with great promises and rewardes ; and instructed them what he would haue done : they , according to their instructions , tooke foure cohorts that were left in the campe , and carrying them a further waie about , that they might not be discouered by the enemy ; while all mens eies and mindes were intent vpon the fight , they speedely came to the place of the fortifications , which the horsmen had found to be weake , which being easily broken down , they had entered the campe before the enemie could well tell what was done . and then a great clamour & shout being heard about that place , the roman legions renuing their force , as it falleth out alwaies in hope of victorie , began to charge them a fresh with great furie : the galles being circumuented on each side , and despairing of their safetie , casting themselues ouer the rampier , sought by flight to escape the danger . but for as much as the country was open and champion , the horsemen pursued them with that execution , that of there scarce remaineth the fourth part . the observation . from this place brancatio taketh occasion to dispute , how an enemie that is strongly incamped , and for some aduantage will not remoue , may be dislodged , whether he will or no. a point of great cōsequence , in matter of warre : and therefore deserueth due consideration . concerning which he laieth this downe for a maxime , that all forts and strong holds are taken by the foot , and that campes and lodgings are taken by the head : by which is meant , that he who purposeth to winne a fortresse well manned and prouided , must first get the foot and take hold of the ditch ; and then sease himselfe vpon the rampier , and so get the place : for he saith , that mounts and eminent eleuations are of little vse against fortresses or sconses , vnlesse they ouertop them ; which may be easily preuented by raising the parapet of the fortresse in front , and the curtaine in flanke , according as the enemy shall carie his mounts aloft ; and so they shall neuer come to ouertop the holdes . but all campes and lodgings are taken by the head : that is , by mountes and eleuations , which by the aduantage of their height command the champion . for he holdeth it impossible , to raise a mount within the campe in so short a time , to contest that , which the enemie shall make without . this foundation being laide , he proceedeth to discouer a waie , how to raise a mount maugre the enemie , which shall dislodge them by force of artillerie , or murther them all within their trenches . and this he taketh from caesar at the siege of gergobia . the substance of the matter consisteth in a double ditch , running like vnto the line which the geometricians call helicall ; by this double ditch , he maketh his approch to anie place of most aduantage , where he maie in a night , raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to plaie vpon any quarter of the campe . the censure of this practise , i referre to our iudicious souldiers , which may , if it please them , take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in brancatio himselfe . this much i dare affirme in the behalfe of these workes , that they were of high esteeme amongst the romans , when daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to finde out the readiest meanes , both for security and victorie . and if our souldiers could be brought to taste the commoditie of these workes , either by perswasion or impulsion , it were the best part of their warlike practises : but our men had rather flie vpon desperat aduentures , and seeke victory in the iawes of death , then to cleare all hazard , with paines and diligence . chap. xii . caesar vndertaketh the warre with the menapij and morini . at the same time also , although the sommer was almost at an end , yet for as much as all gallia was in peace , and the * morini only with the * menapij stood out in armes , and had neuer either sent ambassadour , or otherwise treated of peace ; caesar thinking that warre might quickly be ended , lead his armie into their country . at his comming , he found them to carrie the wars farre otherwise , then the rest of the galles had done : for vnderstanding that the greatest nations of gallia , which had waged battell with the romans , were beaten and ouerthrowen ; and hauing whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories , they conuaied both themselues and their goods into those quarters : caesar comming to the beginning of the woods , began to fortifie his campe , not discouering any enemy neare about him ; but as his men were dispearsed in their charges , they suddenly sallied out of the woods and assaulted the romans ; but being speedely driuen in againe with the losse of manie of them , as the romans followed them farre into the woods , had some few of their men slaine . the time that remained , caesar resolued to spend in cutting downe the woods ; and least the souldiers might bee taken vnawares , while they were busied in that worke , he caused them to place all the trees which they cut downe , on either side of the armie ; that they might serue for a defence , against sudden assaultes . a great quantitie of ground was thus rid within a few daies ; so that their goods and cattell was taken by the romans : but they themselues were fled into thicker woods . at which time there happened such a continuall raine , as forced them to leaue of the worke ; and the souldiers could no longer indure , to lie in tentes of skins : and therefore caesar , after he had wasted and spoiled their country , burned their townes , and their houses ; he carried backe his armie , and placed them in such citties to winter in , as were subdued by the late warres . observations . the irish rebels , hauing the like commoditie of woods and bogs , doe entertaine the like course of warre , as the morini did with caesar : the meanes which he vsed to disappoint them of that practise , was to cutte downe the woods , which if it be thought monstrous in this age , or ridiculous to our men of warre ; let them consider that the roman discipline wrought greater effectes of valour , then can bee made credible by the vse of these times . for besides their exquisite discipline , which of it selfe was able to frame patterns of vnexampled magnanimitie ; their industrie was admirable in the execution thereof , and carried it with such vncessant trauell , that the souldiers thought it great happines when they came to wage battell with the enemie ; and could haue meanes to quit their continuall trauell , with the hazard of their liues . neither let it seeme strange , that the romans vndertooke to cut down the woods ; but rather let vs admire their facilitie in so difficult a taske : for as the historie witnesseth : magno spacio paucis diebus confecto , incredibili celeritate : a great quantitie of ground was rid in a few daies with incredible speede . and after the woods were cut downe , they tooke more paines in placing it on each side of the legions , to hinder anie sudden assault , then they did in cutting it downe : which deserueth as great admiration , as the former part . there is another place in the sixt booke of these commentaries , which expresseth more particularly the nature of such warres , and may serue to acquaint vs with that which caesar did in these difficulties . the eburones or the men of liege , had the like commoditie of woods and bogges , and made vse of them in the warre they had with caesar : the matter ( saith hee ) required great diligence , not so much in regard of the perill of the whole armie , ( for there could no danger come from an enemie that was frighted and dispersed ) as the safetie of euerie particular souldier , which in part did pertaine to the welfare of the whole armie . for the desire of bootie caried manie of the souldiers farre from the bodie of the armie : and the woods being full of vnknowne and secret passages , would not suffer them to go either thicke together or close imbattailed . if he desired to haue the warre ended , and the race of those wicked men to bee rooted out , hee must of force make manie small companies , and deuide his men into many bodies : but if hee would haue the maniples to keepe at their ensignes , as the discipline and custome of the roman army required ; then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemie : neither did they want courage to laie ambushments , and to circumuent such as they found alone , stragling from their companies . in these difficulties , there was as much done as diligence could doe ; prouiding rather to be wanting in the offensiue part ( although all mens mindes were set on fire with reuenge ) then to hurt the enemie with the losse of the roman souldier . caesar sent messengers to the bordering states , to come out and sacke the eburones , and they should haue all the praie for their labour : that the life of the galles rather then his legionarie souldiers might be hazarded in those woods ; as also that , with so great a multitude , both the race and name of that people might bee quite extinguished . there are many particularities in this relation , which concerne the true motion of the irish warres , which may be better obserued by such as know those warres by experience , then by my selfe that vnderstand them onely by relation : and therefore to preuent such exceptions , as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases : i will leaue it to be done by themselues . and thus endeth the third commentarie . the fovrth commentarie . the argvment . the vsipetes , and tenchtheri are driuen to seeke newe seates in gallia ; they driue the menapij out of their territories : but in the end are ouerthrowen by caesar . that warre being ended , he made a bridge vpon the rhene , and carried his armie ouer into germanie . he taketh reuenge vpon the sicambri ; and giueth libertie to the vbij : returneth into gallia , and carrieth his armie ouer into britanie , with the occurrences of that warre . chap. i. the * vsipetes , and * tenchtheri bring great multitudes of peoples , ouer the rhene into gallia : the nature of the sueui . the winter following , pompeie and crassus being consuls , the vsipetes and tenchtheri , two germaine nations , passed ouer the rhene , with great multitudes of people ; not far from the place , where it falleth into the sea . the reason of their flitting , was the ill intreatie , which for manie yeares together they had receiued of the sueui , the greatest & warlikest nation amongst the germains . for these sueui had one hundred cantons or shires , which yearely furnished their warres , with men a piece ; and kept as manie at home to maintaine both themselues , and their armies abroad : and these the yeare following were in armes ; and the other staied at home , and performed the like dutie ; and so by this meanes , they all continued their experience both of tillage , and matter of warre . they liued chiefly vpon cattell and milke , and vsed much hunting , which was the cause ( what through the qualitie of their diet , their continuall exercise , and libertie of life , being neuer tied to any discipline , nor vrged to any thing against their disposition ) that they were strong and of a large stature , vsing skins and hides for their cloathing , which couered but part of their body , the rest being naked . their horsmen oftentimes , in time of battell , forsooke their horse , and fought on foot ; being taught to stand still in one place , that when they would they might returne vnto them . neither was there any thing more base , or dishonest in the course of their life , then to vse furniture for horses : & would aduenture to charge vpon great troups of horse , that vsed equipage , with a few of their owne qualitie . they admitted no wine to be brought in vnto them , least it might effeminate their warlike inclination , or make them vnapt for labour . the greatest honour in their opinion , was to haue their bordering territories lie wast and desolate : for so it would be thought , that manie states together , would not resist , their conquering valour : and it was reported , that the country laie wast from them one waie miles together . the observation . by this practise of the sueui , it appeareth , how little a naked resolution of valour auaileth , when it wanteth the ornaments of moral carriage and ciuill discretion , to make vse of that greatnesse which prowesse hath obtained : for notwithstanding that they were a nation both warlike , and of good abilitie , they were so vainly carried on with a conceit of manhood , that it sorted to no other ende , then to maintaine barbarisme at home , and desolation abroad ; where as true valour is alwaies subordinate to the preseruation of common weales , and is as the defensiue armes of ciuill societie . which i haue the rather noted , in as much as it resembleth an humour that aboundeth in this age , especially in the particular hauiour of our young galants , whose naked valour reuelling it selfe onely in the lie and in the stabbe , for want of other assistant vertues to temper the heat of so brittle a mettall , leadeth them into such inconueniences and disordered actions , that it changeth the nature thereof , into giddie headed rashnesse ; and in lieue of vertues guerdon , is repaide with irrision . chap. ii. the motiues , inducing the vsipetes to come ouer the rhene into gallia . next vnto these sueui , inhabited the vbij , a very ample and potent state : and through their entercourse and trafficke with marchants , somewhat more ciuill , then the rest of the germans . with these , the sueui had often waged battell : and albeit they could not expell them out of their country , forasmuch as their state was very great and populous ; yet by continuall incursions they brought them vnder , and much weakned their estate . in the same case were the vsipetes and tenchtheri : for hauing made head against the sueui for many yeares together , they were constrained in the end to forsake their possessions ; and wandering the space of three yeares through the continent of germanie , at last they arriued where the * menapij inhabited the bankes , on both sides the riuer rhene : but being terrified with the arriuall of such a multitude , they forsooke all their dwellings beyond the riuer , and planted themselues on this side of the water , to hinder the germans from further passage . the vsipetes with their associates , hauing tried all meanes , and not finding themselues able to passe ouer by force , for want of boates ; nor by stealth , by reason of the diligent watch of the menapij , fained a retrait to their olde habitation : and after three daies iourney , their horsemen in one night speedely returned againe , and slew the menapij , both vngarded and vnprouided . for they vpon the departure of the germans , feared not to returne ouer the riuer into their townes and houses : these being slaine , and their shipping taken , they got ouer the riuer , before the rest of the menapij had anie notice of their comming : by which meanes they easily dispossessed them of their dwelling places , and liued that winter vpon the prouision they found there . caesar vnderstanding of these thinges , and fearing the weakenesse of the galles , in as much as they are sudden and quicke in their resolutions , and withall desirous of noueltie : he durst no waie trust their vnconstancie ; for it was their practise and custome to staie trauellours and passengers , and inquire of them what they either heard or knew , concerning anie thing that had happened ; and the common people would flock about marchants in faires and markets , and learne of them whence they came , and what newes they brought from thence : and by these rumours and hearesaies they directed the maine course of their actions ; whereof they could not but repent themselues , being grounded vpon such weake intelligence , as was vsually coined to please the multitude . which custome being knowne , caesar to preuent a greater warre , hasted to his armie sooner then he was woont to doe . observations . svch as haue spent their time in the contemplation of nature , and haue made diligent search of the temperature & quality of climates and nations , haue all with one consent made choler the regent of the french complexion ; distinguishing the people , with such attributes , as the saide humour vsually breedeth . neither haue these conditions , which caesar so long agoe obserued in the ancient galles , anie disresemblance from that , which the learned of this age haue deliuered , concerning the nature of the said inhabitants : but that irresolute constitution , which breedes such nouelties and contrarieties of actions , continueth the same vnto these times , in the inhabitants of that country , notwithstanding the alteration of customes , and people , or what els so long a time hath changed ; which argueth the vnresistable power of celestiall influence , establishing an vniformitie of nature , according as the site of the place lieth capable of their powerfull aspect . the cause of the diuersity in the temperature of nations , which are differenced by north and south , is not without apparant cause , attributed to their propinquitie , or distance from the course of the sunne , which distinguisheth by heate and cold the northren and southerne climates of the earth ; and separateth the inhabitants thereof , by the dominion of their actiue qualities . but the reason whie two nations which are both in the same climate , and vnder the same parallel , receiuing the virtue of the celestial bodies , by the same downefal and rebound of their beames , being differenced only by east and west ; are so much disunited in nature , and so vnlike in disposition , is not so apparant : whether it be as some haue imagined , for asmuch as the all inclosing spheare , which remaineth quiet and immoueable aboue the circuit of the first motor , hath his parts diuersly distinguished with varietie of properties ; which by continuall reference and mutuall aspect , are imprinted in the correspondent quarters of the earth ; and so keepe a perpetuall residency of one and the same quality , in one and the same place ; and make also the varietie of fashions in such partes , as otherwise are equall fauorites of the heauens maiestie , by receiuing an equall measure of light , heat and vertue ; or whether the saide quarters of the earth are in themselues diuersly noted , with seuerall qualities , which appropriate the selfe same influence to their particular nature , and so alter it into many fashions ; or whether there be some other vnknown cause : i wil leaue euery man to satisfie himselfe with that which seemeth most probable vnto him , and proceed to the discouerie of this cholericke passion . wherein i will indeuor to shew how impatiencie , sodaine resolution , and desire of noueltie , are naturall adiuncts of this humor : and if caesar made vse of this philosophie in the managing of that warre , let it not be thought impertinent to the knowledge of a generall , to enter into the consideration of this learning . wherein first , i must laie for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall , that the motions of the minde are either quicke or slow , according as the complexion is tempered , either with heat or cold : for as the flegmaticall humor , is of a moist , cold and heauy nature , begetting weake and grosse spirits , and benumming the instruments with a liueles disability ; so is the motion of the internall faculties , proceeding likewise after a slow maner , according to the qualitie of the instruments , whereby it moueth : and therefore men of this watrish constitution , are no way apt to receiue an impression , nor to entertaine any sensible apprehension , vnles it be beaten into them , with often and strong repetitions ; and then also they proceede as slowlie in discoursing of the consequence , and linger in the choise of their resolutions . on the contrary part , this flaua bilis , being of a hote piercing nature , and resembling the actiue vertue of the fire , doth so purifie the instruments of sense , and quicken the spirits with the viuacity of motion , that they take the first impression as perfectly , as if it had beene oftentimes presented vnto them , with many strong circumstances . and thence it happeneth , that inasmuch as the species is so readily receiued , and possesseth the apprehending facultie , with such facility of entrance , that it moueth the other powers of the soule , with as great efficacie at the first conception , as if it had beene brought in with troupes of probabilities , and strengthened with manifest arguments of vndoubted truth : it followeth therefore ( by reason of the subtile and fit disposition of the instrumentes , which proceedeth from heate the chiefest qualitie in choler ) that the obiect is at the first moment so strongly setteled , in the first receiuing facultie , that the other powers of the minde , with as great speede manifest their offices , concerning the apprehension ; and deliuer a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception : which maketh them so impatient of delaie , and so sodainly to alter their former resolutions , not suffering the discoursiue power to examine the substance thereof , by conference of circumstances ; nor to giue iudgment according to the course of our intellectual court . it behooueth therefore euery man , in that vnsteady disposition , especially in matter of moment , to be suspicious of his owne credulity , and not to giue place to resolution , before his iudgement be informed , by discourse of the strength or weakenes of the conceiued opinion . but to leaue these speculatiue meditations , to philosophers of learned conceit : for as much as the right vse of passions is either true wisdome , or commeth neerest to the same ; i will onely touch in a worde what degree of choler best befitteth a soldier ; or howe it auaileth , or disaduantageth in matter of warre . and first it cannot bee denied , that there is almost no passion , that doth more eclips the light of reason , or sooner corrupteth the sinceritie of a good iudgement , then this of anger , which we now speake of : neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it selfe in his owne actions , or followeth them with greater heate in the execution . and if the trueth chance to shewe it selfe , and conuince a false pretended cause , as the authour of that passion , it oftentimes redoubleth the rage euen against truth and innocency . piso condemned a soldier for returning from forraging , without his companion , being persuaded that he had slaine him : but at the instant of the execution , the other that was missing , returned , and with great ioy of the whole army , they were caried to the generall , thinking to haue much gratified him , with the manifestation of the truth : but hee through shame and despight , being yet in the torture of his wrath , redoubled his anger , and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall , he made three culpable for that he found one innocent ; the first , because the sentence of death was past against him , and was not to bee recalled without the breach of law : the second , for that hee was the cause of the death of his companion : and thirdly , the executioner , for not obeying his commandement . concerning matter of warre , as it consisteth of differenced partes ; so hath choler diuers effectes . in case of discourse and consultation , when as the powers of the minde ought to bee cleere of all violent affections , it greatly darkeneth the vnderstanding , and troubleth the sincerity of a good iudgement , as caesar noted in his speech to the senate concerning cateline : and therefore a commander must , by al meanes indeuor to auoid , euen the least motions of so hurtfull a passion ; and season his affections , with that grauity and constancy of spirit , that no turbulent disposition may , either hinder his vnderstanding , or with-hold his will from following that course , which reason appointeth , as the best means to a fortunate successe : alwaies remembring , that al his actions are presented vpon a stage , and passe the censure of many curious beholders , which applaud graue and patient motions , as the greatest proofe of true wisdom ; and disallow of passionate , and headstrong affection , as derogating from the sincere cariage of an action , how iust soeuer otherwise it seemeth . concerning execution and furie of battaile , i take anger to be a necessarie instrument to set valour on foote , and to ouerwage the difficulties of terrour , with a furious resolution : for considering that the noblest actions of the minde , stande in neede of the impulsions of passions , i take anger to bee the fittest meanes , to aduance the valiant carriage of a battaile : for as feare is trecherous and vnsafe ; so anger is confident and of an vnquenchable heate ; and therefore a commaunder ought by all meanes , to suggest matter of anger against an enemie , that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard , and thirst after the daie of battell , to satisfie their furie with the bloud of their aduersaries . if any vrge that it hath beene heretofore obserued of the galles , that in the beginning of a battel they were more then men , and in the latter end they were lesse then women ; and therfore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for seruice , as we seem to make it . i answere , that there is a difference between a disposition to choler , such as was obserued in the galles , and the passion of anger , wel kindled in the minde : for the first is subiect to alteration and contrarietie of actions ; but the other is furious , inuincible , neuer satisfied but with reuenge . and so that of aristotle is proued true , that anger serueth oftentimes as a weapon to vertue ; whereunto some answere very pleasantly , saying , it is a weapon of a strange nature : for wee doe manage other weapons , and this doeth manage vs ; our hande guideth not it , but it guideth our hande ; it possesseth vs , and not wee it , as it happened in the raigne of tyberius , amongst the mutinous legions at vetera : and therefore a commaunder ought to take greate heede , whome he maketh the obiect of that anger , which kindleth in his army : for as it is a passion of terrible execution , and therefore needeth to bee wiselie directed ; so is it dangerous in regarde of obedience , which was the only thing which caesar required in his soldiors . but to leaue this hastie matter , and fall neerer that which we seeke after . i may not omit the prognostication , which caesar made of the consequence of this accident , by the naturall disposition of the people ; the euent whereof proued the trueth of his predictions ; which sheweth what aduantage a learned general that hath bin somwhat instructed in the schoole of nature , hath gained of him , whom only experience hath taught the actiue rudiments of the war , & thinketh of no further lesson in that art , then that which the office of a seriant or lanceprizado containeth . chap. iii. caesar commeth to his armie , marcheth towards the germaines , and by the way treateth of conditions of peace . caesar being come to his armie , found that to haue happened which he before suspected : for some of the states of gallia had sent messengers vnto the germaines , to leaue the bankes of rhene , and to come further into the continent , where they should find ready , whatsoeuer they desired . whereupon the germaines began to make further incursions , and to waste the lande as far as the confines of the * eburones . the princes of the galles beeing called together , caesar thought it best to dissemble what hee had discouered , concerning their reuolt ; and confirming their mindes with an approbation of their loialtie , hee commanded certaine troupes of horse to be leuied , and resolued to make warre vpon the germains ; and hauing made prouision of corne , hee directed his march towards them . from whom as he was on the way , within a few daies iourney of their campe , he receiued this message : the germains as they were not willing to make warre vpon the romains , so they would not refuse to make triall of their manhood , if they were iustly prouoked ; for their ancient custome was to answere an enemy by force , and not by treaty ; yet this much they woulde confesse , that they came thither very vnwillingly , being driuen by violence out of their possessions . if the romaine people would accept of their friendship , and either giue them territories to inhabite , or suffer them to keepe that which they had got by the lawe of armes , they might proue profitable friends vnto them . they only yeelded to the sueui , to whome the gods in feates of armes were inferior ; any other nation they wold easily conquer . to this caesar answered what hee thought fit ; but the purport of his speech was , that he could not make any league with them , if they continued in gallia : neither was it probable , that they that could not keepe their owne , would get possessions out of other mens hands . gallia had no vacant place to entertaine so great a multitude : but if they would they might find a welcome , amongst the * vbij , whose agents were at that instant in his campe , complaining of the iniurie of the sueui , and desiring aide against them ; this much he himselfe would intreat of the vbij . the messengers went backe with these mandates , promising within three daies to returne againe to caesar : in the meane time , they desired him , not to bring his armie any neerer their quarters ; which request caesar denied : for vnderstanding that a fewe daies before , a great part of their caualrie were passed ouer the mosa , he suspected that this delay imported nothing more then the returne of their horsemen . when caesar was come within twelue miles of their campe , their ambassadors returned ; and meeting him on the way , entreated him earnestly to march no further towardes them : but being denied of their suite , they besought him to sende to those troupes of horse , which marched before the army , that they should not fight nor make anie hostile incounter ; and that he would giue them leaue to send messengers to the vbij , of whose entertainement they woulde willingly accept , if the princes and senate would sweare faith & safe continuance vnto their people : neither would they require more then . daies , to negotiat this busines . caesar conceiued this treatie to import nothing else , then the returne of their horsemen that were absent in pillage , whom they expected within . daies ; notwithstanding hee promised them to march but foure miles further that day , to a conuenient watring place : in the meane time he sent to the commanders of the horse that were before , not to prouoke the enemy to fight ; and if they were set vpon to sustaine the charge , vntil he came neerer with the armie . the first observation . first we may obserue his dissēbling of the practise of the galles , with the germans ; & the incouragement which he gaue them in a faithful and loial affection to the people of rome , when he himselfe knew they had started from that duty , which both their honor and a good respect of their friendes required : for he well vnderstood that his presence did take away al scruple of any further motion in that kind ; & therfore to haue obiected vnto thē their errors , had not been to heale , but to discouer their wound : only he tooke the way , to cut off their hopes of any practises , which they might attempt against the romaine people ; and held them in the mean time in the apparance of faithful friends , that they might not bee discouraged , by the detection of their reuolt . the second observation . secondly , vpon this resolutiō that there was no league to be made with the germans , if they continued on this side the rhene ; we may obserue how he entertained a treaty of peace , with such consents and denials , as might manifest his readines to further what he made shew of , & not weaken the meanes of his best aduantage . for as he was content they should take a quiet farewel of gallia , and plant themselues in the possessions of the vbij ; so was he loath to yeeld to any condition , which might disaduantage his forcible cōstraint or weaken his command , if perswasion failed : for he well knewe that powerfull means to effect that which he required , would further the course of a peaceable conclusion , and carry more authoritie in a parlee , then any other motiue , howe reasonable soeuer . moreouer wee may obserue , howe carefull hee was not to impose vpon the germaines a necessity of fighting ; but opened a passage ( by propounding vnto them the association of the vbij ) by which they might auoide the hazarde of battaile . which thing was alwaies obserued by commanders of ancient times , who diligently searching into the nature of thinges , founde that neither of those noble instruments , whereby man worketh such wonders ( i meane the hande and the tongue ) had euer brought so many excellent works to that type of perfection , vnles they had bin forced thereunto by necessitie : and therefore wee are wisely to handle the course of our actions , least while we stand too strict vpon a violent guarde , we giue occasion to the enemy , by the way of antiperistasis , to redouble his strength ; and so furnish him with that powerfull engine , which vetius mescius calleth vltimum and maximum telum , the last and greatest weapon ; the force whereof shall better appeare by these examples . some few of the samnites , contrarie to the articles of peace between them and the romans , hauing made incursions into the territories of the ramaine confederates ; the senate of that state sent to rome , to excuse the fact , and to make offer of satisfaction : but being reiected , claudius pontius generall of their forces , in an excellent oration which he made , shewed how the romans would not harken to peace , but chose rather to be reuenged by war : and therefore necessity constrained them to put on armes : iustum est bellum ( saith he ) quibus necessarium , & pia arma quibus , nisi in armis , spes est . caius manlius , conducting the roman legions against the veij , part of the veian armie had entered the romaine campe ; which manlius perceiuing , hee hasted with a band of men to keepe the breach , and to shut in the veij : which they no sooner perceiued , but they fought with that rage and fury , that they slew manlius ; and had ouerthrown the whole campe , had not a tribune opened thē a passage , by which they fled away . in like manner camillus , the wisest of the romaine captaines , beeing entered into the citie of the veij , that hee might take it with greater facilitie , and disarme the enemie of that terrible weapon of necessitie , hee caused it to bee proclaimed , that no veian shoulde bee hurt , that was founde vnarmed . whereupon euery man cast away his weapon , and so the towne was taken without bloudshed . let a soldiour therefore take such holde of occasions , and oportunities that are offered vnto him , that in time of battaile hee may seeme to cast necessitie vpon his own cause , and retaine it in his paie : considering how the power therof altereth the workes of nature , and changeth their effects into contrary operations , being neuer subiect to any ordinance or lawe ; and yet making that lawful which proceedeth from it . chap. iiii. the germans , contrary to their owne request made to caesar , set vpon the romaine horsemen , and ouerthrew them . notwithstanding the germans request , concerning the truce , assoone as they saw the romaine horsemen , which were in number , ( whereas the germans had not aboue . herse ) they charged vpon the romains , not expecting any hostile incounter , inasmuch as their ambassadours were newly departed from caesar , and had obtained that daie of truce ; but being set vpon , they made what resistance they could . the germans , according to their vsuall custome , forsooke their horse , and fighting on foote , did easely put the romains to flight ; who neuer looked backe , vntill they came into the sight of the legions : in that battell were slaine . romaine horsemen . after this battel , caesar thought it not safe , either to harken to anie conditions , or to receiue any message from them , that by fraud and deceit had songht for peace , and ment nothing but war : and to attende any longer vntil their horsemen returned , was but to giue them that aduantage against him , especially considering the weakenesse of the galles , amongst whom the germans by this battel had gained great reputation ; and therfore he durst not giue them space to thinke vpon it . observations . this cunning of the germans offereth occasion to speake somewhat , concerning that maine controuersie of policie , which is , whether the actions of princes and great commanders , are alwaies to bee attended with integrity , and faithful accomplishment thereof . wherin i wil only set down such arguments , and grounds of reason , which vertue and morall honesty on the one part , ( for we wil make it no question to a christian minde ) and the daily practise of states men on the other side , alleadge , to make good their contrary assertions . the great polititians of the world , that commend vertue in a shew , and not in esse and being , and study to maintaine their states onely with humane reason , not regarding the authority of diuine ordinance , set this downe as a maxime in their art ; that he , that is to negotiate a matter , and meaneth to bring it to an ende sorting to his contentment , must in all respects bee like qualified , both in iudgement and disposition , as the party is , with whom he dealeth : otherwise he cannot be sufficiently prepared , to hold himselfe strong in the matter , which he vndertaketh . for a wrastler that cōmeth with meere strength to incounter an other that hath both strength & cunning , may beshrew his strength that brought him thither , to be cast by skil , and be laught at , as an vnworthy chāpion for serious sports : in like maner in this vniuersall confusion of infidelitie , wherein subtilty flieth at so high a pitch , he that thinketh with simplicitie of spirit to winde through the labyrinths of falshood , and auoide the snares of deceit , shall finde himselfe too weake for so difficult a taske , and beshrew his honesty , if he regard his commodity : for it is the course that euery man taketh , which must bring vs to the place , to which euery man goeth : and he that opposeth himselfe against the current of the world , may stand alone in his own conceit , and neuer attaine that which the world seeketh after . forasmuch therfore , as craft and deceit are so general , it behooueth a man of publike negotiations , to carry a mind apt & disposed to these qualities . this was signified by that , which anciēt writers report of achilles , who was sent to chiron the centaure , half a man & half a beast , to be instructed in the rudimēts of princely cariage ; that of the brutish part , he might learn to strengthen himself , with force & courage ; & of the humane shape , so to manage reason , that it might bee a fit instrument to answere or preuent , what soeuer mans wit might forge to ouerthrow it . neither ought a priuate man to wonder at the strangenesse of these positions ; considering that the gouernment of kingdomes , and empires is caried with another bias , then that which concerneth particular affaires in a well ordered state : wherein truth-breakers and faithlesse-dissemblers are worthely condemned , inasmuch as they necessarilie enforce the ruine thereof . but these that sit at the helme of gouernment , and are to shape the course of a state , according to the variation of times and fortunes , deriue their conclusions from other principles , whereof inferiour subiects are no more capable , then men are able to vnderstande the workes of the godes : and therefore they are called arcana imperij , to bee reuerenced rather , then lookt into . to conclude , the affaires of particular persons are of so short extension , and incircled in so small a compasse , that a meane capacitie may easily apprehend the aduantages or inconueniences , which may ensue vppon the contract : and therefore it is requisite they should stande to the aduenture , and their iudgement is worthely taxed with the losse : but the businesses of a common weale are , both subiect to so many casualties of fortune , and relie vpon such vnexpected accidents , that it is impossible for any spirit , howe prouident soeuer , to foresee the issue , in that variety of chances . besides that , euery particular subiect is much interessed in the fortune of the euent , and may iustly , chalenge an alteration of the intended course , rather then suffer shipwracke through the errour of their pilot : and so the safety of the state doth balance out the losse of credit in the gouernor . on the other side , such as zealously affect true honour , affirme vertue to be the same both in prince and people ; neither doth condition of state , or calling , or the qualitie of publike or priuate businesses , alter the nature and essence of goodnes : for to depriue the toung of truth and fidelitie were to breake the bond of ciuill societie , which is the basis and ground plot of all states and common-weales . they doe not denie but that a wise prince maie so carrie a treatie , that he maie seeme to affect that most which he least intendeth ; or answere doubtfully concerning the propositions ; and that he maie vse with great honour the practises and stratagems of warre , when the fortune of both parties consisteth vpon their owne industrie : but to breake any couenants agreed vpon , may well get a kingdome , but neuer honourable reputation . and thus they contend concerning the meanes , whereby a state is continued in happie gouernment : whereof this much i dare say by the warrant of this historie , that he who falsifieth his words vpon aduantage , howsoeuer he regardeth his honour , had neede to paie them home in regard of his owne safetie : for if they once recouer the losse , and get any aduantage against those truth-breakers , they will finde as little fauour , as the germans did with caesar . chap. v. caesar marched directly to the campe of the germans , and cut them all in pieces , and so ended that warre . vpon these considerations , caesar manifesting his resolution to the legates , and questor ; there happened a very fortunate accident . for the next daie , very early in the morning , most of the princes and chiefest of the germans came vnto caesar into his campe , to excuse their fraudulent practise ; and withall to continue their petition of truce . whereof caesar was exceeding glad , and caused them to be kept in hold ; and at the same instant , brought his armie out of the campe , commanding his horsemen to follow the legions , because they had beene daunted with so late an ouerthrow : and making a triple battell , marched speedely eight miles , and so came vpon the germans , before they had notice what had happened ; and being terrified with our sudden arriuall , and the departure of their owne leaders , knew not whether it were their best course , to bring forth their forces , or to defend their campe , or otherwise to seeke their safety by flight . which tumult and feare was no sooner perceiued by the roman souldier , but calling to mind their perfidious trecherie , they brake into the campe , and were at first a little resisted ; in the meane time , the women and children fled euery one awaie : which caesar perceiuing , sent his horsemen to pursue them . the germans hearing the clamour and schrichings behinde their backes , and seeing their friends pursued and slaine , did cast awaie their weapons , and fled out of the campe , and comming to the confluence of the mase and the rhene , such as had escaped cast themselues into the riuer ; where , what through feare , and wearinesse , and the force of the water , were all drowned . in this conflict the romans lost not a man : the number of the enemie was with women and children . to them , whom he had retained in his campe , he gaue leaue to depart ; but they fearing the crueltie of the galles , desired that they might continue with the romans : which caesar agreed vnto . observations . this relation affoordeth little matter of warre , but onely a seuere reuenge of hatefull trecherie : notwithstanding i will hence take occasion , to discouer the offices of the questor and the legates ; and shew what place they had in the armie . and first concerning the questor , we are to vnderstand , that he was elected by the common voice of the people , in the same court , which was called to creat the generall . his office was , to take charge of the publike treasure , whether it came out of their aerarium , for the paie of the armie ; or otherwise was taken from the enemie . of him the souldiers receiued their stipend both in corne and money ; and what other bootie was taken from the enemie , he either kept them , or solde them , for the vse of the common-weale . the legates were not chosen , by the people , but appointed by the senat , as assistants & coadiutors to the emperor , for the publike seruice , and were altogether directed by the generall , in whose absence they had the absolute command : and their number was for the most part vncertaine ; but proportioned according to the number of legions in the armie . chap. vi. caesar maketh a bridge vpon the rhene , and carrieth his armie ouer into germanie . the german warre being thus ended : caesar thought it necessarie , to transport his armie ouer the rhene into the continent of germanie , for manie causes : whereof this was not the least , that seeing the germans were so easily perswaded , to bring their colonies and their vagrant multitudes into gallia : he thought it good to make knowen vnto them , that the roman people could , at their pleasure , carrie their forces ouer the rhene into germanie . moreouer , those troupes of horse , which were absent at the late ouerthrow of the germans , were fled into the confines of the sicambri ; to whom , when caesar sent messengers to demand them to be sent vnto him , they answered , that the roman empire was limited by the rhene : and if the germans were interdicted gallia , why should caesar challenge any authority in their quarters ? lastly , the vbij , who amongst all the rest of the germans had only accepted of caesars friendship , and giuen pledges of their fidelitie , had made earnest suit vnto him , to send them aid against the sueui ; or at the least to transport his armie ouer the rhene : for the name and opinion of the roman armie was so great , and of such fame , what with ariouistus ouerthrow , and this last seruice , that it sounded honourable amongst the furthest nations of germany . for these reasons , caesar resolued to passe the rhene : but to carrie his armie ouer by boate , was neither safe , nor for the maiestie of the people of rome . and albeit it seemed a matter of great difficultie , by reason of the breadth , swiftnes , and depth of the riuer , to make a bridge ; yet he resolued to trie what he could doe , otherwise he determined not to passe ouer at all : and so he built a bridge after this maner . at two foote distance , he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square , sharpened at the lower end , and cut answerable to the depth of the riuer : these he let downe into the water with engines , and droue them in with commanders , not perpendicularly , after the fashion of a pile , but gable wise and bending with the course of the water : opposite vnto these he placed two other trees , ioyned together after the same fashion , being foote distant from the former , by the dimension betweene their lower parts in the bottome of the water , and reclining against the course of the riuer : these two paire of couples thus placed , he ioyned together with a beame of two foote square , equall to the distance betweene the said couples , and fastened them at each ende on either side of the couples , with braces and pins : whereby the strength of the worke , and nature of the frame was such , that the greater the violence of the streame was , and the faster it fell vpon the timber worke , the stronger the bridge was vnited in the couplings and iointes . in like manner , he proceeded with couples , and beames , vntill the worke was brought vnto the other side of the riuer : and then he laide straight planks from beame to beame , and couered them with hurdles ; and so he made a floore to the bridge . moreouer , on the lower side of the bridge , he droue downe supporters , which being fastened to the timber worke , did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water ; and on the vpper side of the bridge , at a reasonable distance , he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boates , or what els the enemie might cast downe to trouble the worke : within ten daies , that the timber began to be cut downe and carried , the worke was ended , and the armie transported . caesar , leauing a strong garrison at either end of the bridge , went into the confines of the sicambri . observations . it shall not be amisse , to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge ; as wel in regard of the ingenious architecture therof , as also that we may somwhat imitate caesar , whom we may obserue to insist with as great plenty of wit & eloquēce , in presenting vnto vs the subtilty of his inuentiō in such maner of handy works , as vpon any other part of his actiōs ; as this particular description of the bridge , may sufficiētly witnes : besides the fortifications at alesia , and the intrenchments in britanie , for the safetie of his shipping , with many other workes , which he might well record , as the greatest dessignes of an heroick spirit , and the wonderfull effectes of magnanimous industrie ; that succeeding ages might not boast either of arte or prowes , which his vertue had not expressed ; or otherwise might wonder at that worth , which they themselues coulde not attaine vnto : and to that purpose hee entertained virtuuius , the father of architecture , and as worthilie to bee imitated in that facultie , as his maister caesar is in feates of armes . by whose example a great commander may learne howe much it importeth the eternitie of his fame , to beautifie his greatest dessignes with arte ; and to esteeme of such as are able to intreat the mathematicall muses , to shew themselues vnder the shape of a sensible forme ; which albeit through the rudenesse of the matter , fall farre short of the truth of their intellectuall nature , yet their beautie expresseth such a maiestie of arte , that no time will suffer the memorie thereof to perish . the workmanship of this bridge consisted chiefely in the oblique situation of the double postes , whereof the first order bending with the streame , and the lower ranke against the streame , when they came to be coupled together with ouerthwart beames , which were fastened in the couplings with braces , which he nameth fibulas ; the more violent the streame fell vpon the worke , the faster the iointes of the building were vnited , as may better appeare by a modell of that making , then can be expressed by any circumstance of wordes . i might hence take occasion to speake of the diuersitie of bridges , and of the practises which antiquitie hath deuised to transport armies ouer riuers : but inasmuch as it is a common subiect for all that vndertake this militarie taske , and hath beene handled by lipsius , vpon the occasion of this bridge ; i will refer the reader to that place ; and only note the singular disposition of this action , in as much as caesar made the meanes correspondent to that end which he intended . for considering that the chiefest end of his passage was , to let the germans vnderstand , that the power of the roman empire was not boūded with the rhene ; and that a riuer could not so separate their territories , but that they were able to ioine both the continents together , and make a common roade waie , where it seemed most vnpassable : he thought it best to passe ouer his army by a bridge , that so the germans might know the power of his forces , and also conceit their territories , as vnited vnto gallia ; or to be vnited at the pleasure of the romans , with a firme isthmus & plaine passage by foot , which in times past had alwaies been separated by a mightie riuer . neither would a transportation by boat haue wrought that effect , for as much as the daily vse thereof was so familiar to the germans , that it nothing altered their imagination , of an vnaccessible passage : but when they saw so strange a thing attempted , and so suddenly performed , they would easily vnderstand , that they were not so farre off , but that they might be ouertaken ; and so direct their demeanour accordingly . let this suffice therfore to proue , that a passage ouer a riuer by a bridge , is more honourable , safe , and of greater terror to the enemy , then any other way that can be deuised ; especially if the riuer carrie any depth , such as the rhene is otherwise , if it haue either shallowes or foordes , whereby men may wade ouer , without any great incombrance , it were but lost labour to stand about a bridge ; but rather to thinke of it , as of a place incombred with such hindrances , as men often meete with in a march . chap. vii . caesar taketh reuenge vpon the sicambri : giueth libertie to the vbij ; and returneth againe into gallia . the sicambri , vnderstanding that caesar was making a bridge ouer the rhene , prepared themselues to flie ; and at the perswasion of the vsipetes , forsooke their country , and conuaied selues and their possessions into woods , and solitarie desartes . caesar continuing a few daies in their quarters , hauing set on fire their villages and houses , and burned vp their corne and prouision ; he came to the vbij , promising them aide against the sueui : by whom he vnderstood , that assoone as the sueui had intelligence , that he went about to make a bridge , calling a councell according to their maner , they sent vnto all quarters of their state , that they should forsake their townes , and carie their wiues and children , and all that they had , into the woods : and that all that were able to beare armes , should make head in one place , which they appointed to bee the midst of their countrey , and there they attended the comming of the romaines , and were resolued in that place to giue them battell . which when caesar vnderstood , hauing ended all those thinges , in regard whereof he came into germanie , which was chiefely to terrifie the germans , to be reuenged vpon the sicambri , to set the vbij at libertie ; hauing spent in all daies beyond the rhene , as well in regard of his owne honour , and the good of the common-weale : he returned into gallia , and brake vp the bridge . chap. viii . caesar thinketh of a voiage into britanie : he enquireth of marchants , concerning the nature of that people . althovgh the sommer was almost spent , and that in those partes the winter hasteneth on a pace , inasmuch as all gallia inclineth to the north ; notwithstanding he resolued to go ouer into britanie ; forasmuch as he vnderstood , that in all the former wars of gallia , the enemie had receiued most of their supply from thence . and although the time of the yeare would not suffer him to finish that warre ; yet he thought it would be to good purpose , if he went only to view the iland , to vnderstand the qualitie of the inhabitants , and to know their coast , their portes , and their landing places ; whereof the galles were altogether ignorant : for seldome any man , but marchants , did trauell vnto them . neither was there any thing discouered but the sea-coast , and those regions which were opposite vnto gallia : and therefore calling marchants together from all quarters , he neither could vnderstand of what quantitie the iland was , what nations , or of what power they were that inhabited it ; what vse or experience of warre they had ; what lawes or customes they vsed ; nor what hauens they had to receiue a nauie of great shipping . observations . as the germans had oftentimes stirred vp motions of rebellion amongst the galles , by sending their superfluous multitudes into their kingdome ; so the britaine 's had vpheld most of their warres , by furnishing them with such supplies , as from time to time they stood in neede of . so that if caesar , or the roman people , would rest secure of their quiet and peaceable gouernment in gallia , as they had chastised the insolencie of the germans , & sent them backe againe , with greater losse then gaine ; so was it necessarie to make the britains know , that their assistance in the warre of gallia would draw more businesses vpon them , then they were well able to manage . for as i haue noted in my former discourses , the causes of an vnpeaceable gouernment are as well externall and forraine , as internall and bred in the bodie ; which neede the helpe of a phisition , to continue the bodie in a perfect state of health , and require as great a diligence to qualifie their malicious operations , as any internall sicknesse whatsoeuer . in the second commentarie , i briefely touched the commoditie of good discouerie ; but because it is a matter of great consequence , in the fortunate cariage of a warre , i will once againe by this example of caesar , remember a generall not to be negligent in this dutie . suetonius in the life of our caesar reporteth , that he neuer vndertooke any expedition , but he first receiued true intelligence of the particular site , and nature of the country , as also of the maners and qualitie of the people ; and that he would not vndertake the voiage into britanie , vntill he had made perfect discouerie by himselfe , of the magnitude and situation of the iland . which suetonius might vnderstand by this first voiage , which caesar would needes vndertake in the latter end of a sommer , although it were as he himselfe saith , but to discouer . it is recorded by auncient writers , that those demigods that gouerned the world in their time , gaue great honor to the exercise of hunting , as the perfect image of warre in the resemblance of all parts , and namely in the discouerie and knowledge of a country ; without which all enterprises , either of sport in hunting , or earnest in warres were friuolous and of no effect . and therefore zenophon in the life of cyrus , sheweth that his expedition against the king of armenia , was nothing but a repetition of such sportes , as he had vsed in hunting . howsoeuer , if the infinite examples registred in historie , how by the dexteritie of some leaders it hath gained great victories , & through the negligence of others , irrecouerable ouerthrowes ; are not sufficient motiues to perswade thē to this duty : let their owne experience in matters of small moment , manifest the weakenesse of their proceedings , when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they haue in hand . but let this suffice in the second place , to proue the necessitie of good discouerie ; and let vs learne of caesar , what is principally to be inquired after in the discouerie of an vnknowne country ; as first the quantitie of the land : secondly , what nations inhabite it : thirdly , their vse of warre : fourthly , their ciuill gouernment : and lastly , what hauens they had to receiue a nauie of great shipping . all which circumstances are such principall arteries in the bodie of a state , that the discouerie of any one of these demaundes would haue giuen great light , concerning the motion of the whole bodie . chap. ix . caesar sendeth c. volusenus , to discouer the coast of britanie ; and prepareth himselfe for that voiage . caesar sent out caius volusenus , with a gallie to discouer what he could concerning these thinges ; and to returne againe vnto him very speedely : he himselfe marched in the meane time , with all his forces , vnto the morini ; forasmuch as from thence laie the shortest cut into britanie . thither he commanded that shippes should be brought from all the maritimate cities of that quarter , and namely that fleete , which he had built the yeare before for the warre at vannes . in the meane time his resolution being knowen , and carried into britanie by merchants and others , manie priuate states of that iland sent ambassadours vnto him , promising him hostages of their loialtie , and signifying their readinesse to submit themselues to the roman empire . to these he made liberall promises , exhorting them to continue in that obedience ; and so sent them backe againe : and with them he sent comius , whom he had made king of arras , whose wisdome and vertue he held in good account , and knew it to be of great authoritie in those regions : to him he gaue in charge to go to as many of the states as he could , and perswade them to accept of the friendship of the roman empire , and that caesar himselfe would presently follow after . volusenus , hauing taken what view of the country he could ; for he durst not go on shore to commit himselfe to the barbarisme of the enemy ; after fiue daies returned to caesar : and while he staied in those places for the furnishing of his fleete , the morini sent messengers vnto him , excusing their former faultes , and manifesting their readinesse to obey his mandates . caesar not willing to leaue any enemy behinde him , or to neglect his voiage into britanie , for such small matters ; hee willingly accepted of their submission , hauing first receiued manie hostages of them , and hauing made readie eightie shippes of burthen , which he thought sufficient to transport two legions , he deuided the galleies to the questor , the legates and the commanders of the horse . there were also eighteene shippes of burthen more , which laie windbound at a port eight miles off , and them he appointed for the horsemen : the rest of the armie he committed to q. titurius sabinus , and l. arunculeius cotta , commanding them to go to the confines of the menapij : and appointed p. sulp. rufus , a legate , to keepe the port , with a sufficient garrizon . chap. x. caesar saileth into britanie , and landeth his men . these thinges being thus dispatched : hauing a good winde in the third watch , he put out to sea , commanding his horsmen to imbarke themselues at the further port , which was but slowlie performed : hee himselfe arriued vpon the coast about the fourth houre of the daie , where he found all the cliftes possessed with the forces of the enemie . the nature of the place was such , that the hils laie so steepe ouer the sea , that a weapon might easily be cast , from the higher , ground vpon the lower shore : and therefore he thought it no fit landing place ; notwithstanding he cast anker vntill the rest of the nauie were come vp vnto him . in the meane time ▪ calling a councell of the legates and tribunes , he declared vnto them what aduertisements he had receiued by volusenus , and told them what he would haue done ; and withall admonished them that the course of militarie affaires , and especially sea matters , that had so sudden and an vnconstant motion , required all thinges to be done at a becke , and in due time . the councell being dismissed , hauing both wind and tide with him , he waighed anker , and sailed eight miles from that place , vnto a plaine and open shore . the britaines perceiuing the romans determination , sent their horse and chariots before , and the rest of their forces followed after , to the place where the romans intended to land . caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men , for these respectes : the ships were so great , that they could not be brought neere vnto the shore : the souldiers in strange and vnknowne places , hauing their hands laden with great and heauie weapons , were at one instant to go out of the shippe , to withstand the force of the billow , and to fight with the enemie ; whereas the britaines either standing vpon the shore , or making short sallies into the water , did boldly cast their weapons in knowen and frequented places , and managed their horses as accustomed to such seruices . the romans being terrified with these thinges , and altogether vnskilfull of this kinde of fight , did vse the same courage , as they were woont to doe in land seruices : which when caesar perceiued , he caused the galleies , that were both strange to the britaines , and readier for vse , to be remoued from the shippes of burthen , and to bee rowed vp and downe , and laide against the open side of the enemie ; that from thence with slinges , engines & arrowes , the enemy might be beaten vp from the water side ; which stood the romans in good steede : for the britaines , being troubled with the strangenesse of the galleies , the motion of their oares ; and the vnusuall kinde of engines ; were somewhat dismaied , and began to retire backe , and giue waie to the romans : but the soldiers still lingering , and especially for feare of the depth of the sea , the eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the gods , that it might fall out happely to the legion : if you will ( saith he ) forsake your eagle , o ye souldiers , and betraie it to the enemy , for mine owne part i will do my duty both to the common weale , and to my imperator , and hauing spoken this , with a loud voice , hee cast himselfe into the sea , and caried the eagle towarde the enemy ; the romaines exhorting one another , not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed , they all leaped out of the ship : which when others that were neere at hande perceiued , they followed them with as great alacritie , and pressed towards the enemy to incounter with them . the fight on both partes was very eager , the romaines not being able to keepe any order of battell , nor to get any firme footing , nor to follow their ensignes , forasmuch as euery man kept with those ensignes , which he first met withal , were wonderfully troubled : but the enemy acquainted with the flats and shallowes , as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships , putting spurs to their horse , woulde set vpon them incombred and vnprepared , and many of them would ouerlay a few ; others would get the aduantage of the open side , and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troupes of them : which when caesar perceiued , he caused the shipboates and smaller vessels to be manned with soldiours , and where he sawe neede of helpe , he sent them to rescue such as were ouercharged . as soone as the romaines got footing on the firme land , they made head together and charged the enemy , and so put them to flight ; but they were not able to follow them , nor take the iland at that time , for want of horsemen , which thing was only wanting to caesars fortune . the first observation . vpon this circumstance of landing , i may iustly take occasion to handle that controuersie , which hath beene often debated by our english captaines , which is , whether it be better in question of an inuasion , and in the absence of our shipping , to oppose an enemy at his landing vpon our coast ; or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore , and retire our forces into some inland place , and there attend to giue him battell ? it seemeth that such as first set this question on foot , and were of an opinion , that we ought not by any meanes to encounter an enemy at his landing ; for so wee might much endanger our selues and our countrey ; did ground themselues vpon the authority of monsieur de langey , not obseruing the difference betweene an iland and a continent . for where he setteth down that position , he plainly aimeth at such princes , as border one vpon an other in the same continent : but where their territories are disioyned by so great a barre as the ocean , and haue not such meanes to supprise one an other , it were meere folly to hold good that rule , as shall better appeare by the sequell of this discourse . wherein i will first laie downe the reasons , that may be vrged to proue it vnsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing , not as beeing vrged by that party ; for i neuer hearde any probable motiue from them which might induce any such opinion , but set down by such as haue looked into the controuersies , both with experience and good iudgement . and first , it may be obiected , that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing , as well in regard of the vncertaintie of place , as of time : for beeing ignorant in what place hee will attempt a landing , wee must either defende all places of accesse , or our intentions wil proue meere friuolous ; and to performe that , it is requisite that our defensiue forces be sufficient , according to the particular qualitie of euery place subiect to danger : which considering the large extension of our maritimate parts , and the manie landing places on our coast , will require a greater number of men , then this iland canne affoord . and although it coulde furnish such a competent number , as might seeme in some sort sufficient ; yet the vncertainty of the time of the enemies arriuall , would require that they should be lodged , either vpon or neere the places of danger , manie daies at least , if not many weekes , before the instant of their attempt , which woulde exhaust a greater masse of treasure , then could bee well affoorded by the state . secondly , it may be obiected , that all our landing places are of such disaduantage , for the defendantes ; that it were no safetie at all to make heade against him at the landing : for in asmuch as such places are open and plaine , they yeelde no commodity to shelter the defendantes from the fury of the artillerie , wherewith the enemy will plentifullie furnish their long boates and landing vessailes ; which beating vpon the beach ( for most of our landing places are of that quality ) will so scatter them , that no man shall bee able to indure the inconuenience thereof . the thirde obiection may arise from the disparitie both of numbers , and condition of the forces of either partie : for the first it must needes bee granted , that the defendantes being to garde so many places at once , cannot furnish such numbers to euerie particular place for defence , as the assailants may for offence . concerning the qualitie of the forces , it is without question , that a great and potent prince , ( for such a one it must bee , that vndertaketh to inuade the territories of so absolute and well obeied a princesse as her maiestie is ) woulde drawe out the floure of his solderie wheresoeuer ; besides the gallant troupes of voluntaries , which do commonly attend such seruices . now these being thus qualified , and drawne into one head , and being to make as it were but one body : how can it be reasonably imagined ( the time and place of their attempt being vncertaine ) that the defendants should equal them with forces of like vertue and experience ? these are the reasons , which may be drawne from the disaduantage , which they haue that go about to oppose an enemy at his landing : the rest that haue beene vrged , by such as maintaine this opinion , are either impertinent to the question , or taken altogether from false grounds . but before i proceede to the answere of these reasons , i will lay this downe for a principle . that it is impossible for any forraine prince how puissant soeuer , to make such a preparation as shal be fitting to inuade a state so populous , and respectiue of their soueragine , ( notwithstanding the pretenses deuised to dissemble the same ) but it must of necessitie be discouered , before it can bee made able to put any thing in execution : which i might enlarge by particularizing the infinite equipage , which is required for so great a fleete . but i will rest my selfe in the example of the yeere . which proueth the discouery of the pretended inuasion , before it could come to execution . concerning therefore the first obiection : it cannot indeed bee denied , but the place of the enemies landing will be doubtfull , and therefore our care must generally extend it selfe to all places of accesse : but that our defensiue forces are not sufficient in a competent maner to garde all such places , according as the necessitie of them shall require , that is the point in question . to prooue that our forces are sufficient : wee must necessarily enter into particularities , wherein i will take kent for a president , as not altogether vnacquainted with the state thereof ; which , if i deceiue not my selfe , is a shore of as large extension vpon the maritimate partes , as any other within this kingdom , for the breadth thereof enlarging it selfe from the point of nesse by lyd , which is the vttermost skirt vpon the coast of sussex , vnto margate vppon the coast of essex ; is by computation about twenty foure miles : but notwithstanding this large circuit , who knoweth not that the sixt part thereof is not subiect to the landing of such an enemy , as wee speake of , partly in regarde of the hugenesse of the cliffes , which do inclose a great part of that skirt ; and partly in regard that much of that quantitie , which may be landed vpon , hath such eminent and difficult places neere adioyning , as an armie that shoulde put it selfe there on shore , shoulde find it selfe being opposed but by a small force , so straitened , as they would not easily find a way out , without apparant ruine of their whole forces . further it cannot be denied , but that generally along the coast of kent , there are so many rocks , shelues , flats , and other impediments , that a nauie of great ships canne haue no commodity to anchor neere the shore : and for the most part the coast lieth so open to the weather , that the least gale of wind will put them from their anchor : all which particularities duly considered , it wil appeare that this large skirt of kent will affoord a far lesser part fit for the landing of an army , then was thought of at the first . and were it that so publike a treatise as this is , would admit with good discretion such an exact relation , as falleth within my knowledge concerning this point , i would vndertake to make it so euident , by the particular description both of the number , quantity and qualitie of the places themselues ; as no man of an indifferent iudgement would imagine our forces to be insufficient , to affoord euery of them such a safe and sure garde , as shall bee thought requisite for the same . but forasmuch as it is vnfitting to giue such particular satisfaction in this publike discourse , giue me leaue , submitting my selfe alwaies to better iudgements , to giue a generall taste of that meanes as woulde secure all places , with a competent number of men . hauing shewed you before the circuit of the maritimat parts of kent , i would obserue this order : first , to make a triple diuision of all such forces , as shall be appointed for this seruice ; as for example , i wil suppose the number to be of which i would lodge . about the point of nesse , and . about margate , & . about foulkston , which i take to be as it were the center : for my greatest care should be so to dispose of them , as they might not only succor one an other in the same shire , but as euery shire bordereth one vpon an other ; so they should mutually giue helpe one vnto an other , as occasion should bee offered : as if the enemy shoulde attempt a landing about nesse , not onely the . lodged as before , shoulde march to their succours , but such also of the sussex forces as were neere vnto that part ; and so likewise of the rest : by which you may see how great a force would in few houres bee assembled , for the renforcing of any of these out skirts ; and the rather , forasmuch as the one halfe of the whole forces are thus lodged in the center of the shire , which is neerer to all parts then any other place whatsoeuer . there woulde also in the quartering of them , an especiall care bee had to the places of daunger , as might bee answerable to the importance thereof : for my meaning is not to lodge them close together , but to stretch them out along the coast by regiments and companies , as the country might affoord best oportunity , to entertaine them . now concerning the latter part of this obiection , which vrgeth the vncertainty of time , when the enemy shall make his approches : i holde it most requisite that our defensiue forces should be drawne into a heade , before the enemy should be discouered neere our coast ready to put himselfe on shoare : for it were a grosse absurdity to imagine , that companies coulde vppon such a sodaine be assembled , without confusion ; and make so long a march , with such expedition , as the necessity of the occasion would require . nowe for that husbanding respect of her maiesties coffers , which is vrged to such extremity , as it would be vnsupportable for this state to beare : as i doubt not but good intelligence would much qualifie that supposed immoderate expence ; so i assure my selfe , that men of sound iudgement , will deeme it much out of season to dispute about vnnecessary thrift , when the whole kingdome is brought in question of being made subiect to a stranger : vt iugulent homines surgunt de nocte latrones , non expergesceris , vt te ipsum serues ? the enemy ( peraduenture ) hath kept . men in paie . months before , to make hauocke of our countrey , and to bring vs into perpetuall thraldome ; shal we thinke it much to maintaine sufficient forces vppon our coast , to assure our selues , that no such enemy shall enter into our countrey ? the extremity of this charge woulde bee qualified by our good espiall , which would proportion our attendance , with the necessity which is imposed vpon vs to bee carefull in businesses of this nature . let this suffice therefore to proue , that our forces are sufficient to keepe the sea cost ; and that the vncertainty of time , when the enemy will make his attempts , ought not to hinder vs from performing that dutie , which the care and respect of our prince and countrey imposeth vpon euerie good subiect , which is the substance of the first reason , which i set downe in the beginning of this discourse . now concerning the second reason , which vrgeth the disaduantage of the place , in regarde of the fury of the enemies artillery . true it is , that such places as yeelde the enemy commodity of landing , are for the most parte plaine and open , and affoord naturally no couert at all . what then ? shall a soldiour take euery place as hee findeth it , and vse no arte to qualifie the disaduantages thereof ? or shall a man forgo the benefit of a place of aduantage rather , then hee will relieue with industry the discommoditie of some particular circumstance ? i make no question but an ingenious commander , being in seasonable time lodged with conuenient forces vpon any of those places , yea vppon the beach it selfe , which is vnapt to make defensible , as anie place whatsoeuer ; woulde vse such industrie as might giue sufficient securitie to his forces , and ouerwaie the enemie with aduantage of place ; especially considering that this age hath affoorded such plentifull examples of admirable inuentions in that behalfe : but this cannot be done , if our forces doe not make head before the instant of the enemies attempt , that our commanders may haue some time to make readie store of gabions , handbaskets , with such moueable matter as shal be thought fit for that seruice . neither let this trouble anie man , for i dare auouch it , that if our forces are not drawne into a heade before the enemie bee discouered vppon the coast , although wee neuer meane to oppose their landing , but attende them in some inlande place , to giue them battaile ; our commanders will bee farre to seeke of manie important circumstances , which are requisite in a matter of that consequence . and therefore let vs haue but a reasonable time to bethinke our selues of these necessaries , and we will easilie ouercome all these difficulties , and vse the benefit of the firme lande to repell an enemie , weakened with the sea , tossed with the billow , troubled with his weapons , with manie other hinderances and discouragementes , which are presented vnto him both from the land and the sea . he that saw the landing of our forces in the iland of fiall , in the yeere . can somewhat iudge of the difficulty of that matter : for what with the working of the sea , the steepnesse of the cliffes , the troublesomnes of their armes , the soldiors were so incombred , that had not the enemie beene more then a coward , he might wel with . men haue kept vs from entering any part of that iland . concerning the thirde obiection , this briefelie shall bee sufficient , that wee are not so much to regarde that our forces doe equall them in number , as to see that they bee sufficient for the nature of the place , to make it good against the enemies landing : for wee knowe that in places of aduantage and difficult accesse , a small number is able to oppose a great ; and wee doubt not but all circumstances duelie considered , wee shall proportionablie equall the enemie , both in number and qualitie of their forces : alwaies presupposed , that our state shall neuer bee destitute of sufficient forces trained , and exercised in a competent maner , to defende their countrey from forraine enemies . for the neglect thereof , were to drawe on such as of themselues are but too forwarde , to make a praie of vs ; and to make vs vnapt , not onelie to oppose an enemies landing , but to defende our selues from beeing ouerrunne , as other nations liuing in security , without due regarde thereof , haue beene . and this much concerning the answere to those three reasons , which seeme to prooue that an enemie is not to bee resisted at his landing . nowe if we do but looke a little into the discommodities , which follow vpon the landing of an enemy , we shall easilie discouer the dangerousnesse of this opinion : as first , we giue him leaue to liue vpon the spoile of our countrey , which cannot be preuented by any wasting , spoiling , or retiring of our prouisions , in so plentiful a countrey as this is , especially considering that wee haue no strong townes at all to repose our selues vpon . whereof wee neede no further testimonie , then is deliuered vnto vs out of the seuenth booke of these commentaries , in that war , which caesar had with vercingetorix . secondly obedience , which at other times is willingly giuen to princes , is greatly , weakened at such times ; whereby all necessary meanes to maintaine a war is hardly drawn from the subiect . thirdly , oportunity is giuen to malecontents and ill disposed persons , either to make head themselues , or to flie to the enemy . fourthly , the madnes to aduenture a kingdom vpon one stroke , hauing it in our disposition to do otherwise , with many other disaduantages , which the oportunity of any such occasion would discouer . the second observation . the worde imperator , which the eagle-bearer attributeth to caesar , was the greatest title that could be giuen to a romaine leader : and as zonaras in his second tome saith , was neuer giuen but vpon some great exploite , and after a iust victorie obtained ; and then in the place where the battaile was fought , and the enemie ouerthrowne , the generall was saluted by the name of imperator , with the triumphant shoute of the whole armie ; by which acclamation , the soldiours gaue testimonie of his worth ; and made it equiualent with the most fortunate commaunders . this ceremonie was of great antiquitie in the romaine empire , as appeareth by manie histories , and namelie by tacitus , where hee saith , that tyberius gaue that honour to blesus , that hee should be saluted imperator by the legions ; which hee sheweth to bee an ancient dignitie belonging to great captaines , after they had foiled the enemy , with an eminent ouerthrowe . for euerie victorie was not sufficient , whereby they might chalenge so great an honour , but there was required ( as it seemeth ) a certaine number of the enemies to be slaine . apian in his second booke saieth , that in olde time , the name of imperator was neuer taken , but vpon great and admirable exploits : but in his time of the enemy being slaine in one battell , was a sufficient ground of that honour . cicero saith , that slaine in the place , especiallie of thracians , spaniards or galles , did worthely merit the name of imperator . howsoeuer it seemeth by the same author , that there was a certain number of the enemy required to be slaine , where he saith , se insta victoria imperatorem appellatum . chap. xi . the britains make peace with caesar , but breake it againe , vpon the losse of the romain shipping . the britaines being ouerthrowne in this battaile ; assoone as they had recouered their safety by flight , they presently dispatched messengers to caesar to intreate for peace , promising hostages and obedience , in whatsoeuer he commanded . and with these ambassadors returned comius of arras , whom caesar had sent before into britanie . caesar complained , that , whereas they sent vnto him into gallia to desire peace , notwithstanding at his comming they made warre against him , without any cause or reason at all ; but excusing it by their ignorance , he commanded hostages to be deliuered vnto him : which they presently performed in parte ; and the rest being to bee fet further off , shoulde likewise be rendered within a short time ; in the meane while , they commanded their people to returne to their possessions , and their rulers and princes came out of all quarters to commende themselues and their states to caesar . the peace being thus concluded ; foure daies after that caesar came into britanie , the eighteen shippes which were appointed for the horsemen , put out to sea with a gentle winde , and approaching so neere the coast of britanie , that they were within viewe of the romaine campe : there arose such a sodaine tempest , that none of them were able to holde their course , but some of them returned to the porte from whence they came ; othersome were cast vpon the lower part of the ilande , which lieth to the west warde ; and there casting anchor tooke in such seas , that they were forced to commit themselues againe to the sea , and direct their course to the coast of gallia . the same night it happened , that the moone being in the full , the tides were verie high in those seas ; whereof the romaines being altogether ignorant , both the gallies which were drawne vp vpon the shore were filde with the tide , and the shippes of burthen that laie at anchor , were shaken with the tempest , neither was there anie helpe to be giuen vnto them : so that many of them were rent , and split in peeces ; and the rest lost both their anchors , gables and other tackling : and by that meanes became altogether vnseruiceable . whereat the whole armie was exceedinglie troubled ; for there was no other shipping to recarrie them bcke againe : neither had they anie necessaries to newe furnish the olde : and euerie man knew that they must needes winter in gallia ; for as much as there was no prouision of corn in those places where they were . which thing beeing knowne to the princes of britanie , that were assembled to confer of such thinges as caesar had commanded them to performe , when they vnderstood that the romaines wanted both their horsemen , shipping , and prouision of corne , and coniecturing of the paucitie of their forces , by the small circuit of their camp ; and that which was more important then all the rest , that caesar had transported his soldiours without such necessarie cariages , as they vsed to take with them : they thought it their best course to rebell , and to keepe the romaines from corne and conuoies of prouision , and so prolong the matter , vntil winter came on . for they thought that if these were once ouerthrown and cut off from returning into gallia , neuer any man would afterward aduenture to bring an army into britanie : therefore they conspired againe the second time , and conuaied themselues by stealth out of the campe , and got their men priuily out of the fields , to make head in some conuenient place against the romans . the first observation . concerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea , and the causes thereof ; it hath already beene handled in the second booke , to which i will adde this much , as may serue to shew , how the romaines became so ignorant of the spring tides , which happen in the full and new of the moone . it is obserued by experience , that the motion of this waterie element is altogither directed by the course of the moon , wherin she exerciseth her regency , according as shee findeth the matter qualified for her influence . and for asmuch as all mediterrean seas , and such gulfes as are inclosed in sinues and bosomes of the earth , are both abridged of the liberty of their course , and through the smallnes of their quantity , are not so capable of celestiall power ; as the ocean it selfe : it consequently followeth , that the tuskane seas , wherwith the romains were chiefly acquainted , were not so answerable in effect to the operation of the moon , as the maine sea , whose bounds are ranged in a more spacious circuit ; and through the plenteous abundance of his parts , better answereth the vertue of the moone . the ocean therfore being thus obedient to the course of the celestial bodies , taking hir course of flowing from the north , falleth with such a currant between the orcades , and the maine of noruegia ; that she filleth our channel between england and france , with great swelling tides ; and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters , then in any other partes of the world . and hence it happeneth , that our riuer of thames , lying with her mouth so ready to receiue the tyde as it commeth , and hauing withall a plaine leuelled belly , and a very smal fresh currant , taketh the tide as far into the land , as any other known riuer of europe . and for this cause the romans were ignorant of the spring tides in the ful of the moone . the second observation . svch as either by their own experience , or otherwise by obseruation of that which history recordeth , are acquainted with the gouernment of common weales , are not ignorant with what difficulty a nation , that either hath long liued in liberty , or bin gouerned by cōmanders of their own chosing , is made subiect to the yoake of bondage , or reduced vnder the obediēce of a stranger . for as we are apt by a naturall inclination to ciuill societie ; so by the same nature wee desire a free disposition of our selues and possessions , as the cheefest end of the saide society . and therefore in the gouernment of a subdued state , what losse or disaduantage happeneth to the victor , or how indirectlie soeuer it concerneth the bond of their thraldome , the captiue people behold it as a part of their aduersaries ouerthrow ; and conceiue thereupon such spirites , as answere the greatnes of their hope , and sort with the strength of their will , which alwaies maketh that seeme easie to be effected which it desireth . and this was the reason , that the britaine 's altered their resolution of peace , vpon the losse which the romans had receiued in their shipping . chap. xii . caesar new trimmeth his late shaken nauie : the britaines set vpon the romans as they haruested ; but were put off by caesar . caesar although he had not discouered their determination , yet coniecturing of the euent by the losse of his shipping , and by their delay of giuing vppe hostages ; hee prouided against all chances : for he brought corne daily out of the fields into his camp ; and tooke the huls of such ships as were most dismembred , and with the tymber and brasse thereof hee mended the rest that were beaten with the tempest , causing other necessaries to bee brought out of gallia . which being handeled with the great industrie and trauell of the souldiers , he lost onely twelue shippes , and made the other able to abide the sea . while these thinges were in action , the seuenth legion being sent out by course , to fetch in corne , and little suspecting any motion of warre ; as part of the souldiers continued in the field , and the rest went and came betweene them and the campe ; the station that watched before the gate of the campe , gaue aduertisement to caesar , that the same way which the legion went , there appeared a greater dust then was vsually seene . caesar suspecting that which in deede was true , that the britaine 's were entered into some new resolution , he tooke those two cohorts which were in station before the port , commanding other two to take their place , and the rest to arme themselues , and presently to follow him , and went that waie , where the dust was descried . and when he had marched some distance from the campe , he saw his men ouercharged with the enemie , and scarce able to sustaine the assault , the legion thronged together on a heape , and weapons cast from all partes amongst them . for when they had haruested all other quarters , there remained one piece of corne , whither the enemie suspected the romans would at last come ; and in the night time conuaied themselues secretly into the woods , where they continued , vntill the romans were come into the field , and as they saw them disarmed , dispersed and occupied in reaping ; they suddenly set vpon them , and slaying some few of them , rowted the rest and incompassed them about with their horsemen , and chariots . their manner of fight with chariots , was first to ride vp and downe and cast their weapons , as they saw aduantage ; and with the terrour of their horses & ratteling of their wheeles , to disorder the companies ; and when they had wound themselues betweene anie troupes of horse , they forsooke their chariots and fought on foot : in the meane time the guiders of their chariots would driue a little aside , and so place themselues , that if their maisters needed anie helpe , they might haue an easie passage vnto them . and thus they performed in all their fightes , both the nimble motion of horsemen , and the firme stabilitie of footmen ; and were so readie with daily practise , that they could staie in the decliuitie of a steepe hill , and turne short or moderate their going , as it seemed best vnto them ; and runne along the beame of the coach and rest vpon the yoake , or harnesse of their horses , and returne as speedely againe at their pleasure . the romans being thus troubled , caesar came to rescue them in verie good time : for at his comming , the enemie stood still ; and the souldiers gathered their spirits vnto them , and began to renew their courage that was almost spent . caesar , thinking it an vnfit time , either to prouoke the enemy , or to giue him battell ; he continued a while in the same place : and then returned with the legions into the campe . while these thinges were a doing , and the romaines thus busied ; the britaines that were in the field , conuaied themselues all awaie . the first observation . by this wee plainely finde , that there were vsually two cohortes ( which according to the rate of in a maniple , amounted to the number of men ) which kept the daie watch before the gate of the campe , and were alwaies in readinesse vpon any seruice . the commoditie whereof appeareth by this accident , for considering that the aduertisement required haste and speedie recourse , it greatly furthered their rescue to haue so manie men readie to march forward at the first motion , that they might giue what helpe they could , vntill the rest of their fellowes came in . the second observation . their manner of fight with chariots , is very particularly described by caesar , and needeth not to bee stood vpon any longer : onely i obserue , that neither in gallia , nor any other country of europe , the vse of chariots is neuer mentioned : but they haue euer beene attributed , as a peculiar fight , vnto the easterne countries , as sutable to the plaine and leuell situation of the place , whereof we finde often mention in the scripture : which may serue for an argument to geffrey of monmouth , to proue the britaines descent from troie in asia , where we likewise finde mention of such chariots . the third observation . thirdly we may obserue , the discreete or moderate temper of his valour , and the meanes he vsed to make his souldiers confident in his directions : for notwithstanding the britaines had exceedingly vrged him , to make hazard of a present reuenge ; yet finding it an vnfit time , ( inasmuch as his men had beene somewhat troubled , with the furie of the britaines ) hee thought it best to expect some other oportunitie . and againe , to auoid the inconueniences of a fearefull retrait , he continued a while in the same place , to imbolden his men with the sight of the enemie . and this manner of proceeding wrought a full perswasion in his souldiers , that his actions were directed with knowledge , and with a carefull respect of their safetie ; which gaue his mē resolution when they were caried vpon seruice , being assured that what seruice soeuer they were imploied vpon , was most diligently to bee performed , as a matter much importing the fortunate issue of that warre : wheras if they had perceiued that headstrong furie , which carrieth men on with a desire of victorie , and neuer looketh into the meanes wherby it may be obtained , had directed the course of their proceedinges , they might with reason haue drawne backe from such imploiments , and valewed their safetie aboue the issue of such an enterprise . and hence ariseth that confident opinion , which the soldiers haue of a good generall ; which is a matter of great importance in the course of a warre . chap. xiii . the britaines make head , with their forces ; and are beaten by caesar : his returne into gallia . after this ; for manie daies together , there followed such tempests and foule weather , that both the romans were constrained to keepe their campe , and the britaine 's were kept from attempting any thing against them : but in the meane time , they sent messengers into all quarters , publishing the small number of the roman forces , and amplifying the greatnesse of the bootie , and the easie means offered vnto them of perpetuall libertie , if they could take the roman campe . shortly vpon this , hauing gathered a great companie , both of horse and foote ; they came to the place where the romans were incamped . caesar ( although he foresaw the euent by that which before had happened , that if the enemie were beaten backe , he would auoide the danger by flight ) yet hauing some horse , which comius of arras had carried with him , at his comming into britanie ; he imbattailed his legions before his campe ; and so gaue them battell . the enemie not being able to beare the assault of the roman souldiers , turned their backes and fled : the romans followed them , as farre as they could by running on foote ; and after a great slaughter , with the burning of their townes farre and neare , they returned to their campe . the same daie the britaines sent messengers to caesar , to intreat for peace ; whom he commanded to double their number of hostages , which he commanded to be carried into gallia . and forasmuch as the aequinoctium was at hand ; he thought it not safe to put himselfe to the winter sea , with such weake shipping : and therefore hauing got a conuenient time , he hoised saile a little after midnight , and brought all his ships safe vnto the continent . two of these ships of burthen , not being able to reach the same hauen , put in somewhat lower into the land : the soldiers that were in them being about , being set on shore , and marching towardes their campe : the morini , with whom caesar at his going into britany had made peace , in hope of a bootie , first with a few of their men stood about them , commanding them vpon paine of death to laie downe their weapons ; and as the romans , by casting themselues into an orbe , began to make defence , at the noise and clamour amongst them , there were suddenly gathered together about of the enemy . which thing being knowen , caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieue them : in the meane time the romans sustained the force of the enemie , and fought valiantly the space of foure houres ; and receiuing themselues some few woundes , they slew many of the enemie . after the roman horsemen came in sight , the enemie cast awaie their weapons and fled , and a great number of them fell by the horsemen . observations . of al the figures which the tactici haue chosen to make vse of in militarie affaires ; the circle hath euer beene taken for the fittest , to be applied in the defensiue part , as inclosing with an equall circuit on all partes whatsoeuer is contained within the circumference of that area : and therefore geometrie tearmeth a circumference a simple line , for as much as if you alter the site of the parts , and transport one arch into the place of another ; the figure notwithstanding will remaine the same , because of the equall bending of the line , throughout the whole circumference . which propertie , as it proueth an vniformitie of strength in the whole circuit , so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning , or this is the end ; this is front , or this is flanke . so doth that , which euclide doth demonstrate in the of his elements , concerning the small affinitie betweene a right line , and a circle ( which being drawen to touch the circumference , doth touch it but in a point only ) shew the greatnes of this strength in regard of any other line , by which it may be broken . which , howsoeuer they seeme , as speculatiue qualities , conceiued rather by intellectuall discourse , then manifested to sensible apprehension ; yet forasmuch as experience hath proued the strength of this figure , in a defensiue part , aboue any other maner of imbattailing ; let vs not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties , which discouer the causes of this effect : neither let vs neglect this part of militarie knowledge , being so strong a meanes to maintaine valour , and the sinew of all our abilitie : for order correspondent to circumstances , is the whole strength and power of an armie . neither ought there any action in a well ordered discipline , to be irregular , or voide of order : and therefore the romans did neither eate nor sleepe , without the direction of the consull , or chiefe commander ; otherwise their valour might rather haue beene tearmed furie then vertue : but when their courage was ranged with order , and disposed according to the occurrences of the time ; it neuer failed as long as the said order continued perfect . it appeareth therfore , how important it is for a commander to looke into the diuersitie of orders for imbattailing , and to waigh the nature thereof ; that hee may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion . the romans tearmed this figure orbis , which signifieth a round body both with a concaue , and a conuex surface : in resemblance whereof , i vnderstand this orbe of men imbattailed to be so named ; which might peraduenture consist of fiue or more or fewer rankes , inclosing one another after the nature of so manie circles , described about one center : so that either the middest thereof remained voide , or otherwise contained such cariages , and impediments , as they had with them in their march . this forme of imbattailing was neuer vsed , but in great extremitie : for as it was the safest of all other ; so it gaue suspition to the souldiers of exceeding danger , which abated much of their heat in battell , as wil herafter appeare by the testimonie of caesar himselfe , in the fift commentarie , vpon the occasion which happened vnto sabinus and cotta . chap. xiiii . the next daie , caesar sent titus labienus a legate , with those legions which he had brought out of britanie , against the reuolted morini ; who hauing no place of refuge because their bogs & fens were dried vp , where they had sheltered themselues the yeare before , they all fell vnder the power of his mercie . q. titurîus , and a. cotta the legats , who had led the legions against the menapij , after they had wasted their fieldes , cut vp their corne , burned their houses , for the menapij were all hid in thicke woods ; they returned to caesar : these thinges being thus ended , caesar placed the wintering campes of all his legions amongst the belgae ; to which place two only of all the cities in britanie , sent hostages vnto him : the rest neglecting it . these wars being thus ended : vpon the relation of caesars letters , the senate decreed a supplication for the space of daies . observations . in the ende of the second commentarie , we reade of a supplication granted by the senate , for daies ; which was neuer granted to anie man before that time ; since the first building of the citie ; but forasmuch as in this fourth yeare of the warres in gallia , it was augmented from vnto daies , i thought it fit to referre the handling thereof , vnto this place . we are therfore to vnderstand , that whensoeuer a roman generall had carried himselfe well in the warres , by gaining a victorie , or enlarging the boundes of their empire ; that then the senate did decree a supplication to the gods , in the name of that captaine . and this dignitie was much sought after , not onely because it was a matter of great honour , that in their names the temples of their gods should be opened , and their victories acknowledged , with the concourse and gratulation of the roman people : but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph , which was the greatest honour in the roman gouernment : and therfore cato nameth it the prerogatiue of a triumph . and liuie in his booke saith , that it was long disputed on in the senate , how they could denie one that was there present to triumph , whose absence they had honoured , with supplication , and thankesgiuing to the gods , for things happily effected ? the maner of the ceremonie was ; that after the magistrate had publikely proclaimed it with this forme or stile , quod bene & faeciliter rempublicam administrasset ; the roman people cloathed in white garmentes and crowned with garlands , went to all the temples of the gods , and there offered sacrifices , to gratulate the victorie in the name of the generall . in which time they were forbidden all other businesses , but that which pertained to this solemnity . it seemeth that this time of supplication , was at first included within one or two daies at the most , as appeareth by liuie in his third booke , where he saith , that the victorie gained by two seuerall battels , was spitefully shut vp by the senat in one daies supplication : the people of their owne accord keeping the next daie holie and celebrating it with greater deuotion then the former . vpon the victorie which camillus had against the veij , there were granted foure daies of supplication ; to which there was afterward a daie added , which was the vsuall time of supplication vnto the time that pompei ended the warre , which they called mithridaticum ; when the vsuall time of fiue daies was doubled , and made , and in the second of these commentaries , made , and now brought to daies . which setteth foorth the incitements and rewardes of wel doing , which the romans propounded both at home and abroad , to such as indeuoured to enlarge their empire , or manage a charge , to the benefit of their common-wealths . and thus endeth the fourth commentarie . the fift commentarie of the war , which caesar made in gallia . the argvment . caesar caused a great nauie to be built in gallia : he caried legions into britany , where he made war with the britains , on both sides the riuer thames : at his returne into gallia , most of the galles reuolted ; and first the eburones vnder the conduction of ambiorix , set vpon the campe of q. titurius the legate , whom they circumuented by subtilty ; and then besieged the campe of cicero : but were put by , and their armie ouerthrowen by caesar . chap. i. caesar returneth into gallia : findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers , and commandeth them to be brought to the hauen iccius . lvcivs domitius , and appius claudius , being consuls ; caesar at his going into italie , gaue order to the legats to build as manie ships that winter , as possibly they could ; commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are vsed in the mediterranean sea , for the speedier lading & vnlading of thē , and because the tides in these seas were verie great : and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse , he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome them such as were vsuall in other places , and all of them to be made for the vse of oares , to which purpose their low building serued verie conueniently . other necessaries and furniture for rigging , he gaue order to haue it brought out of spaine . caesar after the assembly of the states in lombardie , and that he set free illiricum from the incursions of the pirustae , he returned into gallia ; where he found ships built , by the extraordinarie industrie of the souldiers , notwithstanding the penurie and want of all necessarie matter , with gallies ready furnished , which in a few daies might be lanched : hauing commended the soldiers and ouerseers of the worke , he commanded them to be brought to the port called iccius , from whence he knew the passage into britanie , was not aboue thirtie mile ouer . the observation . this iccius portus floide thinketh to be caleis ; others take it to bee saint omer , partly in regard of the situation of the place , which being in it selfe verie lowe , hath notwithstanding very high bankes , which incompasse the towne about ; and in times past was a verie large hauen . to this maie be added the distance from this towne , to the next continent of the iland of britany ; which strabo maketh to containe stadia , which agreeth to the french computation of leages . caesar maketh it thirtie mile : this is the hauen , which pliny calleth britannicum portum morinorum . chap. ii. caesar saileth into britanie : landeth his forces , and seeketh the enemie . caesar hauing prepared all things in readinesse , he left labienus in the continent with three legions , and horse , both to keepe the hauen and make prouision of corne ; and also to obserue the motion of the galles : and with fiue legions and the like number of horse , as he left in the continent , about sun-setting he put out to sea , with a soft south winde , which continued vntill midnight ; and then ceasing , he was carried with the tide vntill the morning , when he perceiued that the iland laie on his left hand : and againe , as the tide changed , hee laboured by rowing to reach that part of the iland , where he had found good landing the yeare before : wherein the souldiers deserued great commendation ; for by strength and force of oares , they made their great ships of burthen to keepe waie with the galleies . about high noone , they arriued in britanie , with all their ships : neither was there any enemie seene in that place ; but as afterward caesar vnderstood by the captiues , the britains were there with a great power ; but being terrified with the infinite number of shipping , which they discouered from the shore ( for there were in all aboue ) they forsooke the shore , and hid themselues in the vpland countrie . caesar hauing landed his men , and chosen a conuenient place to incampe , assoone as he vnderstood by the captiues where the enemy laie , in the third watch of the night , he marched towards them ; leauing ten cohortes and horse , for a garizon to his shipping : which he the lesse feared , because it lay at anchor in a soft and open shore : he marched that night about mile before he found the enemie : the britaines sending out their horse , and chariots to a riuer that ran betweene them and the romans , and hauing the aduantage of the vpper ground ; began to hinder the romans , and to giue them battell , but being beaten backe with our horsemen , they conuaied themselues into a wood . the place was strongly fortified both by art and nature , and made for a defence ( as it seemeth ) in their ciuill wars : for all the entrances were shut vp with great trees , laid ouerthwart the passages . and the britaine 's shewed themselues out of the wood but here and there , not suffering the romans to enter the fortification : but the soldiors of the seauenth legion , with a testudo which they made , and a mount which they raised , tooke the place and droue them all out of the woods , without any losse at all ; sauing some fewe wounds which they receiued . but caesar forbad his men to follow after them , with any long pursuit , because hee was both ignorant of the place , and a great part of that daie being spent , he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his campe . observations . caesar , hauing taken what assurance of peace he could with the galles , both by carrying the chiefest of their princes with him , and by leauing three legions in the continent , to keepe the vulgar people in obedience : he imbarked al his men at one place , that they might be all partakers of the same casualties , and take the benefit of the same aduentures , which being neglected the yeare before , drew him into many inconueniences for want of horse , which being imbarked at an other hauen met with other chāces , and saw other fortunes ; and neuer came to him into britanie : the place of landing in this second voiage , was the same where he landed the yeere before ; and by the circumstances of this history , may agree with that which tradition hath deliuered of deale in kent , where it is said that caesar landed . in the first yeere we finde , that he neuer remoued his campe from the sea shore , where he first seated himselfe ; although his men went out to bring in corne , as far as they might wel returne againe at night : but now hee entered further into the iland , and within twelue miles march came vnto a riuer , which must needs be that of canturbury , which falleth into the sea at sandwich . in that he saith that the garizon of his shipping consisted of ten cohortes , which i haue said to be a legion : we must vnderstande , that caesar left not an entire legion in that garizon ; but he tooke ten cohorts out of his whole forces , peraduenture two out of euerie legion , and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping . chap. iii. caesar returneth to his nauies to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before . the next daie earlie in the morning , hee deuided his forces into . companies , and sent them out to pursue the enemy : but before they had marched any farre distance , and came to haue the rereward of the enemy in vewe ; there came newes from q. atrius , with whom he left the ten cohorts , and the charge of the shipping , that the night before there was such a tempest at sea , that the whole nauy was either sore beaten or cast on shore ; and that neither anchor nor gable coulde holde them , nor yet the sailers indure the force of the weather ; and that there was great losse in the shipping , by running against one another , in the violence of the tempest . vpon these newes ; caesar caused the legions to be called backe againe , and to cease for that time , from following the enemy any further , he himselfe returned to the nauy , where he found . ships lost , and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines : first therefore he chose shipwrites and carpenters out of the legions , and caused others to bee sent for out of gallia ; and writ to labienus to make ready what shipping he could . and although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour ; yet he thought it best , to hale vp all the ships on shore , and to inclose them within the fortification of his campe : in this businesse he spent ten daies , without intermission either of night or day , vntill hee had drawn vp the ships , and strongly fortified the camp ; leauing the same garrison which was there before to defend it . the observation . wherein we may behold the true image of vndanted valour , and the horrible industry ( as tully tearmeth it ) which hee vsed to preuent fortune of her stroke in his busines , and comprehende casualties and future contingents , within the compas of order and the bounds of his owne power , being able in tenne daies space , to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazarde of winde and weather ; and to make his campe the roade for his nauie , that so he might rest secure of a meanes to returne at his pleasure . chap. iiii. the britains make cassiuellaunus generall in this warre : the iland , and the maners of the people described . caesar returning to the place from whence hee came , founde far greater forces of the britans there assembled , then he left whē he went to the nauie . and that by publike consent of the britaines , the whole gouernment of that war was giuen to cassiuellaunus , whose kingdom lay deuided from the maritimate states , with the riuer thames , beginning at the sea , & extending it selfe . mile into the iland . this cassiuellaunus , made continuall war with his neighbor states : but vpon the comming of the romans , they all forgot their home-bred quarrels , and cast the whole gouernment vpon his sholders , as the fittest to direct that war. the inner part of britanie is inhabited , by such as memory recordeth to be borne in the iland ; and the maritimate coast by such as came out of belgia , either to make incursions or inuasions ; and after the war was ended , they continued in the possessions they had gained , and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came : the countrey is very populous , and well inhabited with houses , much like vnto them in gallia . they haue great store of cattell , and vse brasse for money , or yron ringes waighed at a certaine rate . in the mediterranean partes there is found great quantity of tyn , and in the maritimate parts yron : their brasse was brought in by other nations . they haue all sorts of trees that they haue in gallia , excepting the figge and the beech. their religion will not suffer them to eate , either haire , hen , or goose ; notwithstanding they haue of all sorts , as well for nouelty as variety . the country is more temperate , and not so colde as gallia . the ilande lieth triangle wise , whereof one side confronteth gallia , of which side that angle , wherein kent is pointed to the east , and the other angle to the south : this side containeth about . mile . another side lieth toward spaine and the west , that waie where ireland lieth , being an ilande halfe as big as england ; and as farre distant from it as gallia : in the midway between england & ireland , lieth an iland called mona , besides many other smaller ilands , of which some write that in winter time for . daies together , they haue continuall night , whereof we learned nothing by inquirie , only we found by certaine measures of water , that the nights in england were shorter then in the continent . the length of this side , according to the opinion of the inhabitants , containeth . mile . the thirde side lieth to the north and the open sea , sauing that this angle doth somwhat point towards germanie ; this side is thought to contain . miles : and so the whole iland containeth in circuit . miles . of al the inhabitants , they of kent are most curteous and ciuill ; al their countrey bordering vpon the sea , and little differing from the fashion of gallia , most of the inlande people sow no corne , but liue with milke and flesh , clothed with skins , and hauing their faces painted with a blew colour , to the end they may seeme more terrible in sight : they haue the haire of their head long , hauing al other parts of their body shauen , sauing their vpper lip . their wiues are common to ten or twelue ; especially brethren with brethren , and parents with children ; but the children that are borne , are put vnto them , vnto whom the mother was first giuen in mariage . observations . in the descriptions of the ancient britains , we may first obserue their pedegree , according to the haraldry of that time : wherein we must vnderstand that in those ages , the ntiaons of the worlde thought it no small honor , to deriue their descent from a certaine beginning , and to make either some of their gods , or some man of a famous memorie , the father of that progenie , and founder of their state ; that so they might promise a fortunate continuance to their gouernment , being first laide and established by so powerfull a meanes . but if this failed , they then bragged of antiquitie , and cast all their glory vpon the fertility of their soile , being so strong and fruitful , that it yeelded of it selfe such a people , as they were : and so we read howe the athenians , for as much as they were ignoraunt from whence they came , ware an oaken leafe , in token that they were bred of the earth where they dwelled . and hereupon also grew the controuersie , betweene the egyptians and the scythians , concerning antiquity : wherein the egyptians seemed to haue great aduantage , because of the fertility and heat of their countrey ; whereas the scythians inhabited a colde climate , vnfruitfull and an enemy to generation . of this sort were the britains , that inhabited the mediterranean part of the ilande : who not knowing from whence they came ; nor who first brought them thither , satisfied themselues with that common receiued opinion , that they were borne and bred of the earth . the sea coast was possest by such as came out of the continent and retained the names of the cities from whence they came , as a memoriall of their progenitors . the forme of the iland is very well described , and measured out , according to the scale of our moderne geographers . for concerning the difference of longitude between the easterne angel of kent , and the furthest point of cornewal , they make it eight degrees ; which in a maner iumpeth with caesars dimensuration : the other sides are somewhat longer ; and therefore . tacitus in the life of agricola , compareth it to a carpenters axe , making that side which bordereth vpon france to resemble the edge ; and the other two sides to incline by little and little , one towardes an other ; and so make the ilande narrower at the top , according to the forme of that instrument . hee setteth downe the whole compasse of the iland , according to the manner of the ancient geographers , who by the quantity of the circuit , did vsually iudge of the content , not considering that the area of euery figure dependeth as well of the quantity of the angle , as the length of the side . concerning the temperature of britanie , in regard of the colde winters in france , we must vnderstand that britanie hath euer beene found of a more temperate constitution , in regarde of sharpe and colde winters , then any other countrey lying vnder the same parallell : whether the cause thereof may bee imputed to the continuall motion of the sea about the iland , which begetteth heat , as some haue imagined ; or to the site thereof , in regard of other continents from whence the winde alwaies riseth , and carieth with it the nature of the countrey by which it passeth ; and so the ilande hauing no other continent lying north to it , from whence the winde may rise , but all for the most part vpon the south , hath no such colde windes to distemper it , as other parts of germany , which are vnder the same parallel ; but the southern wind , which is so frequent in britany , tēpereth the ayre , with a mild disposition , and so keepeth it warme ; or whether it be some other vnknowne cause , our philosophers rest vnsatisfied . but as touching gallia , it may bee saide , that forasmuch as it beareth more to the south , then this iland doth , the aire thereof by reason of the continuall heate , is of a farre purer disposition ; and so pierceth more then this grosser aire of britany , & carieth the cold further into the pores ; and so seemeth sharper and of a far colder disposition . this iland , which caesar nameth mona , is known at this time by the name of man , and lieth betweene cumberland and ireland . ptolemie calleth it monaeda , tacitus calleth anglesey by the name of mona , peraduenture from the nomination of the britains , who calleth it tyr mon , the land of mon. concerning those places , where the night continueth in the midst of winter for . daies together , they must be sited . degrees beyond the circle articke , and haue a day in summer of like continuance , according to the rules of astronomy . in that he found the nights in britanie shorter then in the continent , we must vnderstand it to be only in summer : for the more oblique the horizon is , the more vneuen are the portions of the diurnall circles which it cutteth ; and the neerer it commeth to a right horizon , the neerer it commeth to an equality of daie and night : and hence it happeneth , that in summer time , the nights in france are longer then here in england ; and in winter shorter . the like wee must vnderstand of all sotherne and northerne countries . to conclude , i may not omit the ciuility of the kentish men , and their curteous disposition , aboue the rest of the britains , which must be imputed to that ordinarie course which brought ciuility vnto all other nations : of whom such as were first seated in their possessions , and entertained societie , were the first that brought in ciuill conuersation , and by little and little were purified , and so attained to the perfection of ciuill gouernment . so we find that first assirians and babilonians ( as neerest to the mountaines of armenia where the arke rested , and people first inhabited ) reduced their states into common weales , of monarchies of exquisite gouernment , florishing with al maner of learning and knowledge ; when as yet other countries laie either waste , or ouerwhelmed with barbarisme . from thence it flowed into egypt ; out of egypt into greece ; out of greece into italie ; out of italie into gallia ; and from thence into england : where our kentishmen first entertained it , as bordering vpon france ; and frequented with marchants of those countries . chap. v. diuers skirmishes betweene the romans and the britaines . the caualrie of the enemy and their chariots , gaile a sharpe conflict to the romaine horsemen , in their march : but so , that the romaines got the better euery way , driuing them with great slaughter to the woods and hils , and loosing also some of their owne men , beeing too venturous in the pursuit . the britaine 's after some intermission of time , when the romans litle thought of them , & were busied in fortifying their cāpe , came sodainly out of the woods and charged vpon those that kept station before the campe . caesar sent out two the thickest cohorts of two legions , to second their fellowes : these two cohortes standing with a small alley betweene them , the other that were first charged , being terrified with that strange kinde of fight , boldelie brake through the chiefest of the enemy , and so retired in safetie to their fellowes . that daie quintus laberius durus a tribune of the soldiours , was slaine ; the britaines were repelled with moe cohortes , which caesar sent to second the former . and for asmuch as the fight happened in the vewe of all the campe , it was plainly perceiued , that the legionarie soldiors , being neither able for the waight of their armor , to follow the enemy as he retired , nor yet daring to go far from his ensigne ; was not a fit aduersarie to contest this kind of enemy : and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger , inasmuch as the enemy would retire backe of purpose , and when they had drawne them a little from the legions , they woulde then light from their chariots and incounter thē , with that aduantage , which is between a footeman and a horseman . furthermore , they neuer fought thicke and close together , but thin and in great distances , hauing stations of men to succour one another , to receiue the wearie , and to send out fresh supplies . observations . vppon this occasion of their heauie armour , i will describe a legionarie soldior in his compleat furniture , that we may better iudge of their maner of warfare , and vnderstand wherein their greatest strength consisted . and first we are to learne , that their legionarie soldiors were called milites grauis armaturae , soldiors wearing heauie armour , to distinguish them from the velites , the archers , slingers , and other light armed men . their offensiue armes were , a couple of piles , or as some wil , but one pile , and a spanish sword , short and strong , to strike rather with the point then with the edge . their defensiue armes were , a helmet , a corslet , and boots of brasse , with a large target ; which in some sort was offensiue , in regarde of that vmbonem which stucke out in the middest thereof . the pile is described at large in the first booke , and the target in the second : the sworde ( as polybius witnesseth ) was short , two edged , yerie sharpe , and of a strong point : and therefore liuie in his . booke saieth , that the galles vsed verie long swordes without pointes ; but the romaines had short swordes , readier for vse ; these they called spanish swordes , because they borrowed that fashion from the spaniarde . the olde romaines were so girt with their swordes , as appeareth by polybius , and their monuments in marble , that from their left shoulder it hung vpon their right thigh , contrary to the vse of these times , which as i haue noted before , was in regard of their target , which they caried on their left arme : this sworde was hung with a belt of leather , beset with studs as varro noteth , and these were their offensiue weapons . their helmet was of brasse , adorned with three ostrich feathers of a cubite in length , by which the soldiour appeared of a large stature , and more terrible to the enemie , as polybius saieth in his . booke . their brest plate was either of brasse , or iron , ioynted together after the maner of scales , or platted with little ringes of yron : their bootes were made of barres of brasse , from the foote vp to the knee . and thus were the legionarie soldiours armed , to stand firme rather then to vse any nimble motion , and to combine themselues into a bodie of that strength which might not easilie recoile , at the opposition of anie confrontment ; for agilitie standeth indifferent to helpe either a retreit or a pursuit , and nimble footed soldiors are as readie to flie backe , as to march forward ; but a waighty body keepeth a more regular motion , and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe : so that whensoeuer they came to firme buckeling , and felt the enemy stand stiffe before them , such was their practise , and exercise in continual workes , that they neuer fainted vnder any such taske ; but the victorie went alwayes cleere on their side . but if the enemy gaue waie to their violence , and came not in but for aduantage , and then as speedilie retired , before the counterbuffe were well discharged ; then did their nimblenesse much helpe their weakenesse , and frustrate the greatest parte of the romaine discipline . this is also proued in the ouerthrowe of sabinus and cotta , where ambiorix finding the inconuenience of buckeling at handy blowes , commaunded his men to fight a far off ; and if they were assaulted , to giue backe ; and to come on againe as they saw occasion : which so wearied out the romaines , that they all fell vnder the execution of the galles . let this suffice therefore to shew , how vnapt the romans were to flie vpon any occasion , when their armour was such , that it kept them from al starting motions , and made thē sutable to the staied and wel assured rules of their discipline , which were as certaine principles in the execution of a standing battaile ; and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit , or a flight . concerning the vnequall combat betweene a horseman and a footeman , it may be thought strange , that a footeman shoulde haue such an aduantage against a horseman , beeing ouermatched , at least with a sextuple proportion both of strength and agilitie : but wee must vnderstande , that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere ; so in speedie and nimble turning at hand , wherein the substance of the combate consisteth , the footeman farre exceedeth the horseman in aduantage , hauing a larger marke to hit by the horse , then the other hath . besides , the horseman ingageth both his valour , and his fortune in the good speede of his horse , his woundes and his death doe consequentlie pull the rider after , his feare or furie maketh his maister either desperate or slowe of performance , and what defect soeuer riseth from the horse , must bee answered out of the honour of the rider . and surely it seemeth reasonable , that what thing soeuer draweth vs into the societie of so great a hazard , should as much as is possible , be contained in the compasse of our owne power . the sword which we manage with our owne hand , affoordeth greater assurance then the harquebuse , wherein there are many partes belonging to the action , as the pouder , the stone , the spring , and such like ; whereof if the least faile of his part , we likewise faile of our fortune : but howe probable soeuer this seemeth , this is certaine , that in the course of the roman wars , the horse were euer defeated by the foot , as is manifestly proued in the first of these bookes . chap. vii . caesar giueth the britains two seuerall ouerthrowes . the next daie , the enemie made a stand vpon the hils a far off from the campe , and shewed themselues not so often ; neither were they so busie with our horsemen , as they were the day before : but about noone , when caesar sent out three legions , and al his caualry to get forrage , vnder the conduction of the caius trebonius a legate , they made a sodaine assault vpon the forragers , and fell in close with the ensignes , and the legions . the romans charged very fiercely vpon them , and beate them backe ; neither did they make an end of following them , vntill the horsemen trusting to the succour of the legions which were behinde them , put them all to flight , with the slaughter of a great number of them ; neither did they giue them respite either to make head , to make a stand , or to forsake their chariots . after this ouerthrow , all their auxiliarie forces departed from them ; neither did they afterward contend with the romans with any great power . caesar vnderstanding their determination , caried his armie to the riuer thames , and so to the confines of cassiuellaunus , which riuer was passable by foot but in one place only , and that very hardly ; at his comming hee found a great power of the enemy to be imbattailed on the other side , and the banck fortified with many sharpe stakes , and many other also were planted couertly vnder the water . these things being discouered to the romans by the captiues and fugitiues ; caesar putting his horse before , caused the legions to followe sodainlie after , who notwithstanding they had but their heades cleere aboue the water , went with that violence , that the enemy was not able to endure the charge , but left the bancke and betooke themselues to flight . the observation . this attempt of caesar seemeth so strange to brancatio , that hee runneth into as strange conclusions , concerning this matter , as first that he that imitateth caesar , may doubt of his good fortunes : for his proceeding in this point , was not directed by any order of war ; and that a great commander hath nothing common with other leaders : but especially , he crieth out at the basenesse of the britains , that woulde suffer themselues so cowardly to be beaten . but if wee looke into the circumstances of the action , we shal find both art & good direction therein ; for being assured by the fugitiues , that the riuer was passable in that place , & in that place onlie , he knew that he must either aduēture ouer there , or leaue cassiuellaunus for an other sūmer , which was a very strong inducement to vrge him to that enterprise . the difficultie wherof was much relieued by good direction , which consisted of two pointes , first , by sending ouer the horsemen in the front of the legions , who might better indure the charge of the enemie , then the footmen coulde , that were vppe to the necke in water ; and withall , to shelter the footmen from the furie of the enemie . secondly , he sent them ouer with that speede , that they were on the other side of the water , before the enemie coulde tell what they attempted : for if he had lingered in the seruice , and giuen the enemie leaue to find the aduantage which he had by experience , his men had neuer bin able to haue indured the hazard of so dangerous a seruice . it is hard to coniecture at the place , where this seruice was performed ; for since the building of london bridge , manie foordes haue beene scoured with the current , and fall of the water , which before that time carried not such a depth as now they doe . chap. vii . the conclusion of the brittish warre : caesar returneth into gallia . cassiuellaunus hauing no courage to contend anie longer , dismissed his greatest forces , and retaining onely foure thousand chariots , obserued their iourneies , keeping the wood countries , and driuing men and cattell out of the fields into the woods , for feare of the romans ; and as their horsemen straied out either for forrage or bootie , hee sent his chariots out of the woods by vnknowne waies , and put their horsemen to great perill : in regard whereof , the horsemen durst neuer aduenture further then the legions , neither was there anie more spoile done in the countrey , then that which the legionarie souldiers did of themselues . in the meane time , the trinobantes , being almost the greatest state of all those countries ( from whom mandubratius had fled to caesar into gallia , for that his father imanuentius holding the kingdome , was slaine by cassiuellaunus ) sent ambassadours to caesar , to offer their submission , and to intreat that mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of cassiuellaunus , and sent vnto them to take the kingdome . caesar hauing receiued from them fortie pledges , and corne for his armie , sent mandubratius vnto them . the trinobantes , being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers , the cenimagni , seguntiaci , anacalites , bibrocassi , yeelded themselues to caesar . by these he vnderstood , that cassiuellaunus his towne was not farre off , fortified with woods and bogges , and well stored with men and cattell . the britaines call a towne a thicke wood , inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier , made for a place of retrait when they stood in feare of incursions from the borderers . thither marched caesar with his armie , and found it well fortified both by arte and nature : and as he assaulted it in two seuerall places , the enemie vnable to keepe it , cast himselfe out of the towne by a backe waie , and so he tooke it . where he found great store of cattell , and slew manie of the britaines . while these thinges were a doing , cassiuellaunus sent messengers into kent , wherin there were foure seurall kinges , cingetorix , caruilius , taximagulus , and segonax , them he commanded with all the power they could make , to set vpon the campe where the nauie was kept . these kinges comming to the place , were ouerthrowne by a sallie which the romans made out vpon them , manie of them being slaine , and cingetorix taken prisoner . this battell concurring with the former losses , and especially moued thereunto with the reuolt of the forenamed cities , cassiuellaunus intreated peace of caesar by comius of arras . caesar being determined to winter in the continent , for feare of sudden commotions in gallia , and that the summer was now farre spent , and might easilie be lingered out , hee commanded pledges to be brought vnto him , and set downe what yearely tribute the britaines should paie to the romans : the hostages being taken , he caried backe his armie to the sea , imbarked his men and arriued safe with all his ships vpon the coast of gallia . the observation . and thus ended the warre in britanie , which affoordeth little matter of discourse , being indeede but a scambling warre , as wel in regard of the britaines themselues , who after they had felt the strength of the roman legions , would neuer aduenture to buckle with them in any standing battel , as also in regard that there were no such townes in britany as are recorded to haue been in gallia , which might haue giuen great honour to the warre , if there had been any such to haue been besieged , and taken in by caesar . and although tacitus saith , that britanie was rather viewed then subdued by caesar , being desirous to draw that honour to his father in law agricola ; yet we finde here , that the trinobantes , which were more then either the skirt , or the heart of britanie , ( for our historians doe vnderstand them to haue inhabited that part , which lieth as farre as yorkeshire and lancashire ) were brought vnder the roman empire by caesar : who was the first that euer laide tribute vpon britanie , in the behalfe of the people of rome ; or cast vpon them the heauie name of a subdued people . to the woorthie knight sir robert drvrie . sir , my purpose was to haue concluded these discourses , with the ende of the brittish warre : reseruing the latter part of this fift booke , for an entrance vnto such obseruations , as may be gathered from the sixt and seauenth commentaries , which i intend to make a second part of this worke : but your desire to see the errours of sabinus and cotta discouered , and the famous fight of q. cicero in his wintering campe , hath brought them forth somwhat before their time , annexing that to the first part which was meant for the latter . if my labour shall be found too weake to deserue well of militarie dessignes ; yet i thinke it verie well imploide in that it pleaseth you to giue it the reading , and so rest readie to doe you seruice , c. edmvnds . chap. viii . caesar disposeth his legions into their wintetering campes . after he had put his ships in harbour , and held a councell of the galles at * samarobrina ; forasmuch as that yeare by reason of the drought there was some scarcitie of corne in gallia ; he was constrained to garizon his armie , and to disperse them into more cities then he had done the years before . and he gaue one legion to caius fabius , to be led among the morini ; another to q. cicero , to be carried to the neruij ; another to l. roscius , to be conducted to the essui ; a fourth he commanded to winter amongst the men of rheimes , in the marches of the treuiri vnder t. labienus ; three he placed in belgia , with whom hee sent marcus crassus his questor , l. munatius planus , and c. trebonius legates ; he sent one legion , that which he had last inrolled , beyond the riuer po in italie , with fiue cohortes , vnto the eburones , the greatest part of whose countrie lieth betweene the maze and the rhene ; with them he sent q. titurius sabinus , and lucius arunculeius cotta . by distributing his legions in this maner , he thought to remedie the scarcitie of corne ; and yet the garrizons of all these legions , excepting that which roscius carried into a quiet and peaceable part , were contained within the space of mile : and vntil his legions were settled , and their wintering campes fortified , he determined to abide in gallia . the first observation . i haue heard it oftentimes contradicted by some , that vnderstand not the waight of a multitude , when it was said , that an armie keeping head continually in one part of a kingdome , was more burthensome to the common-wealth in regard of the expence of victuals , then when it was dispersed into particular cities and families , before the time of the muster and inrolement : for ( say they ) in the generall account of the publike weale , it differeth nothing , whether a multitude of men be maintained with necessarie prouisions in one intire body together , or dispersed particularly throughout euerie part of the countrie : forasmuch as euerie man hath but a competent quantitie allotted vnto him , which hee cannot want in what sort or condition of life soeuer he be ranged ; neither doth the charge of a multitude grow in regard they are vnited together , but in regard they amount to such a multitude wheresoeuer . but such as looke into the difference with iudgement , shall finde a maruellous inequalitie , both in regarde of the portion of victuals which is spent , and the meanes whereby it is prouided : for first we must vnderstand , that an armie lying continually in one place , falleth so heauie vpon that part , that it quickly consumeth both the fatte and the flesh ( as they say ) and leaueth nothing vnspent , which that part can affoord them ; and without further supply of prouisions , would in a small time come to vtter destruction . this want then must be relieued by taking from the plentie of other bordering quarters , to furnish the wants of so great a multitude : wherin there cannot be obserued that proportion of moderate taking , to vittaile the armie with a sufficient competencie , but the partiall respect which the purueiers , and vittailers will haue to their priuat commodity , wil quickly make an inconuenience either in the countrey , from whence it is taken ; or in the armie , for which it is prouided ; according as the errour may best aduantage their particular , what discipline soeuer be established in that behalfe . whereas on the contrarie part , when euerie particular man of that multitude shal be billeted in a seueral family , throughout all parts of the kingdome , the charge will be so insensible , in regard of the expence of the said families , that the country will neuer feele any inconuenience . and if euerie housholder that had receiued into his house one of the said army , should giue a true account of that which riseth aboue his ordinary expence ; by the addition of one man , it would fall farre short of that treasure , which is necessarily required , to maintaine the saide number of men vnited together into one bodie . neither doth the difference consist in the quantitie of vittailes , which euerie man hath for his portion , whether they be dispersed or vnited ; but in the maner of prouision , and the meanes which is vsed to maintaine them : wherein euery master or steward of a familie , endeuoureth to make his prouisions at the best hand , & so to husband it , that it may serue for competencie , and not for superfluitie ; and by that means , the general plenty of the country is maintained , & the cōmon-wealth florisheth by well directed moderation . but in the victualing of an army , there is no such respect had , which may any way aduantage the publike good ; for there the gaine of the purueier riseth by experience & superfluous wasting , rather then by thrift and sauing frugalitie : and so the common-wealth is weakned by the il husbanding of that great portion of vittaile , which is allowed for so great a multitude . and if they should haue such varietie of viands in an armie , as they haue when they are in seuerall families , it were vnpossible it should continue any time together . and therefore the romans , notwithstanding the exactnesse of their discipline , could affoord their armies no other prouision but corne , and larde , as well in regard of the commoditie which that kinde of diet affoorded them in the course of their warres , as also for the good of that countrey , wherein they were resident . and if it so fell out , that the extremitie of the season , or any other cause , had brought a dearth into the lande , there was no readier waie to helpe that inconuenience , then by dispersing their armies into diuers quarters ; which caesar disposed with that care , that they might be as neere together as they could . the second observation . concerning the choice of their souldiers and their maner of inrolement , i had rather referre the reader to polybius , then enter into the particular discourse of that action ; which was carried with such grauitie and religious ceremonies , as might best serue to possesse their mindes of the waight and consequence of that businesse : but for as much as the largenesse of their empire , and the necessitie of their occasions would not admit , that the enrolment should still be made at rome amongst the citizens , as it appeareth by this legion which was inrolled beyond the riuer po ; it consequently followeth , that such ceremonies , which were annexed to the place , were altogether omitted : and therefore i cannot speake of that which the olde romans did in that part of their discipline , as a thing continued vnto caesars time . but he that desireth to see the maner of their choise , with such complements as might adde both a reuerent respect , and a maiestie to the worke ; let him reade polybius of that argument . chap. ix . ambiorix attempteth to surprise the campe of sabinus and cotta ; and failing , practiseth to take them by guile . fifteene daies after the legions were settled in their wintering campes , there began a sudden tumult and rebellion by the meanes of ambiorix , and catiunculus , who , hauing receiued sabinus & cotta into their confines , and brought them in corne to the place , where they laie ; at the inducement of induciomarus of triers , they stirred vp their people to rebellion : and suddenly surprising those that were gone abroad to get wood , came with a great power to assault the campe . but when our men had tooke armes , and were got vppe vpon the rampier , and had ouermatched them in a skirmish of horse , which made a sallie out of the campe vpon the galles : ambiorix despairing of good successe , withdrew his men from the assault ; and then after their manner , they cried vnto vs , that some of our companie should come and speake with them : for they had somewhat to discouer touching the publike state , whereby they hoped all controuersies might be ended . whereupon caius carpineius a roman horseman , and one of titurius his familiar friendes , and one iunius a spaniard , who diuers times before had beene sent by caesar to ambiorix ; were sent out to treat with them . ambiorix first acknowledged himselfe much indebted to caesar ; for manie curtesies , in that by his meanes hee was freed from a pension which hee paied to the aduatici ; and for that both his own sonne , and his brothers sonne , whom the aduatici had held in prison vnder the name of hostages , were by caesar released and sent home againe . and touching the assault of the campe , hee had done nothing of himselfe , but by the impulsion of the state , among whom such was his condition , that the people had as great authoritie ouer him , as he himselfe had in regard of the people : who were likewise inforced to this warre , because they could not withstand the sudden insurrection of the galles , whereof his small meanes might be a sufficient argument . for his experience was not so little , to thinke himselfe able with so small a power to ouerthrow the people of rome ; but it was a generall appointment throughout all gallia , vpon this daie to assault all caesars garrizons , to the end that one legion might not giue reliefe vnto another : galles could not easily denie the request of galles , especially when it concerned their publike libertie . nowe hauing satisfied that duetie which he owed to his countrey , hee had respect to caesar and his benefites , in regard whereof , he admonished them , and praied titurius for the hospitalitie that had beene betweene them , that he would looke to the safetie of himselfe , and his souldiers . there were a great number of germaines that had alreadie passed the rhene , and would be here within two daies : and therefore let them aduise themselues , whether they thought it good before the next borderers perceiued it , to depart with their soldiers out of their wintering places , either to cicero or labienus , of whō the one was not past fiftie mile off ; and the other a little further : for his owne part , he promised them this much , and confirmed it by oath , that they should haue safe passage through his territories ; for so he should both doe a pleasure to his countrey , in disburdening it of garrizons , and shew himselfe thankefull to caesar for his benefits . this speech being ended , ambiorix departed , and carpineius and iunius made report thereof to the legates . observations . leander his counsell , to vse the foxes skin where the lyons faileth , doth shew , that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with errour , then the powers of our bodie are ouercome with force . for oftentimes the minde is so disquieted , with the extremitie of perturbation , that neither the apprehension can take sound instructions , nor the iudgment determine of that which is most for our good : but according as any passion shall happen to raigne in our disposition ; so are we caried headlong to the ruine of our fortune , without sense of errour , or mistrust of welsucceeding : where as the bodie continueth firme in his owne strength , and is subiect onelie to a greater waight of power , by which it maie bee subdued and ouerthrowen . it behooueth vs therefore to take good heed , that our surest holde bee not vnfastened by the subtiltie of the foxe , when it hath continued firme against the force of the lyon : and that the trecherie of the spirit doe not disaduantage those meanes , which either our owne power or oportunitie , hath gained in our actions . wherein a commander cannot haue a better rule for his direction , then to beware , that violence of passion doe not hinder the course of sound deliberation : and withall , to bee iealous of whatsoeuer an enemie shall , either by speech or action , seeme to thrust vpon him , how colourable soeuer the reasons maie be , which are alleadged to induce him thereunto . for first , if the minde be not confirmed by the vertue of her better faculties , to resist the motion of fruitlesse apprehensions , it may easily bee seduced either by feare or vaine imagination , diffident conceptions or ouer easie credulitie , with manie other such disturbing powers , from that waie , which a good discretion and an vnderstanding , free from passion , would haue taken . first therefore i holde it necessarie , to haue the consistorie of our iudgment well settled , with a firme resolution , and with the presence of the minde , before wee enter into deliberation of such thinges , as are made happie vnto vs by good direction . and then this , amongst other circumstances , will giue some helpe to a good conclusion ; when we consider how improbable it is , that an enemie , whose chiefest care is to weaken his aduersarie , and bring him to ruine , should aduise him of anie thing that maie concerne his good ; vnlesse the profite , which he himselfe shall thereby gather , doe farre exceede that which the contrarie part may expect . i grant that in ciuill warres , where there are many friendes on either partie , and haue the aduerse cause as deere vnto them as their owne ; there are oftentimes many aduertisements giuen , which proceede from a true and sincere affection , and maie aduantage the partie whom it concerneth , as well in preuenting any danger , as in the furtherance of their cause ; and therefore are not altogether to be neglected , but to be waied by circumstances , and accordingly to be respected ; whereof wee haue manie pregnant examples in the ciuill warres of france , and particularly in monsieur la nou his discourses : but where there are two armies , different in nation , language and humor , contending for that which peculiarly belongeth vnto one of them ; where care to keepe that which is dearest vnto them , possesseth the one , and hope of gaine stirreth vp the other ; there is commonlie such an vniuersall hatred betweene them , that they are to looke for small aduantage , by aduertisements from the enemie : which if the romans had well considered , this subtile gall had not dispossest them of their strength , nor brought them to ruine . chap. x. the romans call a councell vpon this aduertisement , and resolue to depart , and ioyne themselues to some other of the legions . the romans being troubled at the sodainnesse of the matter , albeit those thinges were spoken by an enemie , yet they thought them no way to be neglected ; but especially it moued them , for that it was incredible that the eburones , beeing base and of no reputation , durst of themselues make war against the people of rome : and therefore they propounded the matter in a councell , wherein there grew a great controuersie among them : l. arunculeius and most of the tribunes , and centurions of the first orders , thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashlie , nor to depart out of their wintering campes , without expresse commandment from caesar ; forasmuch as they were able to resist neuer so great a power , yea euen of their germans , hauing the garizons wel fortified : an argument whereof was , that they had valiantly withstood the first assault of the enemy , and giuen them many wounds . neither wanted they anie victuals , and before that prouision which they had was spent , there would come succor frō other garizons and from caesar . and to conclude , what was more dishonorable , or sauored of greater inconstancy , then to consult of their waightiest affaires , by the aduertisement of an enemy ? titurius vrged vehementlie to the contrarie , that it then would be too late for them to seeke a remedie , when a greater power of the enemy , accompanied with the germans , were assembled against them ; or when anie blow were giuen to anie of the next wintering campes hee : tooke caesar to be gone into italie , for otherwise the eburones , would not haue come so proudly to the camp . let them not respect the authour , but the thing it selfe ; the rhene was not far off , and hee knewe well that the ouerthrow of ariouistus , and their former victories , were greeuous to the germans . the galles were vexed with the contumelies they had receiued , being brought in subiection to the romaine empire , and hauing lost their former reputation in deedes of armes . and to conclude , who would imagine that ambiorix should enterprise such a matter , without any ground , or certaintie thereof ? but howsoeuer thinges stoode , his counsell was sure , and could bring no harme : for if there were no worse thing intended , they should but goe safelie to the next garizons ; or otherwise , if the galles conspired with the germans , their onelie safetie consisted in celeritie . as for the counsell of cotta , and such as were of the contrarie opinion , what expectation could be had thereof ? wherein if there were not present danger ; yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege . the disputation being thus continued on either part , and cotta with the centurions of the first orders , earnestly repugning it ; doe as please you , since you will needes haue it so , saith sabinus ; and that he spake with a loud voice , that a great part of the soldiours might well heare him . for i am not he that most feareth death among you , let these be wise : and if any mischance happen vnto them , they shall aske account thereof at thy hands , inasmuch as if thou wouldest let them , they might ioine themselues within . daies to the next garizons , & with them sustaine what chance soeuer their common destinie should allot them ; and not perish with famine and sword , like a people cast off and abandoned from their fellowes . after these wordes , they began to rise out of the councell ; but holde was laide vpon them both ; entreatie was made that they would not obstinatelie bring all vnto a desperate hazard ; the matter was all one whether they went or staied , so that they all agreed vpon one thing ; wheras in disagreeing , there was no likelihood of well doing : the disputation was prolonged vntill midnight ; at length cotta yeelded , and the sentence of sabinus tooke place . and thereupon it was proclaimed , that they should set forth by the breake of day : the rest of the night was spent in watching , euery soldior sought out vvhat he had to carry with him , and what he should be constrained to leaue behind him of such necessaries , as he had prepared for winter : all things were disposed in such sort , to make the soldiours beleeue , that they could not stay without danger . observations . by the resolution in this disputation , it appeareth how little a graue and wise deliberation auaileth , when it is impugned with the violence of passion , according to the truth of my former obseruation ; for the matter was well reasoned by cotta , and his positions were grounded vpon thinges certaine , and well knowne to the whole councell : and yet the feare of sabinus was such , that it caried the conclusion by such supposed assertions , as the qualitie of his passion had ratified for true principles ; being grounded altogether vpon that which the enemy had suggested , and not vpon any certaine knowledge of the truth : neither is it often seene , when a councell disputeth vpon matters of such consequence , that their deliberations are altogether cleere from such troublesome motions , but that it will somwhat incline to the partialitie of a strong affection ; so powerfull is passion in the gouernment of the soule , and so interessed in the other faculties . and this is one cause of the vncertainty of mans iudgement , from whence all contrarie and different opinions do arise . neither is this so strange a matter , that a councell of warre should so much varie in case of deliberation , when as many especiall points of military discipline remaine yet vndecided ; hauing the authoritie of the great commaunders of all ages , to ratifie the trueth on either parte ; whereof i coulde alleage many examples . but concerning the issue and euent of our deliberations , what can bee more truelie saide then that of the poet ? et malè consultis pretium est , prudentia fallax , nec fortuna probat causas , sequiturque merentes ; sed vaga per cunctos nullo discrimine fertur : scilicet est aliuà quod nos cogatque regatque maius , & in proprias ducat mortalia leges . notwithstanding , forasmuch as our wisdome is not so subiect to fortune , but that it may comprehend within it selfe , the good direction of most of the occurrences , which fall within the course of our businesse ; or if we must needes miscarrie , yet it somwhat helpeth our ill fortune to thinke , that we went vpon best probabilities ; it shall not be amisse to set down some rules for the better directing of a mature consultation . wherein we are to vnderstand , that as all our knowledge ariseth from some of our senses , and our senses comprehende onely particularities , which being caried vnto the apprehension , are disposed into formes and degrees , according as they either concur or disagree in their seuerall properties : from whence there arise intellectual notions , and rules of arte ; wherein the science of the said particulars consisteth : so hee that intendeth to debate a matter , with sound deliberation , must descend from confused conceptions and a knowledge in generall , to the exact distinction of particular parts , which are the occurrences to be directed , and the materiall substance of euery action : he therfore that can giue best direction , either by experience , or iudicious discourse , concerning such particularities as are incident to the matter propounded , can best aduise which is the safest way to auoid the opposition of contradicting natures . but to make this somewhat plainer , i will alleage . examples : the one moderne in case of consultation ; the other ancient , and may seeme not so pertinent to this matter , in regard it is a meere apology , yet forasmuch as it freely censureth the quality of particular circumstances , it may giue great light to that which we seeke after . the moderne example is taken out of guicherdin , from the warres which lewis the french king had with the pope and the venetians , concerning the state of ferrara and the duchie of milan : wherein there arose a controuersie among the french captaines , whether it were better to go directlie to seeke the enemy , who albeit were lodged in a strong and secure place , yet there was hope , that with the virtue of armes and importunitie of artillerie , they might bee dislodged and driuen to a retreit : or otherwise , to take the way either of modina or bolognia , that so the enemy for feare of loosing either of those townes , might quit their holde , and by that meanes ferrara should bee freed from the warre . monsieur chaumont the generall of the french , inclined to the former aduise : but triuulce , a man of great authoritie and experience , hauing beene an executioner in . battailes , reasoned thus in particulars to the contrary . we debate ( saith he ) to go seeke the enemy to fight with him ; and i haue alwaies heard great captaines holde this as a firme principle : not to attempt the fortune of a battell , vnlesse there be either an offer of an especiall aduantage , or otherwise , compulsion by necessitie . the rules of warre giue it to the enemy that is the inuader , and hath vndertaken the conquest of ferrar , to seeke to assaile and charge vs ; but to vs , to whom it is sufficient to defende our selues , it cannot be but impertinent to vndertake an action , contrary to all direction and discipline of war. i am of opinion , which is confirmed by euident reason , that there is no possibility to execute that deuise , but to our harmes and disaduantage : for we cannot go to their campe but by the side of a hill , a streight and narrowe way , where all our forces cannot be imploied ; and yet they with small numbers will make resistance , hauing the oportunitie of the place fauourable to their vertues : wee must march by the rising of a hill , one horse after another ; neither haue we anie other waie to draw our artillerie , our baggage , our cartes and bridges , but by the streight of the hill : and who doubteth not but in a waie so narrowe and combrous , euerie artillerie , euerie carte , or euery wheele that shall breake , will not stay the armie a whole houre at the least ? by which impediments euerie contrarie accident may put vs to disorder . the enemie is lodged in couert , prouided of victuals and forrage ; and wee must incampe all bare and naked , not carying with vs that which should serue for our necessarie nouriture , but expect the things to come after ; which in reason ought to go with vs. to attempt newe enterprises , whereof the victorie is lesse certaine then the perill , is contrarie to the grauitie and reputation of a leader ; and in actions of the warre , those enterprises are put to aduenture , that are done by will and not by reason . many difficulties may compell vs to make our aboade there , two or three daies ; yea the snowes and raines ioyned with the extremitie of the season , may suffice to detaine vs : how shall we then doe for victuals and forrages ? what shall we be able to doe in the warres , wanting the thinges that should giue vs strength and sustenance ? what is he that considereth not , how dangerous it is to go seeke the enemie in a strong campe , and to be driuen at one time to fight against them , and against the discommoditie of the place ? if we compell them not to abandon their campe , wee cannot but be inforced to retire ; a matter of great difficultie in a countrey so wholy against vs , and where euerie little disfauour will turne to our great disaduantage , &c. and thus proceeded that graue discourse , in the discouerie of the particular occurrences , incident to that enterprise ; which being laied open to their confused iudgments , did manifestly point at the great disaduantages , which were to be vndergone , by that attempt . the other example is of more antiquitie , taken out of tacitus , and concerneth the araignment of certaine senatours , for the friendship that had past betweene scianus and them . amongst whom m. terentius thus answered for himselfe ; according as it hath of late been published by translation . it would be peraduenture lesse behoouefull for my estate to acknowledge , then to denie the crime i am charged with : but happe what happe maie , i will confesse that i haue beene seianus friend , and that i desired so to bee , and that after i had obtained his friendship , i was glad of it . i had seene him ioint officer with my father , in the gouernment of the pretorian cohort ; and not long after in managing the cittie affaires , and matters of warre : his kinsemen and allies were aduanced to honour , as euerie man was inward with seianus , so he was graced by caesar : and contrariwise , such as were not in his fauour , liued in feare , and distressed with pouertie . neither doe i alleadge any man for an example of this ; all of vs who were not priuie to his last attempts , with the danger of my onely estate i will defend : not seianus the vulsiniensis , but a part of the claudian and iulian familie , which by alliance hee had entered into ; thy sonne in law caesar , thy companion in the consulship , and him , who tooke vpon him thy charge of administring the common-wealth , wee did reuerence and honor . it is not our part to iudge of him , whom thou doest exalt aboue the rest , nor for what considerations : to thee the highest iudgement of thinges the gods haue giuen ; and to vs the glory of obedience is left . we looke into those thinges which we see before our eies , whom thou doest inrich , whome thou doest aduance to honours , who haue greatest power of hurting or helping , which seianus to haue had , no man will denie . the princes hidden thoughts , or if he go about any secret drift , it is not lawful to sound , and dangerous ; neither shalt thou in the ende reach vnto them . thinke not onely lordes of the senate , of seianus last daie ; but of sixteene yeeres , in which wee did likewise fawne vppon and court satrius , and pomponius ; and to be knowne vnto his freed men and partners , was reckoned for a high fauour . what then ? shall this defence bee generall , and not distinguished , but a confusion made of times past , and his latter actions ? no , but let it by iust boundes and tearmes be deuided : let the treasons against the common wealth , the intentions of murdering the emperour bee punished ; but as for the friendships , dueties , pleasures and good turnes , the same ende shall discharge and quit thee , o caesar , and vs ! the constancie of this oration preualled so much , that his accusers were punished with exile . and thus wee see howe particularities decide the controuersie , and make the waie plaine to good direction . chap. xi . the romaines take their iourney towardes the next legion ; and are set vpon by the galles . as soone as the daye lyght appeared , they set foorth of their campe , like men persuaded that the counsell had beene giuen them not by an enemie , but by ambiorix an especiall friende , with a long tailed march , and as much baggage as they were able to carrie . the galles vnderstanding of their iourney , by their noise and watching in the night ; secretlie in the woodes some two miles off layed an ambuscado , in two seuerall places of aduantage , and there attended the comming of the romaines ; and when the greatest part of the troupes were entered into a valley , sodainlie they shewed themselues on both sides the vale , pressing harde vppon the rerewarde , and hindering the formost from going vppe the hill ; and so beganne to charge vppon the romaines in a place of as great disaduantage for them as coulde bee . then at length titurius , as one that had prouided for nothing before hande , began to tremble , ran vp and down , and disposed his cohorts , but so fearefully and after such a fashion , as if all things had gone against him , as it happeneth for the most part to such , as are forced to consult in the instance of execution . the observation . it nowe plainelie appeareth , by this negligent and ill ordered march , and the vnlooked for incounter which the galles gaue thē , that feare had ratified in the iudgment of sabinus the smooth suggestion of ambiorix , with an approbation of a certaine truth ; and laied that for a principle , which a discourse free from passion would haue discerned to be but weake , and of no probabilitie : which so much the more amazed titurius , by howe much his apprehension had erred from the truth , and betraied good counsell to a course full of danger ; which as caesar noteth , must needes fall vpon such , as are then to seeke for direction when the businesse requireth execution . i haue handled alreadie the inconueniences of disappointment ; and therfore at this time wil but bring it only into remembrance , that wee may take the greater care to preuent an accident of that nature : wherein , as the best remedie for an euill is to foresee it , according to the saying , praeuisa pereunt mala ; so the greatest mischiefe in an euill , is when it commeth vnthought of , and besides our expectation ; for then it falleth vpon vs with a supernaturall waight , and affrighteth the minde with a superstitious astonishment , as though the diuine powers had preuented our dessignements , with an irremediable calamitie , and cut off our appointment with a contrarie decree : although peraduenture the thing it selfe carie no such importance , but might be remedied , if wee were but prepared with an opinion , that such a thing might happen . it were no ill counsell therefore , what resolution soeuer bee taken , to make as full account of that which may fall out to crosse our intentions , as that which is likelie to happen from the direction of our chiefest proiects ; and so we shall be sure to haue a present mind in the middest of our occasions , and feele no further danger , then that which the nature of the thing inforceth . chap. xii . the romans cast themselues into an orbe ; and are much discouraged . bvt cotta , who had before thought that these things might happen by the waie , and for that cause would not bee the author of the iourney , was not wanting in anie thing that concerned their common safetie : for both in calling vppon the soldiours and incouraging them , hee executed the place of a commaunder ; and in fighting , the dutie of a soldiour . and when they found , that by reason of the length of their troupe , they were not able in their owne persons to see all thinges doone , and to giue direction in euerie place ; they caused it to bee proclaimed , that they should all forsake their baggage , and cast themselues into an orbe : which direction , although in such a case bee not to be reprooued ; yet it fell out ill fauoredlie : for it both abated the courage of the romans , and gaue the enemie greater incouragement , inasmuch as it seemed that that course was not taken , but vppon a great feare and in extremitie of perill . moreouer , it happened , as it coulde not otherwise chose , that the soldiours went from their ensignes , to take from the cariages such thinges as were most deere vnto them : and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weepings . but the barbarous galles were not to learne howe to carrie themselues : for their commaunders caused it to bee proclaimed , that no man shoulde sturre out of his place ; for the praie was theirs , and all that the romaines had laide aparte , was reserued for them : and therefore let them suppose that al things consisted in the victorie . the romans were equal to the galles , both in number of men and valour ▪ and albeit they were destitute of good captaines , and of good fortune , yet they reposed in their manhoode al the hope of their safety : and as often as any cohort issued out , they failed not to make a great slaughter of the enemy on that part . the first observation . i haue alreadie handeled the nature of an orbe , with such properties as are incident to a circle ; wherein i shewed the conueniencie of this figure , in regarde of safe and strong imbattailing : i will nowe adde this much concerning the vse thereof , that as it is the best manner of imbattailing for a defensiue strength , and therefore neuer vsed but in extremitie ; so we must be very carefull , that the sodaine betaking of our selues to such a refuge , doe not more dismaie the soldiours , then the aduantage of that imbattailing canne benefit them . for vnlesse a leader be carefull to keepe his men in courage , that their hearts may bee free from despaire and amazement , what profit can there arise from any disposition or bodie soeuer , when the particular members shall bee sencelesse of that duty , which belongeth vnto them ? for order is nothing but an assistance to courage , giuing meanes to manage our valour with aduantage . in the warre of africke wee reade , that caesars legions being incircled about with great multitudes of enemies , were forced to make an orbe ; but he quicklie turned it to a better vse , by aduancing the two cornets two contrary waies , and so deuided the enemy into two partes ; and then beate them backe to their great disaduantage . the second observation . i neede not stand vpon this order which the galles heere tooke , concerning pillage , that no soldior should forsake his station , or disranke himselfe in hope of spoile ; which is a thing that from the very infancie of warres hath often changed the fortune of the day , and solde the honor of a publike victorie , for priuate lucre and petty pilfering . amongst other examples , let that which guichardine reporteth of the battell of taro , suffice to warne a well directed armie , as well by the good which charles the eighth of that name , king of france , receiued at that time , as by the losse which the italians felt by that disorder , not to seeke after pillage vntil the victory be obtained . the third observation . the insufficiency of these commanders , whereof caesar now complaineth as the only want , which these romans had to cleere themselues of this daunger ; bringeth to our consideration that which former times haue made a question , which is , whether it were the vertue of the roman leaders , or the valor of their soldiers , that inlarged their empire to that greatnes , and made their people and senate lords of the world ? polybius waighing the causes of a victorie , which the carthagineans gained of the romans , by the counsell and good direction of one zantippus a grecian , hauing before that time receiued diuers ouerthrowes , during the time of those warres in africke ; concluded , that it was more in the worthines of the commanders , then in any extraordinary vertue of the soldiours , that the romans atchieued so many conquests . and besides the present example of zantippus , he confirmed his opinion with the proceedings of hanniball ; who from the beginning of the second punicke warre , still gained of the roman empire , enlarging the territories of carthage , and streightening the iurisdiction of mightie rome , vntill it had got a leader matchable to that subtle carthaginean , and found a scipio to confront their hannibal . to this may be added that sabinvs and cotta famous battell betweene the olde romans , and the last latines ; wherein both parties were equally ballaunced , both in number and quality of their souldiers , hauing both the same armes , the same vse of their weapons , and the same discipline , as if it had beene in a ciuill warre : neither could fortune tell by the presence of their armies , where to bestowe her fauour , or where to shewe her disdaine ; but that the worthinesse of the roman leaders brought the oddes in the triall , and made rome great with the ruine of the latines . whereby it appeareth , how much it importeth the whole fortune of an armie , to haue a leader worthie of the place which he holdeth : forasmuch as nothing doth make a greater difference of inequalitie betweene two equall armies , then the wisedome and experience of a graue commander , or the disabilitie of an vnskilfull leader ; which are so powerfull in their seuerall effectes , that there is greater hope of a heard of hartes led by a lyon , then of so many lyons conducted by a harte . chap. xiii . ambiorix directeth the galles how they might best fight with aduantage , and frustrate the weapons of romaine souldiers . the which thing when ambiorix perceiued ; he commanded his men to throwe their casting weapons a farre off , and keepe themselues from comming neare at hand , and where the romans charged vpon them to giue waie ; and againe , as they sawe them retire to their ensignes , then to pursue them . which commandement was so diligently obserued by the galles , that as oft as any cohort sallied out of the orbe to giue an assault , the enemie gaue backe as fast as they could ; and in the meane time there was no help , but that part must be left naked and open to the inconuenience of casting weapons ; and againe , as they retired to their place , they were circumuented as well by them that had giuen place vnto them , as by such as stood next about them : and if they went about to keepe their ground , they could neither helpe themselues by their manhood ; nor standing thicke together , auoide the dartes that such a multitude cast vpon them : and yet notwithstanding these inconueniences besides the woundes which they had receiued , they stood still at their defence , and hauing so spent the greatest part of the daie ( for they had fought eight houres together ) they counted nothing dishonourable or vnworthie of themselues . the observation . i haue spoken alreadie of the manner of the roman fight , consisting altogether in good disposition of imbattailing , and in firme standing , and buckling at handy-blowes : as may appeare by this circumstance , where ambiorix forbiddeth his men to buckle with them , but to giue backe and follow on againe , as the lightnesse of their armes gaue them oportunitie . in like manner in the first booke of the ciuill warres , in the battell betweene caesar and affranius , it appeareth , that caesar his souldiers were bound to keepe their araie , not to leaue their ensignes , nor without a waightie occasion to forsake their stations appointed them : whereas the affranians fought thinne , and scattered here and there ; and if they were hard laied vnto , they thought it no dishonour to retire and giue backe , as they had learned of the portugals , and other barbarous nations . chap. xiiii . the romans are ouerthrowen . then t. baluentius , who the yeare before had beene primipile of that legion , a valiant man and of great authoritie , had both his thighes darted through with a iauelin : and q. lucanius , of the same order , valiantly fighting to succour his sonne , was slaine : and l. cotta the legate , as he busilie incouraged all the cohortes and centuries , was wounded in the mouth with a sling . titurius mooued with these thinges , as he beheld ambiorix a farre off incouraging his men , sent c. pompeius vnto him , to intreat him that he would spare him and his souldiers . ambiorix answered , that if he were desirous to treat , he might : for he hoped to obtaine so much of the people , to saue the souldiers : but for himselfe he should haue no harme at all ; for the assurance whereof , he gaue him his faith . titurius imparted the matter to cotta , who absolutely denied to go to an armed enemie , and continued resolute in that opinion . titurius commanded such tribunes and centurions that were present , to follow him ; and when he came neere to ambiorix , being commanded to cast awaie his armes , hee obeied , and willed those that were with him , doe the same . in the meane time while they treated of the couditions , and ambiorix began a solemne protestation of purpose , titurius was by little and little incompassed about and slaine . then according to their custome , they cried victorie , and taking vp a houling , charged the romans with a fresh assault , and routed their troupes . there l. cotta fighting valiantly was slaine , with the most part of the souldiers with him . the remnant retired into their campe , amongst whom l. petrosidius the eagle-bearer , when he sawe himselfe ouercharged with enemies , threw the eagle within the rampier , and fighting with a great courage , before the campe was slaine . the rest with much adoe indured the assault vntill night , and in the night being in despaire of all succour slewe themselues euerie man : a few , that escaped from the battell , came by vnknowne waies through the woods to labienus , and certified him how all things had fallen out . observations . and thus haue we heard of the greatest losse , that euer fel at any one time vpon caesar his armie , from the time that hee was first proconsull in gallia , vnto the ende of his dictatorship . for in the two ouerthrowes at dirrachium , he lost not aboue men , and in that at gergouia not so manie : but here fifteene cohortes were cut in pieces , which amounted to the number of men , or thereabout . which maketh cowardice , and ill direction the more hatefull , in regard that the great victorie , which his valour obtained in pharsalia , cost him but the liues of two hundreth men . the resolution of such as returned to the campe , witnesseth the exceeding valour of the roman souldier , if a valiant leader had had the managing thereof ; or if cotta alone had beene absolute commander , there had beene great hope of better fortune in the successe : but here it happened as it commonly doth , that where there are many that are equall sharers in the chiefe authoritie , the direction for the most part followeth him that is more violent in opinion then the rest : which being a propertie rather of passion then of iudicious discourse , forceth a consent against the temperat opposition of a true discerning vnderstanding ; and so consequently it falleth out , that one coward , hauing place and authoritie in the councel , doth either infect or annihilate the sound deliberations of the rest of the leaders : for his timerousnesse flieth alwaies to extremities , making him rash in consultation , peremptorie in opinion , and base in case of perill ; all which are enemies to good direction , and the onely instruments of mischieuing fortune . chap. xv. ambiorix hasteth to besiege cicero ; and stirreth vp the aduatici , the neruij ; and so raiseth a great power . ambiorix tooke such spirites vnto him vpon this victorie , that with his horsemen he went immediatly vnto the aduatici , being the next borderers vpon his kingdome , without intermission of night , commanding his footmen to follow him : the aduatici being stirred vp to commotion , the next daie after he came to the neruij , exhorting them not to let slippe this occasion of taking to themselues perpetuall libertie , and reuenging them of the romans for the wrong they had receiued . he tolde them that two legates were alreadie slaine , and a great part of the armie ouerthrowne : it was now no great matter , suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with cicero ; to the performance whereof , he offered himselfe to be their assistant . these remonstrances easilie perswaded the neruij , and therefore they dispatched speedie messengers to the centrones , grudij and other people vnder their dominion , and raised verte great forces , and with them they hasted to the campe where cicero wintered , before anie inkling of the death of titurius was brought vnto him . the observation . the ambitious and working spirit of ambiorix , that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble state , to so high a point of resolution , that they durst aduenture vpon the roman legions , being setled in the strength of their empire , by the memorie of so manie victories in gallia : wanted now no meanes to make an ouerture to a vniuersall commotion , propounding libertie and reuenge to the galles , two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people , if they would but stretch out their hands to take it , and follow that course which his example had proued sure and easie . which maie serue to shewe , that he that will attempt vpon doubtfull and vnsafe principles , will take great aduantage from a probable entrance , and make a small beginning a sufficient meanes for his greatest dessignes . chap. xvi . cicero defendeth his campe from the surprise of the neruij , and prepareth himselfe against a siege . it happened to cicero also ( as it coulde not otherwise chuse ) that manie of the souldiers , that were gone into the woods for timber and munition , were cut off by the sudden approach of the enemies horsemen . these being circumuented , the eburones , neruij , and aduatici , with all their confederates and clientes , began to assault the campe . the romans betooke them speedily to their weapons ; and got vpon the rampier , with much adoe they helde out that daie : for the galles trusted much vpon celeritie , hoping if they sped well in that action , to be victors euer after . cicero dispatched letters with all speede to caesar , promising great rewardes to him that should carie them : but all the waies were so forelaid , that the messengers were taken . in one night there was built in the campe towers , of such timber as was brought in for fortification , & whatsoeuer wanted of the rest of the worke , was perfected . the enemie the next daie with a farre greater power assaulted the campe , and filled vp the ditch : the romans made the like defence , as they had done the daie before ; the like was continued diuers daies after . the romaines made no intermission of their worke at anie part of the night , nor gaue anie rest either to the sicke or the wounded . whatsoeuer was needfull for the next daies assault , was prouided in a readinesse the night before ; a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared , and manie murall piles were made ; the towers were floored in their stories , pinacles and parapets were set vp of hurdles : and cicero himselfe being sickly , and of a weake constitution , tooke not so much leasure as to rest himselfe in the night time ; so that the souldiers of their owne accord compeld him , by intreatie , to spare himselfe . the observation . this q. cicero is said to bee the brother of marcus cicero the famous oratour , & to him were the letters sent which are found in his epistles , directed quincto fratri . in this action his cariage deserued as great reputation , in the true censure of honor , as euer his brother did for his eloquence , pro rostris . and if it had been the others fortune to haue performed the like seruice , he would haue made it the greatest exploit that euer roman had atchieued by armes : wherein particularly may be commended the diligence and industrie , which was vsed in raising so manie towers , in so small a time ; for prouiding the night before , such thinges as were necessarie for the next daies defence ; for making so manie stakes hardened at the ende with fire , for the defence of the rampier ; and for the store of these murall piles , which resembled the forme of the ordinarie pile , but were farre greater and waightier in regard they were to be cast from the rampier ; which gaue them such aduantage , by reason of the height , that being cast by a strong and well practised arme , they were verie effectuall and of great terrour . chap. xvii . the neruij propound the same things to cicero which ambiorix had done to sabinus ; but are reiected . then the princes and chiefe commanders of the neruij , which had anie entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with cicero , signified their desire to speake with him : which being granted , they propounded the same things they had vsed to deceiue sabinus ; all gallia was in armes ; the germans were come ouer the rhene ; caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering campes ; sabinus and his men were cut in pieces ; notwithstanding they carried this minde to cicero , that they refused nothing but their wintering among them , they might depart in safetie whither they would , without disturbance or feare of danger . cicero onely made this answere : that it was not the custome of the people of rome , to take anie article or condition from an armed enemie ; but if they would laie their armes aside , let them vse his furtherance in the matter , and send some to negotiat it with caesar ; there was great hope in regard of his iustice and equitie , that they should not returne vnsatisfied . the observation . the first attempt , which ambiorix made vpon the campe of sabinus and cotta , was but short ; but here what with the pride of the former victorie , and the great multitude of the assailants , they continued it longer , in hope to carrie it by assault : for the first assault of a place , especially when it commeth by waie of surprise , is of greater hope to the assailant , and of greater danger to the defendant , then such as afterward are made in the sequell of the warre : for after the first brunt , the heate of the enemy is much abated , as well through the nature of a hot desire , which is most violent in the beginning , and afterward groweth colde and remisse , as also with the harmes and perill which they meete with in the incounter ; and on the contrarie side , the defendants hauing withstood the first furie , wherein there is most terrour and distrust , grow more confident and better assured of their manhood , and in experience of their strength stand firme against anie charge whatsoeuer . chap. xviii . the neruij besiege cicero , with a ditch and a rampier , and worke meanes to set fire on their tents . the neruij disappointed of his hope , carried a ditch and a rampier round about the campe ; the rampier was foot high , and the ditch foote deepe ; which they had learned of the romaines , partly by being conuersant among them certaine yeares before , and partly by the prisoners and captiues which they had taken ; but they had no yron tooles fit for that purpose , but were driuen to cut vp turfe with their swords , and gather earth with their hands , and carrie it away with their mantles and gaberdines . wherby may be gathered , what a multitude of men there were at the siege ; for in lesse then three houres , they finished the fortification of fifteene miles in circuit . the daies following , the enemy built towers to the height of the rampier , prepared great hooks and strong penthouses , or sauegardes of boords and timber , according as the captiues had giuen them instruction . the seauenth daie of the siege being a very windie daie , they cast hoat bullets of claie out of slinges , and burning dartes vpon the cabines of the romans , which after the manner of the galles , were thatched with strawe : these cabines were quickly set on fire , which by the violence of the winde was carried ouer all the campe ; the enemie pressing forward with a great clamour , as though the victorie were alreadie gotten , began to bring their turrets and testudines to the rampier , and to scale it with ladders . but such was the valour of the roman souldiers , that albeit they were scorched on all sides with fire , and ouer-charged with multitude of weapons , and saw all their wealth burned before their face ; yet no man forsooke the rampier , or scarce looked backe at that which had happened , but they all fought valiantly , and with an exceeding courage . observations . this one example may serue to shew the excellencie of the romaine discipline , and the wisedome of the first founders of that arte : for they perceiuing that the fortune of warres consisted chiefelie in the mastering of particular occurrences , trained their souldiers in that forme of discipline , as might struggle with inconueniences , and strong oppositions of contradicting accidents ; and so ouerwage all difficulties and hinderances , with a constant perseueration and a courage inuincible . for the great attempting spirit of an ambitious commāder , that seeketh to ouertop the trophes of honour , with the memorie of his exploites , will quickly perish by his owne direction , if the instruments of execution be weaker , then the meanes which lead him to his dessignments . for where the waight is greater then the strength , the engine will sooner breake , then lift it vp . let a discreet leader therefore so leuell his thoughts , that his resolution may not exceede the abilitie of his particular means ; but first let him be well assured what his souldiers can doe , before he resolue what he will doe : or otherwise , let him so inable them by discipline and instructions , according to the example of the old romans , that their worth maie answere the height of his desires and follow his aspiring minde , with a resolution grounded vpon knowledge and valour ; and so making their ability the ground of his dessignes , he shall neuer faile of meanes to performe what he intendeth . the want of this consideration hath , within these late yeares , repaide our commanders in many partes of christendome with losse and dishonour ; when as they measured the humour of their poore needie and vndisciplined souldier , by the garbe of their ambitious thoughtes , and so laide such proiects of difficultie , as were verie vnsutable in the particularitie of occurrences to that , which their souldiers were fit to execute . chap. xix . the aemulation betweene two centurions , pulfio , and varenus , with their fortunes in the incounter . there were in that legion two valiant men , titus pulfio , and l. varenus centurions , comming on a pace to the dignitie of the first orders : these two were at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another , & euery yeare contended for place of preferment , with much strife and emulation . pulfio at a time , that the fortification was very sharply assaulted , called to varenus , and asked him why he now stood doubtfull ? or what other place he did looke for to make triall of his manhood ? this is the daie ( saith hee ) that shall decide our controuersies ; and when he had spoken these wordes , he went out of the fortification , and where he saw the enemie thickest , he fiercely set vpon thē : then could not varenus hold himselfe within the rampier , but followed after in a reasonable distance . pulfio cast his pile at the enemie , and strooke one of the multitude through that came running out against him ; he being slaine , all cast their weapons at him , giuing no respite or time of retrait : pulfio had his target strooke through , and the dart stucke fast in his girdle : this chance turned aside his scabberd and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword , in which disaduantage the enemy pressed hard vpon him ; varenus came and rescued him : immediatly the whole multitude , thinking pulfio to be slaine with the darte , turned to varenus , who speedely betooke him to his sword , and came to handy-strokes , and hauing slaine one he put the rest somewhat backe . but as he followed ouerhastely vpon them , he fell downe : him did pulfio rescue , cicero besieged being circumuented and in danger ; and so both of them hauing slaine manie of the enemie , retired to their campe in safety , to their great honour . thus fortune caried as well the contention , as the incounter of them both , that being enemies , they neuerthelesse gaue helpe to saue each others life , in such sort , that it was not to bee iudged which of them deserued greatest honor . observations . caesar inserteth this accident of the two centurions , as worthie to be related amongst the deeds of armes contained in these commētaries : wherein we are first to obserue the grounds of this quarrel , which was their continual strife for place of preferment , which they sought after by shewing their valour in time of danger , and approouing their worth by the greatnesse of their desert ; a contention worthy the roman discipline , and may serue for a paterne of true honour full of courage , accomplished with vertue . for these simultates , which desire of honor had cast between them , brought forth emulation which is the spur of vertue , far from enmitie or hatefull contention : for the difference betweene these two qualities is , that enmitie hunteth after destruction , and onely reioiceth in that which bringeth to our aduersary vtter ruine , dishonour or ill atchieuement : but emulation contendeth only by well deseruing , to gaine the aduantage of an other mans fame , that vseth the same meanes to attaine to the like end ; and is alwaies mixed with loue , in regard of the affinity of their affections , and the sympathie of their desires , not seeking the ouerthrow of their competitor , but succouring him in time of danger , and defending him from foule and vnfortunate calamitie , that he may still continue to shew the greatnes of his worth by the opposition of inferior actions , which are as a lesser scantling of desert to measure the estimation of the others honour . a vertue rare and vnknowne in these daies , and would hardly find subiects to be resident in , if she should offer her helpe in the course of our affaires , or sue to be entertained by the crooked dispositiōs of our times : for we can no sooner conceiue the thoughts that breed emulation , but it turneth presently to hatred , which is followed to the vttermost of our malice , and resteth better satisfied with the miserable end of our opposed partner , then with thousand of trophes deseruedly erected to our honor . which maketh me wonder , when i looke into the difference of these and those ages , whether it were the discipline of that time , which brought forth such honest effectes of vertue , to their glory and our ignominy , hauing learned better rules then were known vnto them ; or whether the world weakened with age , want strength in these times to bring foorth her creatures in that perfection , as it did in those daies ; or what other cause hath made our worst affections so violent , and our better faculties so remisse and negligent , that vertue hath no part in vs but wordes of praise , our whole practise being consecrated to actions of reproch . the iniuries , murthers , scandalous cariages of one towards an other , which in these daies are so readily offered , and so impatientlie digested , will admit no satisfaction but priuate combate , which in the first monarchies was granted only against strangers , and forraine enemies , as the only obiects of armes and wrath , and capable of that iustice , which the priuate sworde shoulde execute : for they well perceiued that these single battels were , as sparkles of ciuill discorde , and intestine warres ; although not so apparant in the generall viewe of their state , yet as odious in particular , and as dishonourable to good gouernment . and if there were a true recorde of such , as haue beene either slaine or wounded within these fortie yeeres , either in this kingdome , or in france , or in germanie , by this licentious and brutish custome ; i make no question , but they woulde amount to a number capable of that fearefull stile , which is attributed to ciuill warres . neither is there any lawe howe rigorous or harde soeuer , that can giue reliefe to this disorder , but the restraint will drawe on as great enormities , and as vntolerable in a good gouernment . rotaris king of the lumbardes forbade his subiectes this manner of combate ; but shortlie after , hee was constrained to recall the edict , for the auoiding of greater euils ; although hee protested the thing to bee both inhumane , and barbarous . the like edict was published in france by philip the faire , but was within two yeeres reuoked againe , at the instante request of his subiectes , in regarde of the murthers and assasinats committed in that kingdome . the onelie remedie , that i finde to take effect in this case , was that of late time , which the prince of melphe in piemont , inuented to preuent this euill : for perceiuing howe ordinarie quarrels and bloudshed were in his campe , hee assigned a place betweene two bridges for the performance of the duellum , with this charge ; that hee that had the worst shoulde alwaies bee slaine , and cast from the bridge into the water ; the daunger ioyned with dishonour ( which by this decree attended such as vndertooke priuate combate ) made the soldiours wiser in their cariage , and put an end to their sedition and ciuill discordes . but that which is yet worst of all , is that custome hath now made it so familiar , that euery trifle seemeth sufficient to call the matter to a priuate combate ; a crosse looke calleth an others mans honour in question ; but the word lye is of as great consequence , as any stabbe or villanie whatsoeuer . whereat we may well wonder howe it happeneth , that wee feele our selues so much exasperated at the reproch of that vice , which we so ordinarilie commit ; for in the custome of these times to cast vpon vs the lie , is the greatest iniurie that wordes can doe vnto vs ; and yet there is nothing more frequent in our mouth . it may be a propertie in our nature , to stand chiefely in the defence of that corruption vnto which wee are most subiect : i speake not this to qualifie the foulenesse of this vice ; for i holde a lier to bee a monster in nature , one that contemneth god and feareth man , as an ancient father saith ; but to shew the crookednesse of our disposition in disdaining to acknowledge that fault , which wee so commonlie commit . but i would faine learne when honor first came to be measured with words , for from the beginning it was not so . caesar was often called to his face theefe , and dronkard , without any further matter ; and the liberty of inuectiues , which great personages vsed one against an other , as it began , so it ended with words . and so i thinke our lie might too , for i take him that returneth the lie , and so letteth it rest vntill further proofe , to haue as great aduantage in the reputation of honor , as the former that first gaue the disgrace . chap. xx. cicero sendeth to caesar , at whose comming the siege was raised , and the galles ouerthrowne . at length cicero found meanes , by a gall to aduertise caesar of the danger wherein he was : who speedily hasted with two legions to giue him succour ; the neruij vnderstanding of caesars approach , forsooke the siege and went to meet him . caesar finding the enemy to be . strong , and himselfe not to haue aboue . men , incamped himselfe in a place of aduantage ; and sought by counterfeiting feare , to draw the enemy to come and assault his campe , which he handled with that dexteritie , that the galles came vp vnto him , with a full assurance of victory : but caesar sending out two sallies at two seueral gates of the campe , ouerthrew the greatest part of them , and dispossest the rest of their armes ; and so ended that war. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e lib. . salust . de bello iugur . notes for div a -e suitchers . caesar . matrona & sequena . two states in the duchie of burgundie . the lake of geneua . mont ioux . caesar . the omission in the heluetian expedition . caesar . caesar . zuricke . the maner of their watch . caesar . caesar . bray in the county of retell . places of aduantage in the roman warres . their maner of victualing caesar . the manner of their imbattailing . by triplex acies . lib. . de bello ciuili . lib . de bello ciuili . lib. . de militia romana . a phalanx described . caesar . speeches of incouragement before they gaue battell . lib. . de bello gallico . the roman pile described lib. . de militia romana . lib. . salust . caesar . them of borbon and loraine . the ensignes of the romans the diuision of their day . caesar . * langiers . periculum semper ab hostibus grauissimum sustinet diuisus & inordinatus exercitus . caesar . * langres . * sauoyens . caesar . the people of auuergne . caesar . the authoritie of the roman generals liuie lib. . lib. . de bello ciuili . caesar . caesar . * triers . * the country about cōstāce in germanie . * le doux . the nature of feare . caesar . * cimbri , a nation came out of germanie and droue out the aduatici and are now the zelanders . teutoni , germans . whether men haue greater courage in their owne or in a strangers country . caesar . foote men intermingled amongst horsemen . lib. . lib. . de excid . lib. . de bello africano . caesar . caesar . caesar . the vse of lots . notes for div a -e caesar . caesar . a the country about beauuois . b the country about soissons c the people about turnai d arras . e amyens . f vermandois . g terwene h leige . in al. * la disne . caesar . a legion what it was . lib. . de vita romuli . liu. lib. . tacitus . hist . velites . hastati . principes . lib. . lib. . de mil. rom. the vse of this diuision . the distinction of their companies . manipuli . ordo . cohors . lib. . de re rust . alegion ranged in battell . the first order . de bello ciuili . prima cohors the benefit of this discipline the benefit of small battailions : and the disaduantage of great squadrons ▪ * bray in the county of retell . to take a towne by surprise . a testudo described . lib. . lib. . the necessitie of good discouerie . * now england . the order which is to be obserued in discouery . slingers with their arte and vse . lib. . lib. . natu : questions . caesar . caesar . * noyon : caesar . * soyssons . * lib. . a vinea or vine described . agger or mount . towers or turrets described . caesar . the bellouaci taken to mercie . the ambiani yeeld vp themselues . the neruij . * sābre neere namours . the maner of the romaine march . the two respects which caesar had in ordering a march . safety . conueniēcy agmen quadratum . * lib. . de bel . gall. * . epistle . lib. . agmenlongū lib. . de bel . gallico . the vse that may be made of this in our moderne wars caesar . the description of the roman campe , with all the parts belonging vnto it the centurions made choise of the place . the praetorium . principia . the tentes of the tribunes . the space betweene the tents and the rampier . contuberniū . the ditch and the rampier . agger . vallum . praetoria porta . porta decumana . portae principales . laeua . dextra . the commodity of this incamping . the ceremonies which they vsed in their preparation to battel caesar . and therefore i rather take it to bee something els then a word . the place and office of a primipile . the target described . lib. . c. . caesar . li. de militia iu. cae. caesar . either doway or bosleduke in brabant . circūuallatio in the seuenth commentarie . aries or the ram. cales . aries simplex aries composita . to giue notice of an alarum by fire . lib. . the punishments which the romans laied vpon a conquerednation . caesar . of this supplication i wil speake in the latter ende of the booke . notes for div a -e caesar . caesar . the force of nouelty turning the for tune of a battell . caesar . * sauoiens . * le perche . * cornoaille in bretaine * vannes . the weakenes of our iudgement in regard of the knowledge of future times . the authority of exāple . caesar . * ligeris . the groundes of that reuerent opinion which is held of ambassadors . caesar . lendriguer . lysieux . nantes . aurenche . leondoul . cities in little britaine . * triers . caesar . the causes of the ebbing and flowing of the sea . spring tides . the manner of their shipping . lib. . their maner of sea-fights . lib. . de bello ciuili . caesar . the force of industrie . * la perche . caesar . * rhone . * eureux . the vse which the romans made of a counterfeit feare . lib. . caesar . * euocati . euocati . lib. . de bello gall. caesar . sertorius . two meanes to atchieue victorie and to ouermaster their enemies tubalcaine by war and naamah by the floud . not to forgo an aduantage the place where suspected forces are best bestowed in battell . caesar . lib. . auertimento secundo . lib. de bello gallico . caesar . * terouine * cleue and gueldres . notes for div a -e * those of zutpnen . * of hassia . caesar . caesar . * geldres and cleeue . salust . tacit. . anal. caesar . * liege . * colonia agripina . vincitur haud gratis iugulo qui prouocat hostem . liu. lib. . liu. lib. . caesar . caesar . caesar . lib. de machi . caesar . caesar . caesar . teroanne , or monstrell . caesar . answere to the first obiection . the answere to the second reason . the answere to the third reason . of the name imperator . . annal. phil. . lib. . epist. . caesar . caesar . caesar . li. . fami . cicero . notes for div a -e caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . caesar . lib. . pli. lib. . caesar . caesar . * either cambraz , amiens or s. quintin caesar . caesar . lib. . anal. . caesar . lib. caesar . anima'dversions of vvarre; or, a militarie magazine of the truest rules, and ablest instructions, for the managing of warre composed, of the most refined discipline, and choice experiments that these late netherlandish, and swedish warres have produced. with divers new inventions, both of fortifications and stratagems. as also sundry collections taken out of the most approved authors, ancient and moderne, either in greeke. latine. italian. french. spanish. dutch, or english. in two bookes. by robert ward, gentleman and commander. ward, robert, fl. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) anima'dversions of vvarre; or, a militarie magazine of the truest rules, and ablest instructions, for the managing of warre composed, of the most refined discipline, and choice experiments that these late netherlandish, and swedish warres have produced. with divers new inventions, both of fortifications and stratagems. as also sundry collections taken out of the most approved authors, ancient and moderne, either in greeke. latine. italian. french. spanish. dutch, or english. in two bookes. by robert ward, gentleman and commander. ward, robert, fl. . marshall, william, fl. - , engraver. [ ], , [ ], , [ ] p., [ ] folded leaves : ill. (woodcuts) printed by iohn dawson [, thomas cotes, and richard bishop], and are to be sold by francis eglesfield at the signe of the marigold in pauls church-yard, london : . with an additional title page, engraved, lacking eglesfield's name in imprint, and signed: wi: marshall. sculpsit. the letterpress title page is a cancel. the words "greeke .. italian." and "french .. dutch," are bracketed together on the title page. cotes printed quires b- e; bishop printed a- i; dawson printed the rest (stc). book has separate dated title page and pagination; register is continuous. "a table, demonstrating the quantitie of paces of ground which any number of souldiers .. shall occupie for their stations ..", [ ] p. at end. identified as stc a on umi microfilm reel . reproductions of the originals in yale university. library and the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. appears at reel (yale university. library copy) and at reel (university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library copy). reel : lacks engraved title page. reel : pages - of book from the henry e. huntington library and art gallery copy filmed at end. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion anima'dversions of vvarre ; or , a militarie magazine of the trvest rvles , and ablest instrvctions , for the managing of warre . composed , of the most refined discipline , and choice experiments that these late netherlandish , and swedish warres have produced . with divers new inventions , both of fortifications and stratagems . as also sundry collections taken out of the most approved authors , ancient and moderne , either in greeke . latine . italian . french. spanish . dutch , or english. in two bookes . by robert ward , gentleman and commander . lips . pol. lib. . nunquam bonos fortesque milites habebis , nisi hac duo , velut instrumenta adhibeas , delectum & disciplinam . london , printed by iohn dawson , and are to be sold by francis eglesfield at the signe of the marigold in pauls church-yard . . to his royall maiestie king charles . most dread soveraigne , i having had many thoughts of the vicissitude of times , and of the mutation and change of this pretious iewel peace ; and likewise observing how sampsons foxes have swinged about their firie tayles of dis●ention and discord , wherby this grim monster ( war ) hath violently broken downe the pale of prosperity in our neighbouring kingdomes ; and would subtilly be picking of the golden locke of tranquillity , the which omnipotencie ( by your royall majesties goodnesse and well-governing ) hath been so tender in preserving . and in regard neither peace nor warre can bud nor flourish , but under the well-managed sword : according to my slender abilitie i have spent some few moneths in discoursing upon the principall parts of the body of war , and that in two respects : first , that some one judicious , learned , and wel-experienced souldier , taking a survey of my defects might be therby instigated to begin and finish a more excellent worke tending to this subject . and secondly , that my fellow subjects who have not beene verst in these affaires , might gaine some profit , whereby they might be inabled to doe your majestie the better service upon all sudden occasions , when your highnesse shall call them thereto . and although it may be demanded whether reading or practice have the first place in this art , to be layed as a foundation to this building ; i must with marius answer this question , who envying at the nobility of rome ( saith ) qui postquam consules facti sunt , acta majorum & graecorum militaria praecepta legere coeperunt . homines praeposteri , nam legere quam fieri ; tempore posterius , re & usu priùs est . for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soule , and cannot well be produced , untill the idea thereof bee first imprinted in the mind ; according to which patterne the outward beeing and sensible resemblance is duly fashioned , how is it possible that any action belonging to warre , can be well expressed , when the mind is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort as shall best agree with the occurrents of such natures as are necessarily interessed both in the meanes , and in the end therof ? therefore speculative knowledge , as the gnomon or tramontane to direct the course of all practice , is first to be respected ; but withall no man can so well rest upon such certainty through the theorick of knowledge , as hee that hath also proved his learning verified by practice ; and in regard the habitude of arts and sciences cannot bee said to be perfectly attained , unlesse their particular parts are in such sort apprehended , that from the varietie of that individuality ; the intellectuall power frameth generall notions and maximes of rule uniting tearmes of the same nature in one head , and distinguishing diversities by differences of properties , aptly dividing the whole body into his greatest and smallest branches , and fitting each part with his descriptions , duties , cautions , and exceptions ; for unlesse the understanding of a souldier be in some kind qualified , and able by logicall discourse , to ascend by way of composition , from singularitie to catholick conceptions , and returne againe the same way , to the lowest order of his partitions , the mind cannot bee said to have the perfection of that art , or instructed in true knowledge , but guided by some broken precepts ; whereby it will follow that this science of warre being divided into many branches , and consisting in the multiplicitie of divers members being all so materiall , and interes●ed in the bulke , that a mayme of the smallest part , causeth either debilitie , or deformity in the body , so that every small and unrespected circumstance , quite altereth the nature of the action , and breedeth such d●sparity , and difference , that the resemblance of their equall participating properties is blemished with their disagreeing parts . it cannot be denied , but he that is acquainted with most occurrences , and best knowes the variety of chances in the course of warre , must needs be thought a more perfect souldier , and deserveth a title of greater dignitie in the noble profession of armes , then those that content themselves with a few common precepts and bro●en rules ; therefore experience and practice doth not only make a souldier worthy of his name ; but the knowledge of the manifold acc●dents which rise from the varietie of humane actions , wherein reason and error hath enterchanged contrary events of fortune : and this knowledge is only to be gained in the registers of antiquitie and historie recording the passages of former a●es , that their harmes may be our warnings , and their happy proceedings our fortunate directions ; wherfore accordingly ( most gracious soveraigne ) i have indevoured to set for a preface to this warlike-discourse , such accidents and occurrences as hapned in the raising and declyning of the foure most antient and renowned monarch●es ; a subject ful of the varietie of the events of fortune . and then i have briefly run over the principall parts of the body of warre ; a subject ( if not spoyled by my illiteratnesse and inabilitie ) fit to kisse your royall hands ; and like pyrrbus in plutarch in silence craves your highnesse tuition ; i doe not question your high esteeme , and gracious acceptance of workes of this nature ; and although these my collective anima'd versions are but shadowes to the reall substance your princely mind is beautified withall , yet may they seem worthy to excite your warlike cogitations to visit the excellent treasure of your owne mind , that thence you may extract particulars for this war-like age , agreeable to your magnanimitie and wise●ome , the ambassage of this my paines is delivered and discharged . and seeing the lord of hosts hath fitted and inriched your royall person with the best abilities of nature , and your heroyick spirit with true wisedome and undaunted valour ; so that in your youth , your height of courage did venture to plough thorow the rude seas , and pace over the territories of forraigne kingdomes to the worlds amazement , ( a fortunate pres●ge that your mighty hand should afterwards conqu●r , and subjugate both by sea and land ; ) accordingly implore the heavens to be propitious to your majestie , and ●owne you with victorie over all your enemies ; thus most humbly craving pardon for my great presumption , desiring god to bee your rule and guide , i shall be ●old to conclude with your royall motto , exurgat deu● & dissipentur aenimici ; your most faithfull and loyall subiect and servant r. w. to the right honorable robert earle of warwick , and to the right honorable william lord maynard of elton , lord lievetenants for the county of essex ; and to the right worshipfull the deputie lievetenants , and noble captaines of the same . right honorable and right worshipfull ; in the ancient roman coyne the picture of mars was usually stampt with a iavelin in one hand , a scourge in the other , and the portraict of a cocke standing by him ; the iavelin intimated prowesse , the scourge authority , and the cocke vigillancie and indefatigable care : what was but ingraven on that coyne is vively expressed in all your honours and worships actions , which doubtlesse moved that royall hand to conferre upon you the high charge of ordering his martiall affaires in this county of essex . your high authoritie and my service under it hath moved me to present unto your viewes a treatise of war ; a subject in these perilous times very requisite to be regarded , especially by men of this honorable profession , since we perceive all doubts in adjacent dominions are now decided onely by dint of the sword : proximus ardetucalligon ; our neighbours house is of a light fire , their townes and towers burne like beacons : we know not how soone their flame may catch hold of our owne buildings ( war being in a neighbour province like fire in the next dwellings which can hardly be kept off , but by good helpe ) no helpe better to divert a warre then a skilfull souldiery ; for that enemy which dares doe much against a numerous people unskilfull in the feates of armes , will consider well before he attempts any thing against those that be warlike , though of far lesse numbers ; nothing makes a people warlike so soone as maintenance of marshall discipline , nor doth anything make the common wealth more safe then that . this was one motive which instigated me first to undertake this hard and difficult taske , and not out of any ambition to teach , since it is well knowne that your honours and worships are well verst both in the practicke and speculative knowledge of warre : and inregard your noble professions are adorned with the truest rules adherent to these actions , it is in a manner superfluus for me to commend these unpollisht lines to your viewes , you being no strangers to this subject ; yet as mela sayd once in his discription of italy : de italia magis quia ordo exegit quam quia monstrari eget pauca dicentur , nota sunt omnia ; the like i may justly say concerning this discourse of warlik discipline , it is so obvious to your sight that you neede not the spectacles of letters , yet something i must say rather for methods sake unto your lordships then necessitie , and i hope it shall not seeme impertinent unto your honours , since your golden spirits cannot admit of such effeminizing as the pithagorians which inhabited amicle a towne in italy , who often being terrified with a vaine rumour of their enemies approach , promulgated a law , forbidding all such reports , by which meanes their enemies comming unawares upon them tooke the towne , from hence grew the proverbe amiclas silentium perdidit ; therefore with lucillius who was commanded to he silent , i must returne this answer ( to those that ure not verst in these martiall affaires but are altogether submerge●in securitie ) mihi necesse est loqui , s●●o enim amiclas silentio perijsse . it is not unknowne to your honours and worships who are experienced , how farre both officers and souldiers are degenerated from former ages , in which they made the use and practice of armes their glory ; but our age makes it a burthen and a shame to use and beare that name which of all attributes and titles is most honorable , if such would with cicero consider to what end they were borne , with him they would confesse non nobis solum nati sumus sed etiam pro patria ; wherefore the noble profession of a souldier is a thing of no small consequence , when as true religion cannot be maintained , the honour and safetie of our gracious king cannot be safe , the possession and welfare of our kingdome cannot be injoyed , nor the subduing of our enemies cannot be atchieved but by and under the shadow of the well managed sword : for indeede the infinite chances , hazards and events of war are so doubtfull and dangerous ( that as iason sayd to epaminondas ) hee is not wise that doth not feare them , seeing as i have sayd before the whole world is in combustion , we ought to fit our selves and provide for the hardest : for certainely expert commanders can easily conquer those that are novices ; and a battell once lost hath an ill tayle or consequence , as the great souldier and statesman commineus saith , un battaille perdu a maunaise queúe , for it redoubleth the hope and courage of the victors , and discourageth and astonisheth the vanquished ; it shaketh the fidelitie of subjects , it ministreth matter and opportunitie of conspiracie to malecontents , of revolts to townes , and of allienation to confederates , who commonly sway with the good successe : and for this cause all princes have beene very vigilant and carefull to have their commanders very expert and valiant , and their subjects well exercised in the use of armes ; that no sudden danger should dismay them , nor no enemie too subtill for them ; for although a nation be never so well verst in all politick stratagems and most able to manage a warre , yet there are many accidents that the engine of wit cannot evade , whereby mighty armies may be dissipated and disperst , and the greatest enterprises overthrowne ; a● sometimes it hath fallen out by the death of some one man , * sometimes by the dissention of leaders and captaines amongst themselves , sometimes by mutinie of souldiers , sometimes by meanes of a tempest or unseasonable weather ; sometimes by plagues or other diseases in the campe , and as guicchardine noteth in his second booke , by mistake of a commanmandement , eyther not well understood or ill executed , by a little timerity or disorder which may happen by some evill words or speeches even of the meanest souldiers , and as commineus further relates , that be the counsell never so well taken , and the plot never so well layd , yet it is seldome or never executed in the field as it is ordayned in the chamber ; what infinite care and paines therefore ( my lords ) ought every particular officer under your honours commands take in preparing themselves and fitting their souldiers against the time of service , that they may be able to eschew these dangers , and vindicate honour and triumph to themselves , that they may seeme worthy to be crowned with the wreathes of victory , as valer. max. lib. . reporteth that no captaine was worthy to be honored with a crowne of lawrell , cloathed in rich purple , and mounted in the golden chariot of fame , unlesse he had fought some notable battell against the enemy , wherein above . men at the least were slaine ; this victory begets such immortall honour and renowne to the name of captaines according to their memorable actions which hath eternized their houses of discent by contrary names of glory and fame , as by the example of the warlike romans , the three metelli , whereof one of them ( as salust and some others write ) because he had overcome king iugurthe conquering the land of numidia was surnamed numidicus ; the second conquered the king of macedon , and was stiled with the name of macedon●cus ; and the third for conquering the ile of creete was honored with the name of creticus , and the like of divers others ; and as the romans were curious in conferring honours upon true desert , so also they were severe in punishing of base cowardize or wilfull neglect , and stupid ignorance ; for if they lost honour in that kind where as by their owne indeavours they might have atchieved it , they had as a duemerit the basest of punishment inflicted ; as whipping in the head of the troopes untill the blood followed ; or manacled together with irons : and for leaving of their generall or commanders in time of fight , they were spitted upon stakes , and divers other rigorous torments executed upon delinquents for the like offence . therefore with the prophet david i implore his ayde ( who stileth himselfe the lord of hostes and a man of warre ) that hee would teach our fingers to fight and our hands to battell , that wee may bee ready when the sword ( which god in our time avert ) shall come upon the land , and the trumpet bloweth aud warne the people , we may then make a valiant resistance . but he that heareth the sound of the trumpet and will not be warned ( saith the prophet ezekiel ) if the sword come and take him away , his blood shall bee upon his owne head ; for he heard the sound of the trumpet and would not be admonished , but hee that receiveth warning shall save his life . your lordships and worships humble servant , robert ward . a table of the contents of the severall sections and chapters contained in in these two bookes . the contents of the first booke . section i. the mutability of flourishing kingdomes . chap. . there is no nation ever did , or ever shall possesse a perpetuall peace . pag. chap . of the monarchie of the assyrians and the warres thereof . chap. . of the monarchie of the medes and persians and the warres thereof . chap . of the macedonian monarchie and the warres thereof . chap. . of the roman monarchie and the warres thereof . sect . ii. how to provide in peace for warre . chap. . it is good in time of peace to provide for warre . chap. . of the things necessarily to be provided and first of victualls . chap. . of the preparation of armour and weapons . ibid chap. . of the provision of money . chap. . of the provision of shipping . chap. . of the provision of souldiers and land-forces . sect . iii. the manner of fortification . chap. . the abridgement of geometrie , so farre as belongs to the art of fortification . chap. . how to line and stake any bulworke upon a regular figure . chap. . how to fortifie the exagon figure , with the second kinde of flankes . chap. . how to fortifie a place that is not capable of a regular fortification . chap. . another irregular figure fortified . chap. . a third irregular figure fortified . chap. . a fourth irregular figure fortified . chap. . a fifth irregular figure fortified . chap. . a discourse , how the ancients fortified their townes . chap. . a second way which the ancients used to fortifie their townes . chap. . the third way the ancients used to fortifie their townes . chap. . the fourth way the ancients used to fortifie their townes . chap. . the fifth way the ancients used to fortifie their townes . chap. . of the measures and proportions of our moderne fortresses . of fortresses in generall , and of their perfections and imperfections . chap. . of foure kindes of fortifying now in use ; first of the manner of fortifying in france . chap. . how the french fortifie their irregular figures . chap. . the manner of the spannish fortifying . chap. . of the venetians manner of fortificati●o . chap . a comparison betweene the rules of fortification handled in this treatise with the rules of others : with certaine answers to divers objections in fortification . chap. . the manner how to gaine and defend the fortresses . chap. . divers observations , rules , and orders which all generalls ought to observe in the besieging , and defending of fortes . chap. . a triangular sconce , with direction , for the best scituating of it . chap. . the manner of framing a trianguler redout . chap. . the manner of fram●●● a quadrangle redout . chap. . the manner of framing a qnadrangle sconce . chap. . the manner of framing a sconce with six points , or angles . chap. . the manner of framing a halfe moone . ibid. chap. . the manner of framing a horne-worke . chap. . a second kinde of horne-worke , with its proper place . chap. . the description of the redouts , fortes , and batteries which were raised by spinola at the seige of breda . chap. . divers choise observations , concerning the beleaguring of a fort ; collected from the famous seige of breda anno . chap. . how to frame a flankered redout . sect . iv. the use of artillerie in forts . chap. . the office of the master of the ordinance , and other inferiour officers ; chap. . the names of all kinde of ordnances whatsoever , now in use , with the height of their diametets , their weight &c. chap. . how the gunners of our times doe divide these ordinance , according to their qualitie for severall service . chap. . how a gunner●s ●s to tertiate and measure a p●ece of ordnance , and also how to despart any kinde of ordnance . chap. . divers circumstances and causes to be considered and avoyded , which causeth errour in shooting . chap. . observations in charging great ordnance with their due proportion of powder , and shot with their ladles , &c. chap. . divers rules and observations to be used in levelling of ordnance , by the gunners quadrant , scale &c. chap. . divers briefe observations , concerning the imbasing of ordnance , aud shooting in morter-peeces . chap. . the description of such instruments , with the best selected rules , which have beene invented and practised , for the taking of heights and d●stances ; whereby a gunner may make his shot at more certaintie . sect . v. chap. . the art of conveying letters out of a forte , described . sect . vi. the art of conveying a mine under a forte . chap. . how to conduct a mine under ground , to blow up a bulworke . sect . vii . the duties of souldies in generall both in fort , and field . chap. . the duties of souldiers , both gentlemen and senteries , generally discours'd of . chap . the duties both of officers , and souldiers in garrison . chap. . the duties of officers and souldiers in the campe. chap. . of the due obedience , both subjects , officers , and souldiers should heare to their prince or generall ; with a demonstration how mutinies and treasons have beene rewarded with infinite miseries . sect . viii . the true valour of subjects and souldiers in fort , and field . chap. . the true nature of valour described , and how men ought to be qualified with it . sect . ix . a discourse upon vnjust valour in duels . chap. . of the opinions of divers learned men concerning duels ; with the chiefest circumstances that can be alledged for the lawfulnes of them , and so confuted both by divine and humane reasons ; s●ct . x. the office and dutie of every particular officer in an armie . chap. . the dutie and office of a drumme to a pryvate companie ; and of the drumme-major of the regiment . chap. . the office of a corporall , and his lantsprezado . chap. . the office of a serjeant to a private companie . chap. . the office of an ensigne to a private companie , chap. . the office of a lievetenant to a private companie . chap. . the office of a captaine of a private compatie . chap. . the office of a serjeant-major of a regement , chap. . the office of a lievetenant-colonell of a regiment . chap. . the office and dutie of a colonell over a regiment . ibid. chap. . the office of a serjeant-major-generall of an armie ; chap. . tho office of the lord marshall in the wars , and of his high iurisdiction and command in the army . chap. . of the councell of warre , and of their office and dutie in the time of warre , sect . xi . the art of drilling , or excercising a foote-companie . chap. . the manner how every officer should drill and exercise their companies of foote , in all their postures , and motions , with the severall wayes of giving fire . chap. . how a captaine shall cause his officers to order and ranke his companie , fit to march into the field . chap. . how the officers are to draw both pikes and musquets ( one file sequenting another ) into a ring for the better and speedier exercising them in their postures . chap. . how an officer is to demeane himselfe , in the exercising of the musquetiers . chap. . how an officer is to demeane himselfe in the exercising of the pikes . chap. . how the comand●rs shal draw their files both of musquetiers & pikes , & joyne them in one body , fit to be exercised in grosse . chap. . how a comander shall exercise his companie in grosse in their porper motions . chap. . of facing square , and how to performe it : the usefulnes of facing and the severall parts thereof . chap. . the manner of opening , and closing , both of rankes and files . chap. . how an officer shall exercise his company in doubling of their rankes & files . chap. . directions how to performe those seveverall kindes of doublings , and how to reduce them againe . chap. . of inversion and conversion , with their words of command , whereby those motions are produced . chap. . how an officer is to exercise his souldiers in three manner of counter-marches , &c. chap. . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in the motions of wheeling . chap. . how a commander shall prepare his souldiers for skirmish , with the manner and use of firing by forlorne files in the front , chap. . how a commander sball exercise his souldiers to give fire by two rankes , &c. chap. . how a commander shall exercise his wings of musquetiers to give fire , &c. chap. . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in giving fire to the reere . chap. . how a commander shall exercise his company in giving fire in the flankes . chap. . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in divisionall firings . chap. . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in giving fire to the reere , and right flanke , marching , &c. chap. . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in a triple way of giving fire to the front. chap. . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in giving fire three wayes at once ( viz. ) to the front , reere , and right-flanke . sect . xii . the drilling or exercising horse-troopes . chap. . of the preheminencie and dignitie of officers ( for avoyding of disputes ) with a short declaration of the high office of the generall of the horse . chap the office of the lieutenant-generall of the cavalrie . chap. . of the serjeant-major-generall of the cavalrie . chap. . of the quarter-master-generall of the cavalrie . chap. . the office of the captaine of the cavalrie , ibid. chap. . the office of the lieutenant of the cavalrie , chap. . of the cornet belonging to the cavalrie . chap. . of the ordering and riding of horses to make them fit for service . chap. . further instructions concerning the ordering , and riding of a horse for service , with the use of the ring . chap. . how to manage a horse for service foure kindes of wayes . chap. . how to make a horse endure pike , sword , gun-shot , drumme , and the like . chap. . how the horse-troopes ought to bee divided , and distinguished by their severall armes chap. . how the harquebuziers , and the carabines ought to demeane themselves . chap. . how the dragonnes ought to arme and demeane themselves . chap. . how a single troope of horse ought to bee drawne into ranke and file . ibid. chap. . what orders and distances a horse-troope should observe in exercise . chap. . the motions which the cavalrie are to observe in their exercise . ibid. chap. . the manner how a commander over horse , besides officers , sbould troope with them into the field to be exercised . chap. . how a commander should draw this troope of horse into a body , in manner of a batalia . chap. . how souldiers are to be made to understand their commanders intentions in the time of skirmish . chap. . the description of the postures for the cavalrie . chap. . of the exercising of the harquebuz , and carabine , with the postures to them belonging , &c. chap. . of the excellent service which may bee performed by the dragoones here in england . chap. . the order of exercising a horse-troope in their motions , being drawne in batalia , chap. . the fashion of horse-battels discoursed of , and first of the rhombe . chap. . the manner and forme how the second kind of rhombe is ordered in batalia . chap. . the manner and forme of imbattelling the third kind of rhombe . chap. . the manner of imbattelling the fourth kind of rhombe . chap. . the manner of framing the battell called the wedge , or halfe rhombe . chap. . the reason why wee retaine the custome of ranking five deepe in file . chap. . how the cavalrie are to order , and demeane themselves in proportionable battels , fit to be joyned with the infantrie , with their due order of fighting against the enemies foot-troopes ; likewise how they are to give , and receive a charge of the enemies cavalrie in grosse , as also in single combats and assaults . sect . xiii . a discourse of politique stratagems . chap. . a perfect demonstration of such politique stratagems as have beene plotted , and and practised , both by ancient and moderne commanders . chap. . how the prince of orange tooke in grolle in gelderland . chap. . a policie to deferre time , when a towne is beleaguered , that reliefe may bee gained ibid. chap. . how zophirus , by a politique stratagem , delivered a whole armie into his generalls hands . ibid. chap. . how philip macedon , and divers others , by their policie have gained kingdomes by affording their aydes to distressed princes , chap. . a policie to preserve townes from revolting , with a covert-way to banish such men as are held in suspition . ibid. chap. . a politique way to prevent an enemie from stopping the march of part of an army chap. . a politique way for an army that is fallen into danger , to escape it , by securing the one halfe by the hazarding the other . ibid. chap. . a policie whereby scanderbeg in a battell against the great turke , overthrew his troopes of horses . ibid. chap. . a policie which the duke de alva used to fortifie his army against the prince of orange his horse . chap. . a policie to prevent rebellion of such in high authority as are discontented , or of a proud and haughty spirit . ibid. chap. . how a generall ought to demeane himselfe politickly , both in giving of battell , and in refusing it . ibid. chap. . a politicke observation of a generall how hee should intreat a peace . chap. . a policie to prevent the assistance of a forreigne friend . ibid. chap. . how to gaine fortunate successe to an army , ibid. chap. . a policie used by marrius to trie the fidelity of the french , which inhabi●ed lombardy . chap. . a policie to compell an enemy out of a land without hazarding an army in battell with him . ibid. chap. . how a generall sbould use policie in letting an enemy passe without sight . ib. chap. . a policie to make souldiers fight in a pitcht battell , and to prevent their running away . chap. . a policie of a genoys , used to the negotiator of lodwick sforza , to cause him to know the nature of oppression . ibid. chap. . a policie to be used by a generall to encourage souldiers to worke in time of necessitie . ibid. chap. . a politicke way for a generall to gaine a difficult passage with his army . ibid. chap. . a policie to bee used by a generall , to further the assault made against a towne . chap. . a politicke stratagem used by the hollanders to take in the towne of breda . ibid. chap. . a policie which the citie of cassiline used to make haniball raise his seige ibid. chap. . caesars policie in letting the dutchmen flie , that he might vanquish them . chap. . how by a stratagem the guard of the sconse at zutphen was cut off , and the sconse taken , and immediatly after the towne . ibid. chap. . a policie used by the romans to relieve such townes as had rivers running by or thorow them . ibid. chap. . how the governour of bergen-up-zone had like to have routed spinola's army at his first beseiging it . chap. . a policie used by mennon of rhodes to draw his enemy out of his trenches to give him battell . ibid. chap. . how marcellus by a politicke stratagem cut off haniballs forces which came to assault the towne of nola. ibid. chap. . a policie which scipio used to weaken and dishearten the army of asdruball , before he would give him battell , whereby he gayned the victory . chap. . a politicke stratagem which titus didus made use of , to prevent his enemy for encountring with his fresh supplies that were comming to assist him . ib. chap. . a policie of haniball to bring the romans into jealousie of their generall fabius maximus that thereby he might worke his owne ends . chap. . a politicke stratagem whereby an army hath beene disheartned in time of battell . ib. chap. . a politick stratagem used by labienus in france , whereby he vanquished his enemies army , marching over a river . ib. chap. . a policie whereby an army may passe over a river , when the enemy attends the advantage to ruine them . ibid. chap. . an excellent policie for a generall to put off a people that he is in league with all , and desires his assistance chap. . the policie of vigetius to conv●y foote-troopes over a river that is passable , so that the streame shall not offend them . ib. chap. . how by a politicke device the hollanders obtained a convenient peece of ground from their enemy , upon which they built the sconce called skinkes . ibid. chap. . haniballs politicke observations in placing his battells upon advantages . chap. . a policie used by pyrrhus , whereby he deluded the lacedemonians . ibid. chap. . how demetrius by a politick stratagem overthrew the army of ptolomie . ibid. chap. . a politicke way to weaken an enemies army . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by fulvius , whereby he cut off the sallies of the cimbrians . chap. . a policie whereby alexander deceived the illyrians , by counterfeiting the enemies colours . ibid. chap. . a policie used by tamirus , and tiberius gracchus , whereby they overthrew their enemies whole army at once without losse or hazard to themselves . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by eumenes to cause his souldiers to follow him upon a dangerous attempt . ibid. chap. . a policie to gaine a towne whose fidelitie is doubtfull . chap. . a policie used by alexander to secure thracia from rebellion . ibid. chap. . a policie to beguile an enemie from opposing an army that would march over a river . ibid. chap. . a politick stratagem used by duke bernard of saxon-weymar , whereby he surprised the strong towne of manheim in the pallatinate . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by alexander , whereby he forced his enemy from a passage which by strength he could not have gained . chap. . how scipio by his justice and chast carriage to a faire lady ( which he had taken prisoner ) wonne the hearts of his enemies . ibid. chap. . a politicke answer of alexander unto certaine malicious enemies , and his wise device to gaine their love . ibid. chap. . a politicke course used by tamberline , whereby he gained speedy conquests . chap. . a policie used by edward the fourth to suppresse his rebells . ibid. chap. . a politicke device used by william rufus to get moneys . ibid. chap. . a politicke course to keepe a new conquered people from innovations and rebellions . ibid. chap. . a politick way to stay mutinies in an army . chap. . a policie used by king william , to malcolme king of scotland . ibid. chap. . politicke observations in a confederate war ▪ ibid. chap. . a policie used by the governour of croizon to make his cowardly souldiers fight . chap. . a policie used by generalls to beguile hunger in a streight besieged towne . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem practised by the governour of berghen against the prince of parma's forces . ibid. chap. . a politicke observation for a generall if he feares his enemies battell , to march from him by night . chap. . a politicke stratagem whereby the king of naples regained the possession of a citie and castle , formerly lost to the french. ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by nauplius against the graecians as they came for the island of euboea . ibid. chap. . an excellent policie used by mahomet bassa , to conceale the death of soliman from his souldiers at sigeth in hungary . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by simon sonne of miltiades , whereby hee overthrew the sea and land-forces of the persians in one day . chap. . a policie of the duke of burbon , to cause his flying souldiers to stand a charge . ibid. chap. . a policie used by henry the fift , being overcharged with prisoners . ibid. chap. . a stratagem whereby the towne of fast-castle in scotland was taken from the english. ibid. chap. . a notable policie whereby the island of sarke was taken from the french. chap. . a politicke device used by iugurth to helpe his army in case it were overthrowne . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by count pedro navarese to beate his enemies from a breach . ibid. chap. . a policie used by the prince of orange to drowne his enemy out of his trenches , and then to relieve the towne by boats. chap. . a policie used by the spaniards against the french to prevent the power of their horse against their foote . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem whereby the lord poynings gained a castle at samer-dubois , there being no accesse to it with ordnance . ibid. chap. . a policie used by mounsieur lautreck to make his forraigne assistance to fight . ibid. chap. . how scipio by his policie defeated the carthaginians of their designe . chap. . a politicke stratagem used by philopaemen against nabis . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem to prevent an enemy from entring , the ports being blowne open . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by maximilian whereby he took the towne of arras . ibid. chap. . a policie to prevent mischiefe when two great princes meete to discourse . chap. . a policie to conduct troopes of horse over bogges , &c. ibid. chap. . a policie used by the citizens of priennia , which caused the enemie to leave his seige . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem whereby young scipio brought haniball into suspicion with antiochus . chap. . politicke devises used by archelaus methridates , to cause his souldiers to fight . ibid. chap. . a politick stratagem used by flavius to bring gracchus into an ambush . chap. . a policie whereby haniball had like to have caused the romans to have fled . ibid. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by marcius to make use of the carthaginians securitie . chap. . a politicke stratagem whereby asdruball delivered his army out of a great strait from nero. ibid. chap. . how haniball by using of a politick stratagem ( in preventing his horse troopes ) gained a victory from fulvius . chap. . how by the wisedome of crispinus , the politicke stratagem of haniball was prevented . chap. . a policie whereby scipio had . romans armed and instructed , without the charge of the generall . ib. chap. . a politicke stratagem used by the french , whereby they vanquished lucius post-humus and his army . chap. . the policie of cyrus , how to gaine valiant and loyall commanders in his service . ibid. chap. . a policie to stirre up emulation amongst souldiers . ibid. chap. . a policie to be used at the entring of an e●nemies towne ; &c. chap. . a politick stratagem whereby fabius the consull tooke the towne of arpos . ibid. chap. . a politick stratagem of scipio in counterfeiting an intrenchment . ibid. chap. . a politick stratagem whereby haniball gained a towne of great consequence under the pretence of bringing in a wilde bore . chap. . the policie of zenophon in electing of hostages . chap. . a policie of zenophon whereby he deluded his enimie with his small army , causing them to thinke it to be of a mighty strength ibid. chap. . a policie used by the prince of orange to delude an enemie from succouring a towne chap. . an imposture used by sertorius whereby he confirmed his souldiers valour . ib. chap. . how a scottish king by an imposture caused his souldiers to be valiant , whereby he obtained a victory ibid. chap. . a politicke imposture used by boniface whereby he gained the papacie . chap. . a politcike imposture whereby wonderfull things have beene atchieved . ibid. chap. . a politicke imposture used by minos to bring in and establish his lawes . ibid. chap. . a politicke imposture used at the interments of emperours to make the pople believe they were highly honored of god. chap. . a politicke imposture able to seduce multitudes , by walking upon the water . idid . chap. . illusions whereby divers learned , and iudicious men have beene deceived . ibid. chap. . how spinola at the siege of breda , gained intelligence of all the proceedings , both in the prince of oranges campe , and in the towne of breda , chap. . a stratagem whereby the prince of orange had like to have gained antwerpe castle . sect . xiiii . a description of engines , and warlike instruments . chap. . the description of such engines and warlike instruments as are prevalent in the warres , with the manner of using them ; and how to make them . chap. . the use of granadoes , how they are made , and charged with powder , and how they are to be discharged out of a morter , or throwen by the hand . chap. . the use of fire-balls , with the manner of framing them . chap. . the use of lanthorns , and hollow plates filled with stones and bulletts for the defending of breaches . chap. . how to make a certaine stone to burne in the water or to kindle fire in raine . ibid. chap. . of certaine earthen bottels , filled with a kinde of mixture , to be fired , and throwen among the enemies . chap. . how a frame of musquets are to be made and ordered . ● chap. . an instrument called a flaile . ibid. chap. . the use of the turne-pike and how it is framed . chap. . the use of pallizadoes , and how they are framed . ibid. chap. . the use of the calthrope , and of the spiked planke . . chap. . the use of the bome , or barricadoe . . chap. . of a second kinde of bonme or barricadoe to lay over a river . chap. . duke alberts invention for the staying the hollanders ships at ostend , that his batteries might the easier discharge upō thē . chap. . the manner of making a battery to float upon the water . chap , . the manner of framing the engine called the saulcisse . chap. . how to stop up the passage of vessells and boats in a channell , or to mend a breach in an arme of a sea. ibid. chap. . the manner how to make a bridge with cordes to convey souldiers over a moate or river . chap. . how to make a firme bridge over any river both for horse and men to passe over and transport their ordnance . chap. . the use of the leatherne boate and to how make it . chap. . an easie and quicke way to cast water with great scoopes . chap. . how to make a serve to winde up water with the use of it . ibid. chap. . the description of an engine whereby water may be drawen out of any place or depth , or mount any river &c. chap. . the description of an engine to force water up to a high place , usefull to quench fire , &c. chap. . the description of an engine to cast up water . chap. . how to make water at the foot of a mountaine to ascend to the top of it chap. . how to make a scaling-ladder of cordes , which may be carried in a souldiers pocket , ibid. chap. . of scaling-ladders framed of wood , and how they are to bee used in the wars . . chap. . the use of gabions and baskets for the defence of the cannoniers and musquetiers chap. . the use of cru-wagons , and small carts , with the fashion of them . ibid. chap. . the use of the powder-pots in a pitcht battell , with the description of the forme of them . chap. . how to make torches and candles to burne in any weather . chap. . how to arme pikes with wild-fire and pistols for to withstand a breach . ibid. chap. . a device to make a musquet shoote with the same quantity of powder , halfe as farre againe as her uusall shot is chap. . of the bow-pike , and how it is best to bee used in the warres . chap. . the description of an engine whereby the diversitie of the strength of powder may be knowne . ibid. chap. . of a bridge made without bates or barrels , cordage , or timber-worke , which transported men over a great river , chap. . how caesar made a bridge over the rhine , and carryed his army over into germany , ibid. chap. . the description of an instrument invented by henry the fift at the battell of agin-court , and since used by the king of sweden , and by him called a swines-pike . chap. . how a case of tinne is to be made , to carry light matches in , that the enemy may not discover them . ibid. chap. . how the venetians did order their powder , after their arsnall was burnt . the contents of the second booke . sect . xv. the office of a generall with his accomplishments . chap. . the character of a generall , with such excellent properties ( both of body and mind ) which hee ought to be endued withall , declared . chap. . the things which a generall is to give order for unto his sub-officers , with rules and precepts , whereby the ablest generals in former ages have stereed their warlike course . sect . xvi . rules to be observed by a generall in marching his army . chap. . divers rules and observations to bee used both in marching , and retreiting from the enemie , whereby confusion may bee avoyded . sect . xvii . rules to be observed in quartering , or incamping an army . chap. . how a generall is to quarter his army , with the el●ction of places of greatest securitie ; what redouts are to bee raised upon the passages , and how the out-guards are to be placed , with divers other observations thereunto belonging . chap. . how the king of sweden in the late imperiall warres , used to incampe his armie , with figures to explaine the same . chap. . the oath of all under-officers , both of horse and foote , to be given at the proclayming of the articles following , sect . xviii . articl●s and militarie lawes to bee observed in the warres . chap. . divers articles and martiall lawes , wherby an army is to bee regulated , and governed , both in campe and garrison , sect . xix . rules and observations to bee used before battell . chap. . divers premonitions and observations for a generall to take notice of before the pitching of a battell . sect . xx. rules and observations to be used in time of fight . chap. . divers observations which both generalls and officers must make use of in the time of fight or skirmish . sect . xxi . rules and observations to bee used after fight . chap. . divers rules and observations to bee used after a battell is either wonne or lost . sect . xxii . the manner of framing of battells . chap. . an excellent strong forme of imbattelling an armie , consisting of foote , and horse . chap. . a second figure shewing a very strong forme of imbattelling , and very apt for the drawing of an enemie into a stratagem , chap. . a very strong forme of imbattelling , foote , and horse , very proper to be used in the champion , the enemy exceeding in strength both in horse and foote . chap. . a fourth figure of imbattelling , consisting of foote , and horse . chap. . a fifth way of imbattelling an army consisting of foote , and horse &c. chap. . th● sixth way of imbattelling an armie consisting of foote , and horse , &c. chap. . a seventh way of imbattelling an army consisting of foote , and horse &c. chap. . the eighth forme of im●attelling an army consisting of foote , and horse , &c. chap. . a description of the ninth figure how to frame a battell for stratagem , &c. chap. . a tenth forme of imbattelling an armie consisting of foote , and horse , used by henry the fourth of france &c. chap. . the eleventh forme of imbattelling an armie of foote , and horse &c. chap. . the twelfth forme of imbattelling of foote and . horse , partly imitating mounsieur bellay in his military discipline . chap. . a forme of imbattelling of foote and . horse , &c. chap. . the use of maniples of shot , with a generall discourse of the light-armed . chap. . divers observations of the ancient grecicians in framing of battels . chap. . the order and rules which are to be obser-served by going-paces to know any state or peece of ground , how to embattell either horse or foote according to the proportion thereof . the mvtability of flovrishing kingdomes . chap i. there is no nation ever did , or ever shall possesse a perpetuall peace : it is good therefore in time of peace , to provide for warre . the hieroglyphicke of happie peace in this transitory world , may very well be exprest by the splendent progresse of the sunne , which hath both his summer and his winter solstice : the one ushering in the most pleasant spring , the other pushing forwards the crest falne autumne . the one of them spreads the fayre greene carpet on the table of the earth ; the other ( as if the banquet were ended ) with-draws , and takes away again : thus fareth it betweene these two opposites , peace , and warre . peace , like the summer solstice ( where shee goes ) makes all things looke bucksome , for shee her selfe ( if you please to have her described ) is a pure and unspotted virgin , in whose forehead never appeared any one frowning wrinckle ; shee is the mother of learning , and the nurse of arts : a daughter of as royall a discent as any ; for she hath god for her father , and she hath a royall mother also , even true and unfeigned love ; a vertue beyond comparison . alacke , that this royall virgin , ( whose presence makes all things prosper ) is of no longer durance amongst men : but it is decreed , all things below are subject to mutability . the winter solstice must succeed the summer , and warre must follow peace ; the table must not alwaies bee covered , a time of with-drawing will come at last . for proofe of which , le ts take a survey of some of those kingdomes which in former ages have most flourished in this world ; and by their mutability , judge whether it bee possible for any kingdome , how strong and setled so ever , to perpetuate peace unto it selfe : and it will not bee amisse to begin at the golden head of that image which nebuchadnezzar saw in his dreame , dan. . prefiguring himselfe and the kingdome hee ruled over , even the kingdome of assyria . chap. ii. of the monarchie of the assyrians , and the warres thereof . this kingdome of the ayssrians , was without question the strongest and best setled kingdome that ever was before , or ever followed after it , in succeeding ages : and therefore prefigured by a head of gold. it is marvellous what historians reporte of this kingdome ; but because some in these times , doe doubt of the truth of their reports , i will point you onely to that which the sacred oracles of god avouch , which no man can doubt of . for the king himselfe , he was every way renowned , rex regum , a king of kings , and that of the lords owne establishing . for god had given him a kingdome , power , strength , and glory . dan. . . for the amplitude of the kingdome , it was not bounded within lesser limits then the confines of the then inhabited world , dan. . . and wheresoever the children of men dwell , the beasts of the field , and the foules of the heaven hath hee given into thy hands . if you please to compare it with that famous monarchie of the medes and persians which succeeded it : you shall finde , that as the persians were after it in time , so also in power , and noblenesse , dan. . . and after you shall arise another kingdome inferiour to you . here now is a monarchie , one would thinke so strongly seated , as that a face of warre should not dare to looke upon it : yet did it runne many hazzards , and endure many changes by dint of the sword , and that at severall times also . and first in the dayes of that lusty virago , semiramis . she not content to defend the limits of her kingdome left her by the conquest of her deceased husband , was the first that ever with sword in hand ventured into the indies , quo praeter illam & alexandrum magnum nemo itravit . and this happened in the dayes of staurobates , who met her in the confines of his kingdome : and though hee suffered losse in the first shocke , yet renuing his forces , renewed also the battell , fought with her hand to hand , wounded her sore ; and at last , forced her over the river indus : where multitude of her souldiers ( the bridge being broken ) came to their ends . but this wound was afterwards well healed up , and the kingdome well setled again in a long lasting peace , which endured the reignes of above thirty kings ; untill at last came sardanapalus , who was vir muliere corruptior . into whose presence , when as arbactus his lieutenant in media with much adoe was admitted ; he found him spinning ( more like a good houswife , then a royall king ) amongst a company of tender ladies , himselfe in softnesse excelling them all : at which sight , the great captaine disdaining , and stomacking that so many valiant men should bee subject to such an estiminate king ; and that those who were used to handle swords and speares should obey him , whose hands were inured to nothing but a distaffe ; hee comes away with shame , and makes report to his fellowes of that ignominious sight . negans se ei parere posse ; qui sic faeminam malit esse quam virum : forthwith a conspiracy is made , and warre denounced against sardanapalus : which when hee had notice of , hee does not like a man prepare to defend himselfe : but as women which are afraid of death , primo latebras 〈◊〉 , first lookes about where hee may hide himselfe ; but finding no remedy there , at last , with a few , and those disordered troopes , and untrayned , hee comes to battell , and being with much ease overthrowne , hee withdrawes himselfe into his pallace , and there ●ires himselfe and all his riches , hoc solo imitatus virum , as some historians sayes of him : and so the kingdome was translated to arbactus , or rather divided betweene him and the lieutenant of babylon belochus , who is as some thinke called pull king of assyria , in the sacred scriptures , . kings . . in whose posteritie the scepter continued for some few generations following , untill senacherib his great grand-child , who was betrayed and slaine by two of his owne sonnes , to wit by adramalech , and sharezer : but esarhaddon his sonne , who governed the kingdome in his fathers absence , stept into the chayre of estate , yet could hee not possesse it without much trouble . for first these two brethren that had slaine their father , put themselves also in armes against their brother , hoping by this meanes to share equally with him . this trouble amongst the brethren , occasioned merodath , which the scripture calls merodach baladan , isa. . . liuetenant of babylon to rebell against esarhaddon : and first drawing ( partly by fayre means , partly by threats ) the people about babylon to side with him : forthwith hee defieth his master ; and finally , in the twelfe yeare of his reigne , utterly overthrew him : and so joyned the empire of the assirians , unto the city of babylon . in the posteritie of this merodach , did the monarchie continue for three descents : to wit nebuchadnezzar , evill-merodach , and belshazzar ; in whose daies , darius the mede , called by historians chaxares sonne of astyages , and cyrus the persian , grandchilde to the aforesayd astyages , subdued the assirians , and translated the monarchie to the medes and persians . chap. iii. of the monarchie of the medes and persians , and the warres thereof . this of the medes and persians , was a very strong kingdome also , though inferiour to the former : vnder whose dominion , there were no lesse then . provinces , whose confines reached from india , to ethiopia . yet was not this kingdome for all the greatnesse , without warre and trouble . cyrus himselfe raysing an armie in persia , assailed his grandfather in media , and overthrew his army , under the conduct of his generall harpagus : but the king would not bee discouraged for the losse of one battell , but armes the second time , and leades them himselfe into the field , where hee divides them into two battells ; commanding the hindmost , that if they did perceive any of the formost bands to recoyle , they should slay them like enemies : and declaring to the formost , that unlesse they did carry the victory , non minus fortes etiam post terga inventuros , quam a frontibus viros : a stratagem that put such hardy courage into his formost souldiers , as that with great resolution , they beate backe the persians formost troops , which being perceived of the women , their mothers and wives met them flying homewards , and earnestly intreated them to returne to battell : but they delaying , sublata veste ( as iustin sayes ) obscana corporis ostendunt , rogantes in uteros matrem velint refugere : with which correction they were so ashamed , as that they returned into the battell more furious then before : et facta impessione , quos fugiebant fugere cumpellunt , and so astyages was taken prisoner , and his crowne set upon his grand-childes head . but for all this , cyrus could not perpetuate his owne , and kingdomes peace : for the cities of the medes rebelled against him : the babylonians made warre upon him , and to strengthen their party , drue into their league crassus the potent king of lydia , cujus opes et divitiae , insignes ea tempestate erant : so that if he had not beene a souldier , his kingdome had beene dissolved before it had beene very well setled . but through his prudence and valour , hee brake through all these difficulties , quieted the rebellion , subdued the babylonians , and overcame the lydian their auxiliarie , who hee used with such lenity , as that thereby hee politickly avoided a most dangerous warre with the greekes , the most entire friends of crassus . for as iustin sayes , tantus crassi amor apud omnes urbes erat : re passurus cyrus grave bellum greciae fuerit , si quid in crassum crudelius consuluisset : this cyrus afterwards was slaine , and his whole army roughted by tomaris queene of the massagetes : so fickle a thing is peace and prosperity in this world , seeme it never so firmely to bee setled and grounded . after the decease of cyrus ( or rather before ) for when cyrus was gone against the messagetes , cambyces in his fathers absence was declared king : but for his cruelty , almighty god , cut him short by a grievous wound in his thigh , made by the falling of his owne sword out of the scabbard , as hee was mounting on horsebacke : hee was no sooner dead , but one of the magi , by name comaris , or as others say , praxaspis , thinking to transferre the scepter into his owne line , sets up his owne brother oropastes , under the name of smerdis , the deceased kings brother : which hee himselfe by the kings commandement had formerly slaine : erat enim oris et corporis liniamentis persimilis . but this cozenage was quickly found out by the policie of othanes one of the nobilitie ; for this mocking wanted eares : which smerdis the kings brother , and heire apparent to the crowne did not , had he beene alive upon this discovery . a conspiracy is made by seven of the nobilitie , and the kingdome delivered from the slavery of the imposture ; hee and his abettors being slaine . in whose stead , darius sonne of histaspis surnamed artaxerxes , was saluted king , upon occasion of the neighing of his horse : for so it was determined that those of the nobility who had freed their country from servitude : meeting in the suburbs next morning on horsebacke , hee whose horse first neighed , should bee saluted king : and this they did to avoyd contention amongst them , which otherwise were equall . this darius as some thinke , was that great king aha●uerus , who put away his wife vasti , by herodotus called attasha , daughter to king cyrus , and married ester ( or aristona as herodotus calleth her ) kinswoman of mordecai the 〈◊〉 . this mighty prince , whose strength and power is described largely in the booke of hester , could not live without warre and trouble : the babylonians rebelled against him , and had hee not had a zophirus to gaine his master babylon , lost his owne nose and fares : which occasioned the king on a time ( having a pomgranet in his hand ) to say , se non optare majorem thesaurum , ullum quam ut tot haberet zopyrus , quot grava sint illius pomi . this darius sought to incorporate macedonia , the next bordering kingdome , with his owne territories , and the rather , because hee heard that there were most rich veines of mettall : and for this purpose sent messengers to amintus of macedon , who required , vt terram et aquam traderet dario. amintus fearing the persian power , answered mildely , and invited the ambassadours to a banquet , during which , they behaved themselves laciviously towards the noble ladies that were placed betweene them at the table for their greater honour . which thing moved both amintus the old king , and alexander his young sonne to anger : whereupon amintus at his sonnes intreaty , departeth as it were to take some rest : but young alexander first for a while fained mirth , and afterwards craves leave for the ladies absence , for some little time , promising their speedy returne . but being dismissed , hee commanded so many noble young men to put on the ladies garments , and secretly to carry poynards underneath them , with this charge : that when the persians began to toy , they with their weapons should stabbe them : which charge afterwards was performed to purpose , et lasciviae ac potulantiae poenas legati justus dederunt . after this the iones by the perswasion of one istiaeus fell from him , and with the helpe of the athenians they burnt the city sardis : but they being overcome in a sea battell , and the sedition pacified with some difficulty ; hee turneth about , and turns all his fury against the athenians their assistants : being further urged hereunto by hippias sonne of pisistratus the tyrant , whom the athenians had banished . whereupon , darius sent against the athenians a very great army , under the leading of the sayd hippias : against them marcheth miltiades the athenian generall , by whose prudent conduct , and the souldiers valour , they were routed in the field of marathon , and leaving behind them two hundred thousand of there men , with great astonishment they fled to their ships , where the proper valour of one cynaegirus an athenian souldier appeared ; for hee not wearied with innumerable slaughter in the battell , layes hold with his right hand on one of the flying ships , and would not let her goe , till both were dismembred from his valiant armes : and then also veluti rabida fera dentibus demicaverit . to withstand this great army , miltiades had onely well trained athenians , and plataecuses auxiliaries : the difference being so great , it was needfull that one should exceed in skill and valour , as much as the other did in number : and truely it is marvellous what a skilfull leader may doe , with so many valerous and well trayned souldiers , such as these were ; for they were all like cynaegirus . iustin sayes of them , in eo praelio tanta virtus singularium fuit , ut cujus laus prima esset difficile judicium videretur . such valour as this , must needs astonish the cravant persians . but some reporte that in the athenian front , there were also terrible noyses heard , and terrible sights seene , which the athenians called species paves , which affrighted the persians so mightily , as that presently they fled : and hence it is , that wee say when one is suddenly affrighted , that hee is strucke with a panick terrour . after this darius died , and at such time as hee was preparing more forces to renew the warres in greece : after him succeeded his sonne xerxes , who was scarce warme in his royall estate , ere hee was sollicited by mardonius his great captaine and counsellour , to follow the grecian warre , for which his father had made so great preparation : and the young king desirous of glory , yeelds to the motion , prepares his army , which consisted men ; whereof were persians , the rest auxiliaries , an army great enough to have overcome the world , had they but had a captaine but hui● tanto agmins dux defuit , sayes iustin : and hee gives a good reason for it in my conceipt : ipse enim primus in●uga , postremus in praelio semper visus est , in periculis ti●●dus fit ubi metus abesset instatus , a very good discription of a coward ; he flies in the front , and ●ights in the reare , in danger , fearefull , but out of it , too insolent and proud : such was this great commander , and his successe also was there after ; for within lesse then two yeares , hee had no lesse then foure shamefull overthrowes , two by water , and two by land. the first fight by water , was neere armissium in thessal● . and about the same time was the second battell fought also at land , in the narrow place which for the hot springs there are called ther mop●lae : here had leonides king of sparta setled himselfe with spartans , thebans , and about other grecian souldiers , to checke the proceedings of this great army . xerxes scorning their number ; commands those onely whose kindred were slaine at the battell of marrahon in his fathers dayes , to assault the straight passage which leonides kept upon the hill , qui dum ulcissi suos quaerūt , principium ●ladis fu●re . but other troopes being appointed to second these ; a great slaughter is made for three dayes space . vpon the fourth day , when it was discovered to leo●●d●s that of the enemies had gotten the top of the hill , then hee exhorted his associates to reserve themselves for the further service of their countrey : and hee with his lacedemons , would try the fortune of that place : whereupon all departed save his owne spartans , thebans , and a few of the thespiences , a maniple in respect of so great a multitude as did oppose them . yet were they resolved to dye with their king upon the place , or to eternise their names with an incomparable victory . to these the king adresseth his speech on this wise : noble countrey-men , our numbers are so unequall , that however wee fight , yet must wee fall , this i suppose is the resolution of you all : otherwise you would not have stayed the hazzard of a battell , where is such disparrity ; see therefore that you shew not more valour in your staying for the battell , then in your fighting in it : for the ordering of which , i am resolved not to expect , till wee bee inclosed by our enemies : but so soone as the night approacheth , wee will fall resolutely within the bowels of their campe ▪ which rests without feare of our small numbers ; for never can undaunted souldiers dye more bravely , then in the tents of their daring foes . which speech they tooke with great alacrity and cheerfulnesse , and in signe thereof , immediately addressed themselves to their armes , and then did sixe or seven hundred men at most , breake into the campe of of their enemies : and having once got entrance , forthwith beate towards the pavillion of king xerxes : aut cum illo , aut si oppressi essent in ipsius potissimum sede morituri . a tumult is raised in the campe upon their entrance : and the spartans missing of the king at his tent , ranne like lightning through every corner , beating and throwing downe every thing that stood in their way , as if they knew they fought not for the victory , but to revenge their owne deaths : the battell lasted from the begining of the night , untill the great part of the next day were spent , and at last , non victi , sed vincendo fatigati inter ingentes stratorum hostium catervas occiderunt . after their fall who were to keepe the straights , a faire passage was opened for the army into greece : but themistocles with sayle of the grecian navie being at sea ; xerxes thought it was meet , first to try of what force they were , before hee went any farther : wherefore hee addressed himselfe to his sea forces . how great they were i cannot certainely say , but take the number as iustin gives them , naves quoque decies centum millia numero habuisse dicitur : here are now as great oddes at sea , as before at land : wherefore it behoved themistocles the athenian admirall , to bee both politicke and valourous , and truely hee was wanting to his countrey-men in neither : for so soone as hee perceived the persians bent for a sea-fight ; he does within him lay to worke their defeat : which hee does first , by getting advantage of the place where they were to fight , which was in the straites neere the iland salamis , least they should bee encompassed with the multitude of their enemies . having gained the advantage of the place , next hee sought to weaken them , in that thing wherein they had most advantage of him , which was in number . to this purpose hee solicited the ionians , who were now in ayde of xerxes , to come over to his party , and those men were fit indeed to bee wrought upon . for when as the persian came against them in a former warre , the athenians had sided with them against this kings father ; which thing alone wrought this displeasure against the athenians , and the rest of the grecians : wherefore themistocles wrote to them in these words . what fury possesseth you ( oh ye ionians ) and what an odious crime doe ye commit , in waging battell against them , that have in times past , beene both your friends and founders , and of late also the revenger of your wrongs ? and was it indeed for this purpose that wee built your walls that they might preserve you , who strive to ruine and destroy ours ? what cause i pray you had there been , for darius first , and now for xerxes , to make warre on us , but onely this ; wee would not forsake you rebells , when hee desired to chastise you ? but t is no matter , doe you but onely this , come from them to us ; or if that be too full of danger , then when the battell is begun , doe but recoyle , doe but slacken your oares , and ye may safely depart away . but while these things were a working at sea , his forces at land sacked plateae , and thespiae , two famous cities of boeotia , and athens on the sea-coast , but all of them forsaken by their inhabitants : and behold his spleene , quoniam ferro non poterat in homines , in aedificia igne grassatur : yea , which was more ( as if hee had warred not onely with the greekes , but their gods also ) hee destroyed the temple of apollo at delphos so famous through the world. these things startled the princes of those cities which were joyned with the athenians , they knew not how soone their cities might runne the same hazzard : wherefore they began to consult of their departure , for the defence of their owne territories . which thing so soone as themistocles perceived , least their forces should bee diminished by the departure of their associates : he gives xerxes to understand , by a faithfull servant of his owne ; that now at this instant hee might easily intercept all the force and flower of greece , contracted into one place , who if they were severed ( as presently they were like to do ) it would bee to his greater labour and cost to hunt after them in severall places : and by this deceit , hee necessitated the king to give the signall of battell : and the grecians busied with the approaches of the king , with their joynt forces entertayned the skirmish . while the battell remained somewhat doubtfull , the ionians according to the advice of themistocles , withdrew themselves ; and their flight dashed the leaden courages of the persians , so that presently they turned their backs and fled . xerxes being at his wits end at this overthrow , mardonius his great captaine and counsellour , adviseth him in his owne person to hasten home , least the fame of this unlucky battell move sedition there : and tells him , that if he will leave but of his choyce men , with them hee will either tame greece to his masters glory , or yeeld to the adversary without his ignominie . this advice did xerxes like well enough , wherefore hee delivered of his souldiers to mardonius , and with the rest , hee prepared to goe backe into his kingdome : which the grecians perceiving , resolved to breake the bridge that hee had built at abydo● ; that so his passage being cut off , hee might perish with his army : or at least being driven to despaire , might sue for peace . but here againe did the wisedome of themistocles appeare , for fearing that the enemy when hee was cooped up , and so necessitated to fight , would turne his cowardize into valour : adviseth the greekes , that they had enemies too many in the countrey , and it was not convenient to increase their number by stopping those that would bee gone : but seeing hee could not prevaile with his advise , hee sent his servant a second time to xerxes to acquaint him with the resolution of the greekes ; which when xerxes knew , in a shamefull afright , with a few of his servants onely , hee fled in all haste to abydos ; commanding his captaine speedily to march after him with their troopes : but comming to hellesponte , and finding the bridge broken with the tempests of the fore-passed winter . hee ferried over alone in a poore fi●herboate , an admirable spectacle to behold : he whose followers the earth groaned to beare but a yeare agoe , is glad to flye now without one to attend him . cujus introitus in greciam quam terribilis , tam turpis ac foedus discessus fuit . after that dishonourable flight of xerxes , mardonius his generall followed the warfare at land : olinthus was the first towne hee sate downe before , and it hee tooke by assault . after this hee laboured to reconcile the athenians to the king his master , promising them restitution for the losse of their city which was burned : but after hee perceived they would not part with their liberty and freedome at any rate , hee set fire to those buildings they had begun to reedifie , and so marched into boeotia , where the maine army of the greeks was inquartered , consisting of a men ; there they came to blowes neere the city plataeae , which was not farre from thebes : sed fortuna regis cum duce mutata non est , for mardonius was there utterly overthrowne , himselfe slaine by a common souldier , his tents , stuffed with the kings treasure , seized on ; and finally greece freed from the persian warre . the athenians would not loose the benefit of this victory , but with their sea forces sayled up the hellesponte , and by assault tooke the towne of sestos from the persians , and sacked it . after this they turned home , built and fortified their city ; and joyning them with other cities of greece , under the conduct of pausanius and aristides they tooke cypria and bizantium frym the persian . thus you see this great monarch , who had so many millions of men under his dominions , could not live in peace ; yea , and for want of good order in his army suffered many shamefull overthrows : which together with some other iniquities of his owne , brought him in contempt with his owne subjects : who before was a terror to other nations , and by and by after , hee was slaine by his lieutenant artabanus . his successor was artaxerxes , who was also called longimanus : quia dextra longior fuit quam sinistra . there is not any mention in history , of any great trouble that happened in this kings reigne , after that hee had put to death artabanus and his sonnes , who were the murtherers of his predecessor xerxes : and had layd their plots also against him , had it not beene in a fit time discovered by one baccabassus , a man well content with the present government . this prince having reigned peaceably . yeares , expired : and left his scepter to darius nothus his sisters husband : who in like manner governed the kingdome peaceably . yeares , and then yeelded it up to his eldest sonne artaxerxes mnemon , whose reigne was somwhat troublesome , with the great spirit of his younger brother cyrus , to whom his father had by will assigned the government of lidia and ionia , ( where hee was in his fathers dayes lieutenant ) but without the title of king. but this gave no content to the high spirit of cyrus , who aymed at farre greater matters : wherefore he began first privately to make preparation against the king his brother , which being disclosed to the king ; hee sent for cyrus , who dissembled the matter , and pleaded not guilty : yet for all that , the king bound him in golden fetters , deprived him of liberty : and had done so by his life also in matter prohibuisset : but afterwards obtaining liberty , hee was so much inraged against his brother by this disgrace , as that hee began openly to threaten him with warre . and for that purpose hee gathered a great army out of asia the lesse , and auxiliaries also out of greece , with which hee marched against his royall brother , beyond the river euphrates . artaxerxes was not unmindfull of these affaires , but like a wise and a valiant man , prepared forces to bid his brother battell : when they came to blowes , cyrus wounded his brother , and forced part of his army to give ground : but being of a hot and haughty spirit , and with weake attendants , beating to farre within his brothers troopes ; at last hee was slaine by his brothers guard. vpon the newes of his death , the whole army tooke the route , save onely the greekes , who in despight of artaxerxes , departed whole away , and came safe into their owne countrey . after the death of cyrus , the faire lady alpasia was taken in his tents : on whom artaxerxes ( when hee beheld her ) set his affections : and this lady was the cause of a new insurrection ; for being equally beloved of the father and the sonne : the sonne petitioned to his father for her , and had her granted : but the father afterwards condoling his owne losse , tooke her away againe : whereupon the sonne conspired with one terebathus , that they two with some armed troopes , should on a certaine day , breake into the kings closet and slay him ; but this plot being discovered , the king escaped the treason : terebathus and his troopes , were slaine by the kings guard ; and darius the kings sonne apprehended as a traitour , and adjudged to death by the councell of princes , before whom his father would have him stand for his tryall : after his death , also the king himself languished and died , and appointed for his successor , othus the youngest of those three sonnes that hee had by his lawfull queene . othus reigned about twenty sixe yeares , more like a tyrant then a king : for hee filled his royall pallace with the bloud of princes , his owne kindred : nulla non sanguinis , non sexus , non aetatis misericordia perm tus : and for his cruelty was slaine afterwards by the prince bagoas , who thought to have seated himselfe in the royall chayre : but having not power enough to effect that , he proclaimes arsames sonne of othus king , who hee also slew afterwards : metuens filium propter necem paternam : and here was an end of all the stocke of cyrus , and the end of this monarchy followed about sixe yeares after . for when arsames was slaine , bagoas the murtherer repaired to codomamius , who for his vertue and valour against the enemy , was first made ruler of armenia , and now king of persia : after the obtaining of which , he changed his name ; and is commonly knowne by the name of darius vltimus , a prince nothing inferiour to any of his predecessors : and yet in this king happened , the subversion of this mighty kingdome . against him first of all philip king of macedon ( being elected generall of the grecians ) tooke arms , and sent his forces into asia , under the conduct of farmenio , amynters , and attalus : against them darius tooke armes , and sent his army ; over which hee placed memnon of rhodes an expert souldier as generall . but while these wars were managed abroad by their substitutes , philip himselfe was slaine at home by one pausanias a noble macedonian , upon this occasion : pausanias was abused in his tender age through the lust of attalus ; which the young man taking in ill part , complained to philip , and craved justice against the offender , but was put off in derision ; and the malefactor honoured with a generalls place in the warres . whereupon pausanius turnes his anger against philip , and as iustin sayes , vltionem quam adversario non poterat , ab iniquo judice exegit . but the persian warre was not given over upon the kings death ; for alexander the great , his sonne and heire , after that hee had quieted the cities of greece , which the persians politickly had stirred up to rebell against him , by that meanes hoping to divert the warre out of asia : having collected and shipped his army , goes in his owne person into asia , and divides his patrimony in europe amongst his friends , saying sibi asiam sufficere . his army consisting of foot , and horse : hee wafted over in ships : an admirable thing that hee durst attempt the conquest of the greatest monarchy of the world with so small a number ; but marke who they were , not yong striplings , prim● flore aetatis : but veterares plerosque , old beaten souldiers for the most part , such as had borne armes under his father and vncles : they were through their long experience , non solum millites , sed magistri militiae : not onely warriours , but masters of the warre : there was never a captaine which was lesse then sixty yeares of age : vt si principia castrorum cerneres , senatum se alicujus priscae reipublicae vider diceres : and they all resembled the king for courage , for they minded nothing but victory , and after that , the enjoying the riches of the orient . against these darius led his army into the field , consisting of men ; in whose valour and fortitude , hee had such confidence , as that hee neglected to take any advantage which was by policy to bee acquired : affirmans suis occulta consilia victoriae furtivae non convenire ; and upon this conceipt hee refused to prevent his enemies landing , but received them into the very heart of his kingdome : gloriosius ratus repellere bellum quam non admittere : which thing , though it shewed a magnanimous and great spirit , yet it argues weakenesse of understanding : for truely so victory may bee gained , it stickes not whether it bee obtained by valour , or policie : the safest therfore for him , had beene to have prevented their landing if possibly hee could ; for enemies are more easily repelled from the coasts , then expelled after they have got footing . but this out of a millitary bravery hee neglected , and it cost him no lesse then the losse of the battell , and afterwards of his life and kingdome . the first battell betweene the two kings was in the field of adrastia , where the persians were vanquished : non minus arte alexandri , quam virtute macedonium : after this , alexander fought another battell with rhaesaces and spithradates , two of darius his captaines at the river granicus : quos jam non tam armis quam terrore nominis sui vicit : and in this encounter , both the persian chiefetaynes were slaine : rhaesaces by alexanders owne hand , and spithradates by the hand of clytus . after their overthrow , ( having yet no more to doe in the field ) hee fell to taking in of cities , sardis , miletus , helicarnassus , and all such places as bordered upon them , were taken in : and so comming through pamphilia , hee tamed the inhabitants of of pisidia and phrigia . at last hee tooke the city of gordis , which above all other hee desired to take , not for the spoyle , but because hee had heard , that there in the temple of iupiter was kept the consecrated yoke of gordians waine , whose bindings and knots whosoever could unloose , eum tota asia regnaturum , antiqua oracula cecivisse : these knots when hee could not unloose them with his fingers , hee cut them in peeces with his sword : and truely there was no knot so hard , but with his sword hee could undoe it to make way for his conquest of asia . while hee was in this city , hee received tydings of darius his approach : wherefore with great speed hee passed over the mount taurus , and came to tarsus ; with which extraordinary march , his bodie being over heat , hee cast himselfe into the river cydnus , whose vertues being extremly cold , cast him into a suddaine and almost irrecoverable disease : but having with much adoe recovered health , hee marched forwards to meete his enemy , who was comming against him with a very great army . when they were met , alexander riding about his troopes , encouraged the illirians and thracians with the shew of riches , the grecians hee inflamed with the memory of former battells , and the antient hatred betweene them and the persians : hee likewise tells his macedonians of there conquest of europe and asia now so much desired ; boasting that they had not their matches in the world , and if now only they would shew them selves men , this battell should bee the end of their toyle and labour , and the very pride of their glory and honour . neither was darius all this while idle , but like a good captaine , rid about his troopes ordering and exhorting them to bee mindfull of the antient glory of the persians , and of the honour of their empire which they had received of the immortall gods : then joyning battell with great courage on both sides , for a while what the successe would bee was doubtfull : but both the kings were wounded , and darius after his hurt fled ; and then were the persians slaughtered on all sides untill they fled as their king did before . after this battell , there were found in the persian tents , much gold and other riches ; and together with many other noble prisoners there were taken , the mother , wife , and two daughters of darius . this victory did well-neere settle the crowne upon alexanders head ; for after this hee tooke babylon , and the royall city of susa , where hee got inestimable riches : and being at a feast one day under the guilded roofe of the royall pallace , hee sayd ; then have i obtained the fruite of my labour , when i can feast so magnificently within the pallace of proud king xerxes . after this he besiedged the city of tyre , and within the moneth tooke it : and from thence passed forwards against the iewes , with whom hee was displeased , for that they refused to assist him in the siedge of tyre : but the iewes now fearing the kings displeasure ; iaddus the high priest that hee might pacifie the kings minde , met him upon the way clad in his priests vestures , and accompanied with a great number of priests and elders , desiring the kings favour : there did alexander alight from his horse , and in a reverent manner salutes the high priest , promising peace : at which sight his captaines wondring , asked why hee received the priests so honourably : to whom he answered , that in macedonia before the beginning of the warres , hee had seene one habited in the like vestures , calling him into asia , and commanding him to make warre with the persians , reaching forth his right hand towards him , as if hee would be his guide : and seeing the priest in that similitude , hee thought god had some speciall regard of this people , and that hee himselfe was assisted by that god whom they served : and therefore hee resolved to bee mercifull unto them and to shew them favour , from hence did alexander march into aegypt , which hee tooke without resistance : here hee visited the temple of iupiter hammon , whereby the priest ( whom before for that purpose hee had corrupted ) hee was styled hamonius filius : from hence hee returned into syria , where he received letters from darius concerning the redemption of his captives ; for whom hee promised to pay a great summe of money : sed alexander in pretium captivarum regnum , omne non pecuniam petit : afterward darius sends a second embassage , proffering him his daughter in marriage , and with her a portion of his kingdome for a dowry : to this alexander answered , that as yet hee had proffered him nothing but that which was his owne by right of conquest ; but if hee were desirous of peace , hee must come and render himselfe and kingdome to the mercy of the conquerour . darius now perceiving that all hope of peace was taken away ; begins to leavie his third army ; resolving to try if with his sword in hand hee might obtaine that , which by embassadours and treaties hee could not : with this new army , consisting of horse and foot : hee hunts after his adversary , but in his march hee heareth of the death of his wife in childe-bed , and how alexander in whose custody she was , had exceedingly bemoaned her losse , and given her honourable buriall , agreeable to her estate and condition : idque eum non amoris , sed humanitatis is causa fecisse : which when darius understood , hee ingeniously confessed that now hee was truely conquered , when after so many bloudy battells , his enemy now at last would overcome him with courtesie , but herein hee sayd was his comfort , st vincers nequeat quod a tali potissimum vinceretur . after this darius writes the third letter to alexander , rendring him many thankes for his courtesie to those that were his captives , offering him also his other daughter in marriage , and the greater part of his kingdome , even to the banckes of euphrates for her dowrie , and tallents , for the redemption of the captives . to this alexander answered , that it was a thing too too vaine to receive thankes from an enemy ; neither had hee himselfe done any thing to flatter his adversary ; that which hee had done , was out of the greatnesse of his minde : which , as it had taught him to contend against the force of his foes , so not to triumph over their calamities : neither would he have darius to thinke him so simple , as to suffer the victory to bee taken from him , with hope of a marriage ; no , no , hee would have darius know , that there was no way so safe as to come yield to his mercy : which if hee did , hee would promise in the word of a prince , freely to bestow upon darius all those things that now hee proffered unto him , upon this condition , si secundus fili , non par habere velit : for as the world could not bee governed by two sunnes , so neither by two kings with any safety : therefore either that day darius must prepare himselfe to yeild , or the next day bring his army into the plaines , where hee should finde the like entertainment that hee had before . the next day both of them tooke the field neere unto arbela , and were ranged in view one of the other : the kings on both sides rid about their troopes , exhorting them to demeane themselves like souldiers in the battell . darius assured his persians , that if a strict accompt of his own and adversaries number were taken , he was ten for one : on the contrary alexander admonished the macedonians , that they should not be moved neither with the enemies multitude , nor with their gyantlike bodies , no , nor with the glittering of their armour ; onely they should doe well to remember that twice before they had encountered them , and doubtlesse in this third battell they should not finde in them greater courages then at first : for having already twice put them to flight , and that with a great slaughter , the sorrowfull remembrance thereof hee knew would much daunt them , who had no overplus of courage before : furthermore , hee assured them , that though darius had the most men , yet had hee the greater forces : wherefore there was nothing remained , but that they should scorne those bands that glittered in gold and silver , among whom they should finde plus praedae quam periculi , more treasure then danger , since that victory was usually carried rather by the sharpnesse of the sword , then the garnishing of the armour . after these encouraged on both sides , the onset was given , the macedonians rush●p in upon the enemies weapons with much contempt , because so often before they had beene conquered : on the other side , the persians because they had been so often soyled , wished rather to die , then to lose the day : in fine , seldome was there more bloud spilt in any battell , both sides resolving to doe their utmost for gaining the victory : but at last the persians were overcome with the slaughter of ninety thousand of their men . darius , when he saw the battell lost , would needs dye upon the place ; but yet was compelled by those that were about him , by flight to provide for his owne safety : and some there were that advised him to breake the bridge over the river cydnus , that so his flight might be secured from the enemies chase : but darius refused that counsell , resolving not to provide for his owne safety ; by objecting so many thousands of his men as were yet ungotten over the river , to the fury of his adversary : debere & aliis fugae vtam patere , quae patuerit sibi . this battell finished the conquest of persia , and set the diadem on alexanders head : for now the cities yeilded on all sides , the persians patiently submitted their neckes under the yoake of the macedonian servitude ; themselves having ruled the space of yeares and upwards . darius in his flight was slaine by bessus and nabaczanes , two of his neare kindred , whose body was found by polystratus , one of alexanders souldiers , lying in a chariot after a squailed manner , goared with many wounds , and weltring in that royall bloud that had issued out thereof : which woefull spectacle after that alexander beheld , he tooke it heavily ; first mourning and weeping for the royall corps , then covering it with his owne cloake ; and lastly , causing it to be buried in a most solemne and princely manner : neither did he ever cease , till he had attached bessus the murtherer , and put him to a shamefull and ignominious death . this was the end of this mighty prince , and also of this mighty empire , which was now brought out of asia into europe , from persia into macedonia ; where the third monarchie was setled on alexander and his successors . chap. iiii. of the macedonian monarchie , and the warres thereof . as the persian monarchie was infested with warre , so was the macedonian : for no sooner was alexander estated in the government , but presently hee received intelligence of the overthrow of alexander king of epirus his kinseman , and ally , in italy ; as also the destruction of zopirion his perfect in pontus , together with men in scythia : and lastly , of the dangerous warre that was moved against him in greece : for after hee had over-intangled himselfe in the asiatique warre ; almost all the grecian cities betooke themselves to armes , for the recovery of their liberty , moved hereunto by the authority of spartanes , who neither regarded philip , nor alexander his sonne . the captaine of this warre , was agis king of lacedamonia . but antipater calling his forces together in good time , quieted this commotion , yet not without slaughter on both sides : king agis when hee saw his owne troopes turne their backes , forthwith dismissed his guard ; yet hee himselfe by his proper valour ( vt alexandro si non faelicitate par ; virtute non inferior videretur ) made great havocke amongst his enemies : and at last though hee were overcome by their multitudes , yet in glory hee overcame them all . after this , some time was spent in the indian expidition , and being arived in the confines , taxiles was the first that hee assaulted ; but hee like a wise prince giving way to alexanders good fortunes , of his owne accord came into his presence , telling him there needed bee no warre betweene them two : for as for himself he had rather contend with benefits , then weapons . et si sit potentior se daturum esse munera alexandro , si inferior se gratum fore ; si beneficia ab ipso acceperit . alexander thought it not to stand with reason , to exercise hostility against him , who thus fairely yeilded himselfe : wherefore hee dismissed him in peace , after the exchange of some princely gifts . next hee marched against porus , a prince very famous both for courage and strength , who resolved to make resistance : before the battell porus charged his men to assaile the macedonians , and hee himselfe would graple with their king : neither did alexander refuse the combate : but in the first encounter ( his horse being wounded ) hee fell head-long on the ground , but was rescued by his guard ; who both wounded , and tooke king porus prisoner : of whom alexander demanded what hee would have done with him , if hee himselfe had got the victory : to which porus answered , pro utriusque regalis fastigij dignitate se fuisse facturum . with the vertue and personall valour of this man , alexander was so well pleased ; as that hee sent him safely into his owne territories . tantum pro rege nominari jussit satrapam . after these victories , alexander grew very luxurious , insolent , and cruell : hee slew old parmenio , and his sonne philatas , and that incomparable clytus , three of his prime commanders : yea , and colisthenes that philospher ( kinsman of his master aristotle ) whom hee had of purpose trained along with him for the writing of his acts. all these and many more hee slew ; either for defending of the reputation of his royall father king philip : or else for refusing to adore and worship him as a god , at his drunken banquers ; so that now it is hard to say , num armatus in acie vel in convivio sedens teribilior . these things made many mutinies in the campe , and provoked the old souldiers so much , as that they reproached him to his very head . jubentes eum solum cum patre suo hammone finere bella : yet this sedition was afterwards well quieted . yet natheles antipater , who was now sent for out of macedonia with a supply of fresh souldiers , seeing so many of his deare friends put to death ; began to conjecture , that hee was called for rather to partake with his friends in their punishment , then with alexander in the warfare . wherefore hee most wickedly plotted with his sonnes cassander , philip , and iolas ( attendants on the kings person ) about his poysoning : which was afterwards performed at the house of one thessalus , who had invited the king to a banquet , they all giving it out , that hee died of a feaver , caused through excessive drinking . his sicknesse lasted the space of eleven dayes : during which time , their happened a tumult amongst the souldiers , who suspected the king was poysoned : this hee himselfe pacified , by shewing himselfe unto them ; and permitting such as hee saw weeping , graciously to kisse his hand ; yea when all about him fell a weeping , yet was hee without any signe of griefe . adeo sicut in hostem ; ita & in mortem invictus animus fuit . when as those about him perceived no hope of his recovery , they desired to know whom hee would assigne for his heire , and successor in the empire , hee answered the most worthy . such was the greatnesse of his minde , that passing by his owne sonne hercules , his brother arideus , and his wife roxana great with childe , hee declares the most worthie person to bee his heire ; quasi nefas esset viro forti alium , quam virum fortem succedere . and this had like to have set all together by the eares , every one of the great captaines esteeming himselfe most worthie ; begun privately to procure to themselves the souldiers favour . but this growing dissention , also was pacified by alexander himselfe : for upon the sixth day of his sicknesse when his speech failed him , hee tooke his ring from his finger , and delivered it to perdiccas : by which signe it appeared that hee appointed him for his successor . after the death of alexander , some time was spent in setling the affaires of estate ; for this purpose they met in the royall pallace at babylon , and being set in councell they were divided into three severall opinions : first , perdiccas was of opinion , that they should expect till roxana ( the late wife of alexander ) who was great with childe . should bee delivered ; and if shee brought forth a man-childe , hee should bee declared successour to his father . but meliager was of another minde ; for he thought it not safe to suffer their certaine consultations , to depend upon an uncertaine childe-birth : neither is it fit ( saith hee ) that wee should expect till a king bee borne , when as wee may have one that is borne already : and if a child will please you , there is hercules the sonne of alexander begotten of arsine : if a young man will like you better , there is arideus brother and companion of alexander in the campe , and one that is beloved of all ; not onely for his owne sake , but for his father king philips . and furthermore for roxana ; hee sayd shee was descended of the persian bloud : and was it right , that they should appoint a king to rule over the macedonians : which should spring from them , whose kingdome they had now conquered ? ptolemy differed in opinion from both the former ; and first hee utterly rejected arideus , and that not onely for the basenesse of his mother ; for hee was begotten by philip ex larisco scorto : but also for a greater infirmity , want of wit ; for as ptolemy sayd , if hee were admitted to the crowne ; ille nomen regis , alius imperium teneret : for his part hee thought it better , that out of those who for their vertue and prowesse were neere unto alexander , some should bee elected to governe the provinces , and manage the warres . of these three opinions the first was best approved generally : wherefore it was agreed upon , that they should expect till roxana were delivered : and if shee brought forth a sonne , leonatus , perdiccas , craterus , and antipater should be his guardians . confestrimque in tutorum obsequia jurant . the same oath of allegeance was also given to the horse-troopes . but the footmen perceiving that there advice was not required in those great affaires , tooke it in ill part , wherefore they proceeded to a new election , and saluted arideus king , and appointed him a guard out of their own troops : which thing so soone as the horse-men heard of , they sent two of the nobility , to wit attalus , and meleager to pacifie their mindes : but these two desiring to increase their owne power by the flattery of the common souldiers omitted their ambassage , and conspired with them ; and now that they had gotten a head , they presently armed themselves with purpose to breake into the pallace for the discom●ture of the horsemen : which being once knowne , the horsemen in feare departed the city ; and having fortified their campe , the footmen themselves also began to doubt of the successe . perdiccas who commanded in chiefe amongst the horsemen , perceiving the danger likely to ensue upon this division : resolutely went unto the footmen , and having called an assembly , he spake unto them as followeth . souldiers and fellowes in armes , i desire you would consider what an horrible crime you now commit in arming your selves , and raising a sedition : remember i pray you against whom you attempt these things ; they are not persians but macedonians , not enemies , but citizens , and for the most part of your owne bloud and kindred , fellow-souldiers of the same campe , and companions of the same dangers together with you . consider betimes i advise you , what an egregious spectacle you are about to set forth to the view of your adversaries the persians ; looke how much they grieve to see themselves vanquished by your conquering armes , so much will they rejoyce to see you embruing your swords in the bloud one of another : by which meanes it will come to passe that they shall offer sacrifice with your owne bloud , to the soules of those enemies which you have slaine . with this oration the footmen were so moved , as that presently they approved his councell ; chose him their captaine , and by his meanes also were accorded with the horsemen : but yet so , as that arideus should have the empire ; and onely a portion thereof should be reserved for alexanders child , if it happened to be a sonne . these matters being thus composed , the empire is divided into many lieutenantships : but there were foure chiefe ones , who were more remarkable then the rest : qui reges ex perfectis facti magnes opes non sibi tantum paranerunt ; verum & posteris reliquerunt . and these were first , ptolemy , sonne of logus who possessed aegypt : secondly , seleucus , who possessed babylon ( as iosephus saith ) cum vicinis gentibus . thirdly , antigonus , who possessed asia the lesse : and fourthly antipater , and after him cassander , who possessed macedonia , and greece . by this wee see the prophecie of daniel fulfilled , for hee had long before prophecied that the great horne of the goate being broken : for it , should come up foure notable ones : dan. . . which prophecie is expounded in the . and . verses of the same chapter , in this manner . the rough goate is the king of grecia ; and the great horne that is betwixt his eyes , is the first king ( which was alexander the great . ) now that being broken , whereas foure stood up for it : foure kingdomes shall stand up out of the nation , but not in his power . now these kingdomes are the foure i have last spoken of : for however by the first composition , they were to bee but provinces ; and these princes forenamed , to rule in them onely as lieutenants to arideus ; yet afterward that agreement was rejected , and every of these made themselves absolute kings , . mac. . . and this was the first occasion . perdiccas ( to whom nothing fell in this division , but the tuition of the weake king , and the conduct of the best army ) cast about how hee might make himselfe equall with the rest : for this purpose hee set upon ariarathes king of capadocia , in which warre hee proved victorious ; yet gained little more then the bare and naked kingdome ; for his enemies being overthrowne , they fly to their chiefe city , where they burnt themselves , their houses , and all that ever they had . vt nihil hostis victor suarum rearum preter incendii spectacula frueretur : this kingdome hee left to the custody of his best betrusted friend eumenes , to bee a place of sure retreate upon any occasion , but as for himselfe hee aspired after greater matters . power enough hee had in the army hee conducted , but hee wanted royall authority to countenance his power ; and capadocia was to little to limit his high thoughts : now that hee had proved his strength to make himselfe equall with the other , hee would try one cast more too for the superiority : to this end hee secretly treated a match with cleopatra the sister of great alexander , by whom hee hoped to attaine the soverainty of all the rest : but belike hee was jealous that antipater ( in whose power the lady was ) would crosse this marriage . wherefore to cover his intents , hee fained love to nicaea one of antipaters daughters , hoping under that pretext to gaine the lady before any were aware of it , but the old foxe quickly espied his drift : et dum duas eodem tempore uxores quaerit neutram obtinuit . this plot of his being overthrowne by the cunning of antipater , hee sets his wits abroach againe upon another designe for the winning of the lady ; and that was to transferre the army into europe under the pretence of bringing the king into macedonia the seate of his ancestors , and head of the empire ; whose presence hee knew would actually make voyd for the time , the office of the viceroyes : and so antipater with craterus being once in case of private men , and himselfe onely in authority , the match with cleopatra then might easily bee effected ; and so should his greatnesse meet with a good title , and what obstacle then could there bee , to debarre him from the empire ? there are two men taken into consideration , which hee thought might bee some hinderance to him in that accomplishment of this project : and they were antigonus lieutenant of phrigia , and ptolomie of aegypt . for the first , hee caused to bee accused of certaine crimes , which might very well have served to take away his life ; which antigonus would not seeme to take notice of , but prepared himselfe in shew to come to his answer : but in the meane while hee made an escape , and came into aetolia , where antipater and craterus were with their armies , about the conquest of the countrey . these tydings which antipater brought , quickly finished the aetolian warre , and caused both antipater and craterus to foresee their owne danger . ptolomy also being advertised of these passages ; apprehended them deepely ; and therfore was easily drawn to side with antipater his coleagues , craterus and antigonus . being thus joyned in league , they begin to prepare for defence ; and perdiccas ( understanding by the flight of antigonus , and the league that now was betweene him , and the aforesayd parties , that all his drifts were discovered ) resolved to carry all before him by fine force , having both the strongest army , and the kings name to countenance all his actions . but the thing that troubled him was , against which of the coleagues hee should first attempt . this being propounded in councell , some advised hee should transferre the warre into macedonia , where olimpias the mother of great alexander then was ; whose presence and the peoples favour , would much promote all their enterprises . others advised that they should first attempt on ptolomy in aegypt ; least while they were in macedonia , hee should invade asia ; and this advice prevailed ; whereupon eumenes is charged to have regard of asia , and to him were joyned alcetus brother of perdiccas , and neoptolemus as assistants , in case antipater or craterus should invade those parts . sic macedonia , in duas partes discurrentibus ducibus ; in sua viscera armatur ferrumque ab hostili bello in civilem sanguine vertit . when as perdiccas had wafted his army into aegypt , like a wilfull man hee tyred his souldiers in hard enterprizes without successe , which brought their hatred upon him ; which pithom perceiving , called an hundred of the captaines , and some of the horse unto him , and so entred his tent and slue him : thus , qui primus inter duces bellum movit , primus interfectus est , sayes caryon . eumenes who was left by perdiccas for the defence of asia ; when hee understood of the great preparation that was made by antipater and craterus for the invasion of those provinces committed to his charge ; presently sent for alcetus and neoptolemus to come to his ayd ; letting them know , that the adversary had already passed his forces and the hellesponte . alcetus flatly denied his assistance , alledging the backwardnesse of his men to beare armes against so great a person as antipater , and a man so honoured as craterus . neoptolemus , was content to make a fayre show of ayding him , but had secretly covenanted with antipater , to open for him a way to the conquest of asia : which thing eumenes carefully espied , and prepared in time to prevent his evill designes . and this hee did in a fierce battell , wherein hee put him to flight ; and received his foot-forces ( from whom hee was fled for his owne safegard ) into his service : neoptolemus after his overthrow , fled to antipater , and craterus ; perswading them , that if by great journyes they would hasten their march , they might certainely take eumenes napping , being now joyfull of his late victory , secure by reason of his flight . this councell was put in execution , but not with such successe as was hoped for : because eumenes was watchfull over their proceedings , perceived all their intents ; wherefore they that thought to intrap him on the suddain , were unexpectedly in the trap themselves ; being set upon while they were secure in their march , and much wearied with night-watches . in this battell both craterus , and neoptolemus were slaine , and their army routed and overthrowne . after the death of craterus whom the souldiers exceedingly loved ; they chose antigonus their generall , against eumenes ; whom earnestly they desired to punish for the death of their beloved captaine . eumenes perceiving how that by the macedonians hee was adjudged an enemy , and that their new captaine antigonus had decreed to make warre upon him , of his owne accord discovered these things to his souldiers ; promising , that if any were terrified with these newes , hee would give him free leave to depart : with which words they were so animated , as that they promised him faithfully , rescissurus se ferro decreta macedonum . antigonus understanding what a souldier eumenes was ; thought it a farre safer way to cut him off by policie , then by force : wherefore taking the advantage of eumenes absence from his army ( for hee was now visiting cleopatra , the sister of great alexander , at sardis ) hee caused letters to bee spread through his army , wherein was promised great rewards to those who could bring eumenes his head unto him . eumenes at his returne finding out the project , called an assembly , giving his souldiers great thankes , that amongst them all , none was found that preferred the hope of a bloudy reward , before the faith they had given to their generall : but withall , politickly telling them , confictas a se has epistolas ad experiendos suorum animos esse . and by this policie hee did not onely afright those that were wavering ; but also did provide against future times : that if any such thing should afterwards happen , the soldiers might suppose ; se non ab hoste corrumpi , sed a duce tentari . antigonus when he saw that hee could not entrap his adversary by cunning , then prepared to set upon him by force . and eumenes accordingly prepared to entertaine him ; but through the treachery of apollonides , generall of his horse ( who in the heate of the battell fled to the adverse part ) hee was overthrowne . after which , hee betooke himselfe to nora , a very strong fort ; which hee manfully defended , untill such time as antigonus heard of the troubles in macedonia ( which were raised by the seditions of cassander , and polyperchon , after the death of antipater , ) which comming to antigonus his knowledge , caused him labour to conclude a peace with eumenes , knowing him to bee a man fit for his purposes ( if hee could winne him to his side ) both for his knowne faithfulnesse , and excellent skill in martiall affaires ; for of all alexanders captaines , hee skarce had his fellow . a peace forthwith was concluded betweene them , but long it continued not ; because not governed by the like mindes : for eumenes was most faithfull , but the other treacherous to alexanders kindred : wherefore they fell againe to the warres , wherein ( after eumenes had beene victorious in many battells , ) at last by the mutinous argyraspides , he was betrayed to antigonus , who put him to death . and now let us leave antigonus a while , and see how the affaires of the empire were managed in other parts . euridice the queene , wife of king aridens , so soone as shee knew of polyperchons returne into macedonia , and that hee had sent for olimpias the mother of great alexander , grew full of envie and emulation : wherefore shee writ letters in the king her husbands name to polyperchon , commanding him to deliver up the army to cassander , whom shee knew to bee an enemy to alexanders posterity . for which courtesie cassander was bound unto her , and did many things according to her minde : and afterwarde hee marcheth with his forces into greece , making warre upon divers of the cities . with whose destructions , the spartans terrified , walled their city , which in times past they had defended with armes , and not with walls ; so much now did they degenerate from their ancestors : for in times past the vertue of the citizens , was the wall of the city , but now the citizens thought not themselves safe , unlesse they were enclosed with walles . but the troubles of macedonia , quickly called cassander out of greece ; for olimpias comming towards macedon ; aeacides king of the mollosians also following her : they were forbidden to enter upon the borders by arideus , and euridice . yet by meanes of the macedonians , who flocked to her apace , shee got entrance ; and being entred , by her commandement , both euridice and the king were quickly slaine , and shee her selfe ruled not long after : for the macedonians seeing what cruell massacres shee made amongst their princes , turned their love into hatred : so when cassander approached , shee having no confidence in them ; retyred her selfe to pydua a strong citie , where cassander straightly besieged her , and forced her by extreame famine to yeeld to his mercy : yet hee shewed her but a little , when shee came into his power ; for by the counsell of the macedonians , whose children shee had slaine : shee was ( without any respect to her former estate ) condemned to dye . when the executioners came to doe their office ; shee never shrunke for their swords , neither shriked like a woman for the smart of her wounds : vt alexandrum posses etiam moriente matre conspicere : and when shee was breathing her last gaspes , shee covered her bodie decently with her haire and garments ; ne quid posset in corpore ejus indecorum videri . this was the end of this royall queene so famous through the world , for being wife to such a husband , and mother to such a sonne . perdiccas , alcetus , eumenes , commanders of the other faction being all slaine ; one would have thought the warre should have ceased amongst alexanders successors : but it fell out otherwise ; for the victors fell at ods amongst themselves , and this was the occasion of it . ptolomy , cassander , and lysimachus required that the treasure and provinces taken by antigonus , should be equally divided amongst them ; but this antigonus denied : affirmans , se non in ejus belli praedam socios admissurum , in cujus periculum solus descenderat : hereupon warre was decreed on both sides . antigonus feared them not , onely hee wanted a faire pretext and colour for his warre : wherefore hee cavsed it to bee divulged , that hee would revenge the death of olimpias , upon cassander the murtherer , and deliver roxana and her sonne out of the tower of amphipolis , wherein the sayd cassander had imprisoned them . these things being once knowne abroad , ptolomy , cassander , lysimachus , and s●leucus , all joyne in league against him ; and so on all sides make their preparations both by sea and land. the first battell was fought at callamos , betweene demetrius sonne of antigonus , and ptolomy , wherein ptolomy got the day . afterwards these two generalls fought at sea , and demetrius got the victory , and that a very great one ; which filled the heart of antigonus so with pride : as that hee commanded both himselfe , and sonne to bee styled kings : ptolomy , that hee might not seeme to have lesse authority amongst his men , is graced also with the same title : and after their examples , cassander , and lysimachus did stile themselves also kings , sic nona regna ex alexandri monarchia orta sunt , sicut daniel predixerat . after these private encounters with ptolomy , followes the generall warre betweene antigonus , and his sonne on the one side , and ptolomy , lysimachus , scleucus , and cassander on the other : but when they came to joyne battell antigonus was slaine , and the battell on his part lost . and as plutarch saith , through the too violent chase that demetrius gave to young antiochus sonne of seleucus ; for demetrius having overthrowne that part of the army which antiochus led , and put him to flight : hee pursued so farre , and with such heate , that before hee came backe againe ; the macedonian phalanx , and bodie of his fathers army was overthrowne : wherefore finding the affaires in such ill case at his returne , hee was glad to flye hastily towards athens , with foote , and horse : where , for all his former kindesse unto them , hee was forbid to enter the city , quoniam regum neminem tu●● recipere statuissent . this victory was the occasion of new trouble among the victors ; for seleucus ( who was present at the battell ) in parting the prey , pleased himselfe , but displeased his adherents ( who were absent . ) wherefore ptolomy , and lysimachus joyne against him , supposing him now as dangerous an enemy , as antigonus was before . seleucus to strengthen himselfe , joyned with demetrius ; and to make this league the firmer , takes stratonice , daughter of demetrius , to wife . and about the begining of these troubles , cassander died in macedonia , and so did philip his eldest sonne . after whose deaths , another warre also happened betweene antipater , and alexander , the two surviving sonnes of cassander : thessalonica mother to them both , seemed to take part with the younger brother ; wherefore antipater the elder , slue her . the younger brother to ●ee revenged for his mothers death , called in demetrius for his ayde : wherefore lysimachus , who was father in law to antipater , perswaded him to reconcile himselfe to his brother , rather then to admit his fathers enemy into the kingdome . but demetrius would not now bee kept out , with their reconciliation ; but by treachery murthered alexander , and possessed that part of his kingdome that was falne to his share : and lysimachus ( being at that time intangled in a dangerous warre against doricetus king of thrace ) that demetrius might not be his enemy , delivered also up to him the other part of macedonia , which was antipaters , his sonne in law. thus demetrius being wholy possest of that kingdome , begins a fresh to prepare for the recovery of that which hee had lost in asia , which occasioned a new league betweene ptolomy , seleuchus , and lysimachus ; into which society pirrhus king of epirus was drawne : and so to prevent the invasion of asia , they send against demetrius their armies into europe ; with which , hee being circumvented , cum posset honeste mori , turpiter se debere seleuco maluit after the end of this warre , died ptolomy sonne of lagus king of egypt : leaving for his successor , ptolomy philodelphus his youngest sonne : after whose death , there were left alive no more but two of alexanders great captaines , to wit , seleuchus , and lysimachus ; and these two being equalls , quickly fell at difference , both striving for superiority . and this was the last battell that ever was fought betweene those great captaines that accompanied alexander in the persian expedition : and truely the sudaine fall of the city of lysimachia by an earthquake , did foreshew the event of the battell , which immediately followed , for therein lysimachus fell ; and seleuchus was not more joyfull of the victory , then that hee was the last of alexanders traine ; and that he was victor over those that had beene conquerors over others : but this his great joy did not long continue with him ; for about seven moneths after hee was circumvented by ptolomy cerannus , whose sister lysimachus had married : regnumque macedoniae , quod lysimacho eripuerat , cum vita pariter amittit : and within a while after , this cerannus was slaine by the gaules , under the leading of their captaine brennus . thus have you seen the horrible warres , and bloudy massacres that happened during the time of this third monarchie , among the successors of great alexander : neither did these wars end , when they had brought these great men to their graves ; but continued still , as fierce as before amongst their posterity , untill they had greatly spoyled all those countreys , and prepared a way for the romans entrance . of which it is high time that i now speake ; for i suppose i have already sayd enough , to satisfie any man , concerning the troubles of the third monarchie ▪ although a great deale more might bee sayd of those warres , which happened betweene the kings of syria and egypt ; which tooke beginning at the murther of brenice widdow of antiochus theos , and sister of ptolomy enargetes , of which the prophet daniel hath so plainely spoken ; as that those that are acquainted with the story , will i am sure testifie with mee , that hee seemes rather to write a history , then a prophesie . but these and many more troubles i must of necessity passe by , to come to the fourth monarchie of the romans , which was not in strength inferior to any of the other . dan. . . yet could it not perpetuate peace to it selfe , no more then any of the former monarchies , as the next chapter will make it evidently appeare ▪ chap. v. of the roman monarchie , and the warres thereof . the roman empire , whose foundation was first layd by romulus their first king , was at the beginning of all other empires the smallest : but in processe of time , it did become the most ample and large , that any history mentioneth ; containing within the limits and bounds thereof , all that ever any of the other three monarchies had in asia , and africa , besides all europe into the bargaine . lucius florus considereth in the common-wealth of the romans foure degrees or ages : the first under kings which continued about yeares . during which time rome strove for mastery with her mother , the citie alba , under the leading of their third king tullus hostilius , who was the first that taught them martiall discipline , and the art of warre : in which warre happened that famous combate between the horatii , three brethren of the roman party , and the curatii , three brethren of the city alba ; upon whose victory depended the well or woe of both cities , auceps & pulchra contentio ; a brave but a doubtfull fight : wherein three of the one side being wounded , and two of the other slaine , that horatius which survived , helping out his valour with his wit , feigned himselfe to flye , so to single forth the enemy , and then turning upon each as they were to follow , overcame them all . sic ( rarum ) unius manu parta victoria est . besides this warre betweene rome , and the city alba ; there were other betweene her and the city fid●na . to be breife , under the rule of kings , they conquered all the townes round about for some fifteene myles space , as suessa , pometia , otriculum , and divers other townes in latium : but because rome was now but in her infancy , and had not obtained the monarchie , i let these passe in silence . the next age of rome ( sayes florus ) was from the time of brutus , and collarinus , their two first consuls ; untill such time as apius claudius , and quintus iulius obtained the consulship , which was about yeares after . during which time they had many sharpe warres : as first with tarquinius , their expulsed king , who was ayded by the vrientines , and tarquiniences , for the recovery of his kingdom . in the very first onset of this battell , was brutus the consull , and aruus tarquinius the kings sonne , both generalls of the horse , slaine one by the other : for as livy saith , adeoque infestis animis concurrerunt neutrum dum hostem vulneraret sui protegendi corporis memor ; ut contra●io ictu par parmam uterque transfixus . the victory was very doubtfull , for the right winges of both the armies overcame ; so that both sides feared the worst , till the doubt were removed by a miracle , a strange voice out of the arsian wood , which affirmed , that the romans had lost one lesse then their enemies ▪ the next warre was against king porsenuae , who would have re-established tarquinius , and hee wanted but little of taking the citie ; for hee had already surprized mountaine ianiculus , on the other side of tiber ; from whence hee had a faire way to the city over the bridge called sublicius : where by good hap , horatius c●cles a valiant roman was present , who placed himselfe upon the bridge ; and with his sole bodie defended the passage against all the kings army ; untill such time as the bridge behinde him was broken downe : neither could they bee freed from the danger of this king , untill mutius scaevola had made an attempt to slay him in his campe ; of which neverthelesse hee fayled through his ignorance of the kings person , killing his scribe , instead of him : for which fact being had in examination , hee cried out sayes livy : romanus sum ci●is quintus mutium vocant ; hostis hostem occidere volui : when they threatned him with punishment : hee answered , hee was as resolved to die , as to have killed the king : for sayes hee , facere & pati fortiae , romanum est , and forthwith hee thrust his hand into the fire , untill it were past sense . vt sciat rex ( sayes florus ) quem virum effugerit . telling the king that there were valiant young men of rome had conspired his death : with which the king was so terrified , that he presently dissolved the siege , and made peace with the romans . to bee breife , besides this warre , they had also within the yeares afore named ; warres with the lattins , thuscans , ga●●es , sabines , sa●●ites ; and lastly , with the tarrentines , and king pyrrhus , but all these within the confines of italy , which by this time they had mastered and made their owne : yet were they so farre from the monarchie , as that they had never led their forces out of italy , and therefore i passe by these also . the next age of rome ( lucius florus ) was from that time apius claudius , and quintus fulvius were con●ulls , untill the time of caesar augustus , which was yeares , about which time they obtained the monarchie of the world. which before they could effect , they endured many sharpe warres : as with carthage three severall times : in the second of which punicke warres , rome was in as much feare as ever since her walls were builded . livy saith , adeo varia belli fortuna ; ut proprius periculo fuerint , qui vicere . three overthrowes haniball gave the romans one after another , the first at tic●num , now called pavia , where the consull publius cornelius scipio had beene slaine , but that hee was rescued by his owne sonne young scipio , afterwards called affricanus . the next was at the floud trebia , where hee overthrew the other consull titus sempronius , who was very eager to fight with haniball , before his fellows were healed of their hurts received in the former battel . the third was at the lake of th●asimene , caius flaminius being consull , who very rashly lost both army and life . the ill successe of which battell was foreshowen before it began : for titus livius saith , the ensigne could not with all his strength remove his colours , which with some other ill signes put all the army in afright : which thing when it was told to the unadvised consull , hee sayd to the messenger , abi nuntia , signum effodiant ; si ad conv●llendum manus prae metu obcorpuerint . the newes of this overthrow made the romans speedily nominate a dictator , and in good time they chose quintus fabius maximus , one that followed haniball wheresoever hee went : but with this purpose , vt cunctando non bellando inimicorum vires attereret , sayth plutarch : thus for a while hee wearied haniball , but his owne people also were wearied with this lingring warre . minutius who was magister equitum hee cried out in the army , doe we come hither to behold the slaughter and destruction of our confederates and companions ? are wee not ashamed that those citizens which our fathers sent as colonyes into s●ssa , that this coast might be safe from our enemies the samnits , which now not our neighbour samnite , but a carthagenian stranger doth waste and spoyle , having marched from the further parts of the world , to this place by meanes of our delayes ? so farre ( ah the griefe ) doe wee degenerate from the vertues of our ancestors , that neere our coast they thought it a dishonour to their empire , but to suffer the carthagenians navie to sayle : the same wee now see repleate with the numidians , and mores our enemies . it is great folly to believe that wee are able to subdue our enemies with sitting still : it behoves us to arme our troopes , and bring them downe into the plaines , and encounter them man to man. audendo , agendoque res romana crevit , non his sensibus , consiliis neque timidi cauta vocant . this trouble happening in the campe , and the like in the city , causeth the senate to joyne minutius in equall authority with the dictator : but still the warre is prolonged by fabius his cunning : then does bebius herennius tribune of the people , declaime both against the senate and nobility for trayning haniball into italy and prolonging the warre , which might sooner have beene put to an end if a plebean consull had beene chosen . hereupon quintus terentius a plebean is created consull ; and lucius aemilius paulus is his colleague : they follow the battell of cannae by the rashnesse of terentius varro the plebean consull , wherein the romans were overthrowne , and one of their consulls slaine ; and with him twenty more of the order of consulls and praetors : of senators there were taken and slaine thirty , of noblemen to the number of , of souldiers , to the number of , and gentlemen besides . haec est pugna cannensi clade nobilitata ( saith livy . ) there had beene no doubt , but that rome then might easily have beene taken : if haniball ( as maherbal sayd ) had but knowne how to use a victory as to get one : but hanibal quum victoria posset uti , frui maluit . and so leaving rome , hee hastens to capua , the pleasures of which towne , utterly effeminated his whole army , and as ( florus sayes ) capuam hanibali cannas fuisse , for him that neither the snowy alpes , nor the roman armies could overcome ( who would believe it ) campaniae soles & tepentes fontibus baiae subegerunt . after this divers of the roman generalls durst meet haniball in the field ; and first cloudius marcellus the roman praetor , in the first yeare of this warre , raysed his siege from before nola , and slue of his men as some affirme , , himselfe losing onely one : but livy dares not affirme so much of his owne credit ; yet acknowledgeth a victory gotten of haniball , which hee accounts a very famous exploit , if not the most famous that happened in all that warre : non vinti enim ab hanibale , vincentibus difficilius fuit , quam postca vincere . at last it happened that publius cornelius scipio was created consull , who chose africa for his province , and had it granted , contrary to the opinion of fabius . when hee was entred africa , hee overthrew the forces of asdruball , and king siphax : and forthwith besieged carthage it selfe close up to the gates , which so afrighted the citizens , that presently they sent for haniball to come to the defence of his owne city : but haniballs army which was effeminated before with the immoderate pleasures of capua , was now overthrowne before his owne carthage . premiumque victoriae africa fuit , & seguntus africam statim terrarum orbis ( saith florus . ) besides these punicke warres , they had many other ; as in macedonia with king philip , in syria with antiochus , in greece with the aetolians , histrians , gallo-greekes , illir●●ns , and achaians : in asia , with aristonicus , and mithridates : in africa , with iugurth : and in europe , with divers , which would bee to long for mee to nominate . we will come therefore to those times wherein rome had setled the fourth monarchie , by making her selfe the lady and mistris almost of the whole world : which was about the time of pompey the great , and julias caesar , two the most famous captaines that ever rome had . in their times sayes lucius florus , majus erat imperium romanum , quam ut ullis exterius viribus extingui posset . fortune therefore envying that people , which was soveraigne of all other , armed their owne selves to their owne destruction : and this grew through the discord that was betweene pompey and caesar afore named . but the ground of this controversie tooke first root from the civill warres betweene marius and silla : pompey following sillas faction , and caesar , marius , whose kinseman hee was , which could not but breed a mislike each of other : and the rather , because silla had given his friend a caveat to beware of caesar : this dislike of each other was increased by both their ambitions : pompey would endure no equall , nor caesar superiour ; but hitherto their intents were smothered , two obstacles being in the way : first pompey had married the lady julia , caesars daughter , and during her life , friendship was preserved , at least in shew . secondly , crassus through his inestimable riches , linage , and eloquence , was almost in as great reputation as either of the other ; and so long as hee lived , the scales were equally ballanced through mutuall feare : but crassus being once slaughtered by the parthians , and julia dead ; the spark of emulation that long had layd smothered as it were in ashes , now quickly burst forth , both of them being ambitious of honour , and each of them jealous of the others authority ; but their emulation brake forth into open warre , upon this occasion . caesar having finished his warres in gaul , sent his friends to rome in his name to demand the consulship , himselfe staying behinde within his owne province ; the reason why hee desired ( though absent ) to bee declared consull , was for feare of some enemies that had threatned to accuse him : this honour was decreed him at the first , by ten of the tribunes with pompeys good liking . but some of caesars enemies withstanding this decree ; pompey quickly altered his opinion , and then was caesar againe denied that honour , unlesse hee would lay downe his armes , and come in person to rome , to crave it after the accustomed manner : this caesar yeilded unto upon condition that pompey also should give over his army which he had in spaine ; but pompyes friends would not agree to that : hereupon caesar refuseth to dismisse his army , unlesse the senate would make good their first decree . forthwith at rome are lentulus and marcellus made consulls , and have charge to looke ne quid respublica detrimenti caperet . by and by , a peremptory decreee is passed , that caesar must dismisse his army by such a day , and that hee should not therewith passe the river rubicon , that utmost bounds of his province ; declaring him an enemy , if hee dared to doe the contrary : this decree being resisted by two of the tribunes , lucius antonius and quintus curio , they were both abused and thrust out of the senate , after which they fled to caesar : hereby caesar perceived the intent of the senate , and therefore sent speedily for all his legions , marching with them to the river rubicon ; hee stayed there a while , considering with himselfe the danger that might ensue , if hee should passe the river with his troopes . after consultation , hee cried out , the lot is cast ; and giving his horse the reine , began to march and passe the river , all his people following him , and so was the civill warre begunne . the very next morning after hee had passed the river , he seized on arimanto , and so upon all townes and castles that lay in his way : which tydings troubled not onely pompey , but the whole senate and people of rome ; whereupon , they all resolve to forsake the city . pompey went to brundusium , whither hee sent for the consulls to passe thence to dyrrachium , a city by the sea coast of macedonia , there to raise as great power as they were able ; being now out of all hope to resist him in italy : hee having now taken corsin●o with thirty of pompeys cohorts , and brought them to his owne denomination . having once intelligence that pompey made head against him in brundusium , thither he hasted : and though pompey had fortified the city against him , yet was hee glad to flye for his safegard by night , in a torne and almost naked vessell over the sea ( oh the shame ) which not long before hee had triumphantly passed . nor was pompey sooner driven out of italy , then the senate out of the city ; into which hee entred , made himselfe consull , seized on the common treasury , and then began to consult about his proceedings : to follow pompey into greece , he could not for want of shipping ; neither would hee though hee could , because of some enemies behinde , who were needfull first to bee dealt with all . into sicilia the roman granery , hee sent deputies to make all sure there , and himselfe resolved for spaine , against petreius and affranius the commanders of pompeys choisest legions . having therefore dispersed part of his forces throughout italy , to stop pompeys returne ; and having charged dolabella to provide shipping against his comming backe : away hee goes and findes no resistance till hee comes at massilla , where hee left brutus to subdue them , which he did . caesar after a few incounters , drives petreius and affranius to a composition ; and having tamed spaine , hee returnes for italy : where leaving all to the charge of servillius isauricus his fellow consull ; hee prepares to goe into macedonia against pompey himselfe : when hee came to brundusium , though hee wanted sufficiency of shipping , with those hee had , hee embarqued seven legions ; and though it were in winter , yet hee put out to sea , and landed the next day about the hills of epirus , and other dangerous places , and forthwith sent his navie backe to brundusium , for the residue which were left with antonius ; which staying somewhat to long , ( impatient of delay in such important affaires : ) he embarqued himselfe at midnight in a frigot ; and though the seas went high , yet would hee needes venter over : the master of the vessell perceiving how boysterous the seas were , grew fearefull and would have returned : which caesar perceiving , presently starts up saying ; quid times ? caesarem vebis . when all his forces were come together , hee hasted to dirrachium with purpose to surprize it ; thither also come pompey to defend it : their camps now being somewhat neere , many skirmishes happened ; in one of which , the valour of scena was wondrous , in whose shield was found sticking darts . neverthelesse in the meane space , some overtures of peace were made by caesar , but none would bee granted by the pompeyans : for labyenus cried out ; definite ergo de compositione loqui : nam nobis nisi caesaris capite relato , pax esse nulla potest . whereupon caesar provoked his adversaries to the battell , but pompey knowing caesars wants , and himselfe having the benefit of the sea to relieve his army , chose rather to draw the warre out in length ; and to waste his adversary , without putting his owne estate in hazard . but this liked not his associats , the souldiers , blame lying idle , the confederates , crie out upon delay ; the great lords taxe him with ambition : so that contrary to his owne opinion , hee is in a manner forced to give battell in the champion field of philippi . after that both the generalls had put their armies in aray , pompey gives these admonitions to his souldiers , that when the right wing of caesars battell drew neere , they should assaile it on the flancke , so might they chase the disordered army being oppressed in the reare , before themselves came to cast a dart in the face of the enemie , neither is this thing very hard to bee done ( saith hee ) cum tantum equitatu valeamus . caesar observing the order of his enemies battels , doubted that his right wing might be oppressed with the multitude of the enemies horse ; wherefore from his . battell , he drew certaine choise companies , which he opposed to the enemies horse , shewing them what he had appointed them to doe , affirming that the victory that day , depended upon the valour of these cohorts . the signall of battell being given , in caesars armie , crastinus ( a man of tryed valour one that the yeare before had the leading of the primipili in the tenth legion ) was called forth to begin the fight . he forthwith encourageth the appointed bands , saying ; follow me you that have beene my maniples , performe that duty to your emperour that you have promised , there onely remaines this one battell , which finished , both he shall recover his dignity , and we our liberty . they looking upon caesar , he sayd ; fac●am hodie imperator , ut aut vivo mihi , aut mortuo , gracias agas ; after which he marched against his enemies . the charge being given , all pompey's horse , according to his direction , passed from his left wing , and and forced caesars cavallery to quit the field , and then begun the troopes to set upon his battels in the flancke : which caesar perceiving , he made a signe to those selected cohorts ( which for that purpose , he had set apart from the other squadrons ) to charge upon the enemies cavallery , which they performed with such force and fury , striking them ( according to caesars directions ) no where but in the face , which pompey's horsemen unable to endure , turned head and fled to the mountaines . which service finished , with the like force and fury , these cohorts invaded the reare of pompey's left wing ; also at the same time caesar commanded his three battalia's to charge , which as yet had not moved , so that pompey's men , being now with fresh companies charged , both in the front and reare , were not able any longer to sustaine the battell , but all of them turned their backes and fled . the victory being gotten in the field , caesar followed pompey to the campe , which he easily tooke ; and then pompey fled for his life , first to larissa , from thence to the shore of the aegean sea , where finding a merchants ship , he sayled to mitylene in the i●le of lesbos , where remained his wife and family ; from thence he sayled into egypt , where he was murthered by the sword of septimius his fugitive , before the eyes of his wife and children . this victorie being gotten and pompey slaine , the warre was not presently ended , new troubles did arise in africa : thither many principall romans , which had escaped from the battell of pharsalia resorted : to wit , publius cornelius scipio , marcus petreius afranius , quintus varus , marcus portius cato , labienus , and lucius cornelius faustus , sonne to silla the dictator : these had associated to them juba king of mauritania , and altogether had raised a great army : whereof scipio was made generall , cato having refused that honour . caesar hearing of their preparations , hastens into italy , and from thence waftes over into africa , lands about adrumentum , and from thence marcheth to the citie leptis where he is received : and while he lyes thereabout , labienus comes against him with his multitude , thinking to distresse caesars small numbers : caesar perceiving his intents , resolves to deale with him rather by cunning than force . and first , he chargeth his men not to stirre above foure foot from their standards , which the horsemen of labienus perceiving , presently compassed them about , so that caesars people were compelled to fight as it were in a circle : there , labienus shewes himselfe unto them , having uncovered his face , saying withall to one whom he saw most forward : why are you so arrogant o you fresh-water souldier ? i much pity your hard fortune , for sure i am , caesar hath brought you into eminent danger . to whom the souldier replyed : i would thou shouldest know labienus , that i am no freshman , but an old souldier of the tenth legion : and forthwith he threw at him his dart , saying , decumanum militem , qui te petit , scito esse . caesar in the meane while , seeing himselfe incompassed , drawes out his armie in length , and divides the circle in the middle , excluding the one part from the other on both sides , charging with his horsemen on the inner part of the circle , and with his footmen , their darts being throwne , he puts them to flight . caesar after this battell , perceiving the multitude of his enemies , sends for more ayde of men and victuals into sicily , which were sent him : but divers of his ships miscarried , and fell into the enemies hands , in one of which was a centurion with some old soldiers , and some newly taken up , all of them were brought before the generall scipio , and to them thus he addressed his speech . i know and am assured ( soldiers ) that it is not of your owne accord , that thus wickedly you pursue and prosecute good men your fellow-citizens , but rather that you are forced thereunto by the command of that wicked emperour of yours : since therefore fortune hath brought you within our power , if you will ( as your duty bindes you ) with other good men labour to defend the common-weale , you know that we will not onely spare your lives , but also take you into our protection and pay , wherefore answer us what you are minded to doe : to this the centurion of the . legion ( having liberty to speake ) answers : for thy great good will , noble scipio , i give thee hearty thanks , and happily i should make use of thy proffered curtesie , if too great a wickednesse were not coupled therewith , wherefore know you that i will never beare armes against caesar my emperour , from whom i have received my order , and for whose dignity and honour i have fought more than . yeares : moreover , i would counsell you , noble scipio , to desist from thy enterprise , for if hitherto thou hast had no experience of him against whom thou dost contend , yet now at last take him into consideration : chuse among all thy souldiers one whole cohort , which thou thinkest to be most strong and valiantest , and i will take but ten of these my fellow-souldiers , which now are within thy power , and by our valour you shall understand , what trust and confidence thou canst have in thine owne troopes . scipio was so inraged with this answer , that he slew the centurion and all the old souldiers immediately . after this caesar at thapsus fought with scipio and king juba , and overthrew them both in one day : at which battell one strange thing happened , the trumpets sounded a charge , through the souldiers forwardnesse , without the command of the generall . the overthrow began at juba , whose elephants not throughly manned to fight , being but lately drawne out of the woods , at the suddain shrilnesse , disranked their friends army , and presently all fled . after this overthrow , scipio and cato slew themselves , and juba and petreius after they had feasted themselves at a banquet , slew one the other , this was the direfull end of those brave romans , and of this african warre . but out of the embers of this warre , sprang another in spaine more dangerous than the former , wherein cneius and sextus the two sonnes of great pompey were the generals . they , having gathered great forces amongst their friends in spaine , reduced the greatest part of that country under their obeysance : against them caesar goes with his choisest legions , sed nusquam atrocïus nec tam ancipiti marte concursum est : their last and chiefest battell was at munda , wherein cneius pompeius fought with such resolution , as that caesars squadrons began to give ground , and were ready to forsake the field : what danger caesar was then in , any man may know by his demand : lucius florus saith , he was seene before the army sadder than he used to be , yea it is reported , that in that perturbation he consulted what he should doe with himselfe if the worst befell , and that his countenance was as one that meant to make his owne hands his owne executioner . he was heard ( say some ) to have uttered these words to his old souldiers : if ye be not ashamed , leave me , and deliver me into the hands of these boyes . in good time did pompey's lieutenant ) send caesar five cohorts of horse crosse the battell , to guard that which was in some danger : caesar takes hold of this advantage , and makes his souldiers beleeve they fled , and chargeth upon them as open flyers , and did thereby both put fresh courage into his owne souldiers , and also daunt his enemies : for caesars men followed on boldly , thinking themselves to have the upper hand , and the pompeyans ( supposing their fellowes to run away ) fell themselves to running , what slaughter then was made amongst them , may be conjectured by this : caesar made a rampire about munda , by pyling up bodies dragged together from all about , and fastened together with speares and javelins . caesar himselfe esteemed so much of this battell , as that he used to say many times : in other battels he fought for victory and honour , but at munda he fought for his life . cncius pompeius after his defeat fled , but was overtaken and slaine : but sextus , the younger brother , was reserved for another warre . caesar now being victor returned to rome , where he makes himselfe perpetuus dictator , and had titles of honour given him by the state , as , imperator , and pater patriae : now his accepting of these titles , and some other signes of ambition , drew upon him both the envie of the people , and of some great lords . hereupon , his death was conspired , by . of the principle men of rome : his friends misdoubting somewhat , advised that he should ever have a guard about him , but he rejected their counsell , saying : mori satius est semel , quam timore semper torqueri : neglecting this counsell , he was slaine by the conspirators in the senate-house , and fell at the foot of the base where pompey's image stood . sic ille qui terorem orbem civili sanguine implenerat , tandem ipse sanguine suo curiam implevit . caesar being slaine , new troubles arise about his death : the people which desired it before it was effected , yet after hated the doers . anthony and lepidus instigated them against the melefactors , so that for their safeguard they were glad to flye out of the citie , their houses being first burnt with brands which the people raked out of caesars funerall fire . caesars old souldiers also had a minde to be revenged of these conspirators , had they but had one to lead them on to take it . wherefore , after that octavianus caesar , anthony , and lepidus , were agreed upon the triumvirate , they called these old blades of caesars together , and with them anthony and octavianus marched into the east against brutus and cassius , the chiefe of the conspirators , and fought with them twice in the field of philippos , a citie in macedonia : in the first battell , the right wing which was led by anthony , overthrew the left wing of the other armie led by cassius , but the right wing of the other armie led by brutus did as much for the left wing of his armie led by octavianus . augustus being overthrowne , secured himselfe in anthonies campe , but cassius contrariwise , not knowing how it fared with his companion , caused one pindarus , a slave that he had maintained and manumitted , to cut off his head . brutus the next day gathered up the scattered troopes , but was loth to hazard battell any more , for two reasons : first , because he knew his enemies were pinched with want of victuals , and some other necessaries : secondly , because he saw the left wing of his armie which had beene overthrowne under cassius his conduct , to be somewhat fearefull . for these reasons , he desired to shun the second battell , but his people were too violent , and forced him in a manner to fight , and were overthrowne for their labour . after which overthrow , brutus slew himselfe . now that the murtherers of caesar were overthrowne , and their faction extinguished , one should have thought there should now have succeeded a generall peace , being there were but three men , augustus , anthony , and lepidus , to divide ( in a manner ) the third part of the world betweene them : but , nulla fides regni sociis , omnisque potestas impatibus consortis erat : lucan . lib. . augustus and lepidus , fell first at variance , about the isle of sicily , after they had there overthrowne sextus pompeius : in which debate , lepidus was not onely stripped of sicily , but also of africa , and his triumvirate : yet because he submitted himselfe , caesar spared his life , and gave him the dignity of highest priest. now were there but two to divide the worlds empire betweene them , anthony in the east , and augustus in the west , and these two sought each others ruines , that himselfe might rule over all , so hatefull is a companion in authority . both of them had their pretences for their quarrell : augustus objected against anthony , that for the love of cleopatra queene of egypt , a light woman , he had left his owne wife octavia , a vertuous lady , and augustus sister . anthony objected against augustus , that he had deprived sextus pompeius of sicily , and lepidus of africa , and held them both unjustly , without imparting to him any share at all of them , and that he had also divided the lands of italy amongst his owne souldiers , and never had any consideration of those that were his . besides , lucius florus saith , that cleopatra desired of anthony the empire of rome , and he as rashly promised it to her , as if the romans had beene more easie to be conquered than the parthians . both of them in this quarrell , resolved to try their fortunes in a sea-battell , leaving their land-forces which they had prepared , the one with taurus , the other with canidius , and this was effected by the power cleopatra had with anthony , contrary to the advice of canidius his lieutenant generall , and other of his councell of warre . both of them taking the seas , they came to grapple one with the other , within the sight of their land-armies at actium , a promontory in epyre. anthony's ships , by reason of their greatnesse , were very slow and unweldie , but caesars were yaire and nimble for all kindes of service , whether to charge , recharge , or levere about : so that three or foure of caesars , could at once set upon one of anthony's , and ply them with darts , prowes , and castings of fire on all sides , with which they scattered them at pleasure . the first that fied was the queene , and herein she was to be pardoned , doing ●ut her kinde : but ( oh the mischiefe ) with her she carried anthony's heart and courage away , who all his life-time had beene a valiant captaine , but now is mollified by a woman : she being fled , he forgets his armies both by sea and land , and makes a maine after her , and caesar as fast after them both , but with a conquering minde ; in alexandria he besieged them : during the siege , he corrupted anthonies sea-forces , so that they came over to his part , which anthony understanding , supposed himselfe betrayed by the queene ▪ this suspicion of his , puts her into a feare of his furie ; this feare of hers , separateth her from his company , and being separate , she causeth to bee given out that she had slaine her selfe ; which anthony no sooner heard but beleeved ( oh wicked beliefe ! ) in which he slew himselfe : and being dead , cleopatra would not live without him , but clapping serpents to her breasts , she dyed in a slumber . this warre being thus finished , augustus had none to oppose him . wherefore he commanded the temple of janus to be shut up , which had happened so to be , but twice onely , since the building of rome , till that very time . but this peace lasted not long , it was first disturbed by the celtiberian warre ; and next by the germane : where the romans , through the security and neglect of quintillius varrus , lost three legions , and two standards with the imperiall eagles . but oh the cruelty that these barbarians shewed after their victory , especially against men of law ; plucking out the eyes of some , and lopping off the hands of others : one had his mouth stitched up , after his tongue was cut out ; which the savage grasping in his hand , said to it : tandem vipera sibilare desiste . these , and many more warres since these , hath this fourth monarch of the romans endured , with which it is now so wasted , as that the empire is at this day confined within the limits of germany as we see ; which once spread it selfe over the face of the earth . but i will say no more : i hope , by this that is past , any one may see that none of the foure great monarchies of the world , how strong and setled soever , could perpetuate peace to themselves ; and therefore much lesse can it be hoped , that this little island of ours , or any other kingdome , can preserve it selfe for ever from the danger of warre . wherefore , i will now proceed to the second part of the proposition . it is good in time of peace , to provide for warre . how to provide in peace for warre . sect . ii. chap. vi. it is good in time of peace , to provide for warre . he that will goe to sea , must before-hand provide himselfe of bisket ; and that kingdome that cannot avoyd warre , must before hand be provided of meanes to withstand it : for nothing can be more unseasonable , than to be about provision , at such time as we should be in action . a wise state ( like haniball ) will in prosperitie provide for adversitie , as well as in adversitie , hope for prosperitie ; if they doe otherwise , peradventure they may have their heads broken , before they betake themselves to their bucklers : as may appeare , by the example of katherine queene of navarre , and john of albert her husband ; whose want of timely preparatio , gave occasion to ferdinand the catholike king , not only to invade their kingdome , but also after invasion , easily to subdue it . had this queene and her husband , beene in time provided , ferdinand would eyther have desisted from enterprising any thing against them , or else he would have capitulated with them concerning a peace , in which they might have had the better conditions , being provided for warre : for the best treating for peace , is with the sword in hand . or if he would have beene so hardy , as to have given them battell , they being provided , sure might have expected farre better successe than they found : but they were found unfurnished , and that was the losse of their kingdome . and the same , may be the losse of any other . for how hard and difficult will it be , for any nation , to resist an enemie invading , if they prevent not his arrivall by their provisions . people are discouraged , by the suddainnesse of danger , and rather studie how by flight to shift for their particular safetie , than by making head , to preserve their countrie from the enemie . but , if any be so vertuously minded as to make resistance , how difficult will it be for them to draw together , in such a kingdome as ours , where we have no fortified townes , to hold the enemy play ? the enemie shall no sooner heare of any assembly , but presently he will be upon them with his horse , to sever them before they can be able to make head against him : unlesse they willl flye to the utmost limits of the kingdome , there to make up an army in haste ; suffering in the meane time , the enemie to enrich himselfe with the spoyle of the country ; and when such an armie is composed , what good can be expected from it , seeing it must needs consist of raw , and untrained people , hastily gathered together , and altogether unskilfull in the use of armes ? when caesar came against pompey the great into italy , pompey and the senate , being unable to make resistance for want of timely provision ; they were glad to forsake , not onely the other parts of italy , but rome it selfe , and flye into greece , before they could draw any competent numbers together , to give the enemie battell . let pompeys carelesnesse be condemned , and let wi●e estates imitate augustus caesar ; who at the first brute of anthonies stirring , provided himselfe , and crossed over from brundu●um , to give warre the meeting ; thinking it more safe so to doe , than to receive it within the limits and borders of his owne italy : by these precedent relations , i hope any man may see ; that it is good in time of peace , to provide for warre . chap. vii . of the things necessarily to be provided ; and first of victuals . the things especially to be provided ; are victnals , weapons , money , ships , and men : all of them needfull for the maintenance of warre , and such as if they be not provided in time of peace , can hardly be procured , the warre being begun . and first for victuals ; so needfull they are , as that without them no army can bee maintained , neither by sea nor land , nor any towne ( how strong soever ) without them can be defended . this want of victuals was the ●os●e of ierusalem , of san●erra , of paris , and lately rochel , to the french king. the like want of victuals and other necessaries , hindered our navie in . so that it could follow the spaniards no further ; whereby we lost a faire advantage that god had given us , of destroying that whole fleet. if in the field an armie be pinched with want , it must starve or fight , bee the disadvantage never so great ; whereas that army that is well provided , can fight when it sees advantage , and can forbeare till it have got it . and by this meanes alone , would pompey have beaten caesar out of greece in despight of him , had not the senate ( in a manner against his will ) forced him to fight in the field of philippi . it is requisite therefore for a prince when he is to use his forces eyther by sea or land , to appoint , not onely experienced , but also faithfull mento be his stewards , to make his provisions for his armies ; such as will faithfully lay out his treasure , according as the affaires in hand require , and not imbeazell them in riotous courses , nor hoord them up for their owne private gaine . chap. viii . of the preparation of armour and weapons , looke how necessarie victuals be for the maintenance of a souldiers life ; so needfull is armour for the defence of it : nature hath furnished us ●ut with a thin and weake defence , against eyther shot of musket , or push of pike . herein must be a supply of natures defect ; good armour and weapons must be provided , else we can neither defend our selves , nor offend our foes ; as may appeare by the ancient brittaines , whose naked valour ( though as great as might be ) could not gainestand , much lesse offend , the roman armes . wherefore , it were to bee wished that all men , especially those who have the name of souldiers , would transferre the care of apparell , which so much troubles this age of ours , unto the studie of armes , and provision of armour ; and that their former negligence of armour , might be transferred to apparell ; for so should they both provide for their owne particular safetie , and for the generall safety of the kingdome . but because some private men will be negligent this way , whatsoever be sayd to the contrary ; it were requisite therefore , that those that have the over-sight of the musters , should be carefull to see all companies full ; and be more diligent , to certifie the defects in armes , to them that have power to punish ; and that they would have regard , that all muskets be of one bore , and not of severall , as now they are ; from whence a great confusion would arise in time of need , if it be not amended : ( which must bee by some strict order taken with the gun-makers , that the kingdome be not so abused . ) also they must have regard that when a trayning is done in one place , armour be not borrowed to shew in another ; for such errors as these , may be very prejudiciall to a kingdome in time of danger : there must be care had also that the enemy have no oddes or advantage of us in weapons , whether musket or pike , if we looke for good successe in the warre ; for oddes in this kinde , will carry a victory both against valour and number ; as appeared in the warres betweene pope alexander the sixt , and the orsini , where vitellozze having provided his souldiers of pikes two foot longer than ordinary , carried away the victory from the ecclesiasticke souldiers , who had the oddes of him , both in courage and number . chap. ix . of the provision of money . it sufficeth not to the strength of the armes , to have flesh , bloud , and bones , unlesse they have also sinewes , to stretch out and pull in , for defence of the body ; so it sufficeth not in an army to have victuals , for the maintenance of it ; armour and weapons for the defence of it ; unlesse it have money also , the sinewes of warre ; which above all things beareth sway with the common souldier , and causeth him to venture upon any danger , which oftentimes for want of pay he will refuse . wherefore vegetius gives this advice ; antequam inchoetur bellum , de copus expensisque solicitus debet esse tractatus : i doe marvell not that she is called regina pecunia ; seeing that all men yeeld obeysance to her , she it is that traineth the souldiers to the warres , who otherwise would sleepe quietly at home . the bayliffe of diion sent by the french king into swisserland to hire souldiers , could traine none along with him , because his masters coffers were known to be emptie : but so soone as the kings exchequer was well filled with the mony which he had of the florentines , for the restitution of pisa and other cautionary townes , the swissers came downe to his ayde , in greater numbers than he required . so when rezin and pekah kings of syria and israel , made warre upon ahaz king of iudah ; he with a present of silver and gold , easily drew tiglath-pileser king of assyria , to his ayde and succour . it is likewise money and pay , that keepes the army in good order , and makes it strictly to observe discipline , the preserver of all ; pay is the poore souldiers aqua vitae , which makes him comfortably undergoe the hardest command ; but want of it is such an aqua fortis , as eates through the iron doores of discipline , and causeth whole armies to rush into disorders : and ever when they are commanded upon any servi●e , their usuall fashion , is to demand their pay , and refuse the imployment . furthermore , money is of such force , as that it will not onely prevent an enemies invasion , but also beat him backe , and cause him speedily to retyre ; when as armes are no way able to doe it : as may appeare by the example of jugurth ; who having sorely incensed the romans by the slaughter of hiempsall , yet neverthelesse prevailed so farre upon them with his money , as that he drew , even the senate , to take his part against adherball his accuser . afterwards , this same jugurth was so hardy , as to cashiere adherball out of that part of numidia , which the romans had estated him in ; then was warre decreed in the senate , and calpurnius bestia the consull , sent into numidia against him ; but the craftie king , knowing that gold could doe more against the romans than steele , bought his peace . now being assured , that all things for money , were to be bought and sold at rome ; hee slew even within the walles of the citie , massina grandchild to massinissa his competitor in the kingdome . now had the romans a third cause of warre against him , which was likewise decreed ; and the managing of it was committed to albinus : but ( oh the shame ) jugurth so bribed this armie also , that it voluntarily gave away , and suffered him to take from them , both the victory and their campe withall . neyther could the romans ever have any hope to withstand the force of jugurths money , untill m●tellus came to deale with him , of whom they expected very much ; especially , quod adversus divitias invictum animum gerebat . the like example , philip de comines reporteth of our edward the fourth ; who by the solicitation of the duke of burgundy , passed into france , with greater forces than any of his predecessors had ever done ; and yet this valourous prince , who had beene conquerour in nine severall battels before , suffered the victory at this time to be taken from him , with the payment of . crownes : as lewis of brettailles , one of king edwards servants , affirmed to philip commines ; for which wee were derided by the french , as we well deserved . to conclude , money is of such matchlesse force , as nothing almost but a free and liberall minde ( which few men have ) can withstand it ; there is no baite to the golden hooke , nor weapon to the silver speare , nor fort , be it never so strong , that can hold out against the mulet charged with treasure ; it was the opinion of jugurth ( as salust reporteth ) that rome it selfe , even then when she was at her highest pitch , was vendible ; and would quickly come to ruine , had she but had a chapman , that would bid faire for her : wherefore seeing that money is such a reall advantage in the warres , we may conclude ; that whosoever prepareth for warre , must first be provided of money , the sinewes thereof . chap. x. of the provision of shipping . shipping is so necessarie in maritine countries , especially in island ▪ ( as this kingdome is ) who on all sides , coast it upon the sea ; as that no warre , neyther offensive nor defensive , can be well managed without it . if we be on the offensive part , our forces cannot be transported without shipping ; and if we bee on the defensive part , we cannot well keepe out an enemy without the same . for though the enemy may make his approaches in one place , and endeavour to land there , yet then will the strength of the island be drawne thither to impeach his landing ; which the enemy perceiving , can easily put out to sea againe , and by next day be in another part of the country , where he may gaine landing peradventure , with lesse hazard : but suppose resistance be made there also , yet can hee by putting to sea againe , finde out a third , fourth , or fifth place , as convenient for his landing as eyther of the former ; and i am sure we cannot have an armie in every harbour to impeach him , much lesse can wee with one armie so speedily follow him , as to prevent his gaining the shore ; because he can sayle farther in one night , than we can march in divers dayes , and if he hath gained our shore , hee can eyther sufficiently intrench himselfe , before we can possible come to impeach him ; or hee can pillage and waste the country , and be gone againe to another part of the island , when he perceives the approach of our land forces ; and there also doe according to his owne discretion . an example hereof we have in our owne chronicles ; canutus the dane , entring the thames with a mighty navie , besieged the citie of london ; but being unable to prevaile there , he re-imbarkes his men , and sailes into the west of england ; where at his pleasure , he landed them againe in dorcetshire ; there edmond , sirnamed iron-side , after a long and tedious march met with him ; which canutus perceiveing , shippes his men againe , and enters the severne ; causing edmund to beate upon the hoofe , to relieve worcestershire ; which the dane had much pillaged . no sooner was edmund arrived there , but canutus re-imbarked againe , and came for london ; after him speeds edmund : and then the danes repaire to their shippes , and so returned for the westerne parts . thus they tyred edmund and his whole armie , with continuall marches ; ever wasting the country , before resistance could be made . the like example , we have in maurice earle of nassaw , who in the yeare . shipped his forces , with forty canons , pretending for gertrudenberg ; and to make the enemie beleeve so , he sailed up the river so farre as breda ; the enemie presently thrust into gertrudenberg , such men and provision as was fit for resistance ; which the grave understanding , changed his course and sayled up the rhine , and thence into the river yssell ; and so fell downe the streame before zutphen , which he surprized , before the arch-duke ( who was . miles from thence ) could come with his succours ; when the arch-duke approached , the count retyres to his ships ; and changing his course , arrives before hulst in brabant , which he surprized , ere the spaniards well understood where he was ; when the arch-duke approached neare hulst , prince maurice returnes to his navie , and presents it before nimmegem , in the confines of guilders , which he also surprized before the tired spaniard could come with his forces . by this i hope , you may see ; how difficult it is for islanders , and maritine countries , without shipping , to make resistance against an invading enemie ; wherefore marriners and shipping , must be maintained by us that are islanders ; else can we not long abide in safetie ; and so i will conclude with saint pauls speech , acts . . vnlesse the marriners abide in the ship , ye cannot be safe . chap. xi . of the provision of souldiers , and land-forces . as it is needfull for islanders and maritine countries , to maintaine shipping and marriners ; so is it as needfull for them to maintaine souldiers and land-forces ; which though they bee the last refuge , yet are they the safest and strongest defence , and must wholly be relyed on : for it is possible that the enemy may over-power us at sea , or he may by helpe of windes and mistes , or other advantages that may bee gotten , gaine footing on our shore , though we have a more potent navie than he on the seas ; and how shall we deale with them on land if we maintaine not our land-forces and martiall discipline ? for which this island hath beene very famous in times past ; should wee suffer our souldiery and the art of warre to decay amongst us , ten thousand of the enemies well trained , would foile forty thousand of ours , that are not flesht , nor know the use of their armes , were they never so valiant ; for valour in the warres without skill , availeth but little : as may appeare by the example of alexander the great ; who with no more than . thousand well-trained souldiers ( macedonians ) in the fields of adrastia , overthrew sixe hundred thousand persians , that were unskilfull in the use of their armes . i would to god that notice might be taken hereof , and that greater care might be had of our trainings than is ; that they might no longer be used as matters of disport , and things of no moment ; but as needfull for the training up of souldiers , and enabling of men for the warres , against times of danger and hostilitie ; so should our prince and his kingdomes , receive both honour and securitie : but as trainings are now used , we shall i am sure , never be able to make one good souldier ; for our custome and use is now adayes , to cause our companies to meet on a certaine day , and by that time the armes be all viewed , the muster-master hath had his pay ( which is the chiefest thing many times he looks after ) it drawes towards dinner time ; and indeed officers love their bellies so well , as that they are loath to take too much paines about disciplining of their souldiers . wherefore , after a little carelesse hurrying over of the postures , with which the companies are nothing bettered , they make them charge their muskets , and so prepare to give the captaine a brave volley of shot at his entrance into his inne ; where having solaced themselves a while after this brave service , every man repaires home ; and that which is not well taught them ( oh the shame ) is easily forgotten before the next training . whereas , if we trained but twice in the yeare , and at each time kept the companies together , but three or foure dayes at the most ; they would be better acquainted with their armes and the use of them : so often practising of them at one time , would make them remember what is shewed , better than seven yeeres practice as now we goe to worke . but , peradventure some will thinke , that to keepe souldiers so long together at once , would damnifie the country , by reason of neglect of husbandry : but as farre as i conceive , it would rather be beneficiall to the country ; for now every moneth in the summer , they lose a day by reason of the training , and the greater part of the souldiers use to fall a drinking after the training , and happily lose the next day also ; and so in the moneths of iune , iuly , and august , which are busie times for hay , and harvest , they lose three dayes or more ; which is more damage to them , than eight dayes in may and september , for these are the two times in the yeare , wherein husbandmen have more leisure , than in any other of the summer-moneths ; in may , because all their seed is then in the ground , and no hay nor corne ready ; in the latter end of september , because harvest and hop-time , for the most part is over , and wheat-seed not fully come ; wherefore i thinke , with lesse damage , they might spare foure dayes together in may , and so many also in september , than to spare in every of the summer moneths but one . we have other inconveniences also which attend our trainings , and hindreth our breeding of souldiers ; for we appoint our meetings , commonly neare some great towne , as indeed it is meet for the reliefe of the companies , but this inconvenience followeth thereon : when we are in the field , many of our souldiers ( so regardlesse are they of the service ) slip away , and are in the innes and tavernes tipling , when they should be exercising in the field . and this is another cause , why divers of them are so ignorant in the use of their armes ; hereby also they get an ill habit of drinking , which is the disgrace of our nation and the losse of many of our souldiers , at such times as they are imployed in forraigne service : as appeared in the taking of the groyn , where by immoderate drinking , many of the soldiers became senselesse and unserviceable , being altogether carelesse both of their proper healthes , present danger , and imployment . by this inordinate drinking , the plague was bred among them ; and ( which is worse ) the sword of the enemie might have cut them off ; had not the generall , for redresse hereof , caused the head of all wine-vessels , to be strucken out : according to a former president ( upon the like occasion ) in the conquest of s. dominigo jago ▪ &c. for prevention of which abuse , the captaines must either have more power to punish , or if they have power enough already , they must better put it in practice upon such malefactors , or we shall never be able to make them souldiers . secondly , we admit into our trained bands , without judgement or discretion , any that are offered , how unlikely , or uncapable soever they be of the art militarie ; yea , which is worse , we suffer them almost every training to alter their men , and put in new ones , and how is it possible , with our best skill and paines , to make such men souldiers ? mercuries image is not to bee made of every wood , nor every dull heavie fellow , to be made a mars or man of warre ; care must be had to correct this abuse also , if we will have able souldiers to oppose against an enemie . we must therefore herein imitate the worthy citizens of london , who in the reigne of queene elizabeth , chose out of their severall companies , three thousand of the most likely and active persons , whom they appointed to be pikemen and shot : these that we admit into our trained bands , must be likely and active ; for every one that will be a souldier , must have these two qualities in him ; likelinesse , and ingenuitie to conceive the use of his armes , and then activitie and abilitie of body , to put it in practice . thirdly , some be admitted for their wealthes sake , into captaineships , which neither have courage , skill , nor delight in armes themselves , nor discretion to command others ; but i hope of these not many , yet if any , it is too many ; for how can we hope to make our people souldiers , when they bee under blinde and ignorant guides ; if the blinde leade the blinde , the issue ( as our saviour saith ) will be ; ambo in foveam cadunt : we will not commit the teaching of our children to a dunse , and what reason is there we should commit the leading of our souldiers to such a one ? wherefore this must be remedied also , and i suppose it may easily be done by the honourable care of the lord lieutenant in every county : had wee but all these abuses well corrected , me thinkes we might make our english trained bands , paralell the best souldiers in europe . now because in times of danger , it is requisite that the trained souldiers should be drawne to the coasts to resist the enemies landing ; it were fit that men should provide themselves of double armour , that we might also have an army of the best men of the kingdome , to guard the heart of the land ; and to keepe under dis-affected persons , if any such be ; which army as occasion served , might give succour to the trained souldiers , in case they should be in any danger ; for it is not safe to hazard all upon the fortune and successe of one battell ; as king harold did ( contrary to the advice of his brother girthe ) by meanes of which he was defeated , his people disheartned , his enemy duke william animated ; and finally , thereupon followed his owne and all his subjects confusion : for upon his enemies marching forward after the battell , every man for his owne particular safetie , reconciled himselfe to the conquerour ; whereas , if there had beene an army in the heart of the land , to have seconded the other , it would both have bridled the enemie , succoured the distressed army , and have kept the natives from revolting . for the better composing of such an army , in the heart of the land ; it were well also if all our great cities and townes , would imitate the famous cities of london , and westminster : which have instituted the two artillery yards , for the training up of their ablest citizens , in the use of their armes ; from whence not onely good souldiers , but also many good leaders and officers might be drawne , for the conduction of our forces in the heart of the kingdome . furthermore , whereas divers noblemen and gentlemen keepe proper men to attend them ; if they would but take care to have such servants well instructed in the use of their armes , both on horse-backe and foot , what exceeding profit and honour might redound to his majesty , and his kingdomes , if he should have any suddaine imployments ? and those servants thus souldier-like qualified , were as easily maintained and kept , and as fit for any other service , as those brave swaggering fellowes ; who had rather be like sardanapalus among light women , than among troopes of armed souldiers : and truly such noblemen and gentlemen their bee in divers places , who to doe their prince service , are at great charges to keepe divers good and well ridden horses , and divers gentlemen with good furniture , to serve both on foot and horse-back . besides if every private man , whether in the city or in the country , which keepes coaches for their owne ease and reputation , would but have furniture for the riding and managing of such horses , what an increase of strength would this bee in suddaine danger ? lastly , whereas divers gentlemen of the lower ranke , and rich yeomen , keepe very good teames of horses for their private use ; if such would but have furniture for one of their principle horses , which when they had leisure , they might ride and manage for their recreation ; this would make his majesty , if occasion served , equall if not superiour in horse , to any prince in europe ; neither would it bee any great charge to any man , onely the purchase of the furniture , and armes , which once gotten , would last to generations . we would easily be perswaded to these things , had we but as great a care for the generall safety of the kingdome , as we have for our owne particular security : which of us in there , that is not at great cost and charges , for provision of strong gates , doores , and lockes , without ; and of strong closets and chests within , for the preseruation of our owne private wealth and substance ; but what will this private care availe us , if we be negligent of the generall safety of the kingdome ? should we by our senselesse security suffer an enemy to picke the lockes that are to keepe him out of the realme ; what good would all our private gates , doores , lockes , closets , and chests doe us , for the preservation either of our estates or lives ? wherefore , let us be perswaded rather to respect the common good in keeping out an enemy , by provision of armes , and able souldiers , than in looking to our owne private honour and security , by building our houses strong and stately . but some peradventure will thinke , this provision of land-forces , is altogether needlesse ; because no enemy can make warre upon us , we living in an island ; but upon very difficult termes : first , in regard of our dangerous seas and harbours . secondly , in regard of our navie and shipping ; which upon intelligence , will bee fitted to entertaine them . thirdly , in regard of our strong castles , and blockhouses ; which will be able to impeach their landing . as for our seas and harbours , true it is they are dangerous , in regard of their high tides ; which flow ( as plinie sayth ) . cubits in height : yet for all this , our owne , and neighbours shipping , ( having good pilots ) dayly frequent them without damage or danger : and doubtlesse , what enemy soever assaulteth us , will store himselfe with pilots , which knowes our seas and harbours as well as our selves ; as may appeare by the practice of the king of spaine , in the yeare . wherefore , we may not be too secure , upon conceit of our dangerous seas and harbours . secondly , for our shipping ; true it is , if we have sure intelligence , we should bee provided : and doubtlesse , would quell an enemy that should dare to approach them : but the enemy to blinde our intelligence , may carry his designes in the clouds , by making his preparation in divers parts and ports of his kingdome ; as if they were to be sent to sundry places , and about sundry imployments ; and yet all these severall heets , after some time beating on the seas , may meet and joyne ; cutting a speedie passage through the waters to accomplish their designes . by such courses as these , our intelligence may be deceived , and so our ships unfurnished . yet suppose wee have sure knowledge of the enemies purpose , and have our navie in readinesse , yet are there . points in the compasse to sayle by , and our island the center ; in one of these . points , must our navie await the approaches of the enemy ; and he to eschew their opposition , and gaine our shore , may sayle by . other . yea , though he sayle upon the same point whereon our ships doe lye , yet may he without discovery escape them , by the helpe of a mist or night . or suppose our shippes discover and fight with them , yet we know victory in every fight is doubtfull ; because no understanding enemy will put out to sea , but with such a fleet , as he thinkes is proportionable to his adversaries , whom he assayleth . therefore , you see we must not relye upon our shipping . neyther may we relye too much upon our block-houses and forts , for the sure keeping out of an enemy ; for they are not very many : i am sure we have them not upon every harbour where the enemy may land ; and those we have , are not very strong , not answerable to those forts beyond the seas . but though they were , yet experience teacheth us that upon swift currents they are of little use ; for in such streames , if a navie have but a merry winde and tide , a hundred sayle may passe by one of them , without having much damage ; as was seene in the three yeares siege of ostend , where the arch-duke had planted two batteries , one on the west , and the other on the east side of the haven ▪ yet the shippes every day passed too and fro from the towne , and scarse one vessell touched , when . shot had beene made at a fleet ; and in the whole three yeares siege , scant . vessels were sunke , when thousands passed too and againe , every yeare . likewise , in queene elizabeths time , the king of denmarke threatned to stop our eastland fleet at the sound ; yet they passed by his castles , having one of the queenes ships called the minion , to lead them , and received no hurt ; this so provoked the king , that he made the best provision he possible could , to sinke them at their returne ; but the queenes ship led the way backe againe , and did not onely passe in safety , but beate downe part of the fort of elsenore . so in the siedge of antwerp the duke of alva so planted his ordnance , that it was thought to be impossible for a boate to passe them ; yet the zealanders having faire winde and tide , passed by daily without damage . wherefore , you see notwithstanding all these colourable objections , land-forces must be provided , if we will be in safety . now land-forces being ( as is afore-sayd ) provided : mr. edmunds in his observations upon caesars commentaries , would have them thus ordered ; those that are appointed for the guard of the coasts , he would ha●e divided into three divisions ; viz , a body , and two wings ; the body to double the strength of the wings , and to be quartered in this manner : the body to attend the principle place supposed for the enemies landing , the two wings to lye upon some other haven , where also is danger of landing , being about ten miles distant on either hand of the body . if the enemy shall assaile eyther of the wings , the body being quartered betweene them both , easily moves to eyther of their aydes . or if he assault the body , they from eyther side being alike distant ; as easily moves to its succour ; and so doing , they may hold an enemy play , till the forces of the country comes downe . but in regard the land is spacious and wide , it were well that souldiers should learne to ride on horse-backe with their compleat armes , for so might they move further ( if a suddaine alarum should ●e given ) in one day , than on foot they can march in two . these are of great use in germany , where they want vessels for the speedy conveying of their men , which they call dragons , which both on horse-backe and on foot do very good service ; and here might they be brought in use as well as there , wee being as well furnished with swift high-way nagges , as any nation in europe . and for further indangering of an enemy , if there were good notice taken throughout all the coasts of the land , of those markes which serves for the direction of shippes to recover their wished harbour ; these in time of danger being removed ( unknowne to the enemy ) might bring him in very great hazard of our dangerous rockes and sands ; and in regard our sea-coasts are so large , and our harbours so many , as that in every one of them we cannot have an army to defend it , it were well that in places of advantage ( such as winding waters be , which are commonly slow , and where at every turne they cannot have the helpe of the winde ) some more forts were built ; in such places they would indanger an enemy , if he should dare to approach them ; how ever they would secure the coasts from rifling and robbing by pyrates , as often they be in times of hostility . the manner of fortification . sect . iii. chap. xii . the abridgement of geometrie , so farre as belongs to the art of fortification . before we can enter into this discourse of fortification , we must first take a survey of the abridgement of geometrie ; so farre as is necessarie to bee used in this art : wherefore to begin with the first proposition . proposition , . to divide a line equally in the middest as a b , you must make two arches c d , placing your compasses at the extreames a and b , closing them more than halfe of the line ; your arches being made , draw your line of intersection from c to d , and this line shall equally divide in two parts the line a b. proposition , . to draw a perpendiculer upon a line ( viz. ) a line that falles in such sort upon another , that it makes two equall angles ; neither inclining to one side nor the other , so that it falles plumb as the line a b , upon the which you must raise a perpendiculer ; you must demeane your compasses as in the first proposition : and the line c d shall be the perpendiculer ; so that it falles right upon the line a b , making two equall angles . proposition , . a point given upon a line , let fall a perpendiculer ; as the point given is c , upon the line a b , you must place your compasse in the point c , and draw the arch d e , then place your compasse againe in f , and make the arch h , and likewise in g , making the arch i : lastly , draw from the point c , which shall answer to the point k. proposition , . to draw a perpendiculer at the end of a line , viz. at the point a place your compasses ; making the arch c and d : then place your compasses in c , making the arch e ; and at the point e , draw the arch f g : lastly , from the point g , make the arch h , then draw the line i a , and that shall be the perpendiculer upon the end of the line b a , at the point a. proposition , . to make a line paralell by another ( viz. ) of equidistance ; so that if they be drawne never so long , they shall never touch nor crosse one the other ; let there be a line drawne as a b , above the which , there must be a paralell made : to performe this , place your compasses in a , making your arch : e d , place them likewis● in b , making the arch f g : lastly , you must draw the line i k , which must touch the ends of the two arches ; and those lines shall be paralell or equidistant . proposition , . to make one angle equall to another , as the angle a b c , of the which we desire to make one equall : first , draw the line d e , then place the point of your compasses is b , making the arch f g. likewise , draw another arch in the point d. lastly , take the distance f g , and put it from h to i , drawing the line d k , which shall passe by the point i , and you shall finde the angle k d e , equall to a b c. proposition , . to make a square of a line given ; as the line a b , we must draw the perpendiculers at each end of the same length , the square will have then foure right angles , and the sides equall . proposition , . to make a paralellagram ( viz. ) a long square having both the sides equally opposite ; and foure right angles : this is effected by the same rule the square is made . for the raising of fortifications , we must observe what figures are capable of regular fortification , and what are uncapable ; which are termed irregular . regular fortifications are such formes or figures , which containe in them angles sufficiently equall , and capable for the direct answering one to another ; sixe points being the least that may be admitted , and so upwards : all figures under , are termed irregular ; as the figure pentagon consisting of five points , the foure-square , the triangle , &c. we will first begin with irregular-figures used in fortification ; of which the pentagon is the best , in regard it hath more capacity in it , than the foure-square , or triangle , or halfe-moones , &c. the forme of this figure hath five points , by reason of five lines that divide the circumference in five equall parts , as by this figure appeares . the next irregular figure , is the foure square ; and is capable of foure bulworkes , upon each point one ; and is tearmed a skonse , as the figure demonstrates . the first regular figure is called sexagon , because it hath sixe equall sides , dividing the cord in sixe points ( upon which points are sixe bulworkes to be raised ) the same proportion of distance your compasses take , in making the circumference , without stirring them , being plac'd sixe times upon the circumference , makes the said figure in the margent . the second regular figure is termed septagon , because it containes . points of equall distances in the circumference , and this is of greater defence than the former ; for the more points the circumference is capable of , the greater is the resistance ; as the figure in the margent shewes . the third regular figure is termed octagon , because it containes eight sides , the circumference being divided by eight points of equall distance ; the rest , for brevity sake , we will onely name : by these already described , any figure , of what diversity of sides soever ; most easily may be framed . nonagon , is a figure of nine sides . decagon , a figure of tenne sides . vndecagon , a figure of eleven sides . duodecagon , a figure of twelve sides ; & sic usque ad infinitum : these are sufficient to serve for the use of fortification ; because it is very rare , that any towne hath more than twelve bulworks ; and as i have said before , these figures are called regular , because they have their sides , and their angles equall : all other formes are called irregular . chap. xiii . how to line and stake out any bulworke upon a regular figure . there can be no perfect fortification made , without the use of these precedent figures : as for our example , the figure sexagon is to have sixe bulworks ( viz. ) one upon every angle ; and so accordingly of the rest of the figures , so many angles as many bulworkes . but first , before we begin to fortifie any place , wee are to consider the scituation , and the forme and fashion of it ; to the end we may the better know how many bulworkes will be requisite : wherefore we will begin to fortifie the figure sexagon , because it is the first regular forme ; as for the triangle it selfe , it is altogether unproper to bee fortified , because the angles of it are too sharpe , and pointing out : and likewise for the uncapablenesse of the place : for such bulworkes as are made upon three angles , doe so farre point out and extend themselves , that they are of no strength to releeve each the other : likewise the square figure is very rarely fortified with bulworkes , unlesse in case of necessity , where it may bee help'd and assisted by some naturall strength , as skinkens-skonse by cleve , is naturally fortified and strengthened with two great rivers surrounding it . likewise the figure pentagon , although the points of it are more apter to be fortified , yet it is not capable of all those essentiall parts , that a perfect fortification ought to have . therefore we will begin to comment upon the figure sexagon ; and as we have shewed before , this figure is to have sixe bulworkes ( viz. ) one upon every angle : wee are further to suppose , that the figure aforesaid containes in circuit . geometricall paces , and five feet to every such pace ; so that every side betweene angle and angle , will containe . paces ; and being thus divided into sixe equall distances , of . paces in each , the whole amounts to . paces ; for sixe times . makes as before , . now it remaines to make a scale , as you may perceive in this figure following , marked with a b , with the which scale we will give all the proportions of this fortesse , which we now intend to set forth for an example to the ingenuous practitioner . the manner how to line out a fort , with the bulworks belonging to it . the figure being drawne , and the scale made after the forme in the precedent figure described ; then place the point of your compasse to the scale , and take . paces : and setting the point upon each angle make therewith a circumference , as you perceive upon the angle marked with the letter c , which circumferences will justly proportion the signes of each bulworke , as you may perceive it to be . paces on each side , which makes . then for the making of the flanckes to the bulworke , you must take . paces also : then you must draw a perpendicular line from p to q , of . paces , as the figure next following doth teach you : next we are to draw the line of defence , by which the bulworke is defended , drawne by the curtaine ( viz. ) from s , and passeth by the point q , and runneth into the bulworke r : view the following figure . lastly , the ditch ought to be drawn with a paralell line by the face of the bulworks , ( viz , ) from the lines r q , the length of . paces , for to proportion out the length of the foresayd ditch ; as appeares by the line drawn from m to n , the bastions of this fortresse are almost flanquered , with the third pa● of the whole curtaine : and this fortresse hath the flanckes fichans , as some enginieres terme it , because the line of defence which proceeds from the casmats , is not paralell ; and besides , the flancke fichant produceth a longer pand , than the other kinde of shouldred flanckes doe ; as appeares in the figure , by p and s. for the line p q , is a flancke fichant , and very serviceable in two respects ; as appeares by mounsieur bellayes discourse , pag. . touching the enemies securing himselfe from the canon , in the point of a bulworke , after a breach made , that the flancke fichant will be most offensive to him in that place ; as will appeare if a line be drawne from the angle of the flanck , to the flancked angle , for from thence a peece of artillery will fetch him out of the point , or cause him to goe farre in , or you may fetch him out from any place of the flancke neere to it , also by taking the defence from that part of the curtaine , you may place shot betwixt it and the flancke to defend the flancked angle : indeed errard hath made mention of a cheaper way of fortifying , by deciphering a bulworke with a more obtuse angle , a shorter pand , and a bulworke with a shorter diameter than this i have set forth : and as it is of lesse charge , so it is of small defence , in regard it is deficient of parts to defend it selfe : now i will further shew , both by discourse and figure , another kinde of fllancking , of this exagon forme in the next chapter following : the figure of this precedent discourse followes . chap. xiiii . how to fortifie the exagon figure , with the second kinde of flankes . in the precedent figure , you are directed how to line out the bulworkes upon an exagon figure ; and although the flankes thereof are so much discovered , that the enemy may ruine them in a short time : i shall now endeavour to shew you another kinde of flancke with a shoulder , as the next following figure hath , marked with , a a to the end that the flancke b should be covered from the force of the shot ; so that if the enemy should plant his ordinance upon the battery c. to shoot against the flancke b. it cannot possibly make a breach , because it must first ●atter downe the shoulder a. which will nothing advantage them to doe ; or if the enemy thinkes to passe by the shoulder with his shot , hee cannot possibly hit the flancke , but must grase against the curtin : and for this onely purpose the shoulder was first invented to joyne to the flancke . now for the forming the shoulder , you must part with your compasses , the length of this flancke into three equall parts , and take two of these parts to frame the shoulder a. the third part is the length of the flancke b. which shall bee tenne paces long , and fifty foot deepe into the bulworke : likewise the sayd shoulder ought to bee drawne right opposite to the point of the bulwork d. view the figure , and you shall perceive this allowance of depth into the bulworke , maketh a short line betwixt the extreames of the curtin b. b. especially if the wing bee allowed but feete : whereby some may judge it the lesse defensive , yet it will not prove so , in regard the defendants ( in case the enemy hath once gotten the bulworke ) may place more men upon the reintrenchment , then the enemy can place upon that line : but indeed the flancke lieth more open , whereby the artillery therein may bee dismounted more easily , then if the defence did proceed from the angle of the flancke , as you may perceive by the peeces of ordnance planted upon the catte e. how they directly beate into the middest of the flancke of the bulworke , passing downe by the line of defence : view the figure following . i shall take an occasion to frame a table of the dementions used in fortifying of bulworks : with the perapets , footsteps , counter-skarps , false-brayes , and sally-ports described . chap. xv. how to fortifie a place that is not capable of a regular fortification . svch figures and places may be termed irregular , which have not their angles and sides equall ; and being constrained to fortifie such places as for example , for the guarding of some ●oords of rivers , or fortifying upon some rocke , or upon some point of the sea , for the preservation of some port. in these necessities , wee are to accomodate our selves according to the nature of the place , and save the expence of money and time , which a royall fort would cost : for indeed there is nothing so strong as such places that are strong by nature , as you may perceive by the subsequent figure , which hath two broad rivers compassing two sides , which makes it very strong ; so that the simplest bulworkes there , are as defensible as the artificiallist : observe the figure , and you shall perceive the two halfe bulworkes in the farthest sides of the river marked with e. and f. are but halfe flanckes , because it is not to bee feared that the enemy can gaine the worke by any of those sides , but rather on that side where there is firme land , wherefore the bulworke c. is as a perfect forme . likewise you may take notice of the halfe moones , m. and n. which are places of retreate , for those that shall defend without , beyond the mote . the port of the towne is at p. the bridge is o. upon that side of the great river b. because there the enemy cannot so easily approach to raise a battery , being scanted in ground , the sayd river not allowing them space : the place you see marked with h. and l. are the platformes , and so called , because they are a plaine forme without flanckers , and are very commodious to plant along by the rivers . further , observe that the enginiere is to consider in all such irregular places , how many bulworkes it can well containe : for to raise more workes then needs must ; or to place fewer , whereby the distances from one worke to the other will bee too farre , will prove a great fault ; wherefore by the scale , you may take all the true distances ; as for those sides the rivers surrounds , few workes will serve : provided alwaies , they bee well guarded and man'd ; for oftentimes the enemy will put in practise some strattagem against that side you thinke your selfe securest of : for hee may make bridges of cords , and scale the walls , which will be a most difficult thing for him to doe , if you bee provided for him afore hand , for such an encounter : neverthelesse it will bee very good to make a halfe moone , where the guard may have certaine boats secure , to take a view up and downe the river ; especially the head of the river , towards x. least any boates should come downe the streames ; and likewise to stay all boates that shall passe by day and night , and search them , least they taste the same sharpe sauce that skinkens-skons , and breda once tasted of : the one having souldiers embarqued under hay , the other under turffe ; who tooke their opportunities and surprized the fortes , view the figure . chap. xvi . another irregular figure fortified . in the next figure following you may perceive fortified ( being surrounded with water ) only one open space , betwixt a and b. which must bee very strongly fortified , because it is the likeliest place for the enemy to make his approaches : for prevention whereof , the two halfe bulworkes c. and d. are raised , with two flanckes towards one side , to the end it should bee double defended ( viz ) from the flancks a. and b. likewise upon each side by the sea , there be simple bulworkes for to lodge the cannons there , for the defence of the port , the which is to bee shut with a chaine-bridge or draw-bridge : next you may behold a worke called a * horne-worke , which is framed of two halfe bulworkes e. f. the which horne-worke is defended from the bulworkes c. and d. and in the middest thereof is a halfe moone , which serves for a retreate and defence of the port : h these out-workes are excellent good , to cause the enemy to lose a great deale of time in winning them ; and when they bee gained , they shall immediately bee constrained to forsake them ; for they lying open to the inward workes , will soone force them out with the shot that shall be made from the bulworkes c. d. lastly , these halfe moones are of excellent use to hinder the enemy from mining under the bulworks , as the hollanders and others have found by experience . the figure followes in the next page : viewing the same , and examining the particulars of it with your compasses , and comparing it with this demonstrative discourse , will make you familiar and better able to understand it . chap. xvii . a third irregular figure fortified . this third figure is fortified with five bulworks , insomuch that it may be called pentagon irregular ; wherein we must consider , the diversity of sides , some being long , the rest short ; and raising bulworks upon these points , which falles accidentally irregular : some being too short , the rest too long , as you may perceive by the side no , to be more by the scale than . paces , which ought to be the ordinary distance betweene bulworks , or . for the longest : likewise you perceive qq , is lesse than . and . shorter than the rest ; here you may observe these faults , which a regular fort hath not , every bulworke being of an even distance , eyther of . or . paces at the most , or . and . at the least , is the true distance , to raise your bulworks in an equality of distance ; that which you see in the figure to be advanced beyond the shoulder , and likewise above the curtaine , as you may see from n to r , and from o to s , and from p to t , and from q to v , and so of the rest ; not taking the like distance for the other flancke , as you see by px , and qy ▪ the ordering of these differences ought to lye in the judgement of the judicious enginiere : let us observe the bulworke n , which ought to be sharpe pointed , because it is upon an angle very sharpe , long , and crooked , and out of distance to be flancked as you may see by n. to prevent the advantage an enemy might take if the point should be made out its full length , according as the ground would require , it is thought the safest way to cut off the said point m , and to fashion it with a double point , so as it may defend it selfe , and strengthen the bulworke the better , and a great deale lesse paines and travell in raising of it ; for indeed the very point of the bulworke must have beene raised a great way in the water , as you may observe by the prickes . take notice likewise of the two halfe moones before each port , which have their defences from the two bulworks on each side of them ; and as i have sayd before , they serve for a retreat to those that guard without , and likewise defend the ports from suddaine surprises : further , observe that the flanckes are but . paces , because of the small distance , for indeed their needs no such large flanckes ; for if they were bigger , then the bulworke should extend it selfe further into the river , which would be a mighty charge , and unprofitable ; as you may perceive by the bulworke q , the pricked lines that are marked in the water . lastly , observe for a generall rule , that in all workes of this nature , if the line totall of any side , be . paces , or thereabouts , that then the curtaine flanckes is made about . paces ; if shorter , then the curtaine shorter proportionably ; alwayes provided , that the flanckes looking each upon other , upon each curtaine , be neare of of equall length : for the shoulders , it maketh not much if they differ in the line , so they be of a sufficient thicknesse . view the subsequent figure . chap. xviii . a fourth irregular figure fortified . in this fourth figure , you may perceive two severall fortifications ; the angles being accordingly divided by the waters branching out , the one being marked with a , the other with b ; you may suppose it to be an arme of the sea , branching it selfe into three rivers , in the forme of a triangle ; and is fortified onely upon the sides , towards the land d , for on the waters side they are sufficiently fortified with the wall made defensive with platformes e. likewise you may observe the forked bulworkes . ff . this trianguler worke , is of no strength to be used upon plaines , ( as before i have shewed ) but onely where great waters are ; wherein consisteth their chiefest strength . and they were invented , to keepe and secure the mouth of havens ; where the governour of the ●ort is to command the ships that ride by , from the rampart g , and cause them to pay toule ; the water-port is to be below the rampart g. the figure followes in the next page , being the , chap. xix . a fifth irregular figure fortified . you may suppose the one side of this figure marked with h , to be some rocke or moorish ground unaccessible ; the other side , at the letter l , is firme land : wherefore it behoveth that the side l , should be very well fortified , according to the rules of a regular figure , that the enemy may finde it very difficult to gaine the place ; upon the other side , the walles are to be made very high , for feare of surprizall , without any workes of great consequence , will suffice . there ought to be also , upon the moorie or rockie side , h , a good ditch , yea though the rocke be so high , that no water can come into the ditch ; and if it should likewise happen that the other ditch l , on the land-side should be dry , and without water , yet there is a little wall that runnes along the ditch at bb , which is very profitable , to defend the said ditch : as you may perceive by those souldiers there defending , for they cannot be annoyed by the enemie , because they are below and under the shot of the canon : note this kinde of fortification is to be used but upon necessitie ; for no fort whatsoever can be accounted strong , unlesse the ditches of it will stand full of water : those ditches that are dry , serves onely to defend the counterscharpe , that which is full of water hinders the enemy from making his surprises ; as wee shall more at large discourse of afterwards . view the figure following in the . page . chap. xx. a discourse how the ancients fortified their townes . having sufficiently discourst about irregular figures of fortification , it now remaines , that we should take notice of such fortifications , as in former ages have beene used for the safeguard of townes ; and so take an occasion to discourse of the imperfections of our walled townes here in england , that we may not bee deceived in putting our confidence in the strength of them ; and afterwards wee shall observe the strength and perfection that our moderne enginieres have brought this art unto : wherefore note , the first fortifications that the ancients made use of , was naturall ; as strengthened by waters , by rockes , by mountaines , inaccessible and moorish quag-mires . we may see this by the king atilla , entering into italy with great force and strength , in such sort , that hee vanquisht all ; except , such as escaped and fied for their defence , into an island in the mediterranean sea , where they releeved themselves ; the place is now called venice , being partly scituated in the sea , and partly upon moores and quagmires ; so that the enemy could not come at them , neither with horse nor foot : but finding these places naturally strong , not to be sufficient to defend them , they began to joyne art to helpe fortifie nature ; laying a foundation round the towne , of bricke , stone , and lime ; building thereon very high walles , with square towers , some . paces a sunder ; from whence they did defend themselves and their walles . rome is the most antientest fortification ; which by the aforesayd walles , the river tyber , and the great hilles , they made shift to increase their dominions . likewise , in england we have divers old townes , as colchester , &c. but in short time , art grew more perfect ; and finding those foure square towers to be weake and unprofitable , by reason of the corners , being broken , the rest of the wall soone gave way to their engines ; wherefore they invented towers of a rounder forme , as being farre stronger , like to the fortification about ipswich , and norwich , as in the next chapter we shall discourse of : view the figure belonging to this discourse , following . chap. xxi . a second way which the ancients used to fortifie their townes . the former ages finding a disability in this former fortification ; they invented round towers , being far stronger by reason of their equalnesse in strength on all sides ; so that the enemy with their rams and battering engines , could not demolish those round towers , untill they had learned a way to get the foot of them , and to inmine themselves under , so that the defendants could not spie them ; as you may perceive by the letter a. at the foot of the tower : so that in short time , by helpe of their engines , they would overturne their towers ; and they within could not offend them from the next tower , as you may see by the line drawne from a. to b. wherefore they were constrained to finde out a remedy to strengthen themselves better . by this you may see what poore strength our ancient walled townes are of , if an enemy should oppose : i could wish better fortifications about some eminent townes neere the sea. view the figure . chap. xxii . the third way the ancients used to fortifie their townes . they having found the defects by woefull experience that accompanied this simple kinde of fortifications , they invented a third way , which was to fortifie with a kinde of angled figure ; which angles extended equally out , and the former ages termed them bastions : and these kinde of fortifications were so equally framed , that the enemy could finde no place to secure themselves under the walls of it ; but that the defendants could easily annoy them : then they thought themselves their crafts-masters , and that they had attained the perfection of the art of fortifying : but experience soone taught them , that their bastions were some longer then the other , and being altogether too little ; and so consequently of small defence : wherefore they were constrained to make another worke in the middest of the curtin , within the ditch , as you may perceive at a. the which they called a platforme ; which they thought could strengthen the defence of the curtin : but they found it did them more hurt than profit ; because it hindred the passage of the shot , from the flancke of the bulworke c. that it could not scower to the point of the other bulworke b. because of the hinderance of the platforme a. so that they were new to begin , as by the subsequent figure you may perceive . chap. xxiii . the fourth way the ancients used to fortifie their townes . the platforme in the precedent figure , which was devised to defend the bulworkes , were soone found to bee of small resistance : whereupon they did not much change the fashion of the figure , but the place of the platforme , whereas before it was set below : now they plac'd it above upon the rampiere , in the middest of the curtin , in the forme of a quadrangle ; the other being in forme of a circle , being in a place the enemy could not approach to : they counted the matter not great , of what forme it was , so it could lodge foure or sixe peeces of ordance to defend on both sides of it , as you may perceive by this perallellagram b. so that this hath changed its name from a platforme to a cavallier . but as before i have sayd the perfection of fortification being not fully found out ; they found this kinde of caviliere to bee a very feeble defenc , because it stood in such an eminent place : for wee must take this for a maxime ; that all such high places , if they bee not naturall , are subject to bee battered and ruin'd by the enemy : wherefore in short time they invented another way ; yet indeed , not very proper to defend the bulworkes , yet very good to discover into the plaines , about the fort ; and to hinde the approaches of the enemy , and to beate downe their gabions and trenches at their first comming . chap. xxiiii . the fift way the ancients used to fortifie their townes . the ancients having found out the precedent defects to have proceeded from the smalnesse of their bulworkes ; they thought the best way was to make their workes bigger : so they began to frame them according to our moderne fashions , of which wee shall afterwards discourse ; onely wee will content our selves to observe the figure following , being the first invention of fortresses : and this kinde of fortifying was in those daies thought to bee the most perfect , untill our moderne warres found out the way to frame their bulworks , with round thick shoulders to cover and secure the ●●anckes from the violence of the shot , as in the beginning of this booke i have shewed : now it remaines in the next chapter , to shew the reasons of our moderne fortifications , with all their dependancies ; and first wee will discourse of the true measures and proportions of them , which at this day are in use , and accounted the most perfectest that ever were invented ; which wee account now to bee infallible maximes of this art : view the figure following . chap. xxv . of the measures and proportions of our moderne fortresses . we have formerly discourst of ancient fortresses , of their defects and remedies ; now it remaines wee should intreate of our moderne workes , which are now brought to bee most perfect , in regard of those ancient fortifications before mentioned : and first wee will speake of their measures and proportions ; the which must serve us for maximes , because they are grounded upon very good and infalible reasons , as experience hath shewed , and doth teach us dayly . i. that fortresses are composed of many bulworkes , and that the sayd bulworkes should bee of equall distances , and of equall angles ; the ground being so large , that a regular worke may bee raysed thereon , as neere as may bee equally : as for irregular workes , necessity must drive us to make them ; wanting the commodiousnesse of ground , that the regular figure should have . ii. the bulworkes ought to bee large and spacious , to the end they may re-intrench themselves , and the point or angels as blunt as possible may bee made . iii. that the entery or mouth of the bulworke , ought to bee from sixty to seventy paces ( viz. ) thirty or thirty five from each end of the curtin , to the midest or point of the entrance into the mouth of the bulworke . iiii. that the defence of the bulwarkes , ought to bee taken from the third part of the curtin ; at the least , as in all formes or figures of . . and . and of those of . . . . of the halfe of the curtin . as for the pentagon , it will permit the taking of the fift part of the curtin , because the angels are not so much pointed . as for the square figure , it ought not to bee put amongst the number of fortresses , and much lesse the tryangle ; for they onely are to bee raised in places of advantage , which are strong by nature , or in a campe or siege of a towne . v. the line of defence ( viz. ) the distance that is taken from the flanke , to the point of the bulworke opposite to it ; ought to bee paces ( viz. ) five foot to each pace at the least , and at the most : although erard alloweth not above ● toyses , sixe foot to the toyse amounts to feete : but his errour i shall afterwards shew ; and likewise the reason why i allow foot more then he doth . vi , the line of the flancke ought to bee thirty paces , and if the shoulders of the bulworke bee comprised in it ; then the flancke ought to bee larger by the third part , ( viz. ) tenne paces , and twenty paces for the formi●g of the shoulders . vii . the ditch or moate , ought to bee thirty paces broad , and running even by the sides of the bulworkes . viii . in the middest of the ditch , there ought to bee a cave digged deeper then the rest , some foure paces broad . ix . the counter-scarpe there , ought to bee framed , with stones without lyme . x. vpon the counterscarpe , there ought to bee an alley three paces broad , with a breast-worke ready to defend them ; so that they may kneele and lay their peeces over it to discharge : and the ground is to bee made all even beyond it , that the enemy may have no bancke to defend himselfe . xi . all the good earth which is beyond the counterscarpe , ought to bee thrown away , a musquet shot from it ; and all kinde of stones to bee plac't there in the roome of it , which will infinitely offend the enemy , being battered about with the shot from the walles of the fort. xii the halfe moones which are plac't in every angle betweene two bulworks , ought to bee forty paces ( viz. ) twenty on either side ; and the defence thereof , ought to bee alwaies taken as neere as possibly may bee towards the curtin ; the ditch therof being foure paces at least in breadth . xiii . the ditch or moat , ought to bee thirty foot deepe ; being well stored with all kinde of fish , which may bee a great helpe to sustaine them in the time of a siege . xiiii . the wall or foundation of the fort , ought to bee thirty foot high . xv. the rampier above the foundation of the wall , ought to bee likewise . foot in height , and . foot broad ; both curtins and bulworks , are to have a parrapet answerable , and a foot-step for the muskatiers to step upon , to make them of sufficient height to discharge their musquets over . xvi . vpon the entery or mouth of every bulworke , there ought to bee a cavaliere eight foot high , and twenty paces large : so that three or foure peeces of canon may bee planted there for the making of counter-batteries . xvii . the place of the hankes ought to bee fifty foot broad , and . or . foot long . xviii . the rightnesse of the shoulders ought to bee . foot long , in such sort that it may shoot right to the point of the opposite bulworke . xix . that such sally-ports as are necessary , ought to bee . foot broad , made under the wall in the hancke , betweene the shoulder of the bulworke and the end of the curtin , to bee brick't over like a vaute ; and at each end of it , a very strong foulded gate . these sallyes are for the souldiers to passe into the false-bray to defend the moat , and the foot of the bulworkes and curtins . xx. the false-●ray , ought to bee . or . foot broad from the foot of the bulwork , to the moat : at the very foot of the rampiers , is planted a bed of quick-set , two foot broad , which will not onely hinder the enemy from sudden running through it ; but also stayes up such earth as shall bee battered downe , from falling into the moat : next the moat , the false-bray hath a breast-worke , three or foure foot high for the musquetiers to shoot over to defend the moate . xxi . that above the end of the shoulder called the orillion , there ought to bee an imbracer , for to place a peece of ordnance , to batter against the ruines that the enemy should make , in the face of the bulworke . xxii . that the rampiers ought to bee made as much sloping , as they are high ; which is their naturall sloping : pinching inwards , that the water may shoot off : view the table following , and reason will not only allow it , but will also reprehend mounsier bellay , page . who allowes onely one foot slope , in . or . foot height : so that a wall being . foot high , by his rule shall have but . foot slope ; which would make it so steepe , that without the battering of the canon , every shower of raine will wash it and moulder it downe : observe your best fortifications , as zutphen , and densburge , in gilderland are by this rule framed . xxiii . that such foundations of stone or bricke-workes as are made against waters , or otherwise to beare up the fortifications of earth ; ought to bee . foote broad below , and . foot above , and to slope halfe their height : mounsier bellay would have them perpendicular , but hee is wide from the true marke . xxiiii . there must bee a parrapet or brest-worke , upon the outside of the rampier , . foot high , and . foot broad , onely upon the bulworkes : the curtins needs not bee so thicke by ● parts : at the foot of the parrapet is a banck a foot and halfe high or more to stand upon , for their easie shooting over : the parrapet is to slope upon the top of it , that they may levell downe to the motes side by the false-bray . now because these proportions , of heights ; depths , lengths , and bredths , with the true slopings , cannot so well be demonstrated by figure , in the deliniating out the parts of a fort. i have devised a way by making a table which shall give you satisfaction : wherefore suppose every of the little squares to bee five foot , every way square : so that by the number of them , you may easily perceive the dimensions of every part of the fortresse : the table followes in the next page . chap. xxv . of fortresses in generall , and of their perfections and imperfections . a fortresse may well bee compared to a man : the bulworkes are the head ; the hanckes , the eyes ; the curtins , the armes ; and so of the other parts : now if the head bee not wel-disposed , then all the other members will bee found ill : even so those bulworkes which are not formed according to the disposition which is requisite , all the fortresse is imperfect ; and is subject to five kinde of maladies , or imperfections . the first is the battery , when the enemy raises his cavaliers , and with his canon , batters downe the walls , ruining them to nothing which the art of man artificially had built : shewing that nothing can bee made so perfect , but it may bee defaced . the second is the mine , which is made under the earth , and passeth under the counter-scarpe and moate , untill it comes under the bulworke , and so blowes it up with powder . the third is treason ; enticing the chiefe officers with guifts and monies , and gaining the affections of inferiour souldiers , by faire promises and gifts ; whereby they are allured to yeeld up the fort into the hands of the enemy . the fourth maladie , is sudden surprizes : as when an enemy betakes him to a course , contrary to the opinion of many , faining some other designe , marching all night , arives at point of day , without making any noice : plants his petards against the ports , and his scaling-ladders upon the walls , making himselfe master both of bulworkes , rampars , and ports , before those of the guardes are sensible of it ; especially before they can bee capable of resistance . the fift and last is a long siege , which ruines the workes of the fortresse , wastes their men , money , provision , and amunition ; whereby the fort and souldiers should bee sustained , being thereby brought to such an exigent of distresse ; that they are constrained to render up the fort , rather then perish by famine , sicknesse , and the like . for the remedying and preventing of these grievous maladies and imperfections ; wee ought like the wise physitian , alwaies to have some soveraigne salve or antidote to apply according to the cause thereof : wherefore it is great wisedome for us to examine from point to point , the defects , that wee may attaine the perfect knowledge of them ; whereby wee may gaine honour by making the perfecter cure : wherefore first let us examine the battery , and the defects thereof ; that wee may apply the remedy that is proper to it . batteries are made after divers fashions , as first , the enemy making divers gabions or great baskets , placing them accordingly , and filling them full of good earth , which serves them for a shelter , in making their first approaches : afterwards approaching neerer , they raise their cavaliers , and plant their double canons thereon , to batter downe the defences , and ruine their bulworkes ; then by their approaches in trenches under the earth , just to the side of the counter-scarpe , they may come to ruine their flanckes , which the defendants cannot see to prevent ; when at the first approaches they make use of gabions : those within the fort must helpe themselves by making counter-batteries of their cavaliers , and batter downe their gabions ; which may easily bee done , if the cannoneers bee skilfull , whereby the enemy will bee kept in continuall action ; for there is no doubt but that the enemy makes approaches , to the end ( as being master of the field ) hee shall gaine his desires in a short time : but the defendants within the fort , may make him loose his time , which is the principall thing a good fortresse can doe , for they must expect reliefe to assist them , to cause his departure sooner ; or that the deadnes of winter will make the enemy retreat against his will. the principall thing to bee required from the strength of a fort , is to keepe off the enemy , and delay him ; making him loose his time , nothing being more precious then the same : as to bee alwayes blockt up to perpetuity in a fort , is not the thing requirable : to answer the objection that the enemy may batter downe our walles , and ruine our bulwarkes , a table of the heights and proportions of every particular limbe of a fort , belonging to a fort. l the counter scarpe and the brestworke . f the walles . a the monnt of the rampart within . m the curider . g the ditch or mote . b the rampart . n the fote-banke to step on , to discharge over . h the defence in the mote called c●●e . c the parrapets . o the plaine field lying shelving . i the little ditch in the middest of the mote . d the sloping of the parrapets .     e the way for the rounds . place this figure betwixt folio . and . from their cavaliers or batteries ; for the effecting of this they have but small time ; and it will prove very troublesome and dangerous to scale the same breaches ; because our walles shall be raised in such sort , that the counterscarpe shall be almost of equall height with them ; so that the enemy shall not come at them with their ordnance , to make any deepe breach ; for from their platformes they shall no more then see the top of the workes , as you may perceive by this subsequent figure at a. b. and as for the workes of the fort , they are made so sloping , that the cannon bullet cannot possihly batter it downe : and they are so thicke , that the bullets rest in the middest of the thicknes ; they being foot thick , and above ; so that a cannon cannot possibly pierce halfe thorough , especially if the earth bee good , and well rammed downe together . the cannons a. is the enemies battery , which cannot hold possibly but sixe peeces , because it cannot bee broader then the mote : and these are planted there to batter downe the flanckes ; which will bee difficult to doe , in regard the defendants in the fort have sixe other peeces to oppose them , and a good thick parapet for their defence , as those of the flanckes ought to be . b. is the other battery of the enemy which they plant to batter downe the shoulders of the bulworkes ; which they will finde hard to doe , in regard of their thicknesse and roundnesse . now let us discourse of the defects which may come by springing of mines , which is the most dangeroust disease incident to the ruining of bulworkes : wherefore observe , when the enemy first maks his approaches with trenches and vaults under the ground , being conveyed under the counter-scarpe and mote , and so under the bulworke ; having there plac't a sufficient quantity of powder , fire being given to the trayne , will blow up the worke and all within it . to redresse this inconvenience , and to hinder the enemies mining : there must instead of good earth , bee gravell and stones , which would hinder their mining : and besides these stones would fall downe upon their heads , unlesse they framed supporters to stay it , which would bee an infinite charge and trouble : those stones would bee very offensive to the enemy being battered about amongst them by the ordnance from the walls ; it would more hurt and annoy them , then the ordnance themselves : further if the mote bee full of water , and the graft in the middest of it made so deepe as before is declared ; it will bee a meanes to drowne them in their trenches and mine : if the mote ●ee drie , they may easily mine under it : but for prevention of this their mining , there are divers wayes to discover it ; as first , by making a vaut downe deepe into the earth in the most suspected place ; and there placing a drum brac'd , laying di●e or small stones upon the top of it ; if the enemy bee working in the ground , the reverbe●ation of their stroakes , will make the dice or stones skippe up and downe : or a bason of water upon a wooll-sacke , workes the same effect ; this being discovered , you may suffer the enemy to dispose his powder in the mine , and when they are gone to give fire to the traine , in the interim to mine to it and take it away : the like hath beene done many times in the netherlands : but the surest way to prevent the force of the powder in the mine ( if all other devices faile ) is by making a vaute downe deepe into the earth in the most suspected place●●nd from it make divers vents for the powder to breath out of , and cover the ho●es slightly over with bushes and earth to darken the place . now when the enemy shall come to undermine the bulworke , he shall come to worke into that vaute ; where divers souldiers being within it ready provided for their comming , shall repulse the enemy , they having great advantage over them because the vaute is large , and formed proper and fit for defence : the trenches of the enemy being so small , they cannot stirre in them ; and suppose the enemy should worke into the mine , and finding no resistance , places his powder , and makes his traines ; yet it cannot take any effect because of thoses hole , which let out the force of the powder . thirdly , for the prevention of treason , by the seducing the captaine , and gaining the souldiers loves by gifts and promises : in this case wee must make choise of a trusty faithfull captaine for governour , which must bee allowed sufficient maintenance , and having a good estate of his owne : likwise the souldiers must bee well payed , and suffer no discontents to bee given them ; there is nothing in the world discontents a souldier more , then debarring or misreckoning him in his pay : further you may by the demeanoure of souldiers perceive if they be bribed ; first they cannot containe themselves when they have money , but they will play or drink more then ordinarily before , or shew their moneys , or buy themselves apparell . notice being taken of these things , the judicious captaine must have them in examination , and search them , and upon the least suspicion commit them . for the prevention of surprises that the enemy may suddenly make , by placing his petards against the ports ; and hanging up his scaling-ladders in the night , or at point of day ; this may easily bee remedied , if the garrison bee well ordered and disciplined , if they keepe their guards and centinels , as they ought to place them in every apt and convenient place , ( viz. ) every bulworke to have a corpes due guard in it ; and the centuries placed some tenne paces one from the other : likewise at the foot of the bridge , ought to bee a halfe moone with a continuall guard in it ; and the sayd bridge being made winding , ought to have two or three draw-bridges , and between each draw-bridge a standing gate ; all the ports or gates ought to have a grate before it , after the fashion of a gridiron , which must beare out from the substance of the gate halfe a foote : this will prevent the enemy from blowing open the gates , because the force of the petard will bee spent before it can touch the massie substance of the gate , the grate giving way to the force of it : besides in the middest of the bridge ought to bee a guard built , where continually a century must stand to open and shut the gates upon all occasions : further , the captaine of the watch must send out his rounds , and counter-rounds one after the other ; whose duty is , to see every guard and centinell doe his duty , and likewise to bee vigilant to discover the enemies approaches . further , upon the highest steeple or towre within the fort or towne , ought to bee a centinell day and night , to overview the wayes and passages , and to take notice of all noyse and deanes , or the sparkling of matches ; and by the sound of a trumpet to give an alarum : if in the day-time any troopes are discovered , he is to give so many sounds as there be severall persons ; if the troopes bee foot-men , then the sentinell is to hang out a white-flag , on that side the tower which the port is of they come ; if horse-men , then he is after the same manner to hang out a red flag : by this the guardes are warned to be in a readinesse , and the ports ( if it be day-time ) immediately to be shut up , and spies sent out to discover what they are , and their intents . further , if intelligence should be gained that the enemy is a foot , then to be more warie and set a double watch ; these things may seeme sufficient , for prevention of the premises . the last maladie or imperfection , is a long siedge ; which spends both men and munition , their food and provision to maintaine them . to this we must reply . that a fortified towne , ought alwayes to be provided with men and ammunition , and all kinde of other provisions ; as corne of all kindes , beere , wine , salt-fish , bacon , vineger , or any thing else that is sit to sustaine the life of man ; sufficient of salt-peter , brimstone , &c. for making of powder , and wild-fire ; store of lead for bullets , and the like . further , such a fort ought alwayes to have a troope of horse in it , and store of provision for them ; whose office are to make incursions upon the enemy , and to discover his marches and designes . moreover , there must be good store of ordnance ; especially some peeces , for they will be able to doe better serviue than the great canons , in two respects ; as first , the expence of powder will be lesse ; secondly , they are easier to be removed from place to place , as occasion shall bee offered : the well managing and orderings in such a fort , is of great consequence ; for we must conceive , an enemy is at three times the expences , let him be as provident as he can ; further , the enemy being constrained to lose his time and spend his meanes and treasure , by bringing an army against them ; which shall eyther cause them to raise their siedge ( as grave maurice van nassaw did at the siedge of bergen-up-zone , he marching his army to rosand●ll , caused marquesse spinola to raise his siedge ) otherwise a greater advantage may be taken , as the same noble prince once did : ost-end being beleaguered , he thinking to have raised the siedge of duke john de austria , finding him so strongly intrencht , retreated with his armie , and pitcht before sluce , and suddainly tooke it . thus you may see the properties of a strong garrison , how necessary they are in all respects ; such imperfections as cannot be eschewed , must be borne withall , seeking to prevent them in the best and safest manner we may . i hope this discourse will give a reasonable satisfaction to any man that is an ingenuous souldier ; as for others , i leave them to censure like themselves . in the following chapter , we will discourse of the diversitie of moderne fortifications . chap. xxvi . of foure kindes of fortifying now in use ; french , spanish , italian , and holland ; and first of the manner of fortifying in france . having formerly spoken of the first inventions of fortifications , and how they have beene reduc'd from imperfect , to better formes ; but because all mens opinions and judgements are various , and not a like assenting , one esteeming one fashion to be best , and others of a quite contrary conceit , maintaine that another forme is better . therefore principally i have made choice to discourse of , and decipher these foure kindes of fortifyings ; and the rather , because these countries lying open to their enemies , have beene very ingenuous to fortifie their townes for their better security , very strongly ; for in such places , there is nothing of greater consequence belonging to state affaires , than an absolute forme in fortifying , and in discoursing of their severall inventions : wee will compare the properties and improperties of them together , and so follow the best forme , and eschew the worst . the french are opinionated , the face of the bulworke should bee defended by musketiers , therefore they will not have the defence of the flanke to the point of the bulworke , to be of greater distance than musket-shot : which is not above . paces . likewise they will have the defence of the bulworke to be taken onely from the flanke , the reason is , because the angle of the point of the bulworke is more obtuse , then if they should take the defence from the curtin , and so consequently more firme and strong , for to resist the battery : they will likewise have a good mote with a kinde of parapet running in the middest of it , which betweene the two bulworkes hath a kinde of worke for souldiers to defend the breach of the flankes , which they terme cune , this mote is to be full of water ; at deusbrough in gelderland they raised in the mote , in the equall distance betweene the bulworks onely , a kinde of halfe moon , extending it selfe like to this figure . these kinde of workes , they hold very necessary to prevent an enemy from any suddaine surprizes , by laying over bridges , or comming over in leather boates ; a continuall watch being kept there , prevents their designes ; the figure followes . chap. xxvii . how the french fortifie their irregular figures . vpon a line of . toises , they will have formed a single tenaille . vpon a line of . or . toises , they will have raised two bastions . vpon a line of a . or . toises , they raise a double tenaille , or two halfe bulworks . vpon a line of . toises , they raise one bastion and two halfe bastions . for better demonstration of this , we will suppose an irregular peece of ground , to be fortified ; as q , r , s , t , v , and in regard no ground is to be lost , we must first consider all the severall measures at the out-most sides of it ; and first , drawing a right line , as a , b , of . toises , and upon the same line followes these precedent rules , they raise there one bastion , and two halfes taken from the octagon , looke at the point a. likewise , from the point a , draw a line from a. p , of . toises or thereabouts , upon the which they raise two halfe bastions , then drawing the line p , o , upon the which they raise one bastion , and two halfes , according as the first is ; and also as the line o , x , hath : and also of all the rest , according as they shall finde the length or distances . many times they desire the wall of the towne should be secured from the curtin . next after this following figure , i shall draw another figure , that shall demonstrate that kinde of flanking from the curtin . moreover , when your french engineeres fortifie an irregulrr figure , and that the line of defence is to be taken from the curtins ; then suppose the place to be fortified , to be b , a , p , l , n , m. o , and that the wall being set in the outmost verge of the ground , must serve for the curtines wholly : the figure being proportioned as you see the next following is , they draw a line from c , d , e , f , of . toises , where they finde there must be raised upon the same line , one bastion , and two halfes , and one simple tenaille ( viz. ) the bastion e , the two halfe ones d , and f , and the single tenaille d , c , and having drawne the lines round the towne , leaving sufficient distance betweene the walles , for to raise the bastions ; then they take the space of . or . toises , from the flanke of one bulworke , to the point of the other . thus every bastion will stand right within musket-shot to be defended as the regular figures are . this they use onely for the fortifying of some old wall in haste , and without much charge ; otherwise a rampart may be raised of earth , and these workes made to it . the figure followes . chap. xxviii . the manner of the spaniards fortifying . the manner of the spaniards fortifying , differs nothing from the french ; for they hold the same rules ; ( viz. ) they take their defence from the flankes , and they observe the same distance from the flanke , to the pointe of the bulworke : onely they use greater compast shoulders to cover their flankes , as you may perceive by the figure following marked a. note that he that intends to fortifie , must have a speciall regard to the matter he intends to put in execution , and to the potencie of his enemie , to the end he may apply a convenient remedie , to every thing that shall require it : for if we have to doe with a puissant politike enemy , we must spare no cost and charge ; not onely to fortifie , but also to make the workes large , and spacious , and of able strength to resist the battering canon ; to the end likewise , they may make divers re-intrenchments ; lest it should happen as once it did to the spaniards , at the fort called the golette , which was made to keepe the haven for the king of spaine ; but having by experience found the defects of it ; ( they having observed the true rules of forming it ) their errour was in making the bulworkes too little ; so that when the turke came with his great army , there could not men be plac'd to defend it . as we shal afterwards discourse of the line of defence , of the perfection of it , as i may terme it , because in the just proportion thereof , depends the conservation of the fortresse . wherefere now we use to make our bulworkes larger , when we first raise them ; for should they be too small , there were no helpe ; but if our enemy be but weake in his forces , in such a case wee shall not need to be at that cost and labour to make our workes so large , onely the walles , raised with earth , and palizadoed about with bulworkes , without shoulders : likewise the out-workes , as halfe-moones , and horne-workes , and the like , may bee spared , so that the workes be made according to rule , and the mote full of water will be sufficient to keepe the enemy from surprizing it . view the figure following . chap. xxix . of the venetians manner of fortification . the venetians have found by experience the rules and maximes of the spaniards , touching the manner of their defences , they having small differences as is to bee seene by that admirable fortified towne in the isle of crete named nicolia ; with his bulworkes well ordered , onely they were too little , not having space sufficient in them for retrenchment ; the turke besieged it , and wonne it with the fort of fumogasta , and all the isle of crete ; which the turkes possesse to this day ; they finding the inconveniences insident to these small workes , they began to make their workes more spacious in the towne of palma la nova , upon the flankes thereof they might place more men for defence ; and likewise they might re-intrench the oftner : for their enemy the turke was most potent , and likewise the emperor , wherefore they made spacious bulworkes , which they termed bulworkes royall ( viz. ) large spacious workes , with large bouted shoulders , as the figure following will better instruct you . chap. xxx . a comparison betweene the rules of fortification handled in this treatise with the rules of others ; with certaine answers to divers objections in fortification . in the beginning of this discourse of fortification , we have fully described the rules ; how to fortifie after the low-country manner , being the most absolutest manner that can be invented ; we will not lose the time to repeat it againe , they being drawne with the same proportions , that at this day is , or ought to bee used in all places in europe , that is famous for fortification : and in our progression we will indeavour to make some comparisons , betwixt our moderne way of fortifying , and the ancient manner formerly used : from thence we shall draw the knowledge of the perfection of this art , how farre it exceeds the writings and practises of former ages . first , we will begin with the spanish and french ; and by the way , let us observe the oppositions that the french will have about the line of defence , in their fortifications , the principall enginieres in france , as also errard de barledce , which hath writ of fortification ; and he would have the defence of the bulworke to to be . toises , which is . venetian paces , that is . feet english by the rule , . inches to each foot ; to the end ( sayes he ) that it may be defended with muskets ; ●lledging further , that the canon can doe no great hurt or damage , in regard of the uncertaintie of the shot ; and because they cannot be discharged so often as the muskets , but there will be a great deale of intermission betwixt shot and shot . he further opposes , that the defence ought to be taken from the flanke : because sayes he , it makes the bulworke more obtuse in his angle-flanke . to these oppositions we must make answer altogether , because the remedies of one of these faults , depends upon that of the other : and first ; we must know and hold for a maxime infallible , that no fortresse but ought to be made with all advantages : so that it may be able to defend against a great number ; as if i should say ; the advantage must be so great , that one man may resist ten , this being taken for a ground and rule , we come now to confute this french opinion . ( viz ) the line of defence they hold ought not to bee above . toises , or sixtie feet english , or to be the most ; because ( saith he ) or . toises is the furthest a musket can shoot , to defend with them ; further , the canon they alledge is of small validitie , in regard of its uncertaintie in shooting , so that it doth small damage to the enemy . if the french enginieres will maintaine this argument , they must of necessity destroy the flankes ; making them so small for the lodging of musketiers in them ; but i say that cannot be done , because they must be larger to lodge farre more souldiers , for the defence of the fortresse ; for they ought to be . toises large with the shoulders , as mr. errard intends to give to each flanke ; which amounts to some . paces , . foot to each pace , and this is but capable to lodge . souldiers on the sayd flanke , allowing . foot distance for each souldier to use his armes in : now doe but observe , how the enemy will have a wonderfull advantage , by making his approaches in his roling trenches , and mines under the earth , which shall bring them to the counter-scarpe , where being arrived , they can raise their batteries , and cause their ordnance to beate continually upon the heads of the musketiers that defend the flankes , or the place that is to be assaulted ; so that they cannot be able to make resistance , or to doe them any hurt from the walles ; besides , the mote being large , the enemy may lodge in his workes , three times as many souldiers , which shall continually shoot against the hankes of the fort , and keepe them under ; so that their defence will be to no purpose : moreover , the enemy having raised his batteries within distance , hee will soone beate those musketiers from off the shoulders of the bulworke , causing them to retreat ; they having then but the space , which is rescued by the flanke , being but . or . toises , which is but distance enough for . or . souldiers ; how doe you thinke then , they shall bee able to resist . which shall be upon the counter-scarp , and under it ? furthermore i demand , if he will not have the flankes defended with ordnance , how will he be able to impeach and hinder the enemie from making their traverses or galleries over the mote , for to march over and assault the breach the canons have made in the bulworkes . now if you will please to observe the excellencie of the canon for the defending and offending which in a most absolute way is performed ; namely , if the enemy makes his approaches close to the mote as before is sayd , yet he durst not enter the mote , because of the shot that shall come continually from the flankes ; wherefore to prevent the danger of the shot , they are constrained to take the earth that is taken out of the trenches , to make a sufficient barricado against such places as they shall shoot from ; so that the force of a canon shall doe small hurt , and shall not be able , without great trouble , to hinder their approaches , they being secured by their workes . much lesse then can the musket-shot prevaile to hinder them , so that they will soone gaine the bulworke , after the gallery is put over the mote ; because they may have a recourse securely from gun-shot , and by this meanes undermine the bulworke or scale it , as the figure before named will demonstrate . moreover , the enemy may make galleries over of timber , covering it over with earth , to prevent the firing of it with wild-fire , which they within the fort may cast upon it for that purpose . likewise , the mote being full of water , they may prepare bridges of boates , covered over with earth or raw hides , to preserve them from fire : i would gladly know , how these proceedings of an enemy might bee prevented without the canon , onely by muskets , as the french engineere would have it ? moreover they doe reply , that although they would have the musketiers to defend from the flankes , yet not at all times would they bee destitute of the canon : which may serve for such purposes as to hinder the enemies designes . i say all good orders and rule so ought to be necessarily observed ; contrarily , disorder and confusion ought to be echewed , as the greatest discommodity . the french replyes , yes , he intends good order should be kept and observed , that every one may know what he ought to doe : and that they should put all their strength and industrie to to acquit themselves from the enemy . to which we may truly object , that the flankes being the eyes of the fortresse , they ought not to bee imployed about any other thing , but to spend the time in hindering and offending the enemy , from makeing his galleries or traverses : now the musketiers are not able to performe that duty , but altogether hinders the operation of the canons ; for if the canons comes to be discharged , they must hinder the muskets from defending the face of the bulworke , for they being two different things that cannot stand together , one of the two must be slighted as insufficient ; wherefore we must conclude , that muskets are not proper to be plac'd in the flankes , because they are not of force to beate downe the traverses , and hinder the enemies approaches unto the bulworke . the engineeres in france , can hardly be brought to beleeve this ; but that the canon is altogether unprofitable , and and that the musketiers are all in all ; to this we may answer without contradiction , that in all things due order is to be observed , as errard himselfe confesses : wherefore take notice , the office of the flankes is onely to pierce and batter the traverses , and crosle-workes , which the enemy shall raise upon the counter-skarpe , and that the muskets ought to bee plac'd in another place , more apt for them to doe the same office , which he would have them performe in the flankes . now i dare say their eares glowes to heare what place is aptest to place the musketiers in , to performe the same office they would have them doe in the flankes , ( which is onely to defend the face of the bulworke ) they being ignorant of any other place from whence they may defend . now you shall both see and judge their imbecility , whether it be more apter and convenient to take the defence with musketiers from the flanke , or from the curtin , which is farre better , and also from the cavalliaris ; whereby the defence is made threefold : let us but weigh the discommodity we have , with the commodity we ought to receive , and then make choise of one of the two , which seemes probablest for our best service . wherefore it is not to be doubted , but that a bulworke well guarded with souldiers , is farre stronger than one that is onely defended with a stone or earthen wall without men . the strength that is to be expected in a stone or earthen wall , is the forming of the workes more obtuse , and so consequently the stone wall is strongest : and yet there is no comparison or proportion in it , to a worke that is defended with men . further , as before we have related , that a spacious obtuse bulworke is compared to a strong man without armes , for his armes are his defence , that is , the souldiers which continually shoote from either side of the bulworke . wherefore wee may safely conclude , with that maxim which the hollanders and venetians hold to be most proper & profitable ; to take the defence from the third part of the curtin : if you please to observe in the first figure of fortification the commodiousnesse of it , that then i make no question , you will consent with my opinion , and conclude i have made those former propositions cleere . now it follows i should answer another objection of errards , and withall , give some good instructions about the length of the line of defence . ( viz. ) the distance from the corner of the flanke , to the point of the next bulworke opposite . he maintaines , it ought not be above . or . paces , for if it be longer , he sayes it is out of musket-shot ; all good rules are to be grounded upon firme reasons and sound grounds , wherefore we will discourse and illustrate this proposition , that thereby we may gaine experience and profit . because a musket cannot possible convey a bullet so farre as a canon , therefore the line of defence should be answerable to their shooting , or conveying their shot ; by this we intend that the musketiers which are ordained for the defence of the bulworke , should have their distances . or . paces , being plac'd upon the third part of the curtin ; and those that are plac'd below upon the worke in the mote before the cunette , which is to be esteemed one of the principall defences ; and likewise the canon may have for his line of defence from the flanke and cavalliares to the point of the bulworke , . or . paces at the most ; whereby the enemies galleries and traverses may be hindered and broken downe . suppose this to be the advantage and commodity we gaine by this large distance in hindring the enemy from having a distance , which otherwise he will take by reason of the breadth of the mote , from battering downe the flankes , for he is able to batter . or . paces ; yet in regard the mote is so large , and the workes hee is constrayned to make before his battery for to preserve it , causeth the battery to stand at the least paces from the flanke : now i would gladly know what hurt a battery can effect , shooting such a distance against a strong bulworke well shouldered , and if hee bring his battery neerer ; into what eminent danger hee brings himselfe you may plainely perceive by this figure following , which being viewed , wee will proceed and answere other of his objections . you see wee have fairely gotten the day of the french enginiere , both by grounds of solid reasons , and by our demonstrative figure , which cleare all his objections : now it remaines to have another veny with him about the mote or ditch , which they would have full of water to the brimme ; because saith hee , it is very difficult for the enemy to get over to scale the workes : wherefore hee demands , whether a dry ditch or mote bee better then that : to which i make answere , that betwixt two extreames wee ought alwaies search out the middle proportion ( viz. ) not to decline too much to the one , nor the other ; but to keepe the golden meane , and part them in the middest equally : therefore wee will not condemne a full mote of water altogether , neither will wee condemne a quite drie mote ; but wee will participate of both , ( viz. ) that one halfe of the mote or ditch should have water , the other halfe should bee without ; so by consequence , it should be halfe full , one should serve to prevent surprises , the other should bee the defence thereof : experience teacheth , that such a mote is the best and perfectest of all ; for the mote which is brimme full , is a hinderance to them in the fort , and keepes them as if they were in a prison , and disables them from defending the ditch but onely from above the wals , which is but a poore defence , in regard the first thing an enemy practiseth at his approaches , is to batter against the toppe of the walles , and beate the defendants under ; so that there remaines no defence for the ditch , but from the flankes : now on the contrary , those that have their motes halfe dry , they can intrench themselves therein , and keepe off the enemy without any danger to themselves ; without the which the enemy would soone finde great advantage by annoying the toppes of the walles from their batteries ; so as you should not bee able to shoot over without great losse of men : and if the enemy should give an assault , he must first be constrained to winne this worke made within the mote by great difficultie : the defendants are secured from the flanckes , and from the workes above them ; they having a good parapet before them for their cover , and halfe the breadth of the mote for their securitie ; and likewise upon all occasions to retreate into the bulworkes by the sally-ports that are plac't in the flanckes : and in regard this kinde of defence lyes so low that the enemy cannot see it , whereby it the harder to bee gained by him ; by these circumstances wee conclude , that a mote or ditch made in this kinde , is the most safest and most defensive against the enemy . i hope this discourse will satisfie any souldier of reasonable capacity : in the next chapter wee will frame our discourse about the manner and proceedings that ought to bee observed in assaulting and defending these fortresses . chap. xxxi . the manner how to gaine and defend these fortresses . the enemy having viewed a fort , and found out the fittest places to gaine it , ( which are to bee supposed these following , ) first , the ground being proper and easie to make the trenches in ; or if the defence bee not strong and good upon that fide , whereby any advantage may bee gained ; then you must begin to raise your trenches as you may perceive in the figure following by n. n. drawing them right to the point of the bulworke , because those that defend within may not annoy the pioners ; and they are to cast the earth alwaies towards the enemies workes , the better to secure their owne bodies : as you may perceive by the trench o. and g. they being drawne crooked like a serpent ; and so directing them until they come close to the counterscarp of the mote at the point of the enemies bulworkes , where being arrived , the enemy will bee glad to quit the two halfe moones that are without the mote , whereby the worke is halfe wonne : for now you may safely mount your canons , and make your battery k. k. which shall shoot against the flankes at the bottome of the ditch : the rest of the canons at the point of the bulworke e. ( at the same instant the enemy that is under the counter-scarpe ) shall pierce the sayd counter-scarpe , and enter the mote , and there make a gallery over at f. f. not forgetting to cast up the earth for your safeguard alwaies towards the enemies workes , that flankers you , from which you must continually shoot to beat them from their flankes : but how ever the ordnance planted upon the battery k. will hinder the enemy ; so that they shall doe you small hurt , from their flankes to your galleries : the motes having water in them , you must frame your galleries over them of strong timber , and so make your assault over them by the point of the bulworke c. and by the breach e. now for to prevent this assault , the enemy within the fort prepares to reintrench himselfe , as you may see by the reintrenchment d. by the which they are able to defend the breach : they must have alwaies in readinesse earth wood and timber , and all such things as are necessary for coverture , and are proper to resist the enemies batteries : but the reintrenchment is not to bee feared , because they within the fort will bee easily constrained to quit it ; as they were first made to leave the point of the bulworke . their next refuge is immediately to begin a new intrenchment within the other , as you may perceive at s. s. to the end the other being lost , they may retreate into this ; and there they ought to plant their canons to defend the breach . and now it is high time to intreate of conditions for the rendering up the fort , this being the last intrenchment they can possibly make ; and it shall bee honour sufficient unto them that they have held it out to the last : but if the defendants expect any troopes that are suddenly to come to their ayd ; or that the workes bee so great that they may raise the third reintrenchment , then let them hold it out still : but if the place bee so small that they cannot reintrench , they must give place to fortune . thus by these demonstrations , you see it is possible to enter any fort that is accessible : wherefore to delay time , and to waste men and treasure of the enemies , wee must use meanes to prevent an enemy from making his approaches neere the ditch and workes : therefore out-works are devised , as horne-works , skonses , halfe-moones , redouts , lines , crosse-lines and the like , which are to bee raised in the convenienst places beyond the mote , for defence of the portes , mote , and wall ; whereby the enemies appreaches shall bee hindered : not forgetting if their bee any way by water to relieve the towne , that then you raise such able skonses , that may beate off the enemy from hindering the passage ; as was at the famous siege of bergin-up-zone : there were two skonses which secured the haven , so that upon all occasions reliefe did enter : for had marquesse spinolla gained those skonses , the towne had beene famisht : there are onely three wayes whereby fortified townes may bee gained ; the first is by stratagem , as breda , skinkins skense were unawares assaulted and taken : the second is by intrenchments and batteries to prepare a breach , and so to make the assault , as in this following figure i have demonstrated : the third is onely by intrenching an army about a fort , whereby all passages are baricadoed up ; so that reliefe cannot possibly come to enter the towne , so that by meere hunger they are constrained to yeeld upon such conditions as they may : lastly for the defending of workes or breaches , there must bee a speciall care had , that all warlike instruments bee in a readinesse for to beate off the enemy , as granad●s ; to throw amongst them wilde-fire , pitcht-ropes , hoopes , frames of muskets , flayles , stones , peeces of timber to role downe , and the like : the fire-balls will doe much good when the enemy is wrought under the walls , so as the shot cannot command them : the most principall thing is to fire the galleries ; likewise if you see you shall bee forcd to leave the point of the bulworke , or any worke else whatsoever : then privily to make some mine well planted with powder , the traine being drawne into your reintrenchment or retreating place ; that so soone as the enemy is entered : fire may bee given and blow them up : further , observe when a breach is made , you may know when it is high time to make resistance , by the enemies leaving giving fire to the canons ; for when hee assaults , hee cannot shoot towards the breach for destroying his owne men , but bends his ordnance against the flankes and bulworkes on either side of the breaches to hinder them from shooting , whereby their assault may bee safer and easier . view the figure following in the page , where you shall see how it is defended and assaulted . note what is not here exprest in this figure answerable to the discourse , you shall finde by the letters in the precedent figures plainely demonstrated . chap. xxxii . divers observations , rules , and orders , which all generalls ought to observe in the besieging , and defending of fortes . hee that will be-leager a towne or fortresse , ought to have three things in his consideration : first , whether he can derive any right or true title to it ; secondly , whether hee be of power sufficient to manage the siege ( viz ) all kinde of provision , as meate , drinke , money , souldiers ; all kinde of amunition , ordnance , peeces , armes , powder , bullets , match ; all warlike instruments , granadoes , morter-peeces ; all kinde of wilde-fire , and the like : thirdly , hee must consider whether the profit hee shall gaine by it , will countervaile the charge that must bee spent in the siege : having thus well considered of all these precedent things ; then hee must get a true discription of the frame and fashion of the fortresse , with the wayes and paths ; the condition of the grounds about it , and the number of defendants in it : then sharpening his valour upon the grindstone of resolution , let him leade his army in good order against this fortresse , where hee must bee carefull to quarter his men in the best and aptest places of security ; then having invironed the fort on all sides with skonses and redoubts , so that there can bee no recourse too nor from the fort ; then hee must fortifie against the face of the canon , to the end it may serve for an advantage as you may see by the bulworke marked g. the other part of his army are to bee plac't to keepe the passages , least the enemy should come in the reare of them and beat them out of their trenches ▪ therefore strong workes must bee raised well pallizadoed to prevent them ; next he must looke that his quarters bee well intrencht with crosse-workes , and defended by the forts and redouts raised for that purpose , as you may see the trenches c. are defended from the places r. and from the redouts p. hee ought likewise to make choice of a fit place for the army to make it his field for battell , as you may see by r. s. t. next you must raise good and sufficient batteries as neere to the enemy as possible may be ; which must bee secured and faithfully guarded by a sufficient number of souldiers , as the battery a. is well retrencht with the bastions r. and beset with good gabions filled with good earth , having a great care their bee no stones in it ; least the canon shot from the fort should beate them about , and do more harme to the souldiers , then the bullets themselves : they ought also to doe the same on all sides , as wee see by the cavaliers a. d. e. q. the which must bee raised at the same instant , begining to make the canons play , to batter the tops of the works in the fort , with all fury without intermission ; to the end the pioners may have time to make their trenches and approaches in greater safety and more strongly : for the canons beating against the top of the workes of the fort with such fury that the defendants have no leisure to discover the designe of the assaylants , and much lesse shall they know how to use meanes to prevent those blowes and batterings ; besides the great feares and terrours that the poore souldiers will bee in all the while ▪ wherefore there must bee great diligence used , for feare they should lose that good and favourable time , wherein they may make their intrenchments without danger : those within the fort in this case , ought to have very experienst souldiers and good canoniers ; and likewise all the platformes for the artillery or cavaliaries should use their best endeavours by continuall shooting to prevent the raising of the enemies batteries and trenches , and not to feare any colours , being they are protected with a good parapet from the dinte of the shot : likewise oftentimes they ought to change the places of the musquetiers , those which were upon the curtins , shall bee plac't upon the face of the bulworke , and so to the shoulders of it ; continually thus changing the musquetiers from place to place , as occasion shall bee offered : this will much annoy the enemy , and the rather , because they know not how to bend their peeces against them ; because of the uncertainty of their places . moreover the enemy having battered those places that hindered him most , cannot helpe it , but he must suffer your souldiers to set every man his basket , being set close together that they may put their musquets betweene them , and shoot continually for all the blowes of the canons ; whose shottes are made very uncertaine : above all things we must have an eye , that the musquetier discharges not by vollyes , but by degrees ; so that some may be alwayes giving fire , whilest their fellow-souldiers charge . and likewise , to take good ayme from betweene the baskets ; which ought to be plac'd upon every worke neere the enemy ; after the manner deciphered in this figure following . a , b , are the baskets filled with good earth or dung to cover the musquetiers upon the breach , made in the parapet c ; they are to put their muskets betweene each basket , taking their levell to shoot ; wherefore there ought to be great store of these baskets , and wheele-barrowes in the fort , to be used upon all occasions . if these should be wanting , they must have sackes filled with good earth , placeing them accordingly to shoot through . the enemy seeing such prepared resistance within the fort , will begin his trenches the profoundlier , to the end his souldiers may be preserved ; for it is the duty of a good captaine , to have a speciall regard to the safety of his souldiers : for that is a practicall policy used alwayes by the prince of nassaw , whereby they conceived he would not cause his men to run head-long to destruction , which made them the more forward in service , and the valianter to execute what they were commanded by him ; this ought to be a thing remarkable , for otherwise a world of souldiers are lost , and the captaines are discomfited , for not gaining an impossible victory . the enemy is to conduct his trenches to the counter-skarpe , and make them so deepe , that the defendants within the fort cannot possibly hurt them ; they being brought alwayes towards the point of the bulworke , as you may perceive by the trench c , c , because they should not be so much molested by the ordnance and the musquets from the workes of the fort : and when the enemy hath gained the counter-skarpe , they shall make their crosse-workes as you may see by the distance x , x , where they shall lodge a good number of canons ; raising their batteries or cavalliaries more spacious , although they serve for little or no purpose , onely to batter against the flankes , and make them unprofitable ; during which time you ought to follow the speedy making of your trenches , and bring them to their halfe moones , and then by the assistance of your pioners , they raising a sufficient able high traverse , to shelter them from the force of the cavalliaries and bulworkes within the fort , which otherwise would command them , and is most easie to be effected , especially if the more or ditch be not spacious ; and at the same instant your souldiers are to make their assault , be it by scaling-ladder or otherwise . the generall must cause divers peeces to be brought , which shall be to discharge upon all parts of the wall , to hinder their annoying of the assaylants ; who must enter the breach with a brave resolution . the roring of the canons having so astonish those within the halfe-moone , and battered their parapets , that they have no time to see if the battery be finisht or not , and they being not provided for the assault , it will wonderfully puzzle them , the assault being followed with good order and resolution ; this being the time and place , where men ought to purchase honour : and these assaults will discover , which are the valiantest spirits . the officers at the siedge of rhineberg , shewing their resolutions to their souldiers , threw their colours into a halfe-moone , from which they had beene repulsed three or foure times , by the musketiers and pikes within the said worke , whereupon they ranne furiously to redeeme their honours upon the pikes and muskets , rather chusing to dye with honour , than to lose their colours with disgrace : this on-set did so revive the souldiers , they seeing the noble resolution of their leaders , at one instant assaulted the worke , and discomfited the enemy , so as they gave way to their magnanimous resolutions . having gained this halfe-moone y y , the defendants for their safety retreate into the ditch , behinde the parapet of the worke called the cunette , with short cudgels and flayles prepared for that purpose , to defend the entring of the enemy into the ditch ; which will be a hard worke for them to enter and obtaine it , before they can be in any hopes to winne the fort , by reason they cannot come to batter this worke , it being so low in the ditch , with force of canon . now for to hinder the defence of the worke within the ditch called the cunette , the best way is to stop their passages from comming upon it ; which may be effected , if there be two peeces of ordnance planted within the ditch by the halfe-moone m , where they must batter downe the earth right against the sally-port , or place they are to enter unto the worke , to defend it , whereby their wayes may be discovered ; their sallying out upon this worke being hindered , there must be a gallery ready prepared , made upon barrels or hogsheads ; these must flote upon the water , and from hence the flanke that defends that side , must be battered with all fury , without giving space to the defendants to get upon their trenches , which they will doe if there be any intermission ; wherefore immediately they must fa●l to intrenching , and cast the earth towards the side of the flankes , making the traverse m ; during which time , the battery must shoot furiously on all sides , then those which are upon the counter-skarpe , must be provided with good store of granadoes , which they must cast over into the workes called the cunette , to the end they may cause them to quit the worke ; then the traverse being made m , m , they shall have the better freedome , to transport a great number of souldiers over the mote to make their assaults : and being arrived at the foot of the bulworke , they may presently undermine it , if it happens that the breach bee not sufficient for them to get over . now the defendants within the port , have for their refuge the bulworke , to re-intrench in , as you may perceive at v ; causing a sufficient parapet to be made for the coverture of those that defend the re-intrenchment : having alwayes a sufficient company of souldiers , with all kinde of warlike instruments , ready and in good order for to releeve them , the enemy being so neere them wrought , that they are like to be surprized and beaten backe ; the best defence they can then have , will bee the granadoes and artificiall fire-workes , which they must cast over into the ditch or false-bray , for to annoy them that are undermining the bulworkes . but the enemy standing upon his honour , seeks all wayes to prevent the breakeing of the granadoes , and burning of the fire-workes , by choking them with water or raw hides , so as they fall to the ground , so that they worke small effect . likewise , the defendants place great peeces of timber upon the walles , to role downe upon the assailants as they are climbing the bulworkes : but when the defendants have used all their indeavours to no purpose , and the enemy being got into the worke , then it is time to intreat and provide for a composition : yet for all they are reduc'd to these extremities , they ought to make choise of such inconveniences as are least hurtfull to them . the composition is to be made , according to the forces they have , and the hopes they have to releeve it , and according as they are able to sustaine themselves , if they should put it to the last brunt . it is no dishonour for a captaine to intreat with his enemy , in two respects ; the first is , the conservation of their armes , and baggage : the second is , the pillage which may bee made within the fort ; the which may possibly be regained againe by some stratagem , from this enemy , in a short time after . now having the fortresse surrendred upon composition , the generall must consider , whether he be able to maintaine it , and whether the profit of it will be answerable to the charge ; which if it be , he must rase downe all the out-trenches which the enemy made , and repaire the breaches of it : and then to draw his army into convenient garrisons , that they may be fit for the next imployment of the prince . thus taking reason and experience for his guide , in all his enterprises , which must be just and equitable ; will cause the honour and glory of a generall to shine . thus have we finisht the discourse of fortification , and in regard the use of great artillery is the chiefest thing to be used in a fort , i have thought it fit to frame a discourse of the use of artillery , having taken the opinions and rules of the best authors , eyther ancient or moderne , to steere my course by : onely i shall shew you a figure of a fort beleaguered , and of a fort assaulted upon the curtin . view the figures following . ssss ppppppp ssss ssss ppppppp ssss ssss ppppppp ssss ssss ppppppp ssss ssss ppppppp ssss ssss ppppppp ssss ssss ppppppp ssss here you perceive the breach made in the middest of the curtin . at the letter b , is a catte with ordnance on it , to batter against the re-intrenchments , and to 〈◊〉 it : there is a worke raised at c , to prevent them . i would wish you to peruse jerome cataneo , by him you shall receive further instructions . if the breach may possible be made in the point of the bulworke , it is farre better than the curtin ; because the defendants have farre the oddes , in defending the breach from either flanke , and from the re-intrenchment ; besides the gallery that shall be laid over the mote , will sooner be battered downe from the flankes . the next is , the paralellagram of a fort beleaguered ; and then the use of redouts : and then after that , the duties of souldiers in garrisons ; shall be plainly shewed . chap. xxxiii . a triangular skonse , with directions for the best scituating of it . this kinde of triangular skonse , must bee scituated in a place strong by nature , otherwise it is of poore resistance , and little better than a redout : they were invented to be plac'd in some spot of ground , naturally invironed with strength , being a place that could not be capable of any other figure , in regard of the smalnesse of it : likewise , it is a small charge to raise it , and speedily done ; the place must not be of any great consequence , where this figure is scituated , for it cannot withstand any great resistance : it is formed with earth , after the same manner the other be : onely high and thicke to resist ordnance . chap. xxxiv . the manner of framing a triangle redout . aredout is a kinde of sleight fortification , used for the defence of some few men ; and of these principally there are three kindes , which are to be made use of , according to the quantity of men you place in them , and the consequence of the passage they are to bee raised in , for they are not to be used but for out-guardes , to prevent the enemy from making any suddaine surprises : the greatest defence they can make is against the horse , to hinder them from passing by any foord of water , or other passage , if the passage bee thought convenient for the the paralellagram of the discourse desiphering the manner and order observed in the siege and defence of a fort. pla●e this figure betwixt ●olio . and . enemies approaches , then place two of these redouts a square , on one side the way , and this triangle a little wide of the other , on the other side of the way ; the brest-worke of them is to be some foure or five foot thicke , and eight foot high , with a good broad foot-step , and convenient height to stand on ; so as they may discharge over the worke. the pallizadoes are to be wrought in two foot from the top of the worke , the grea●ends to be laid downewards into the worke , so that the sharpe ends may rise upwards , they are to lye three foot into the earth , and as much out : the outside of this worke ought to be good sollid earth , being digged taperwise ( viz. ) sixe inches thicke at the end that should lye outmost , and some two inches the end that lyes inward ; by this meanes they will not slip out , and make the worke decay ; in the middest is your rubbish earth to be rammed downe : the ditch ought to bee sixe or eight foot wide , with a draw-bridge to enter into the worke. chap. xxxv . the manner of framing a quadrangle redout . this foure square redout , is to hold a hundred or . souldiers , and these are to be raised , where you conceive the enemy hath most advantage to gaine a passage to come to annoy your campe ; it serves also in the beleaguering of a fort , to place one or two of these redouts betwixt two forts , that they may flanker it , and so to trench in the fort round , that no accesse may bee , eyther to or from the towne ; it must bee well pallizadoed , as you see by the figure ; especially , if it stands upon any passage of consequence . the prince of orange , made use of these redouts to surround his campe , one to stand musket-shot from the other , so that the enemy could not possibly passe , but to the losse of his men ; but however the enemy could not possibly doe any designe upon his quarters , but there would be a convenient alarum ; so as the whole army would be at the brest-worke of their trenches to entertaine them : in the discourse of incamping , we have taken occasion to speake of these kinde of forts more fully chap. xxxvi . the manner of framing a quadrangle skonse . this foure-square skonse , is of greater strength than your triangle , and if it be favoured with a strong scituation , as great rivers , or upon a rocke , or where it may be flankered from the bulworks of a fort , it will stand in great stead ; otherwise it is not to be taken for a strength of any moment : the bulworkes and curtines are to be made very high , thicke , and strong , that it may endure the battering of the enemies ordnance . chap. xxxvii . the manner of framing a skonse with sixe points or angles . this figure following , is a kinde of fort , and is used in the intrenching or belaguring a towne round ; it is spacious to hold souldiers or more , as occasion shall bee offered ; you may perceive by the lines drawne how every angle is flanked one from the other : it is made of good earth very substantially after the same manner the former are ; you shall see how they are scituated in the page in the figure of the fort beleagured . chap. xxxviii . the manner of framing a halfe moone . this precedent figure , is a kinde of a halfe moone and is thus formed , because it lies open to some curtin or bulworke behind it , so that if the enemy fortunes to gain it , hee shall be beaten out from the bulworke that flankes it : the brest-worke of it ought to be of the same thicknesse and height that the former redouts were . chap. xxxix . the manner of framing a horne-worke . there are two kinde of horne-workes which are to be made without the fort of great height and strength , being the onely place of safety for all the out-workes to retreate into when occasion is offered : it likewise safeguards the counterscarpe , keeping the enemy from approaching ; it defends the workes of the fort from being battered by the enemies ordnance ; it lies open to the fort , so that if the enemy should gaine it , they should bee repulst from the bulworkes ; it is to bee scituated betwixt two bulworkes , and it hath its defence from them , they flankering each side : the other fashion'd horne-worke is made out with two points , and is of greater strength then this , as in the next page wee shall discourse of ; it is called a horne-worke from the fashion , being like a beaugle-horne ; some halfe-moones are of this forme , but not of halfe the greatnesse this is to bee of , in regard this is alwaies well man'd ; for those that have the workes against the enemy one night , are relieved the next , and here they repose themselves ; the third night they take their ease in the towne . the manner of framing of a horn-worke described ; with divers ou● workes belonging to it , whereby it may be defended from all assaults , most proper to be placed before some weake bulworke of a towne beleaguered , or any other part of the walls thereof , that may seeme easie for the enemie to batter downe . by the letters you shall find each circumstance described , belonging to this worke . a. the front of the horne-worke . h. the ditch of the towne-walls . b. the ditch . foote broad . i. a fortification before the out-workes . spaces distant from the horne-worke . c. the halfe moone .   d. the parrapet . k. a three-pointed fortification before the front and corners of the horne-worke . e. the ditch without the halfe moone . l. the ditch . f. the counterscarpe . m. the pallizadoet upon the counter-scarpe about the ditch . g. the towne-walls .   place this horne-worke betweene folio . and . chap. xl. a second kinde of horne-worke , with its proper place . this second kinde of horne-worke , is of greatest strength to resist the enemie next the bulworke , they are to open toward the workes of the fort , and to be scituated betwixt two bulworkes that it may bee flanquered by them : these are made without the mote and counterscarpe , a musquets shot , or not all so much , according as the scituation shall permit : these ought to be alwaies in readines , if the towne be a frontier , and according as the fieldding may be favourable for the enemies intrenchments their to raise one of these workes , or if any place of the wall of the fort should be weaker then the rest ; wee had three of these ready raised at zutphen in gelderland to prevent the enemies approches in those great marshes about the towne ; there is no watch kept in them except the enemy be at hand : they are to be framed as your bulworkes , canonproofe , and of height sufficient to secure the walls of the fort ; likewise they must bee well pallizadoed and strongly man'd , view the figure . the figures of the three famous batteries , which were raised by spinola at the seige of breda . chap. xli . the description of the redonts , forts , and batteries , which were raysed by spinola at the siege of breda . you must observe in these precedent figures ( both of the forts and batteries which were raised by spinola at the siege of breda ) those sides of them which looked towards the towne , were made canon-proofe ( viz. ) foot thicke . the first of the three batteries was foot long , and foot broad ; in the reare and flankes of it , it had a wall foot thicke , saving that one side of this wall was thicker then the rest , rising with a walke and a parrapet on the inside : in the front it was lined with two exteriour angles , the face of it rising with nine open windowes , for so many peeces of ordnance to play out at ; each window was foot / wide , opening wider outwards by degrees : on the inside a groundselling was raised like a bed of turffe and faggots , foot in heigth , and foot broad , covered over with plankes , for the speedy removing and recoyling of the artillery : behinde this groundsell , was a place of armes foot long , and foot broad . the outside of the wall under the canon windowes , was pallizadoed with sharpe long stakes . before the battery there is a halfe-moone raised , wherein was a guard of musquettiers , and compassed with a counterscarpe and pallizado , these were for the safety of the battery : round about the battery a ditch was suncke seven foot deepe , and foot broad ; the sides of the ditch were cut sloping from the top to the bottome , so that in the bottome it was but foot broad ; vpon the outmost shore of the ditch , was plac't a long pallizado to hinder all sudden assaults , view the figure . the second and third battery had their dementions much after the former , onely the least being the second batery had a fort about it for its defence , by the figures you may perceive the difference both in their length , bredth , and corners : the foregoing forts which spinola raised against breda , i have drawne the figures of them , which if you please to view , you may observe that the walls of them were foot thicke at the bottome , and so were raised foot high with a parrapet upon the toppe of the wall for the safegard of the shot , foot high the parrapet ; the wall was made sloping and pallizadoed round ; the ditch about these forts were foot broad , foot deepe , and foot wide in the bottome , view the figures . a battery raised by spinola at the siege of breda , upon the heath neere osterhout . a battery joyning to a fort , raised by spinola at the siege of breda , upon the heath towards osterhout . chap. xlii . divers choise observations worthie to be taken notice of , concerning the beleaguering of a fort ; collected from the famous siege of breda , anno . with the description of the chiefest trenches , forts , redouts , and batteries , which were raised by marquesse spinola , against it . you having taken a view of the precedent figure of a fort beleaguered , being surrounded with trenches , redouts , forts , and batteries ; for your better understanding the manner and way how an army should be brought and pitcht in convenient quarters , and how the trenches and redouts , forts , and batteries , are to be plac'd in places convenient : i have taken some paines to bring to your view the orderly way which that famous generall marquesse spinola observed , at the remarkeable seige of breda : it being the queene of garrisons in the netherlands , beautified and strengthened with the absolutest fortifications that eyther art or nature could afford : so that it was conceived to be impregnable . wherefore in the first place , take notice how spinola divided his army ( which consisted of . foot companies , and . troopes of horse ) into three parts ; purposely to distract the hollander : to which end they tooke their marches severally to other places , then that which was intended ; but at last they met , and joyned together at a dorpe neere breda . the towne of breda fearing their designe , did immediately strengthen their garrison , with . foot-companies , and onely two troopes of horse : these forces of the towne were quartered in the out-workes , and walles , where they caused immediately to be raised divers horne-workes and other fortifications beyond them , as the precedent figure of the horne-worke will demonstrate : the souldiers of the towne past into these out-workes through sally-ports , made under the wall of the towne . spinola having encamped his army two leagues from breda , he rested certaine dayes not doing any thing ; which made the hollander thinke they had some other designe : but having weighed all difficulties in his ballance of reason , upon the . of august about twi-light , he sent medina with . troopes of horse , and . foot , to pitch downe upon one side of the towne of breda . ballion had order the same time , to march with his owne regiment , and . other companies of foot , and a certaine number of horse , with divers canons ; and these were to pitch downe in another quarter , neere the towne , just opposite to the former troopes , and there they raised divers workes , and intrench'd themselves . the next morning , by breake of day , spinola arrived with the rest of the forces , and intrencht them upon the other two sides of the towne : then from these foure severall quarters , they began to draw a trench of earth , from quarter to quarter , in which they raised divers redouts and forts , about . paces one from the other , which served for a prevention of all suddaine sallyes out of the towne ; each colonell from his owne quarter wrought towards the next ; and mann'd the workes with parties of souldiers : the first , trench was but foot high , and . foot thicke at the bottome , and three foot broad at the top ; the ditch was . foot deepe and . foot broad at the top , and two foot at the bottome . this trench was . paces in circuit , but in regard of the overflowing of the grounds in winter , they quitted these first works , and were constrained to raise more solid works further off from the towne . wherefore they raised a second trench neere ten foot high , and fifteene foot thick at the bottome , and made somewhat sloping ; there was two foot bankes for the musquetiets to step upon , to give fire over the brest-work , this brest-work was raised above foot-bankes , five foot high ; ten foot thicke at bottome , and sixe at the top : this second trench contained in circuit . paces . likewise , beyond this second trench from the towne-wards , distance about . paces , they were constrained to raise a third trench , with divers forrs , redouts , and batteries , as the precedent figures will shew you ; this trench was of the same demention that the former was ; being made very solid and strong to defend their quarters from the prince of oranges his forces , who did seeke to raise their siege , or to releeve the towne ; this last trench fetcht a circuit round about the former trench , it being . paces in compasse . vpon the out-side of both these trenches , a ditch was sunke seven foot deepe , . foot broad at the top , and . foot at the bottome . the souldiers of breda sallyed out upon spinola's men , as they were raising the first trench next the towne ; and if they had falne upon them in severall places at once , they would by all probability have beaten them from their quarters , they being very weary , and but few in number at the first : so that they were constrained both to fight and fortifie themselves , the space of three houres : afterwards a greater resistance was made to beate them backe . the redouts of earth were made of a quadrant figure , and were so plac'd in the trench , that no angle or corner appeared outwards , they were , foot wide in the inside , and on the out-side . and strongly fortified with a pallizado of sharpe sparres , placed in the outward edge of the parrapet , they had a ditch about them , and a counter-skarpe beyond the ditch , and upon the verges of the counter-skarpe another pallizado of spiles was plac'd , to hinder the enemies approaches . the forts were raised with greene turfe , with foure irregular bulworkes . foot thicke , and . foot high ; their curtins . foot long , as the figures of them will shew you : these were of the strongest sort which were plac'd neere the town , their ditches were . foot wide , and . foot deepe , these were to indure the battering of the canon from the towne . the other forts and redouts , were raised . foot high from the ground , and . foot thicke , the ditches . foot broad , and . foot deepe , the inside of these forts and redouts were but . foot high , and raised perpendicular ; at which height , a walke was made five foot high and broad : and upon this was a parrapet round the workes five foot high , and ten foot thicke , this was to shelter the musquetiers from the shot of the towne . these workes had a kinde of planke to lay over the ditch , for the souldiers to goe over into the workes ; and being these bridges were drawne up with pullies and fastned with iron haspes to the posts of the gate they both served for bridge and gate ; and before these workes , upon the out-side of the ditch was a halfe-moone raised well pallizadoed , to defend the entrance into the forts . these mighty vast trenches , with the forts , and redoubts , were ( by the diligence of the souldiers which wrought both night and day , they being continually releeved with fresh-men ) finisht in . dayes . you shall finde amongst the precedent figures divers great forts , one of them was formed in a forme quadrant , with foure halfe bulworkes , made very sollid for artillery to be planted upon ; it was canon proofe . the curtins were . foot long , . foot thicke , and . foot high , pallizadoed round , to hinder the enemies assaults . likewise , you shall finde the figures of . forts more proportionable in strength to the first ; these had a trench raised , which ranne from one to another , very strong and solid , as before is shewed : these workes differed in forme , but were of one and the same demention ; these were plac'd upon an eminent passage , upon a little heath ; by which the prince of orange might possibly have conveyed provision to the waters side , by which meanes the towne might have beene releeved . there were two batteries raised at the entrance of each quarter , with halfe moones before the entrance upon the out side , and divers forts besides , according to the different scituation and danger of the place : the figures of these batteries i have likewise drawne for your better information . there were three great batteries raised , in three severall places neare the towne , which battered against the flankes of the bulworkes of the towne , and those sides both of the batteries , forts , and redouts , which beheld the towne , were made canon proofe , . foot thicke . the greatest of these batteries was . foot long , and . foot broad , in the reare and flanke of it , it had a wall fifteene foot thicke , it was made rising with a walke , and a parrapet on the inside ; in the front it was lined with two exteriour angles , the face of it rising with nine open windowes , for so many peeces of artillery to shoot out at , each window being a foot and a halfe wide , opening more and more out wards by little and little . on the inside , a groundfell was raised , like a bed of turfe and fagots , eight foot high , and . foot broad , covered over with plankes , for the speedy removing and recoyling of the artillery . behinde this groundfell , was a place of armes . foot long , and . foot broad , the out-side of the wall under the canon-windowes , were pallizadoed ; and before the battery was two halfe moones , guarded with musquetiers , and compassed with a ditch and counterskarpe , and a pallizado of spiles upon the counterskarp , for the safety of the battery , the ditch was . foot deepe , and . foot broad , at the bottome but . the two other batteries were raised indifferent large , the manner of framing them , was much after the former ; saving that the least of the two became the largest , by the addition of a fort : the figures will better informe you , in the difference both of length , breadth , and angles . spinola raised upon all passages , very strong forts ; and upon the causies ( where there was no passage on neither side of it ) he caused very strong pallizadoes of yong stadles droven into the earth , and framed together . foot high . likewise , crosse the waters that drowned the medowes , he made a double pallizado , to prevent the boates from going to the towne . also , he blockt up the rivers with a strong bridge , and a guard of musquetiers upon it , with sharpe peeces of timber lying pointing out of split their boates. also , he had boates lay at anchor in the river , to hinder the passage ; besides , divers boates bored through at the bottome , which were to be sunke upon the sudden ; and divers other boates of combustible stuffe , to burne the enemies fleet. also , within the river , at foure severall places a good distance one from another , there were strong spiles of timber droven downe , and coupled together with crosse-beames , in manner of pallizadoes , which made the river unpassable . the townes-men raised five great horne-workes , to secure their owne counterscarpe and mote , before every port of the towne one , and the rest in other convenient places ; the levell-side of these horne-workes , were . foot long , and . foot broad . i have presented to your view , the figure of the largest horne-worke , which was raised before the castle , it is . paces long , and . paces broad , it was pallizadoed thicke round about , to hinder the enemies assault ; beyond this horne-worke is a halfe-moone , fortified with a counterscarpe a cubit high , and invironed with another ditch , as the figure thereof will better informe you : these out-workes , were flanquered from the towne walles ; there was a trench drawne from one worke to another , to beate off the enemy from the counterscarpe . the ordinary carrison of this towne , which consisted but of . bulworkes , were . foot , and five troopes of horse ; but the brute of this siege caused them to be re-inforced with . companies more ; besides there were . able townes-men , which were to manage the walles . the governour sent away . troopes of his horse , because they could affoord them no service in the siege . the provision layd in against winter for these souldiers , was . measures of wheate , of oates . . weight of cheese , and as much dryed haberdine ; and every townes-man was ( besides ) to furnish himselfe for a yeare . and in regard spinola could not have his provision for his army come by water , he was constrained to convey it by land , it being . houres march ; for the same purpose , he had all his provision brought to one of his owne townes that lay neerest to the campe , named lyre . but the prince of orange his campe lying at ros●ndall , they were constrained to march about , and to fortifie divers dorpes in the way for the resting and securing of the convoyes and provisions . count henry van den bergh , had the greatest part of the horse , and as i take it , . foot with him ; besides , there was . horse more newly raised ; with these forces he was to conduct the provision . his manner of proceeding was this ; in the morning before day , hee gave commandement to put in order the disordered multitude of carriages and waggons ; then hee sent some troopes of horse before to discover : hee commanded them to march , he placed artillery both in the van , and in the reare to give warning by their discharging , of the enemies approaches ; so that his men might gather together as he had given them order , for to repaire to the place which stood most in need . hee guarded both sides of the way neere where the prince of oranges army lay with loose wings of horse ; and hee lined these horse with guards of musquetiers , and with the rest of the horse he brought up the reare . vpon occasion of feare hee made use of his wagons instead of a trench , drawing his foot-forces within them : hee had daily and hourely spies to know the hollanders intentions and proceedings ; he cut downe all bridges that might afford the hollander a passage to come at him in his march : by this meanes they sustained their campe in despight of the hollander : and as vanden bergh was to make his retreat , hee fearing the prince of orange would have set upon his troopes , hee ordered his forces accordingly , by dividing them into three grand squadrons ; and so marched ready to receive any charge . the prince of orange then having incampt his army at mede a dorpe houres distant from breda , thinking to have relieved the towne ; so soone as spinola understood it , he left all the workes about the towne well manned , unto the charge of medina , and marched himselfe with foot , and troopes of horse to a convenient place neere osterhout , where hee incamped within three miles of the enemy , where he confronted the enemy , and anticipated the place of great advantage for the prince of orange to have relieved the towne by it . after that the prince of orange did perceive their was no hopes of relieving the towne ; hee provided for his safe retreate , to which end hee raised divers workes to hinder spinola from pursuing him : as first upon a convenient passage hee raised a fort to retire his men into , and to defend them from the sudden pursuite of the enemy ; and upon the side next spinolas campe by which hee was to make his retreate , hee raised a brest-worke along the causie , with a deepe ditch to cover his men from the enemies shot , and also to obscure them in their retreate : spinola fearing the prince of orange should have assaulted some of their garrisons with his army , hee commanded grave hendrick vanden-bergh to dog him with his army to prevent his designes . this siege having lasted part of summer , all winter , and part of the summer following ; which was a thing thought impossible to have bin done being eleven months : the governour of breda founded a parley , and was content to surrender the towne ( they being almost famished ) if spinola would agree to such articles as hee should propound : for the performance of which articles there were sufficient hostages from either side to confirme the agreement . i have set downe the articles , they being a most fit patterne for all governours to shape their agreements by , the articles follow . first a captaine of the garrison of breda , brought spinola two copies of the articles betwixt them , that hee might first signe them both ; which done hee carried them backe to the governour for him to signe , one part of them was brought backe to spinola : vpon the signing of these covenants , the governour demanded waggons , and boats , to carry away sicke and ma●med persons , and others with their carriages and housholdstuffe , which was by spinola granted . imprimis , it shall bee lawfull for the governour of the towne ; with the rest of the officers and souldies , both of horse and foot , to march out of the towne armed souldier like , ( viz. ) the foot with flying colours , drums beating , compleatly armed , bullet in mouth , match lighted at both ends , their charges full of powder and shot : the horse , with their trumpets founding , standards displayed ; armed in such sort as when they march towards the enemy : and that no souldier shall bee ( of what nation soever ) questioned or detained for any cause or pretext whatsoever ; not though he had formerly bin in the enemies service ; all without exception , having free liberty to march the best and most commodious way to their next garrison , without injurie , hinderance or wrong done to their owne persons , their armes , horses , or baggage , and this with all safety and assurance possible : and further , it shall bee lawfull for them to take their wives , children , houshold , housholdstuffe , horses and carts , with the armes of all souldiers dead or hurt , sicke or runne away without any search or inquiry made after them . item all ministers or preachers of the word , commissaries of musters , officers of contribution , with their clerkes , ingineers , gentlemen of the artillery , the auditor of the souldiers , masters of fire-workes , captaines of pioners , canoners , surgions of regiments , and private companies ; with all such as belong to the traine of artillery , marriners , notaries , overseers of workes , provosts , pioners , carpenters , smithes , commissaries of the victualls , and all persons whatsoever , any way belonging to the artillery or engines , with their wives , children , and servants , horse , and armes ; shall bee comprehended in the former article , and enjoy the same priviledges . item all boats found about or in the towne at this present , as well those which arrived last with the colonells , as with any others ; shall be permitted with all their necessaries and tackling , to returne to their next place of refuge , guided by their own pilots and marriners ; in which it shall bee lawfull for them to imbarke their families , and housholdstuffe , with the armes and baggage of the colonells , captaines , and other officers of the armie , sicke persons , with such as attend them ; and all others whosoever desire to passe by water into their next safe garrison : and to this purpose the river shall bee open for them , during the terme of twelve dayes , and then within that space they may safely repaire to — and joyne themselves with their other men of warre ; and from thence take their journey to what place they please , the boats remaining still to their owne masters and owners : and during the sayd terme of twelve dayes , no man shall dare to molest or hinder those boats , but shall permit them to passe freely with their passengers , without searching them , for any cause or pretext whatsoever : and if it chance that the passage of the river bee not yet freed and made navigable againe , ( by which their journey may bee any way hindered ) the time in which by that meanes the journey hath beene stayed , shall not bee reckoned amongst those twelve dayes ; which terme they enjoy freely and withall assurance , as well in the river it selfe , as upon either shore of it , where marriner or any other passengers shall have occasion to land , for their commodity or affaires : and if any of the boats belong to any man , who shall desire to reside still in the towne of — they shall bee tyed notwithstanding to helpe to transport passengers , and baggage out of breda , and afterwards returne home to their masters . item spinola shall allow the governour any reasonable and sufficient number of waggons as hee shall demand , to transport his owne , the colonell , captaines , officers , and other mens baggage of the garrison , to their next garrison , from whence they shall returne them safe and faithfully againe . item it shall bee lawfull for the governour to carry out with his garrison any foure peeces of artillery , and two morters hee shall make choice of , with all their appurtinances , and as much powder and ball as they will beare at sixe charges ; and it shall bee at his choice to transport them with their carriages either by water or by lane : and for this purpose the marquesse spin●la shall allow the governour if hee shall demand it , all canon-horses and others , with their waggons , and waggon-men , as shall bee requisite for the transporting of these peeces of artillery and morters , with all their appurtenances . item what goods or housholdstuffe belongs to the prince of orange , it shall be lawfull for him or his deputie to transport them to what place hee pleaseth , within the time of sixe moneths ; at which time a free passage shall bee given without any molestation or hinderance , in the meane time the goods to bee safely preserved . item if it chance that any man comprehended in the two first articles , shall bee unable for his sicknesse to goe out of the towne with the garrison : it shall be lawfull for such to remaine in the towne , with their wives , families , and servants , without any wrong offered them , untill they have recovered their health and strength againe , and then a free passe shall bee given them to depart to what place they please . item no officer of the armie , souldier or captaine , or any other whatsoever comprehended in the aforesayd articles , who shall now goe out with the garrison , or shall remaine in the towne till hee have recovered his health , shall afterwards bee troubled , as not being comprehended in the sayd articles ; for by vertue of these articles , it shall bee lawfull for him to goe freely at any time , and hee shall have credit for money upon his bond , or any other assurance hee shall bee able to give . item the governour , captaines , officers , and souldiers comprehended in these articles , or any other whatsoever being in pay , and subjection of the united states ; shall have in breda any houses or possessions , moveables , or immoveables ( comprehending as well the captaine , officers , and souldiers of the companies of — as the widowes and children belonging to those troopes &c. or any other companies , which for two yeares before have beene in garrison in breda ) shall have a yeare and a halfe ( beginning within a moneth after the signing of these covenants ) to transport their goods to what place they please ; or to sell , morgage , alienate , or exchange them , according to the lawes and customes in that particular : and in the meane season they shall enjoy all rents , profits , and commodities of their inheritance , accrewing to them for the present , or to accrew ; and in conclusion they shall enjoy any thing belonging to them in the towne . item the souldiers either of the garrison , or our campe , being now prisoners either in the towne or in the campe , at the signing of these covenants , shall bee set at liberty without ransome , paying onely their charges , according to the taxation of the place . item no man shall take any thing from any of the garrison of any price hee hath made ; all such things being to passe under the title of the souldiers owne goods . item after the signing of these articles , it shall be lawfull for the governour of breda , to send any officer or whom so ever else , to the prince of orange , who shall bee permitted safely to goe and come . item after the signing of these covenants , there shall bee a suspension of armes on both sides : howbeit , on each side the souldiers shall maintaine their workes , permitting no man to come neere them either by day or night . item before the garrison march out of towne , two sufficient hostages shall be given , who shall accompany the garrison to the next fort or towne of strength ; and shall remaine there the twelve dayes in which the river is to remaine open , and the covenants to bee fulfilled ; and this terme being expired , if the covenants in any point have not beene broken , they shall returne backe againe . item these covenants being signed , hostages on both sides shall bee given of equall number and quallitie ; and ours shall returne home againe upon the delivering of the towne . item it shall bee lawfull for the hostages of the garrison of breda , to returne as soone as the sayd garrison hath quit the towne , that they may depart away with the garrison . item the governour and garrison of breda , promise to march away upon thursday next ensuing , early in the morning , being the fift day of june . vnder the place of the seale the governour wrote as followeth ; wee , justin of nassaw , doe promise to see the contents of the former articles fulfilled as much as lieth in us : in witnesse of which , with the consent of the colonells , and councell of warre here , wee have signed these this second day of iune , . in the next place you shall see what articles the magistrates and burgers of breda , did demand of spinola , as followeth . imprimis , pardon is granted to all burgers , and towne dwellers of breda , of what quallitie or condition soever , for any offence committed before or since the surprising of the towne , which was in the yeare — no inquiry or information shall bee taken against any man , not so much as under the pretext of treason , or of other offence whatsoever . item all the sayd burgers or towne dwellers either absent or present , of what condition soever , whether they bee actually in service of the states , or the prince of orange , or the towne , or whether they bee not in service , may safely remaine in breda the two first yeares , no inquiry being made after them for matters of religion ; nor having no obligation to change their religion ( provided they carry themselves modestly , and without scandall ) that in the space of these two yeares , they may resolve either to continue their residence here , or to goe to any other place , and whensoever they shall desire to depart , they shall bee permitted to goe freely ; and in like manner they shall bee permitted to enjoy their goods , carrying them with them , selling , morgaging , or alienating them at their owne liberty , or at the liberty of such as shall have the administration of them : the goods of such as dye within or without the towne ; shall accrew to them to whom they shall leave them by their last wiils , or if they die intestate , to the next heires . item it shall bee lawfully for any of the sayd burgers or towne dwellers , whether he be now in service or no ; ( if after these covenants hee have a desire to depart out of the town , either to change his habitation , or for any other respect ) to depart at any time either by water or by land ; with his wife , children , family , houshold-stuffe , marchandize , or any moveables whatsoever , without any impeachment for any respect whatsoever , onely by vertue of this covenant , without any other pasport : and such as desire to make choice of their residence in the kingdomes , estates , or provinces , either neuterall , or such as pay contribution ; may at any time passe , or repasse into the townes and countries subject to the king of spaine , and traffique or dispose of their goods , moveables , or others whensoever they thinke good : and the catholiks shall not stand in need of any other deed more then these covenants , by vertue of which , to returne and make their residence here , and possesse such houses as they have in breda . item it shall bee lawfull for all such as desire to goe about their occasions into any of the united provinces , to take their journey thither foure times in the yeare ; giving first the governour notice of it , of whom they must of necessity demaund licence , who shall not refuse them without just cause ; and they shall returne within the two yeares agreed upon in these covenants , to continue their residence in the towne , or make choice of any other place under contribution , in all which places , they shall enjoy the aforesayd liberty of passing freely to any place about their businesses , and make use of any other benefit of these covenants . item , all ministers may depart freely with their wives , children , families , goods and moveables , without any wrong or offence offered them ; for which purpose they shall have boats or waggons allowed them , and the aforesaid terme to dispose of all their goods . item , all such , as since the taking of the towne have executed the office of elders , deacons , or any other ecclesiasticall charge , shall bee comprehended in these covenants . item , all officers , commissaries , receivers , and other burgers or towne dwellers , who have had any office about the money , rents , or payes of the souldiers ; or any office whatsoever , shall enjoy the same conditions and priviledge , to depart with their papers and other moveables ; and all other benefits ( joyntly with other townsemen ) of this agreement . item , the same is uuderstood of all mariners , and others who have boats here ; with which in like manner they may lawfully depart . item , if it chance that in the towne there bee no waggons , or boats sufficient to accomodate the burgers , or towne dwellers who shall desire to depart with their moveables and other goods ; it shall be lawfull for them , within the aforesayd terme of two yeares , to cause waggons or boats to come out of holland or any other place for this purpose , which may returne freely by vertue of these covenants , without any other pasport . item , no other impost or taxes shall bee imposed upon the burgers or towne dwellers of this towne , then such as generally all other townes of brabant great and small , pay. item , the garrison of the towne both horse and foot , shall be orderly lodged , with the least hurt or dammage that may bee of the townsemen . item , all such as are now absent about the towne businesse , or their owne ; shall participate of these covenants , and may freely returne to the towne : and the peasants who had retyred themselves to breda , may as freely returne againe to their owne villages . item , all such of other religion as shall chance to die in breda , within the aforesayd terme of two yeares , may bee honourably buried in any garden , or their bodies if it please their friends carried out of towne . item , all sentences pronounced by the magistrates or other criminall iudges called &c. shall hold and bee in force ; if no appeale have beene made from them in time . item , it shall bee lawfull for all such as have lent any money to the towne , to demaund their principall , and their interest ; and all rights and rents which fall ; shall in like manner bee yearly payed . all these covenants , points , and articles have beene concluded , agreed on , and granted , by the marquesse spinola , and the commissioners of the towne ; who have signed them severally : the marquesse undertaking to procure to have them rattified and approved by the infanta within dayes , with her letters patents and broad seale ; dated the . of iune . thus much concerning the siege of breda i thought good to insert ; and i rather made choice of this , then of the taking of it againe by the hollander , because they trod the same steps to regaine it againe , that spinol a had before made use of : neither had grolle , mastrike , or skinkin skonse in their besiegements such choice circumstances belonging unto them , as this famous siege ●ad ▪ neither had any towne in germany beleaguered by the swedes , the like passages that were made use of at this towne . and this compendious discourse , may serve to giue a better light into our former discourse of fortification ; whereby the ingenious souldier that hath not seene the manner of a siege , may hereby informe his judgement , and better his understanding . let mee request you to take a view of the precedent figures , which will represent to you all manner of redouts , horneworkes , forts , and batteries that are to be raised against a besieged towne ; and the foregoing discourse will direct you in the circumstances belonging to the framing and ordering of them . chap. xliii . how to frame a flankered redout . this kinde of redout is the strongest , and can best defend it selfe , in regard every side hath an angle to flanke it , this is to bee plac't for the safegard of some siege , or to prevent the enemy from making there excursions over rivers ; this may be built of bricke , and rooft over with a soller and a falling doore for the souldiers safety if the enemy should breake in : likewise on every flanke , loope-holes to shoot out at ; from the toppe of the roofe is a kinde of pully set out which drawes up a pitch-pan , which they must fire in manner of a beacon to warne the countrey , and the next adjoyning redout , of the enemies being there . the hollanders made divers of these alongst the river isell in gelderland to prevent the enemies getting over into the vello . if it bee pallizadoed it is the stronger , the principall defence is the flankes and the third part of the brest-worke , as by the two lines , one drawne from a to a. the other from b to b. view the figure . the next discourse is the use of artillery , and then after that the duties of souldiers in garrisons , shall bee plainely shewed . the vse of artillery in forts . sect . iv. chap. xliv . the office of the master of the ordnance , and other inferiour officers ; and munition , with divers other circumstances thereto belonging . having finished the former discourse of fortification ; we are now to proceed , and take a survey , how both in ancient and moderne times , artillery hath been used ; and so collect from the best writers , such observations as shall be most pertinent for our discourse ; and adde such things to this worke , which others have beene defective in , and so wee will indeavour to make it perfect . and as there is great variation in authours opinions , so the reader may make as various constructions in his contemplating on them . therefore , i shall indevour to reconcile their opinions , and reduce all things materiall to a perfect method . wherefore , first we must begin with such instructions , as ought to be inherent to the master of the ordnance ; and in this discourse , for brevitie sake , wee shall give a touch of all other inferiour officers duties , and of what things particularly are to be committed to their charges : and in regard it is an office of great importance , and diversity of things runne through his hands , and are by his wisedome , to be rightly ordered : therefore it behoves him to be a man of excellent performance , both in valour and learning , and not daring to thrust himselfe into this great office , not being well qualified and fitted for it . he must be a geod arethmetician , mathematician , geometrician , and besides an expert old souldier : for in this , if the practicke be not joyned with the theoricke , and so both inseparable in this officer , there will be a deficiencie in the execution of this office. the care and charge of this place being so weighty , and impossible to be performed by one man , therefore divers substitutes and inferiour officers , are allowed for his assistance , and the chiefest under him , is his lieutenant ; who must be a man most able , in his judgement and carriage , to take a great part of this heavie weight off the masters shoulders . wherefore , in what place of consequence the master of the ordnance is absent , there the lieutenant is to be present : if the master bee in the campe , then must the lieutenant be at the battery , breach , or curtin ; if the master bee present in the afore-named places , then ought the lieutenant to be at the store-house , the mines , or some other place of most necessary importance and imployments . the residue of the sub-officers are these , master gunner , under canonires , wagon-master , the furrier , and divers clerkes , besides gun-makers , and carriage-makers , and others of meaner dependency . great care is to be taken , that the gunners performe their duties , in managing their places , both in mounting , dismounting , charging , levelling : and where he sees a defect , these superiour officers being expert and skilfull in this art , may be able to instruct , correct , and controule the ignorant , and see those escapes amended , in what sort soever committed ; hee is to make an inventorie of every small and particular parcell that accompanies the peeces of ordnance , and of them the service being performed , to give his accompt . against the army march , it is requisite he make provision , that every peece hath his sufficient number of draught-horses , and oxen , apt to draw the same according to the nature of the wayes , with sufficient attendants to assist upon all occasions . likewise every peece hath his gunner , with his co-adjutor or mate , and a man to serve them both , and helpe them charge , discharge , mount , wadde , cleanse , scoure , and coole the peeces being over-heated . further , there must bee a master of the timber or wood , and a smith ; their duties must be to see the garriages fit , or to amend them . over the aforesaid gunners , there is a corporall or constable chosen , to view or take charge of all the inferiour gunners , and of their actions . the master of the ordnance must be very carefull , to see his store-house be continually furnished with all manner of provision ; both for artillery , munition , and manner of armes , and engines ; both offensive and defensive ; all kinde of ordnance ready mounted upon the carriages ; quintals of canon-powder , and other powder , oxe-hides to cover and defend the same , shot of iron , leade , and stone , in great quantity , fitted for all manner of peeces ; match , iron-shovels , mattockes , pick-axes , axes , hatchets , hookes , plants , boordes , h●rdles , mandes , baskets , wheele-barrows , small tumbrels for one horses draught , nayles for the tyres , and all other purposes ; sawes , sledges , iron barres , crowes , a●gers , skrewes , chargers , ladles , rammers , spunges , chaines , cart-clouts , weights , all sorts of smiths-tooles , horshooes , and nayles , cordage , coffers , candles , lanthornes , scarclothes , sope , grease , tarre , scaling-ladders ; all sorts of small-shot , weapons and armes belonging both to foot and horse ; he is likewise to have those that are skilfull in making trunkes , balles , arrowes , and all other sorts of wild-fire , and fire-workes ; and for the continuall supply of them , there ought to be had in a readinesse ; great store of sulphur , salt-peter , rosin , caly-vine , quick-peall , lint-seed oyle , common lampe oyle ; pitch , tarre , campher , waxe , tutia , arsnick , quick-silver , and aquavitee ; hereof are to be framed balls of fire ; cressets , and torches ; that stormes of raine and wind , cannot extinguish , murthering bullets ; to be shot out of peeces and the like ; as shall particularly be showne hereafter in this discourse : further the master of the ordnance upon the receit of a ticket from any of the captaines of the army , is to give speedy order to his clerke to deliver both powder , match , and bullets ; he must have under his command a band of pioners , the captaine over them ought to be very discreet and carefull ; he must likewise see these pioners be sufficiently guarded , whilest they are at worke , lest the enemy surprize them , he is to see every man carefully payed his meanes , he is to be a very expert engineere , with a most approved judgement in all kinde of fortifications , and able to direct all kinde of officers under him , as the lieutenant of the ordnance , engine-master , captaine of the pioners , and the trench-master ; he is to have all kinde of boates and bridges , he is also to appoint under his hand-writing , the number and proportion of all manner provision of munition , which shall attend the army : and the lieutenant must see it performed and distributed , to the inferiour officers . lastly , he is wisely and discreetly to order all his affaires , and whatsoever he is put in trust with , for his owne honour , and the welfare of the army . in the next page , followes a table of all kinde of ordnance , with their names , and proportions of weight , length , and bignesse , &c. chap. xlv . the names of all kinde of ordnances whatsoever , both for field and garrison , now in use for offensive or defensive service , with the height of their diameters , their weight , and length ; the thicknesse of the mettall at the breech , trunnions , or necke ; the number of men , horses , or oxen , requisite for the draught of each peece ; the height , weight , and compasse of the bullet , belonging to each peece ; how much corne or serpentine powder , is requisite to charge every severall peece ; and also the length and breadth of the ladles fit for every peece ; the distance every peece shoots at point-blanke and utmost randon , &c. first invented by mr. smith , but in some kinde rectified , with additions thereunto , fit for all kinde of officers to understand and observe ; ut sequitur . the names of the peeces of great ordnance now in most use . the height of the diameter of each peece . the height of the bullet . the weight of the shot in pounds . compasse of the shot in inches and parts . weight of serpentine powder . weight of corne powder . weight of the peece in pounds . length of the peece in feet . thicknesse of mettall at the touch-hole , inches . thicknesse of the mettall at the trunnions . thicknesse of the mettall at the neck . ladles length . ladles breadth . length of the planzes of the carriage of the peece . depth of each planke in inches at 〈◊〉 . depth of the planke at the lower end in feet . thicknesse of the planke in inches and parts . the number of men to draw each peece in service . the number of horse to draw each peece . the number of yoke oxen. distance of pace the peece carries at point-blanke . distance of paces each peece carries at utmost randon . length of the coyler repes . canon of ⅙ / / / ● / canon serpentine . / / / / / / / / / / / / french canon . / / / / / / ● / ● / / / demi-canon eldest . / / / / / / / / ● ● / ● / ● / / demi-canon ord. / / / / / ● / / / ● / / demi-canon . / / / / ● ● / ● culverin . / / ● / / ● / / ● ● / / / ordinary culverin . / / / / / / ● / ● ● / / semi-culverin . / / / / / / ● ● / ● / ● ● / / dem-culverin lesse . / / / / ● ● / / / / ● / ● ● / / ●●ker ordinary . / / / / / / / / / / ● / ● ●●keret or minion . / / / / / / / / ● / ● / ● ●●wcon . / / / / / / / / / / ● ●●●conet . ● / / / / / ● / / / / ● / ●abinet . ● / / / / / / / ● / / / / / / ●●se . / ● / ● / / ● / / / / in the precedent table of mr. smith , he hath onely named such ordnance as are most usuall in england . wherefore , before we proceed to our intended discourse , we will observe the conditions of divers canons of a larger extent , as the canon of . inches diameter , the shot weighes . pound , and hath in corn-powder . pound for her charge . the canon of . inches , the weight of the bullet is . pound , and requires for her charge in c. powder , . pound . the canon of . inches , the weight of the bullet is . pound , and requires . pounds of c. powder for its charge . the canon of . inches , hath for its bullet in weight . pound , and requires . pounds of c. powder for her charge . the canon of . inches , the weight of the bullet is . pound , and requires . pounds of c. powder for its due charge . canon of . inches . hath for the weight of its bullet . pound , and requires . pounds of c. powder for its charge . there are likewise divers of those ordnance specified in the precedent table , that are re-inforced , as the dragon , or double culvering , whose mettall weighes . pounds , and shoots . paces levell , and . paces at its best randon . the whole culvering weighes . pounds , carries levell . paces , and at its best randon . paces . the demi-culvering weighes . pounds , shoots levell . paces , and at its best randon . paces . the saker or halfe-culverin weighes , . pounds , and shoots levell . paces , and at its best randon . paces . the fawlcon weighes . pounds , shoots levell . paces , and convayes his shot at its best randon . paces . the fawlconet weighes . pounds , shoots point-blanke . paces , and convayes its shot at best randon . paces . the rabinet weighes . pounds , shoots point-blanke . paces , and convayes its shot at best randon . paces . the base weighes . pounds , shoots point-blanke . paces , and conveyes its shot at best randon . paces . we are further to observe , that there are of these kinde of ordnance , of a lesse weight and force in mettall , and yet of the same diameter or bore ; as first , the dragon or double culverin weighes but . pounds , shoots levell but . paces , and at the best randon . paces . the whole culverin weighes . pounds , shoots levell . paces , and convayes its shot at its best randon . the demi-culverin . pounds , shoots point-blanke . paces , and convayes its shot at the best randon . paces . the saker weighes . pounds , and shoots point-blanke . paces , and convayes its shot at best randon . paces . the fawlcon weighes . pounds , shoots point-blanke . paces , and convayes its shot at best randon . paces . the fawlconet weighes . pounds , shoots point-blanke . paces , and convayes its shot at best randon . paces . the rabinet weighes . pounds , shoots point-blanke . paces , and convayes its shot at best randon . paces . we are further to observe , that there are divers ordnance that beares the same denominations , the former legitimate ordnance did , which the gunners terme bastard peeces , in regard the length of their chase , and height of their bore differs : and of these , there are some re-inforced by mettall , and others of the same nature are lessened ; those that are re-inforced , i will first describe ; as the ordinary basiliske , or bastard double-culverin , is about . diameters in length , shooteth an iron castshot of . pounds , and requires in powder for her charge . pounds of fine powder , or . pounds of common ; the weight of her mettall is . pounds , shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , and at best randon . paces . the serpentine or bastard-culverin , is in length . diameters of her bore , and shoots . pounds shot , with as much common powder , or . l. / ● . of 〈◊〉 powder for her charge ; her weight in mettall is . l. shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at best randon . paces . the aspike or bastard-demi-culverin shooteth . l. shot , with . pound of fine powder , and is , diameters long ; weight is . l. shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , and by its best randon . paces . the pellican or bastard quarter-culverin is . diameters of her bore in length , the weight of her shot is . l. with as much fine powder for her charge , the weight of the peece is . l. shee conveyes her shot by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , by best randon . paces . the bastard fawlcon shooteth . l. shot , with t●ree pounds fine powder , and is . diameters long , and weigheth . l. conveyes her shot by mettall . paces ▪ by levell . paces , and by her best randon . paces . the bastard rabinet dischargeth an iron shot of one pound and a halfe , with so much fine powder , and is . diameters of ●er bore in length , weighing . l. and shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at her best randon . the base weighes . l. and shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , and at her best randon , . paces . as for the lessened bastard peeces , i shall now describe the weight of mettall and the distance in conveying their shot . the basiliske weighes . pound ▪ shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at best randon . paces . the serpentine weighes . l. shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at best randon . paces . the aspike weighes . pound , shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at best randon . paces . the pellican weighes . l. shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . at best randon . paces . the fawlcon weighes . l. shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at her best randon . paces . the rabinet weighes . l. shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at her best randon . paces . the base weighes . l. shoots by mettall . paces , by levell . paces , at her best randon . paces . thus much shall suffice in describing the names and natures of these kinde of ordnance ; we shall afterwards take occasion to speake of all kinde of morter-peeces , and the like ; and draw out some particular discourses of the conditions and qualities of all sorts of ordnance whatsoever , and the right uses of them . thus taking it for granted , you are perfect in the names and conditions of these ordnance , i will proceed in the next chapter to speake more fully of the canon ; how they are divided according to their conditions , for severall services eyther offensive or defensive . chap. xlvi . how the gunners of our times doe divide these ordnance , according to their quallities for severall services . in this chapter wee are to take notice how our moderne gunners divide these ordnance , according to the condition of the peece for each proper service ; and we are to take them in foure kindes ; as namely , first of the canons , which are divided likewise into . sorts : the canon royall or double canon ; secondly , the whole canon , or as it is called the canon of . thirdly , the demy-canon , whose diameter of the bore is inches / parts ; these three kindes are onely used in batteries against strong walls and defences of the enemy , because their shot being so weighty , doth shake and ruine more then the inferiour ordnance : note by the way , that all forreigne ordnance are called or named according to the weight of the shott : and for the most part times the diameter of their bore is the true length of their chases , yet many times they are more and sometimes lesse . the second kind of ordnance used in service are the culverins ▪ which wee will reduce to five sorts , ( although the table mentions more ) culverins and demy-culverins serve to pierce and slice out in batteryes , what the canons have loosened and shaken ; the saker and faulcon serves to flanker any bulworke or halfe moone ; the other smaller sort of this kinde serves for field-peeces , for assaults , or to shoot at troopes of men or horse : the third kinde of great ordnance are canon-periors , and perieraes ; and of these there are foure kindes which are used for severall purposes ; these kinde of peeces never shoot any iron or leaden bullets , but stones , grandoes , and other murthering shot and fire-balls : the canon-perior is most serviceable to defend a breach , keepe a passage , and to murther and spoile the enemy being within its reach ; all forreigne peeces of this kind are either taper , or belbored in their chambers ; the mouth of the chamber is either / ● or / in calibre of the height or calibre of the mouth of the chase of the peece ; their chambers are to bee in length diameters of the mouth of the sayd chamber : our english peeces are equally bored the length of their whole chases , but the other taper-bored , are better and stronger , so that the mouth of the chamber be equally in height with the rest of the bore forwards towards the mouth . the next sort of these kindes are termed perieraes , and they are farre inferiour fortified with mettall to the former : for the canon-perior is usually allowed . pound of mettall , for every pound weight of their stone-shot ; and these perieraes are allowed but pound , the chamber thereof is / parts in bore of calibre at the mouth ; her charge is / parts of the weight of her stone-shot in corne-powder . the third kinde of these sort of ordnance are the port peeces , and stock-fowlers , these are likewise cast in brasse , but are open at both ends , and are to bee loaded with chambers at the breech fitted close thereinto , with shoulders as your wooden pipes which conveyes water , are tapewise fitted in . the fourth sort of this third kinde of ordnance , are sling-peeces , and portingall bases , which have chambers fitted likewise into their breeches as the former had : both in these kinde of peeces and the former , the shot and wadde is first put into the chase , and then is the chamber to bee firmely wedged into the taile of the chase and carriage : these last mentioned peeces have no carriages , but stand upon a strong forked prop , upon the ends of which the trunnions rest , and unto the end of the chase is a long steale of iron with a cord tied unto it , which raiseth it higher or lower , according to the assigned marke these shoot : base , burre , musquet , or any kinde of murthering shot , being put up in bagges or lanthornes fitted to the bore ; these are usually loaded with / or / ● of the weight of their shot in corne-powder , and most usually made of wrought iron . the fourth and last kinde of ordnance , are likewise subdivided into foure severall kindes , and not onely differ from the former peeces of ordnance , but divers in themselves , and are various in their uses one from the other : the names are these , the morter-peece , square-murtherers , toctles and petards ; the morter-peeces are very necessary and usefull , as well for the assaylants , as defendants ; for being duely used , they annoy the enemy much in his forts or trenches : first , by s●ooting granadoes either single or double , iron bullets , stone or leaden shot . the nature of other ordnance is , to convey the shot in a right line , to performe such service as they are assigned to , and there must bee no hinderance neither of hils , houses , or walls betwixt the peeces levelled , and the marke intended to bee hit : but these kinde of peeces are ordained and fitted to shoot in an oblique or crooked line , to convey their fire-balls or other shot , over walls , hills , or any obstacle that may hinder other peeces at degrees of the quadrant they shoot right upwards ; but most commonly they are mounted from degrees , to . . . or according as the distance is in farnesse from the peece , or the height of the hills , walls , or houses shall hinder : some of these peeces have their trunnions in the middest , some a little lower , and many even with their breeches ; they are fortified with mettall / of the height of the mouth of the chamber at the touch-hole , and ● of the calibre or bore of the mouth of the peece ; the length of their chases are divers , some are two , others diameters of their mouthes bores , in length ; the charge in corne-powder is / ● part of the weight of the shot ; if it shootes at mounture above . degrees , but if it shoots levell or downewards ● parts of powder of the weight of the shot ; not forgetting to put a good wad alwaies betweene the powder and the shot , unlesse it bee charged with fire-balls ; then nothing is to bee put to hinder the powder from firing the balls . moreover , great care is to bee had least crackes or holes be in the granadoes , least they fire in the peece ; and endanger the breaking of it , wherefore it is safest to coat it over : if these kinde of peeces bee loaded with granadoes of potters-earth , or glasse ; then / parts of their weight in powder will bee sufficient , otherwise they will breake ; but if stone , or iron bullets / ● or / of powder ; for the lesse you mount your peece , the more powder is required to charge her . for the charging of these latter sorts of morter-peeces , is sufficiently discourst of ; onely much care is to bee taken in spunging and cleansing the peece before the powder bee put in , the mouth of it ever standing upright : the due charge of powder being put in the chamber , there must bee a wadde rammed downe either of hay , or ockham , and after it a tamkin of some soft wood , of such bredth and thicknesse as will fill up the chamber , that no vacuity may bee betweene the powder and w●dde , or wadde and shot ; after the which the shot being put in , with another wadde after it , to keepe the shot from too speedy flying out : note that in mentioning the morter-peeces , i intend the other two , namely the square-morters , and tortles . the fourth and last which remaines to bee discourst of is the petard , which are onely used to blow open ports , and portcullis ; they are divers in their magnitudes ; according to the strength of the opposition they are to ruine : their proportions are some to hold one pound of powder and lesse ; others to hold or pounds or more : they are fashioned like to a morter or saints-bell ▪ somewhat tapered , they are / parts diameter of their mouthes calibre at the bottome of their chase ; and in thicknesse of mettall / parts diameter at their breech , and up towards their mouth , lessening in thicknesse ; there is usually allowed five pounds of mettall , bee it brasse or iron to every pound of powder , according to the proportion of the greatnesse of it ; so that for pound of powder , your petard must weigh . pound , or pound weight of mettall : a strong hooke is to bee scrued into the substance you intend to ruine ; and upon this hooke hangs the wringle of the petard , and likewise to bee shored up with a strong forked rest to stay the reverse of it ; the chargeing them is after this manner . first , the true quantity of corne-powder being rammed downe hard to the bottome of the chase , little by little , untill it bee fil●ed within a fingers bredth of the mouth , then bore a hole downe to the bottome of the powder , through the middest of it with some square peece of iron , into which concavity , divers quilles of quicke-silver are to bee put ; then a planke made fit of or inches thicknesse to lay on the mouth of it , which is to bee strongly plated with iron ; betweene the planke and the toppe of the powder , you are to place a waxed cloth just the widenesse of the mouth of the petard , then fill up the residue of the chase betweene the cloth and the toppe of the mouth with molten waxe , mingled with flaxe , hurds , or towe , there is a pipe to come from the touch-hole , which is to bee filled with slow and sure receipt of fire-workes , which by a priming of quick-powder fire may bee given safely . for to prove the strength and sufficiencie of these short ordnance whether they will hold and endure ; you must charge them with once and ⅓ parts of powder of the weight of the shot : note that when any peece of ordnance of what kinde soever growes hot , there is a discretion to bee used in lessening the charge of powder , otherwise the peece will breake ; the figure of this petard shall afterwards in this discourse bee described . chap. xlvii . how a gunner is to tertiate and measure a peece of ordnance that hee bee not deceived in charging it ; and also how to despart any kinde of ordnance . although wee have formerly spoken in a particular way of all kinde of ordnance which our moderne gunners make use of ; yet wee must bee farther instructed before we can attaine the perfection of this art , how each sort of ordnance differs in their fortifications , bee they of the kindes either of canons , or culverins ; for there is a great difference in these , as formerly wee have discourst of , in regard they are either more fortified in mettall , or lessened and abated : so that those ordinary peeces exprest in the precedent table , are as it were a meane betwixt these extraordinary peeces discourst of in the foregoing chapter . wherefore if a gunner doe not rightly conceive of the constitution of each peece , hee will fayle either in overcharging the lesse fortified or weaker , or under-charge the more fortified or stronger peeces : for prevention whereof , gunners have distinguisht them into three sorts ; as namely , first either ordinarily fortified , or lessened , or double fortified ; that is to say , common or legittimate peeces , bastard-peeces , or extraordinary peeces : common or legittimate peeces , are those that have a due length of their chases proportioned according to the height of their proper bores , as the table aforegoing hath demonstrated : bastard-peeces have shorter chases then the proportion of their bores do require ; and extraordinary peeces are such ordnance as have longer chases then the proportion of the bore allowes : therfore to bee certaine of what constitution the peece is of , the readiest way is ( if your calibre compasses bee wanting to measure or tertiate her with ) to take a cord or packthred , and girding the peece at the touch-hole , at the trunnions , and at the necke , taking ⅓ . parts thereof , for the diameter of the body of her mettall , in each place after this manner following . the canon or ordinary culverins have about . diameters of their bore at the touch-hole , at the trunnions . and at the necke . diameters in their circumferences ; but the canon commonly employed in batteries , have but . diameters at their touch-hole , at their trunnions ½ . parts , and at their neckes / ● . in the circumference of their mettalls there : lastly , the demy-canons are but / of their bores , in thicknesse of mettall at the touch-hole ; if any peece bee more or lesse , then they are either re-inforced , or lessened , and according to the force or feeblenesse of the peece , to allow her a convenient charge of powder : the double fortified or re-inforced canons of batterie , have one whole diameter of their bore , in thicknesse of mettall at the touch-hole , and / . at her trunnions , and / . at her necke , and can endure to burne . pounds / . parts of fine powder , or . / . parts of common powder : contrarily , the lessened canons of battery is ● / . at the chamber , at the trunnions , / . and at the necke ● / . of the diameter , of their bores in thicknesse of mettall , the poorenesse and debillity of her constitution in mettall will not endure ½ . of fine powder ; or pound of common powder notwithstanding her iron bullet weighes . pound . moreover , if a peece of ordnance bee not truely cast , so that one side is thicker in mettall then the other ; shee ought to have but such a proportion of powder , as the thinnest part will beare , otherwise it is in danger of breaking , besides it will never shoot right : therefore to examine the peece , you must mount the mouth of it upon a skidde or peece of timber ; then you must divide the circumference of the base-ring at the breech into foure equall parts ; and in the same manner likewise divide the circumference of the mossell-ring at the mouth into foure parts , every particular point of the base-ring answering unto each point of the mossell-ring , in a right superficiall line ; then stretching a chaulke line from the uppermost marke of the mossell-ring alongst the cillender of the peece , unto the uppermost marke of the base-ring ; then striking the line that it leaves a perfect marke behinde it , then in the same manner strike the rest of the points ; so that there will bee foure equall lines dividing the body of the peece into foure equall divisions : then take a straight rod , and put it into the mouth of the peece holding it close to the side of the concave , directly in it as the lines directeth ; one line whereof lying directly upwards , the opposite will lye directly to it underneath , and the other two lines will bee on both the sides of the peece : then take the quadrant , and place one side thereof even with the rod ; and looke what degree the perpendicular plumblyne entteth thereon , and so turning the peece that one of the side-lines may lye upwards as the former line did ; and if the plumblyne falls not upon the same degree at each of the . lines , the quadrant being applied in manner aforesayd , then the peece is truely bored : likewise if the bore of the peece lye awry in the mettall , either to the right or left hand under or over ; it must bee truely disparted before a true shot can bee made : to performe the which , take with a paire of callibres the greatest height of the mettall at the mouth of the peece , and likewise at the breech , abating the lesse out of the greater ½ . parts , the remainer is the just disparture of the peece , as for example , a culverin that is . inches high at the base-ring , will bee . inches high at the mossell-ring ; which . inches abated from . rests . which being divided into two equall parts , the quotient being three inches , shewes the true disparture of the peece : it may also be done by taking a line and measuring the greatest circumference of mettall in the base-ring ; multiplying that measure by . dividing the product by . the quotient is the diameter or height of the circumference ; likewise measure the circumference of the mossel-ring ; and multiply that measure by . divide by . as before , the quotient will shew the diameter of the mettall at the mouth ; then substract the diameter last found , from the diameter of the breech ½ . that remains is the true disparture : or for want of callibres , take a cord and measure the greatest circumference of mettall at the breech , then multiply that measure by . dividing the product by . the quotient is the diameter or height of the circumference : likewise measure the greatest circumference of mettall at the mouth , multiply that measure by . divide by . as before , the quotient will shew the diameter at the mouth of the mettall ; substract the diameter last found , from the diameter at the breech ● . the remainder is the true disparture , exempli gratia . suppose a peece of ordnance . inches circumference of mettall at the base-ring or breech , and at the mossel-ring or mouth , . inches : to know the diameter of mettall at breech and mouth , and the true disparture ; you must multiply . by . the product is . this being divided by . the quotient is , the height of the mettall at the breech ; likwise multiply by you have , divide this by , the quotient is , the height of the mettall at the mouth ; which . abated from . rests . the which . being divided into two equall parts , yeelds . inches for a part , the true disparture of the peece . moreover , if you finde your peece thicker of mettall in one part then another , shee will convey her bullet towards the thickest side ; wherefore after with your instruments , and such rules as before is described for the finding it out , you understand where the fault lies , and which side is the thickest ; you must to remedy it , divide the overplus of mettall in two parts , setting the disparture of your peece , one of those parts towards the thickest side of the peeces mouth , and bring the middle part of mettall at the breech of your peece , that disparture , and the middest of the marke , taking a direct levell with your eye , and laying it in a straight line , fire being given the shot will hit right ; but if the thickest part of the mettall bee above , then you ought to make your disparture one inch more , if under towards the carriage , then one inch lesse . now to know how farre such a peece will shoote wide , there is a generall rule set downe by gunners ; that so oftentime the length of the cillender or concave of the peece is to the marke , and then knowing how much the peece is thicker on th' one side then the other ; the one halfe of that overplus being multiplied by the quotient first found , the product will shew how much the peece shooteth wide of the marke ; ( as for example ) if a governour findes a canon to be thicker of mettall by two inches on the right side then on the left ; she being . foot in length , and the marke assigned to be shot unto is supposed to be . paces from the peece : to worke this , you must bring the . paces into feet , which makes , feet , the which being divided by . feete , being the length of the concave : cillinder of the canon , yeildeth in the quotient . feet / . the which multiplied by / . the superfluity of the mettall being one inch , makes . feet / still , and so much wide the marke should the sayd peece have shot at such a distance , although she had beene layed full against the middest of the marke . these observations i thought fit to gather and present to the view of the studious souldier , which i question not , but will be taken well by any souldier that understands himselfe : as for imbellicke fooles , i leave them to travell for more wit , valour , and experience . so let this suffice for the tertiating and measuring a peece of ordnance , which otherwise the gunner may be deceived in charging it ; and also it shall bee sufficient for the disparting any peece of ordnance , otherwise their will be great errours in making a true shot : in the following chapter wee will discourse of divers circumstances and causes , which a gunner must take into his consideration otherwise great errours will ensue every shoote he makes . chap. xlviii . divers circumstances and causes to bee considered and avoyded , which causeth errour in shooting . there are such diversitie of implements , materialls , and circumstances , belonging to great artillery , which being not truely planted , formed , and framed , causeth sundry accidents to proceed from them ; so that if a wonderfull care and vigilancie bee not had to prevent and amend the same , it will bee impossible to make a true shot in all kinde of peeces , and upon all kinde of platformes : therefore it will bee most convenient to discourse of every particular thing that may let and hinder the true performance of a shot , and likewise shew the best remedies to redresse them : and for the performance thereof , we will take the rules and advises of the best and ablest gunners that have wrote upon this discourse : wherefore first observe if a peece of ordnance be not truely layed upon her carriage , or her carriage not truely framed , will produce an errour ; the remedy for this , is helpt by this rule : first measure the just length of the cillender or bore of your peece , then note , the plankes of the carriage ought to bee once and a halfe that length ; also measure the diameter of that peece , and the sayd plankes at the fore-end shall bee in depth times that diameter , and in the middest three times ½ . the diameter , and at the end next the ground , two times and a halfe the diameter , and in thicknesse once the diameter . next observe whether the wheeles have their due proportion in heigth , or whether one wheele bee higher then the other , or one wheele reverse faster then the other : observe the due proportion for the wheeles should bee ½ . parts the length of the peece : the saker and minion , the height of their wheeles must exceed this former proportion by ● . parts : for the faulcon and faulconet / . and for the base one quarter ; the vellowes must bee in length diameters and / ● . of the bore . and sixe of these makes the whole circumference , and each of them one diameter in breadth , and one in thicknesse ; the nave ought to bee three diameters thicke , and three diameters and a halfe long ; the spokes are to bee two diameters in length , and let into the nave one halfe diameter , and into the vellowes one halfe diameter more ; each wheele is to have twelve spokes , and each spoke , a quarter of a diameter square ; the axle-tree must bee one diameter ● . in thicknesse ; the armes thereof must bee in the thickest place one diameter , and at the ends thereof ● . parts of a diameter in thicknesse , and where the limbes or sides of the carriage rests on , it must bee one and a quarter in bredth , and one and / ● . parts in heigth . thirdly , if the trunnions bee not duely plac't directly in a diagonall line with the axis of the peece , it will shoot wide : therefore observe , first to measure the length of the concave , cillinder , or bore of the peece from the mouth to the breech ; divide that measure by . then multiply that summe that commeth in the quotient by . the product will shew you how many inches or other measure the trunnions ought to stand from the end of the lowest part of the concavity of the sayd peece at the breech ; or otherwise you may multiply the length of the concave of the peece by . and divide the product by . the quotient will shew the true place how farre the trunnions ought to stand from the lowest part of the bore : for chamber bored peeces , this rule fayles , for they must be placed more backwards , because the thicknesse of mettall towards the breech , exceeds in comparative proportion to equall bored peeces , which would become breech-heavie and very troublesome in managing ; and if the trunnions should bee plac't according to the former rule , the mettall of such chamber bored peeces would be thinne and weake at the proportioned place , so that a due place must bee found to place them more neere the breech , the better to support the great weight of the mettall , and the better to keepe her steadie in her discharge , and not to be too unwildie , but neere equi-ballancing for the mounting and managing thereof . fourthly , if the platforme be not layed with planks very levell and smooth , so that neither of the wheeles , nor neither side of the tayle of the carriage takes a rubbe in the reverse , or rest harder on the platforme upon one side more then upon the other . fiftly , when the shot is too low for the bore of the peece , and at the delivery toucheth upon one side , causeth the shot to erre , and if the shot be not equally round , or the bore of the peece not lying straight , but more on the one side then the other ; or if the shot be rammed too farre home , or too short . sixthly , if the winde be too vehement either with you or against you , the thicknes , or thinnes of the ayre will cause errour . seventhly , the heating or cooling the peece , and note that a brasse peece being made hot with often shooting , is more apt to breake then when it is cold ; and any kinde of artillery of what mettall soever , is more apt to breake in a great frost ( being cold ) at the first or second shot , then afterwards being hot with often shooting : moreover a peece of ordnance over hot with shooting , will not raunge so farre not pierce so deep , as being temperately cold , and the slower the powder is in firing within the peece , the greater her reverse will bee , and the shot of lesse execution : in the next chapter we will observe some rules in charging great ordnance , with their due proportion of powder and shot to every particular peece , with sundry other circumstances thereto belonging . chap. xlix . observations in charging great ordnance , with their due proportion of powder and shot to every particular peece belonging : with their ladles , tampions , and spunges , and all kinde of circumstances ; fit to be learned of every commander , both concerning peeces , powder , and bullets . wee having travailed thus farre in observing what our famous gunners of this latter age , have through their industry and experience found out , to perfect and beautifie this noble art , which is now brought to a most excellent perfection ; i hold it most fit to discourse of every particular branch in an orderly way ; and to performe this , i shall indeavour to picke and cull out of the ablest authors their best practicall experiments , and so briefly and distinctly handle them , that the ingenuous commander may profit thereby . and first , not forgetting how wee have formerly shewed the nature and quality of all kinde of ordnance , their due due strength and fortitudes , with divers accidents that may hinder their true shooting ; now remaines , divers further observations and curiosities , which may not bee omitted in lading or charging them gunner-like : wherefore having powder , bullets and match , with other implements in readinesse for service , and before you charge your peece , you must cleere the touch-hole , and spunge the peece well . a peece of ordnance is eyther to be laded with cartrages or with the ladle , cartreges is the readiest way , they are framed eyther of canvas or paper royall : for the making of these in a due proportion ; that they may neyther hold more nor lesse , but a due charge . you are to take the height of the bore of the peece without the vent of the shot , then cut the cloth or paper of the breadth of three such heights , and if it be for a canon , the length must be three diameters of the bore , for a culverin and for a saker , fawlcon , and other inferiour peeces ½ . parts of the height of their proper bores : note , you are to leave in the middest , top , and bottome , one other such height , at each of these places to lye over , and make a cover and a bottome for the cartreges ; moreover , you are to augment or diminish these cartrages , according as your powder is in strength or weaknesse , or according as your peece is hot . if your peece bee an ancient cast peece taper bored , the former of wood must be made accordingly , that the cartreges may goe to the bottome ; if chamber-bored , the cartrage must be layd in a thin instrument called a chassela , which will convey it into the chamber , but if right bored your rammers head put it close home , and with a three-square sharpe priming iron make a vent through the cartrage at the touch-hole ; so that the priming powder that is to take fire may come to the powder in the cartrage . the next thing considerable , is to know how to give a true charge with a ladle ; first , we are to consider ( as formerly i have sayd ) whether the peece be double fortified or not , or whether inferiour in mettall ; a double fortified canon , is to bee charged with two ladles full of powder , the ladle is to bee two diameters and a halfe of the shot in length , the socket of the ladle-plate that is fastened on to the staffe , is to be one diameter more of plate , the breadth of the plate of this ladle must be two diameters . or rather observe this rule , take a cord and measure the circumference of the bullet in the middest , laying the same measure to an inch rule , then divide the same measure . into equall parts ; note , that three of these parts , is the just breadth the plate of the ladle ought to be of : which being orderly placed on the staffe as before , and bent circularly , serves to hold the powder in ; the other / ● . parts being cut off , and so left open , serves to turne the powder into the peece : the length of this ladle , is to be made according to the fortifying of the peece with mettall . for a canon , the length is to be . inches / ● . parts . for a canon serpentine . inches , a french canon . demi-canon eldest . demi-canon ordinary . demi-canon . inches , and so for all inferiour peeces , according as the table in the beginning of this discourse , doth plainly demonstrate . to charge with this gunner-like ; so soone as this ladle is filled so full that it may be strucke off with a rule , the same being put into the mouth of a peece , and your thumbe being fixed upon the upper part of the staffe , so thrusting it home to the bottome of the concavitie of the cillender , turne the staffe so , as your thumbe falles directly under the staffe , so the ladle will disburthen it selfe orderly . now to know the ● / . parts of the bullets circumference , that the ladle may fitly hold her true charge ; lay the measure of the bullets whole circumference to an inch rule , then multiply the same by . and divide the product by the denominator . the quotient will justly tell the breadth the plate ought to be of ; as for example ; you shall finde in the table , a canon whose bullet is . inches high in diameter , this will be . inches in the circumference , that multiplyed by . makes . which divided by . the quotient is . inches , / . the true breadth of the plate , for a canon ladle of . inches diameter . but if it should so happen , that neyther ladle nor cartrages were to be had , nor ballances ready to weigh out the due proportion of powder for a charge , then thrust your rammer into the cillender of the peece just to the touch-hole , and there marke the staffe even with the mettall at the peeces mouth : then pull the staffe backe three diameters for the canon , and / . for the culverin , and . diameters for the saker , ●awlcon , and the rest inferiour peeces . likewise , marke there another marke , betweene these two markes , is the place of distance , the powder will supply in the chamber of the peece . then take paper , parchment , or cloth , as long as the distance betwixt the two markes , then being wrapped up round , equall with the bore of the peece , onely / . part lesse ; the sides and bottome being glewed , fill it with powder , and gently put it into the mouth of the peece , and thrust it home with the tampion , and see there be just so much powder , as will occupie the place betweene the two markes , so as the last marke be equall to the s●atte of the mouth , the rammers head being home to the powder . but by the way , let us take some observations of the mixture of gunpowder ▪ so that the gunner may not deceive himselfe , in the over or under-charging his peece , according as the strength or weaknesse of the powder shall happen , by meanes whereof it shall be impossible to make a true shot ; for there is a certaine proportionall charge of powder to be found for every peece , according to the strength of the peece and the weight of the shot , some hold that the truest charge is a just quantity of fine powder , that shall all fire within the cillender of the peece , and what is more is superfluous . now we are to observe , there are three sorts of powder in use of severall forces ; the first is a small corned powder for birding-peeces , and fowling , the ●ngredients is . or . of peeter , and one of cole and of brimstone , and this is quickest and of greatest force ; the second is for musquets and pistols ; called sine-powder , the composition is . or . of peeter for one of cole and of brimstone . the third is called ordnance powder , and that hath . or . of peeter for one of cole , and of brimstone : to distinguish the force of these severall kindes , or of any powder decayed , there is an instrument invented , the figure and use of it followes in this booke , in the discourse of warlike instruments . besides , it is easie for a gunner to know if powder be decayed through mutation or corruption , three severall wayes ; the first by the sight . secondly , by the se●ling ; the third and surest way , is by firing it : if it lookes blacke and darke , or if it moulders or clammes together , it is naught and decayed ; for good powder will feele nimble , and looke of a blush or tawny colour : if good powder be fired upon a peece of white paper , if it rise quicke being fired , and spread in a moment , smoke little , but rise in a cleare flash , and leaves no peeces upon the paper , but carries all away cleane , without firing the paper , the powder is very good , otherwise not ; by these symptomes , a gunner cannot be deceived in proportioning his due charge . next , we are to know the difference of bullets ; both in their heights , weights , circumferences , and mettals , which being not observed , a world of errors will bee committed , and a true proportionable charge can never be found to make a right shot . wherefore , first observe our best gunners doe allow for all kinde of bullets / ● . part of the diameter of the peeces bore for vent . secondly , according to the weight of the shot , the charge of powder must bee proportioned . therefore it is most necessary , first to know the true weight of any shot by the diameter thereof . secondly , to know the different weights of bullets , being of one and the selfe-same diameter , proportion , circumference , and height , but of severall substances : as iron , leade , stone , and the like . wherefore take notice , the proportion in weight of iron to leade , is as . to . likewise , stone to leade is as . to . and stone to iron as . to . the powder due to every charge , must be proportioned according to the weight of the bullet , be it more or lesse , as mr. digges in his . theorem doth shew , and as mr. norton comments upon it : that if a gunner shoots three severall shots in a saker , the bullet of the first being leade , the second iron , the third stone , the true charge of powder being . pound as the leaden bullet requires , then the leade out-rangeth the other two , and that of iron will out-range that of stone ; but if these three severall bullets be discharged with other severall proportions of powder , as the iron bullet requires . l. of powder , then will the iron out-range the leade , and the leade the stone-shot . but thirdly , if these three kinde of bullets bee severally shot with l. of powder , being the true proportionall charge for the stone-shot , then will the stone-shot out-range the iron , and the iron the leade . further in his . theorem , the convenient weight of a bullet alters according to the quantity or validity of the powder , for as formerly is shewed , that the leade shot requires the whole weight of ordinary powder , or ● . of corne powder , and the iron-shot ● / . of ordinary , or / . of the best powder ; and the stone-bullet / ● . of ordinary , or / ● of the best powder . moreover , these precedent things being considered , yet there is further to be observed the length of the peece , for although there be a convenient ponderositie of powder and bullet , answerable one to the other , which might cause a perfect shoot , yet if the cillender of the peece be not proportioned in length , but is eyther longer or shorter , it will cause alteration ; for the longer peece will require more powder to be fired in her , before the shot can arrive just at the mouth of the peece to be discharged than the shorter will , for if all the powder be fired before the shot arrives at the mouth , the after running thereof within the mouth of the cillender , will hinder the swiftnesse thereof : so likewise if the peece be too short , so that the bullet be out of the mouth of the peece before all the powder be fired , having received all the force of powder , for want of sufficient length in the cillender of the peece , it cannot possible doe the true execution . for conclusion , we are not to forget to learne the weights of all kinde of bullets by their diameters , and by having the true weight of a small bullet , thereby to finde out the weight of a greater ; as also , by having the weight of an iron bullet , thereby to finde out the weight of a bullet of any other mettall . an iron bullet ; whose diameter is inches , the weight thereof is . l. the same diameter of leade weighes . l. and the like in marble stone , . l. as you may perceive by a table following , exactly calculated by mr. norton . in the next place , by having the weight of a small bullet , thereby to finde out the weight of a greater , is performed by this example following . an iron bullet of . inches diameter weighing . pounds ; by this i would know , how much a bullet of . inches diameter weighes , being of the same mettall . this is performed by multiplying the diameter of each bullet cubically , where i finde the cube of . to be . and the cube of . to be . then by the rule of proportion i say , if . weighes . l. weight , what shall that bullet weigh whose cube is . so multiplying . by . l. the weight of the lesser bullet ariseth . which being divided by . being the cube of the lesser bullet , yeilds in the quotient . l. so much shall the bullet weigh , that is of . inches diameter . how by the weight of an iron bullet , to finde out the weight of a bullet of marble stone , being of the like diameter , or by the weight and height of a marble bullet , to finde out the weight of an iron bullet of like height , is thus performed . as for example . an iron bullet of . inches height , is of . l. weight ; to know the weight of a marble bullet of like diameter : you must first observe , that a bullet of iron to the like bullet of marble stone , shall beare such proportion as . to . ( as before is shewed ) and therefore i multiply the weight of the iron bullet knowne , being . l. by . the proportion the stone bullet beareth thereto , of which ariseth . this being divided by . the quotient is . l. thus much shal the marble bullet weigh , that is in diameter equall with the bullet of iron of . inches diameter . after the same manner take the height and weight of a stone bullet , being . inches diameter , which weighes . l. and multiply this . l. by . the iron bullet beareth to the stone , which product being divided by . which is the proportion the stone beareth to the iron ▪ the quotient will be . the number of pounds the iron bullet weighes . after the same manner , a leaden bullet being of the same diameter that either an iron or a stone bullet is of , by knowing the proportion betweene iron and leade , or stone and leade , you may finde out the weight either by the other , as before is shewed . moreover , if there be two bullets , one higher in diameter than the other , if you want a paire of callibre compasses to take the just height , you must take a cord and guirt the bullet or bullets ( whose height you desire to know ) just in the midst , then lay the measure to an inch rule , observing how many inches or other measure the same containeth , which being done , multiply the said measure by . and divide by . the quotient will shew you the just diameter , then abating the lesse diameter from the greater , the remainer will shew you how much the one is higher than the other . as for example . if the circumference of one bullet be . inches , and the circumference of the other inches ; in working as above is taught , i finde the diameter of the lesse bullet to be / ● . and the diameter of the greater bullet to be , / ● . so abating the lesser from the greater , the remainer is . inches / . parts of an inch , shewing the great bullet is so much in height more than the lesse . to finde out the circumference of any bullet , there is a generall rule for it ; first , the height of the diameter being knowne , you are to observe in the next place , that the height of the circumference is as . to . as suppose the diameter to be . inches , which . i multiply by . the product is . which being divided by . the quotient is ● . the true circumference of a bullet . inches height . likewise , having the circumference of any bullet , you may finde out the height of the same ; but this is to be wrought contrary to the former conclusion . as suppose the circumference to be ● / ● . as in the former demonstration you may perceive . therefore , first you are to reduce both the whole and broken numbers , being ● / . into his proper fraction , and it will be / . then observing archimides doctrine , multiplying by . and dividing by . the quotient will be . so many inches is the diameter of the same bullet . and for your greater ease , i have borrowed master nortons table , wherein is plainly shewed the height or diameter from one inch to . with the weight of every particular bullets diameter , both of iron , leade and stone , fitted to the assize of our english measure of inches and parts . likewise , according to our weight of haberde-pois of . ounces to the pound , the left margent is to finde out the height of the shot , in the first two columes of inches and quarter of inches , in the two second columes under the title of iron , pounds , ounces , you shall finde the weight thereof : the like may bee understood if the shot be leade , by the third columes , or of stone by the two last columes , each under his proper title , and over against the height assigned . as for example . an iron shot of . inches the weight will appeare to be . l. and if it were of leade , it would be . l. and of stone . l. . ounces , view the table following ; onely learne these rules following for your helpe , if an exact table should be wanting . first , take the disproportion that iron beares to leade , and leade to marble stone ; for as formerly is shewed , iron is in weight to leade as . to . leade to stone as . to . and stone to ●ron as . to . an iron bullet of . inches diameter that weiges . l. to know what a leaden bullet of the same proportion weighes ; first , multiply the weight of the iron bullet knowne being . l. by . the disproportion leade beareth thereto ; there ariseth . which being divided by . the quotient is . as appeares in this table . secondly , if you would know what a stone bullet weighes , of the same proportion a leaden is of , being . inches diameter , and weighing ( as in the quotient before is shewed ) . l. and likewise observing the disproportion in weight to be . to . as before ; you must multiply the weight of the leaden bullet knowne being . l. by . the disproportion the stone beareth thereto , so ariseth . which being divided by . the quotient is ● / . and thus of the rest of those weights . a table , shewing the height , and weight , of iron , leade , and stone-shot ; the use of this table , is demonstrated in the fore-going page . inches high . quarters . iron pounds . ounces . leade pounds . ounces . stone pounds . ounces . / ● ● / ● / / / a table , shewing the square root unto . and the cubicke root , .     the square root .   the cubick root . square root .   cubick root . i have adjoyned this table , of the square and cubicke root ; to the table of the height and weight of iron , leade , and stone bullets ; because mr. norton conceives that a man of a small capacitie and practice , may finde out the weight of any bullet by the helpe of this table of the cubick-root . as for example . suppose an iron bullet of . inches diameter and / . now by dividing the cube of the shot by . and take the quotient for pounds , and each unite of the remainer for two ounces ; and so the cube of ½ . being . and divided by . the quotient will be . l. and the . remaining will be . ounces ; the like in all kindes may be done for stone-shot , by the rule of . onely : saying , if . the proportion of iron ▪ give . ounces , what shall . the proportion for stone give ? . ounces , which is . l. and . ounces for the weight of the stone-shot , which is . inches / . in height . now to proceed in our discourse , the powder and length ( being considered ) of the peece , and the bullets weight observed , to the end that a convenient proportion of powder be found , answerable to the heavinesse or lightnesse of the bullet . for if one proportion of powder should be taken , for the three severall weights of bullets , being of divers mettals , as this table doth distinguish the disproportion betweene iron , leade , and stone , there would prove an infinite variation and confusion . as mr. norton well observeth , that a mans hand is able to throw a weight of foure pound leade , further than a weight of . pounds of iron ; or then two pounds of feathers : as he exemplifies it by a saker , having made . shots ; the proportion of powder being . pounds , as the leaden shot weighes ; in this case the shot of leade , will out-range the other two , and that of iron will out-range that of stone but the quantitie of powder being altered to . pounds , as the iron shot weigheth ; then the iron will out-range the leade , and the leade the stone-shot , thirdly , these bullets being severally shot againe out of the same peece , with the proportion of pounds of powder , then will the stone-shot out-range the iron , and the iron the leade bullet . moreover , this observation is not to be forgot ; the higher a peece is mounted , the more doth the weight of the shot resist the powder , and the lighter the shot is , the easier it is forc'd out of the peece ; so that if the bullet weighes either too much or too little for the force of the powder , the motion thereof will be various . wherefore he holds , the leaden shot requires for its due charge , the whole weight of ordinary powder , or / ● . of corne-powder ; and the iron-shot / . of ordinary powder , or ⅔ . of the best ; and the stone ⅔ . of ordinary , or ½ . of the best . this shall suffice ; next , we are to intreate of the levelling of ordnance , with the instruments for that purpose , shewing the severall proportionall ranges , according to the mounting or imbasing of the same , as followes . chap. l. divers rules and observations to bee used in levelling of ordnance , by the gunners quadrant , scale , inchsight rule , and other instruments very materiall for every commander to understand . in levelling of ordnance to make a true shot , there is three things considerable ; the first is the distance to the marke assigned within the reach of the peeces levell , called point-blancke , and in this there is neither mounting nor imbasing of the peece . the second , is when the marke assigned is farre beyond distance of a true levell , or point-blancke ; and for the bullet to reach this , the peece is to bee mounted unto some one degree or other of the quadrant , according as the distance of the marke shall be found . thirdly , if a peece of ordnance be to shoot at a marke which lyes under the true levell of point-blancke , then accordingly shee is to bee imba●ed : now from these observations there is a fourth ariseth of equall consequence to bee observed with the former ( viz. ) the finding out the true proportion of distance or paces of ground , whether it be to shoote beyond , or under , or neere the true levell of point-blancke ; if both art and judgement be not used in this , it will prove impossible ever to mount or imbase a peece to any point to performe a perfect shoot . wherefore i hould it best to discourse of the diversity of wayes used by most experienced gunners in levelling of ordnance ; wherein we shall be something large , in regard the subject requires it ; and in the next chapter i shall discourse of the instruments and rules which which are to bee used in taking a true distance of paces to any marke assigned . and in this our present discourse , i shall first describe a quadrant , and then shew the use of it ; and so breefely proceed to other instruments invented for the like uses , with such due observations as befits this theame ; for indeed this quadrant is an instrument by which divers conclusions belonging to this art may be wrought , this gunners quadrant is a geometricall instrument , containing in circumference one quarter of a circle , divided into . equall parts or degrees in the outmost limbe ; and in the second limbe within , there is . equall parts or divisions , and likewise each of those are subdivided by meanes of parallels , and diagonalls , into . equall parts so that each side will be thereby found distinctly divided into equall parts ; the use of them is to take all geometricall mensurations , both of distances , heights , breadths , and depths , which are either accessible or inaccessible , as shall in the next chapter bee declared . but as for the degrees and points , principally they are to helpe the gunners practice to levell and shoot at the best certainty , both in the right line called point blancke , and also upon the advantage of all kinde of randons or markes assigned ; onely you are to make use of certaine tables , scales , and directions which i shall intreat of and demonstrate by figure . wherefore observe this quadrant must have a ruler made very straight about two foot long , which is joyned firmely to one of the sides or semi-diameters thereof ; or rather to have one of the sides extending it selfe out in forme of a ruler ; this subsequent figure represents the true proportion of it , as for the severall parts of this instrument , which onely belongs to the taking of heights and distances , i omit altogether in this place , reserving it for the next chapter . now therefore observe this ruler to which the qudarant is artificially joyned , being two foot long , divided into equall inches and parts , with a hollow s●●t in the midd'st , upon which is placed a plate with a round hole in the midd'st thereof ; the use of it is to set the ruler upright at the breech of the peece , the plate before named moving up and downe as you shall see cause , to take a perfect sight ; by this you may know , what length , or what inches and parts any peece requires to reach any marke . moreover , before you go about to level your peece by the quadrant to make a shott ; you must first by the use of this ruler , take a true view through the two ●ight holes , upon the backe of the same , then accordingly let the plumbline fall at liberty on the degrees of the quadrant ; and if the plumbline falls on the line of levell , then the mark is of equall height with your eye ; but if the thred falles towards you , the marke is above point blancke ; otherwise , if from the line of levell , it is under point-blanck ▪ by this you shall know whether your marke assigned be higher or lower then your platforme or the cillender of your peece , for it is most necessary , first to see whether the base or lowest part of the sayd marke or altitude bee above or under point-blancke . now in levelling your peece , you are to put the ruler into the mouth of the peece close to the lowest side of the mettall , within the concave , cillender or bore ; then mount or imbase your peece in her carriage , untill the plummet fall directly upon the line of level , and then the axis of the bore or concave or cillender thereof , will lye straight and levell . but if the marke assigned be found by this instrument to lye beyond the reach of the peece at point-blancke , so as shee must bee mounted at some one degree or other ▪ according as the distance shall be found ; in this you must make use of certaine●tables exactly framed , which hereafter shall bee demonstrated . but before you can attaine to any understanding in them , you must first learne to finde the right line or right range of any shot discharged , ( out of what kinde of peece soever it bee ) for every elevation . next you are to finde out how much of the horizanticall line lyeth under the crooked range of the shot , at any elevation that shall be assigned . lastly , the knowledge of the violent , crooked , and naturall motion or course of a shot discharged out of a peece , at what distance soever assigned . further by observing the severall diameters of divers peeces , and their various lengths , causeth much alteration in their ranges ; yet for the ease of the lngenious souldier , our moderne gunners have taken wonderfull paines in framing a table of the proportions of right ranges ; the use of it is thus to bee understood : let your peece be of what kinde soever ; you must first know and prove how farre this peece conveyes her shot at any one degree of the quadrant ; as suppose you finde your peece shoots at degrees of mounture , paces in a right line , not sensibly crooked ; now your desire is to know how farre the same peece will further convey her shot in a straight line , shee being mounted to ten degrees . for this you must repaire to the table following , and propound to your selfe , if the number against sixe degrees giveth paces , what will the number in this table against degrees give . a table of proportions of right rāges or point-blanks : this being wrought by the rule of , the quotient will be paces , view the table of the proportions of right ranges in the margent . yet by the way observe these tables are not absolutely true , nor cannot possibly correspond in a just exactnesse , in regard of divers fractions ; wherefore practice must be the best schoole-master in these conclusions . now to proceed in our discourse ; the next thing to be observed , is the finding out how farre a peece shoots at every degree of mounture at its dead range , and for to performe this , the right range and crooked being added together into one , is then called the dead range , which is to bee understood the whole distance from the platforme , from which the peece is discharged , unto the first fall or graze of the bullet upon the levell line , or horzianticall plaine . and likewise as formerly is sayd , the differences in the bores and lengths of peeces , and likewise the strength and feeblenesse of the powder increaseth or diminisheth the course of the shot , and therefore most difficult to finde out the true range , but by diagrams , tables , or scales made from experiments ; and to that end and purpose our late practitioners in this art , have beaten their braines and laboured to arrive at some exactnesse ; by their experiments and industrious endeavours they have attained to some seeming perfection , far better then uncertaine guessing , and for that purpose framed tables , as appeareth in the margent , which mr. norton hath as he confesses grounded upon often observations and tryalls ; the use of this table of the proportions of dead ranges he hath thus demonstrated ; first you must take the right range of the peece experimented , from the right range of the mounture assigned , and divide the remainder in such reason as the sayd angle of mounture is to the angle of the complement thereof ; and to the quotient adde the said right range found , and the product thereof will be the dead range for that peece : he further gives this example , suppose a peece mounted at degrees , shoots . paces in the right range , and . at the dead range ; if you would desire to know the dead range at degrees ; to performe this you are to worke in this manner following : first divide the dead range into any number of parts as you shall please , which being set out in a line , at one end of the right line make an angle ( as euclide demonstrates by his proposition ) and from the other end of the aforesayd line , you must erect a perpendiculer line ( by eucledes proposition ) untill it intersect the line that framed the angle given , and note well how many such parts it containeth ; then you must multiply the parts of the dead range , by the parts of that line which framed the angle containeth ; then the product being divided by the number of parts , which you divided the line of the dead range into , and the quotient will be the secant range , which being knowne , then you must worke after this manner following . a table of the proportion of dead ranges . deg. paces . / / / / as suppose by the rule before , you finde the secant range to bee . paces ; and for the dead range . paces given : then by the rule of three you must say , if , gives . the whole signe , what shall . the dead range give ? / ● . the right signe of the angle the peece must be mounted unto , upon the advantage to shoot . paces . further this industrious gentleman mr norton hath made use of a table of randons , calculated by alexander bianco , which he hath reduced for the sixe first points of the quadrant , with a table of secant ranges thereunto annexed , as followes very necessary to be understood and made use of .   double canon of . whole canon of . demy canon . culvering . demy culvering . saker . minion . faulcon . faulconet .. the table of secant ranges . infinit wherefore observe , if you have mounted your peece to any of these sixe points , you must looke against the name of the same peece you intend to use , and right under that point you mount it unto ; in the common angle , you shall finde the number of paces of her randon ; likewise this table of secant ranges are numbers proportionall , whose use is easie to be understood by the former examples . moreover , wee may further observe by the inch-sight rule , any peece of ordnance that is not in length above fifteene foot , and not shorter then sixe , may be mounted to any degree of the quadrant under twenty grades , as well as by the quadrant it selfe or any other instrument : the table followes in the next page , and by the helpe of the inch-sight rule it is to be made use of . ● foot.   foot.   foot.   foot.   foot.   foot.   foot.   foot.   foot.   foot. ● / / / / / / / / / ● ● inch.                                     ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● further we may observe another ready way to levell , mount , and imbase a peece ; by a holbert , linstocke , or any other staffe , which mr. norton hath beene very industrious in making and inventing of it , the manner of performing it is in this kinde . first marke from one end of the staffe a distance equall unto the pummell or height of the caskable of the peece being placed levell upon the platforme . next you must take the distance betwixt the center of the truan●o●s , and the pummell o● caskable ; which make or imagine a semi-diameter of a circle , and divide it by diagonalls , and paralells , or otherwise into . equall parts . thirdly , you must repaire to the table of sines , and take the number answering unto every degree out of the sayd . parts , and set that distance from the sayd marke downewards ; and if the totall signe of the table bee , you must omit the two last figures of each number thereof towards the right hand ; and if it chance to be , then you must omit figures of each number you finde in that table , and the remaining number will shew how many of those . equall parts are to be set downewards upon the staffe ; from the marke beneath the sayd levell for each severall degree , fourthly , you must draw paralells and diagonalls , from the first degree to the second , and from the second to the third , successively continued from each to his next , making every degree with arithmtticall caracters ; by this you may from six minutes to sixe minutes , by those right sines mount your peece . this staffe being this framed and ordered , the use of it is thus ; you are to bring down the center of the pummell or caskable of the peece , to any number or degree thereon so marked for the peece , you setting the lower end of the staffe to the platforme , which being performed ; the axis of the bore of that peece will be found to be elevated unto the degree assign'd . further , if all these instruments should be wanting , yet the industrious gunner by arithmeticall skill , may by an inch rule mount any peece of ordnance unto de-degrees of the quadrant , by measuring the just length ●f the concave , cillinder , or barrell of the peece ; then reducing that measure into inches , and double the same , afterwards multiplying the number of inches so doubled by , and divide by taking notice of the number of the quotient , which last quotient being likewise divided by , the degrees contained in the whole circumference of every circle , the last quotient number , will demonstrate the number of inches , and parts of an inch that will make a degree in the quadrant for that peece , as smith in his art of gunnerie demonstrates it , by example of a saker , whose concave cillinder or bore is just seven foot long , if you would desire to know what parts of an inch rule , will mount her to one degree of the quadrant you must worke it thus . first , reduce the seven foot into inches , and there ariseth , that inches being doubled makes , the which being multiplyed by , ariseth , the which being divided by , the quotient will be ; then againe dividing this quotient number by , that will yeeld / ● , which is as much as one inch / , wanting / part of an inch ; by this example you see it confirmed , that any peece of ordnance , whose chase is but seven foot long , being mounted by an inch rule , unto one inch and ● / parts , that peece shall lye just the height , she would have done if you had mounted her unto one degree of the quadrant . moreover , if you would mount the same peece unto two degrees of the quadrant , by the inch-rule aforesaid ; then you must multiply the measure in your rule last found , being one inch ● / ● parts , by in the order of fractions ; and you shall have / ● the which being the numerator of the fraction , being divided by the denominator , which is , the quotient being two inches / ● is your desire ; by this you perceive three inches wanting / ● part , makes two degrees of the quadrant . lastly , observe if you would have your peece mounted by an inch rule , for to answer any number of degrees under , either you must multiply that number , by the number of inches , and parts of an inch , that makes the degrees of a quadrant , otherwise you may worke as you did the first conclusion , multiplying the first product by the number of inches desired , and dividing the product by the numbers before mentioned , your last quotient will resolve you . as for a further example , the peece of ordnance before mentioned , you desire to elevate by an inch rule to answer to degrees of the quadrant , first you reduce the length of the bore into inches , as formerly is shewed , doubling that measure , & it makes ( as in the first conclusion ) which inches , multiplyed by , yeelds inches , the which product being now multiplyed by , ariseth , which sum divided by , the quotient is , the same divided by , yeelds in the quotient inches / parts of an inch. so many inches , and parts of an inch , must the same peece be elevated unto , with an inch-rule to answer unto degrees of the quadrant . but to lay your peece point-blank without instrument , you must bring the height of the mettle at the mouth , equall with the horizon , and then the concave cillinder will lye point-blanke . but master norton doth mislike master smiths wayes in shooting by the mettall or mira comune ; and he hath beene very zealous in finding out a more perfect way , and sayes to shoot with any peece by the mettall , or mira comune ; the difference or mount , about the levell which the mettall causeth being considered , and exactly examined , will shew the angle of the peeces mounture , with the which you must repaire to the precedent table of proportionall mountures for the severall randons upon each point or degree of the gunners quadrant in page , which is thus to be appropriated unto any peece ; first having made one shoot with her at the mounture of a certaine marke assigned , and finding her dead range for the same ; which being reverted to the given elevation , will soone yeeld the range required ; the example is after this manner given ; that suppose by examination it be found out , that by reason of the eminencie of the mossell ring ; and length of the chase of the peece ; the directions of the mettall at the breech , and the mossell ring , to mount the peece higher then it would , if the assise of her bore were duly directed by a true desparte unto any marke assigned by six degrees , and let it bee imagined that the marke is elevated six degrees above the horrizon , so found by the quadrant , and observing that at the mounture , the peece did shoot paces for her dead range ; the question is , how farre the same peece would convey the like shotte , with the like loading and accidents , if she weare by the highest of her mettall at britch and mossell , directed to the same marke . say then if , the number in the table of dead ranges against degrees gives paces being the measure of the shotte made in her at six degrees of mounture , what shall the number against degrees of mounture give ? by making use of the rule of three ▪ and multiplying the third of these three numbers , by the second dividing the product by the first , the quotient will be paces . thus having collected , and fitted this discourse , so that the ingenuous souldier may gaine some profit by it , i leave it to his discretion , to cull out such rules and examples , as shall best fit his practice . chap. li. divers briefe observations , most necessary to be learned and understood , concerning the imb●sing of ordnance , and shooting in morter-peeces . in this chapter wee must observe , that as formerly wee have spoken of mounting a peece of ordnance , from degree to degree , untill shee come to about degrees ▪ causeth the peece to convey her bullet at each elevation , one time farther then the other ; but being elevated past those degrees , shee shootes every degree shorter than the other , untill she come to shoote perpendiculer , or in a line right up ; and this last kind of elevation is only used in levelling of morter-peeces ; whose use is to convey her shotte upwards , according to the distance of the farnesse , or neerenesse of the marke assigned ; and so the shotte falls right downe out of the ayre upon the marke ; of this we shall speake largely , towards the finishing of this chapter . now , for these long peeces of ordnance ; to cause them to shoote ●nder point-blanke at any marke of neerenesse ; they must be imbaced ( as your gunners tearme it ) or their mouth layed in some proportion neerer to the ground , according as the marke is in neerenesse ; and so to performe this , wee will only make choyce of the staffe before in that chapter described , invented by master norton for that purpose , where you may please to remember , the staffe was to have the lower end of it set upon the platforme , and so to bring downe the center of the caskable or pommell of the ●eece to any number of degrees thereon ●o marked for that same peace , and then the axis of the bore of that peece will be found to be elevated unto the degree assigned . but for the imbasing a peece , we must use a contrary way , by advancing the breech of the peece upwards , above the first named marke unto those lines and numbers there decyphered , which will direct the shot to any marke that lyes under point-blanke ; likewise divers other instruments are invented for this purpose , but in regard there askes small cunning to performe this only practice , and use will guide a man to direct the shot by imbasure to her right marke ; i will leave it , and proceed to the use of morter-peeces , only by the way observe , there must bee lesse ●owder used in the charge , and the bullet must be very fully and strongly rammed in ; and further , that it is the nature of all peeces to shoot above the levell of the marke , if the object be upright , as a side-banke , or the like . now for the morter-peeces , how they are used , and levelled wee shall crave your patience to be more large , in relating the collections of the rules , and observations of those that have beene ablest practicioners in this art. the invention of these morter-peeces was to annoy the enemie , when other ordnance cannot possibly be used against them : and for the making a perfect shot in one of these peeces two things are requisite to be knowne . first , how farre your morter-peece will carry a bullet or fire-ball at the best of her randon . secondly , you must know how farre it is from the peece to the marke you intend to shoote ; these being knowne , you may make a perfect shot ; as for example , if you find your morter-peece will shoot a bullet , or fire ball , paces at degrees of the quadrant ; and that the marke you intend to shoot at , is but paces ▪ then ( by the rule of three reverse ) you must say , if paces requires degrees , what will , thus multiplying the second by the first , and dividing the product by the third number , you shall find it must be mounted to degrees of the quadrant to hit that marke . further , observe if a morter peece will shoot paces , at the best of the randon , if you should elevate her one degree aboue the utmost range , shee will shoot paces shorter : to prove this you must divide the distance of the utmost range ( being paces , as before is said ) by , the degree of the best of the randon , and you shall find the quotient to be , as before is related . but by the way , great care must be had in ordering your morter peece , so that she shoot not wide , either upon the one , or other hand ; wherefore to prevent it , you must lay a straite ruler , upon the mouth of the peece , and upon it place a quadrant crosse-wayes , and the plumb-line will direct you ; but withall observe how the windes blow , and so accordingly order your peece . then if you please , you shall make use of such further rules and tables , as have beene approved to be certaine and good ; the table followes , and the use of it is after this manner ; having once made knowne the distance the peece did shoot at , being mounted to what point or degree you have first resolved upon , as suppose it be degrees from which she conveyes her shot paces , to know how farre shee will shoot at any other degree of the quadrant , the example is this ; you shall levell your peece at degrees , now because degrees is not at all in this table , but you shall find against degrees there stands paces , therefore say by the rule of , if being the number against degrees , gives paces , what shall the number against degrees give ; now according to the rule , if you multiply by , and divide the product by , the quotient will bee ● / , the number of paces which the said morter peece will shoot at degrees mounture . thus for any other number of paces or degrees , you may helpe your selfe by this table following , which was calculated by captaine vffanio , for every degree betweene the levell , and degrees for the randons of the morter peeces . degr. paces . degr . now for the mounting your peece to any of these degrees , it is not so proper to put the ruler of the quadrant into the mouth of the peece , in regard there may be error , because many of these kind are taper-bored , or galed at the mouth : to rectifie this , your gunners have invented a very apt instrument , framed after this manner ; first , there is a ruler of inches in length ; at the middle point or pricke thereof must be another shorter ruler framed artificially above a foot long joyned close , and falling perpendicularly on the middle point of the longer ruler ; whose containing angle lighteth justly on the middle point of the longer ruler , from which point is drawne by art the / ● part of a circle , and divided into equall divisions or degrees , so as the degrees stand just on the center , or middle point of the longer rule . the use of it is thus , by laying the longer rule crosse the mouth of the peece , you shall immediatly perceive at what degree the said morter peece is elevated by the plumb-line , the peece being mounted at any grade above , observe the figure . and for to conclude this chapter remitting all further circumstances , wee will only take notice of another table which vffanio hath likewise calculated for a morter peece to shoot thereby , fitted to the points of the gunners quadrant , as you may perceive ; thus having runne over such rules and examples as i conceive most apt and necessary for the true levelling of ordnance ; it now only remaines in the chapter following to take a view of such rules , and instruments , as are most proper and commodious for the taking of heights and distances , without the which it is impossible ever to accomplish any designe belonging to this art of gunnerie , or to the art of myning ; wherefore be pleased to take a survey of the subsequent chapter . points . paces . ● chap. lii . the description of such instruments with the best selected rules , which have beene invented , and practised , for the taking of heights and distances , whereby a gunner may make his shot at more certaintie . it is one of the most necessariest things , ( and not to be sli●ghted ) the knowledge and understanding of these kind of instruments , the true use of them , with the rules and documents , which our ablest practitioners have through their paines and industrie , invented for future ages to practice ; for the ignorance of this , makes both the art of gunnerie , and myning , lame and imperfect ; wherfore i will indeavour to be as briefe , as the matter will permit in discoursing of the severall parts of it . and by the way you may remember , that in the fiftieth chapter , page . i began to describe the instrument , called a gunners quadrant ; but i left the description how it should bee used , about the taking of heights and distances , to be discoursed of in this chapter ; only be pleased to have a regard , and reference to the precedent figure of the quadrant ; and then i shall indeavoure to describe those parts of it ; that serve for our purpose . wherefore observe , as i have said in the figure , that from the center a , there is a line drawne aslope ( called the hipothenusall line ) which comes to the corner c. upon which if the plumb-line falls upon the center a , looking through the sights ef , and withall , beholding the extreames or highest parts of any altitude ; note , then the distance from the middle part of your foot , to the base thereof , is the just height of the said altitude , adding thereto the height from your eye ; but if the plumb-line , falls on the line a. b. then that marke you view through the visuall sight ef is of equall height , or levell with your eye ; now the square lines or scale , which extend it selfe from b to c , and from c to d , are divided into equall parts ; and if it were divided into , or a divisions , or ten times as many , the better it were for the use of shadowes , length , and heights . now by the way forget not to remember that the side c d , is called the right shadow ; and this serves to measure all the heights , with the length thereof ; but the side b c , is of contrary shadow , and that serves to measure all heights , without the length thereof ; the rule we have described the use of it in page . now , suppose we were to take the height of a castle wall , of a fort , or any other altitude aproachable ; first we must aproach as neere to the object , that wee ghesse we are neere about the length of the height of the same , then set your quadrant to your eye looking through your visuall sights , beholding the extreme or highest part of the altitude , then moving too , and from the same , untill the thred and plummet cut , or fall upon the part of right shadow ; then measuring how farre it is from the middle part of your foot , to the base of the said altitude ; you have the just height of that altitude , only adding the height from the ground to your eye . you may further find out any upright height , with the length thereof , both by the shadow and without shadow , if the ground be plaine ; wherefore you must aproach as neere to the base or foot of the altitude , that the plumb-line may fall on the part of right shadow ; then measuring the distance from the middest of your foot to the base thereof , multiplying the measure by , adding thereunto the height , to your eye , from the ground , and you have the true altitude . or letting the sunne beames pierce through the vissuall sights , the plumb-line falling at liberty upon that part of right-shadow ( then measuring as before is shewed ) and multiply that measure by , and dividing by the parts whereon the plumb-line cuts , the quotient will tell you the true height of the same altitude . and note this for a generall rule , that upon what part of right shadow the plumb-line cuts ; if you measure the height or altitude , it will prove more then the shadow by such proportion , as exceedeth the part or division of the scale , where the plumb-line pointed unto ; as for example , if the plumb-line be found to fall on the part of right shadow , if you measure the distance , from the midst of your foot to the base for the altitude six times , that measure is the height of the same , adding from your eye to the ground , for you must observe that the part is contained in , being the division of the scale times . likewise , what part soever the plumb-line falls on of right shadow , looke how oft that part is contained in , just so many times as the measure is from your foot to the base , is the height of the thing you measure , adding from the ground to your eye . the contrary shadow shewes to measure all altitudes without the length thereof ; first multiplying the length of the shadow , by the point or , division of the scale , where on the plumb-line falleth , then dividing the product by , the quotient thereof , is the true height of the altitude . in measuring any altitude without shadow , you must goe as neere to the same , that you perceive you are within the length thereof , then lifting up your quadrant , orderly going to , or from the same , untill you espie the top of the altitude through the visuall holes , then the threed falling upon the part , standing upright with your body ; at the middest of your foot make a marke , then goe directly backwards from the same , untill through the visuall sights you espie the highest part againe ; the plumb-line falling on the part sixe of contrary shadow ; and as before make another marke ; the distance betweene these two markes , the height of your eye from the ground being put to it , is the true height of the altitude . further observe , if the plumb-line fals on the part of contrary shadow ; and at the second station on the part , the distance betwixt these two markes is the height of the altitude , adding as before . or if the plumb-line fals on the part of contrary shadow at the first station ; then upon the part at the second , you shall finde the distance betweene your two stations to be the just height , and the furthest station is foure times the length or height thereof . or suppose your plumb-line falls upon the part of contrary shadow ; and at the second station , it falls on the part one , then the space betweene the two standings , will be six times the length or height of that altitude , or the sixt part of the measure is the height of it , and your further station will be twelve times the height thereof . in the next place we must observe some rules for the taking of distances from the platforme , or batteries your ordnance are planted on , to any marke you are to shoot at ; and to performe this , you must lay your quadrant flat upon some steady thing , as a stoole or staffe , firmely and perpendicularly set up , then placing your quadrant upon the same , and turning the edge of the rule to the marke you desire to measure the distance of , then espying the marke through the visuall sights , at that place or station set up a staffe ; then turning your body round , not altering neither rule nor quadrant by the line of levell ; then through the visuall sights , make choyce of some other marke athwart the ●rst , and set up the second staffe , the distance whereof suppose to be feet ; then comming to the first station where the quadrant is placed , viewing through the visuall sights upon the rule , some other marke in a straite line backe from the first station , the distance whereof suppose to be feet , and there place a third staffe , so as the first and the third staffe , will be in a straite line with the marke , then removing the quadrant to the third station , turning the right angle or line of levell overthwart towards the second station , so as the visuall line may be paralelled to the line that crosseth from the first station to the second , there you must place a fourth staffe , so as the visuall line passing from the same , and running by the second staffe may crosse the marke , or end in a point there with the first visuall line ; the distance between these two last stations , suppose to be feet ; the staves being thus orderly placed , you must abate feet the distance between the first and second staffe or station , from the distance between the third and fourth staves or stations , the remainder is for your devisor , then multiply the said by the distance from the first to the third there ariseth , the which divide by , the quotient is feet , the distance from the first staffe to the marke ; observe this figure following , where the towre represents the marke , the vnit. . the first staffe or station ; the figure ▪ the second staffe ; the figure , the third staffe ; and the figure , the fourth staffe . or you may finde out the distance to any marke neere hand by the quadrant and gunners staffe divided into even portions ; first placing the angle of the quadrant upon the toppe of the staffe , it being erected perpendicularly ; and then through the sights of the rule view the marke you desire to measure , letting a long thred fall to the ground , from the center of the quadrant whereon the plum-line hangs ; which thred must be drawn alongst the line of levell or edge of the quadrant to the ground , observing where the thred points at on the ground , and beholding the marke through the visuall sights , and looking what proportion that part of ground betweene the staffe and where the thred points at , hath to the staffe , the same proportion shall the length to the marke have to the height or length of the staffe , as by this subsequent figure more plainely appeares . wherefore observe the gunners staffe a. b. is to be supposed eight foot long , and the distance betweene the staffe and the ground where the thred points you to ; ( being the space c. b. ) is but eight inches ; therefore looke what proportion c. b. beareth to the length of the staffe , ( which being reduc'd into inches , will be inches ) the same proportion shall the length to the marke d. have to the staffe , which by making use of the rule of three , will discover unto you in this manner ; for example ; if eight inches yeelds , what will inches ; if you multiply by , the product is inches , and this divided by , yeelds in the quotient inches , the true distance from the staffe to the marke . moreover , by the quadrant you may foresee whether waters or springs may possibly bee brought to any place desired , which indeed is a thing of much consequence in the warres ; wherefore observe , that by going to the head of the spring or waters , and by setting your quadrant to your eye , being in height equall with the water , so that the plum-line falls preciesely on the line of levell ; now if you may see above the place through the sights , then you may judge the water is possible to bee brought ; but if you sight falls under , then it is impossible : it commeth commonly to passe when the place to the which you would have water conveyd , is of any great distance from the head of the spring , or rivers banckes ; the hills , vallies , and such like impediments , hinder the visuall line from having its free course : wherefore observe this remedie . at the head of the spring or river-bancks you intend to cut out ; you shall looke through the sights of the instrument ( as before ) and take notice of some marke in in the next hill towards the place , then goe to that marke , and in like manner observe some other marke if any other hill happen to bee , and so proceed untill you may see the place desired ; if then your sight running through the sight of the rule , ( the thred ever falling upon the lane of levell ) exceeds that place , the conveying of that water is possible , otherwise not . if it should chance that a quadrant bee wanting , yet you may take the distance to any place by the carpenters square ; first you must have a saffe divided in certaine proportions , a or a parts ; at the beginning of your length upon the very toppe directly standing , set the inward angle of the square ; lift up or put downe this instrument , untill you see the farthest part of your longitude , your sight running through the visuall holes of the square ; the square so remaining , and the staffe not removed from his height , marke where the other end of the square next unto you noted upon the ground , see then what proportion the staffe then beareth to the part of the ground , which the neerest end of the square pointed unto from the staffe , the same shall the length have to the quantity of the same staffe , as you may more plainly see by the next figure ; where the staffe a. c. is imagined to bee feet , and the space a. d. foot ; considering now that the length of the staffe , containeth thrice ; therefore the longitude desired a. b. must consequently containe three times the staffe being foot long , that maketh foot , as by the figure following you may view the truth of it . but if the ground bee not levell and plaine , their will arise errour : moreover it behoveth you to have a fine cord made fast to the upper part of your staffe c. which must bee tyed even with the inward edge of the square , and so drawne to the ground , where the neere end of the square , from the staffe pointed as you perceive at c. d. the other end directeth truely to the object or distance desired . now it remaines we should take farther observations concerning latitudes and bredths ; the which upon the matter may serve for the taking of any distance either in the way of latitude or lōgitude , being a thing most requisite in divers respects . as suppose divers ordnance being planted upon a battery against the enemy , and having battered sufficient for an assault ; the bredth of this breach is to be required that the forces may accordingly be ordered for to enter it ; and this may bee done either by the helpe of the quadrant , or the iacobs-staffe , if by the quadrant , then you must suppose two markes at each end of the breach ; then going directly towards one of the sayd markes , that by supposition you are ●istant from the same about the length betwixt the two markes , whose distance you would measure : then laying your quadrant● flat upon some stoole , or placing the same upon some skrew of a staffe being perpendicularly erected , moving the same to or from the marke you stand against , placing the quadrant so as the visuall sights passing from the center of the quadrant by the lines of levell , may direct you to the sayd marke ; and the visuall line passing from the center of the quadrant , by the point or division of the scale , which is called the hipothenusal line , may direct you to the other marke , and then the length of your standing to the marke , which the line of levell doth direct you to , is from the same just the distance betweene the two markes you intend to measure ; then looking athwart by the other edge of the quadrant , or through your sights on the rule , espie another marke directly against the marke you meane to measure , and the visuall line passing betweene the station and the sayd marke will be paralell to the breach of the sayd wall or line passing betweene the two marks , whose distance you would measure ; then removing your quadrant before the other marke , placing the same so as the line of levell may direct you to the sayd marke , and the line passing by your sights on your ruler may direct you to your first station ; the distance betwixt your two stations being measured , is the just space betwixt the two markes or two ends of the breach , as by this demonstrative figure appeares , where the line a. b. sheweth the length or distance of the breach to bee measured , as suppose it to bee paces , and the like number you may perceive to bee in c. d. as also in the line c. a. and d. b. moreover , the distance of both the markes may easily bee taken by the former conclusion at one station ; as suppose the wind-mill c to bee your first standing , and the distance c to the end of the breach a which the line of levell directs you to , is just paces , that some being squared , makes paces ; the like number of paces you may perceive in the line betweene the two ends of the breach a. b. being multiplied in it selfe : these two summes being joyned together , make paces , the quadrant roote hereof , makes paces and almost / parts , shewing the true distance from your standing to the farthest mark b. likewise by the divisions of the scale of your quadrant , by knowing the distance to any tree , wind-mill , or steeple or other marke not farre distant , you shall thereby know how much the same is higher or lower then yo●r standing ; as suppose from your standing to such a steeple bee feet , then in viewing the same marke through the sights on your rule , the index or plumbline falls on the part sixe on the scale of your quadrant being contrarie shadow : wherefore you must divide by , the quotient is two , then by the same quotient number againe , i divide feet the space betwixt my standing and the marke ; and so i finde foot higher then your eie . if you turne the contrary angles of the quadrant to your eie , you may finde out all defents . if a quadrant bee wanting , by the helpe of a iacobs-staffe any heighth or bredth is to bee taken by setting the end to your eye , and taking your visuall lines by the end of the little staffe that is crosse the long one , which is called the moveable rule ; then goe forwards and backwards , untill you see the foundation and toppe of the mark you intend to measure , as the example following shewes , where i desire to take the height of the towre a b , i take my first station at c , and my eie runnes in the line by the end of the crosse rule to the toppe of the tower b ; and at the same instant without moving , my eie-sight runnes by the lower end of the crosse-staffe to the base of the tower a , for so you must order the crosse-rule on the staffe d ● so that at once , both head and foot of the sayd marke may bee seene ; then where you stand , set a marke at c , then measuring the distance betwixt the lines d e , putting the crosse-rule to g , at the second station , you must go back untill you can the second time see the two points a b , then from that station , i measure how many feet betwixt c and h , where you shall finde feet , and so much is the tower in height from a to b ; view the figure following , which will give you a farther insight how to worke it . for to take a distance either accessible , or inaccessible , as suppose wee are to take the distance of a. b. and that the place were accessible onely in the middest upon the line c. f. then you must dispose your instrument as before is shewed , and the crosse rule that moves up and downe , must be set firme upon the first point of the index : then advancing frowards , or backwards , upon the line c. f. and viewing with your eyes from the end of the staffe , each end of the crosse movable , so that a true line may goe to a. and to b. then measure the distance of c. and f. and that shall be the halfe of the distance a. b. but if the place be inaccessible that you cannot approach neere enough to make a right angle , as in c. then shove up the crosse rule two points on the index , and fall backe into the point d. and as before , bend your visuall rayes towards a and b. setting there a marke in d. then once more shove up the crosse rule a point on to the index , then againe retreate backe upon the line c d e just to the point e , there taking your sight againe towards a. and b. then measure the distance betweene d and e , and you shall find it the just halfe betweene a and b. by this rule you may performe it , were it of a further distance , the figure belonging to this discourse followes on the next page . a second way to take a distance inaccessible ; let it be the distance a b , that is to be taken , and that b is the nearest place that can be approacht ; you must therefore stick down a marke at the point b , and retire directly backwards towards c , and count the distance betweene d and c , and there sticke downe another marke in c , then retyre directly to the place f , counting your paces to the just number found between b and c , there also sticke downe a third marke ; then taking your instrument , view into the points b and c , eyther putting up or pulling downe the crosse-rule upon the index , as you shall see it meet : your instrument being set fit , without any more removing the rule , goe from d towards f , and in your going , have a regard in what place your sight doth agree with the point a and c. so that you may arrive at the point e , and not otherwise ; at which place sticke downe another marke : then let the distance be measured betweene the two observations d e , and that shall be the just distance you desire to know , between a and b. view the figure following . the third may take a distance by the jacobs-staffe at one place ; as suppose wee should take the distance a b , the which is not to be approacht unto no● to be 〈◊〉 upon the line k c , and that we must worke onely upon that line . wee must f●●●t take a right line as k c , where must be plac'd a marke paralell to the line a b , the marke being plac'd in k , then retyring backe to the point d , taking your sight by your instrument towards b and k , by the two extreames of the moveable 〈◊〉 g h , then leaving your instrument so fitly plac'd without varying of the rule , leaveing a marke in d , you must retyre backe againe towards c , untill you come to such a distance that your visuall lines accord in a , and k , being arrived at the point c. and not otherwise , and there place another marke ; then measure the distance between c and d , and the same breadth you finde the distance between c and d to be of , the like shall be betweene a and b , which is equall to c d. view the figure following , by the helpe of your compasses you shall finde the truth of it . we might have proceeded further , to have shewne how to have taken any height or distance by the compasse of proportion by the way of sines , tangents , and secants ; but herein i should be tedious , desiring the courteous reader to bee content with these collections , rules , and demonstrations , which i hope will be acceptable to the ingenuous : as for others , the hurt i wish them is , they were bound to take the same paines to amend them , that i have taken to fit them for their service . the art of conveying letters ovt of a fort , described . sect . v. chap. liii . in regard the secret conveying of letters is of great consequence in the time of warre , i have thought it very necessary to discover such secret wayes , as have formerly taken effect ; and likewise , some new wayes in writing of letters whose secresie cannot possibly be discovered , the use and knowledge whereof may bring a double conveniency to souldiers . first , in making them cunning to interpret and discover an enemies letters and intentions . secondly , in causes of extremity to make use in conveying such letters , as they conceive may bee most prevalent , and difficultest for the enemie to discover , if they should be surprized . for great inconvenience attends the surprizing of a letter , if the enemy should understand the contents of it ; as was well seene by claudius nero , interpreting asdrubals letter directed to his brother haniball , to meet him at vmbra to joyne both their powers together , for the subversion of the romans ; presently upon the intercepting and reading it , he left his fellow consull in the night unknowne to haniball , and with . foot and . horse , came to livius , another roman consull , who lay to intercept asdruball , comming from the mountaines into italy ; and there joyning force with his , gave battell to asdruball , in the fight overcame him and slew him , before ever haniball knew of his being in italy . thus was haniball brought to distresse , by the knowledge of the contents of a letter , whereby time and opportunity was taken to fight : the consideration of which , hath made me larger in this discourse following . paradine in his history of our times writeth ; that when as rhodes was besieged by the turke , a frier being treacherous in the towne , made shew of carefull looking to the watch , and finding his fit opportunity , shot a letter from the walles bound about an arrow into the enemies campe , whereby he gave them adverstisement in what estate the city stood . hystiaeus desiring to write to aristagoras , did shave the head of one that was his trustiest servant , and wrote upon the skull-skin the scope of his minde in certaine briefe characters , then kept him in his house untill the haire was growne as thicke as before ; then sent him to aristagoras , willing that he should cause his haire to be clipt close at his first arrivall : by this he understood his friends intents . some philosophers , and others of great insight in the hidden qualities of the magnes-stone ; have recorded how two friends may discourse upon any subject , although they be a thousand miles distant : the manner to performe it is thus . take two peeces of round bords being smothed , about the bignesse of the top of an houre-glasse , upon these must be glewed a peece of cleane paper , which being done , a circumference must be drawne on eyther of them , and the letters of the crosse-row being set downe distinctly a pretty distance a sunder round the said circumference , of each of them . then after the manner of a sunne-diall , there must be a steele-needle plac'd in either of them , of one length and weight , these needles must be toucht with the magnes-stone both at one instant ; your friend is to have one of these instruments , the other to remaine with your selfe ; the just time of the day being appointed when the discourse should begin , you must with your finger direct the needle to such letters , one sensibly after another , for the making up a word , then pauze so long as you thinke he may well write it downe ; then removing the needle againe to those letters , which doe spell such words as your minde may be understood , and as you remove your needle , so voluntarily will your friends needle point at the same letters , whereby you may discourse what you please . viginerius in his annotations upon titus livius . columne of his first volume , doth report that a letter may bee read through a stone-wall three foot thicke , by this onely device . harpagus writeth to cyrus concerning the treason of king astyages , having cunningly unbowelled a hare , put his letter therein , and after hee had ingenuously sowed it up againe , delivered it with the nets to one of his hunts-men , the faithfullest of all his houshold , and he carried it to king cyrus . frontinus , lib. . chap. . many ( saith he ) being desirous in actions of warre to send their letters missives secretly , whereby their friends may know their mindes , and yet to avoid all meanes of discovery , have written within the scabbards of their swords , and sent them as acceptable presents . machi●vel in his art of warre makes mention , how a captaine in a besieged towne : may cause his friends to understand his mind ; the manner of acting it is thus . he that desires to relate his minde , must write his whole scope downe in paper first ; and holding it in one of his hands , and a torch or two torches in the other hand ▪ likewise , taking the advantage of a high steeple or towre , and the opportunity of a darke night , whereby the lights may be further seene by his friend , that should observe the same ; ( wherefore having inke , pen , and paper ready ) and for the better understanding how it should be performed , take notice of the letters of the crosse-row , how they are placed , that you may discerne how the lights shall describe every severall letter for the making up a word . a b c d e f g h i k l this part of the crosse-row with one light . m n o p q r s t v w this part of the crosse-row with two lights now observe that all the letters of the first division of the crosse-row , are to be demonstrated with one light ; as for example . if you would copie downe the letter a , you must hold up one light but once , if you desire he should copie downe b , you must shew one light twice , likewise c , one light is to be shewne thrice , and so of the rest ▪ as the figures underneath the letters will guide you . the second part of the crosse-row beginning at m , is to be demonstrated with two lights once n , with two hights twise , o with two lights thrise , and so of the rest , as the figure underneath each letter shewes how many times you must hold up your light to demonstrate such a letter . suppose i would have my friend copie downe the word man , m , being the first letter of the second part of the crosse-row , must be signified with two lights shewed once , then obscuring the lights untill you thinke he hath copied it downe ; next you must shew one light once which signifies a , then obscuring the light as before , you must next shew two lights twice which signifies n , being the second letter of the second part of the crosse-row ; the word being finished , you must obscure the light twice as long as you did it for a letter ; otherwise , a letter cannot be distinguisht from a word , nor a word from a letter ; by this you see the word man , signified by the helpe of the light : and by this device your friend may understand your minde being a mile off . if you desire to let your friend , understand your secrets so that they should not be discovered , take a whole sheet of paper , and with pen and inke write upon one side some formall letter of discourse , farre from the matter you intended to participate in secret to your friend , which being finisht , turne the leafe over , and with the juyce of an onion or leman , write your secrets betweene the lines written with inke ; your friend knowing the secret of it , will reade it against the fire-light , or putting it into water . demoratus desiring to make knowne to the lacedemonians , how king xerxes was armed , and prepared for his journey against greece , did write the counsell of the king in small tablets of wood , which he covered over with waxe ; and in that manner sent them to the lacedemonians , they taking off the waxe , read all the contents thereon written . ●ontius likewise reports , that pachorus sent letters in a nosegay of violets to his beloved lucretia , likewise he wrapt letters in balles of waxe , and threw them in at his mistresses window . one of the surest wayes to write a letter , which is not possible to be read , but by him that is to receive it and knowes the device , is in this kinde to be performed ; first , you must have two flat rulers , three or foure inches broad , and halfe a foot long , they must be both of a breadth , to a haires breadth , then take a sheet of cleane paper , and cut it out into narrow peeces like your smallest tape , then with mouth-glew fasten the ends together , and winde it even about the rule , giving the end you begin to write at a privie marke , then write your secrets upon the paper , eyther in letters or characters , which being unwound from the rule , can never be possibly brought together to be read , unlesse it bee wound about your friends rule , whereby he may understand your minde . there is a most excellent way to write , so as it is impossible to bee understood , which is performed after this manner ; take two halfe sheets of paper , and rule them one upon the other , so as the lines may be of equall distance , then take your pen-knife , and just upon the lines cut through both the halfe sheets of paper a loop-hole , so broad and long as a man may write a word through it ; then a prety distance from that hole in the same line , and after the same manner , cut another ; thus doing through the whole paper in convenient distances one from the other ; this being done , let your friend keepe one of these papers , and your selfe the other , and when you intend to write your secrets , lay this paper upon a cleane sheet , and write your minde through those holes , which being done , take off the paper , and with your pen write some other circumstance in the line betweene word and word , which may alter the sense , and make it more obscure ; this being sent to your friend , so soone as he placeth his paper with the holes over it , he may reade through the holes your intentions , and without this it will seeme impossible ever to make sense of it . further , you may take notice of certaine characters whereby a man may expresse his minde freely , and secretly , to his friend ; the manner how to performe it followes . first , you are to observe the fashion of each character , whose property is to demonstrate the letter that stands within it , as you may perceive by the first which hath a standing in it , and represents the letter a. likewise hath b in it , and represents the letter b ; and so of the rest . further , you must take notice , that the characters of the first figure are without any prickes ; the characters of the second figure , hath to each of them one pricke , as which represents k. and represents l , the third figure hath to each character two prickes , as represents t. represents u. as for example ; if you would write this word acknowlidg in characters , ●●●●●●●●●● this kinde of writing cannot possibly bee understood , if it were writ upon the paper wound about the rule , as before is shewed . we may likewise write without inke , that it may not be seene nor read , unlesse the paper be wet with a kinde of water prepared for the same purpose ; to performe this , you must take some vitriol and powder it finely , then temper it with faire water in a cleane thing , when it is dissolved you may take a pen and write what you please , and it cannot be read , except you draw it through water , wherein some powder of galles hath beene infused , and so it will shew is blacke as if it had beene written with inke . further , we may take the yelke of a new-laid egge , and grinde it upon a marble with faire water , so as you may write with it ; having ground it on this wise , then with a cleane pen dippe into it ; and draw what letters you please , upon faire white paper or parchment , then being through dry , blacke all the paper or parchment over with inke , and let it also dry on ; afterwards you may scrape it with a knife , and all the letters you wrote with the yelke of an egge will be faire and white ; those that knowes not the devise will take it to be a blurred paper . there is likewise a most excellent way to send letters by wilde pigeons out of a beleaguered towne ; the manner to performe it is thus ; when you suspect a fort shall be beleaguered , take divers old pigeons , from such a place as you intend to send your letter to , which being kept in a basket , and let loose with a letter fastned about the necke of it , she will speedily ●lee home ; where he that knowes the mysterie of it , may take the pigeon , whereby he shall understand his friends intentions ; this shall suffice for the secret conveying of letters . the art of conveying a mine vnder a fort . sect . vi. chap. liiii . how to conduct a mine under ground to blow up a bulworke . this kinde of undermining hath beene very anciently used both by the greekes , and romans , and of late daies by the hollander , whereby they have much annoyed their enemies , and blowne up their out-workes , yet many times it proves dangerous to the pioniers , if they be not carefull to sustaine the earth over their heads with props and boords of two inches thicke ; if the ground bee moist and full of springs , a gutter with a discent must bee made that the water may runne to some lower evacuation ; if that cannot bee , a well at the month of the mine must bee made for a receptacle for all the springs to runne into , and pumpes and forcers are to bee set sufficient to mount the water . there are foure principall causes to impeach the working of a mine ; first , the ill stopping of the forne ; secondly the weaknesse of the sides by countermines or caverns ; thirdly by fayling of the traine through moisture or ill contriving ; fourthly , the most important is , that the frame whereon the barrells stand bee not placed too low , as under the levell of the entrance , which it must ever exceed , because the qualitie of fire is ever to ascend . now for the conducting of this mine , their are divers circumstances to bee considered ; first , the distance from the place you intend to sincke your mine , to the wall or bulworke you intend to blow up ; secondly , whether the ground be rising or declining towards the object ; thirdly , whether there bee any rockes or ponds which may hinder the direct carrying your trench to the place assigned : these circumstances being considered , there are divers instruments to bee used in the orderly conveying of them ; as first , the quadrant or iacobs-staffe to take the distance ; secondly , the mariners compasse , ( if a fitter instrument cannot bee had ) by this you must observe in what point of the compasse the place you intend to mine unto stands , from the place you intend to breake ground first ; then you must have a levell by which you may see how the ground riseth or declines , and accordingly bee guided , so that you worke not your selfe too farre out of the ground , nor too deepe in . the dvties of sovldiers in generall , both in fort and field . sect . vii . chap. lv. the duties of souldiers , both gentlemen and senteries , generally discourst of . now before wee proceed any further , it seemes to me convenient to take a survey of the duties , and complements every souldier is to bee fitted with ; wherein i shall be somewhat large , in regard i must handle two subjects ( viz. ) valour , and obedience , being things most requisite for a souldier to understand ; and i hope this discourse shall teach every man how to be quallified , and beare the honourable name of a souldier , well beseeming a generous person of that noble qualitie ; and as in a great building there are severall peeces fitted to such places , as they shall be used in ; the like course i intend to take , to fit and shew every souldier and officer their duties , to fit them for the weightie employments of warre ; wherefore they must ground their obedience , valour , and noble deserts upon these foure principles follow●ng ; first , to shew their magnanimitie and forwardnesse to the uttermost of their powers , to the last breath and drop of bloud , in the defence of true religion . secondly , wee are tyed in a strict bond of obedience , to seeke , gaine , preserve , and defend , the honour of our king. thirdly , we have all a share and reall interest in the defence of our countrey , our lives , lands , wives , children goods , which are as goades to prick us forwards to trample upon all miseries , and to levell all oppositions that should seeke the ruine of our land. and fourthly , for the better performance of the precedent principles ; every man , of what degree and quality soever , must and ought to be diligent , and carefull to learne the art of warre ; whereby we may not only be equall in skill and judgement to our adversaries , but also to exceed and transcend them , so that our valour , obedience , and policy , may bee antidotes , sufficient to qualifie , and reprocusse the venomous treacherie , and subtill actions of the enemie . and to move people to be in love with this most necessary profession , let them take notice how very meane men of birth , have beene laded with honours and riches gained by their prowesse , and valiant performances , as caius mazzius , valentinan , maximinus , nicholas pichinino , and divers others that were of base birth . in the first place , let a souldiers resolution be truly , and sincerely to serve god ; keeping a quiet conscience within their breast , which otherwise will gnaw at the rootes of vallour , and undermine all resolutions , wherefore a just and righteous conversation ought to be a souldiers companion , for his life is daily in danger . and for our obedience to our king and officers , that are in authoritie under him , we may learne even of the brutish turke , as pietro bizari hath recorded in his history , the marvellous obedience that those enumerable armies , honour their god and king withall , they being in their warfare so just and strict , that they would not transgresse their edicts in warre , nor abuse one another , when their armies consisted of souldiers , yet not one of them durst transport a woman for his delight , but contenting themselves with meane dyet , ( as alexanders army did ) who in a famine were constrained , throughout their army to eate bread made of rootes and herbes , they banisht wine or any delicasie that might effeminate them ; and this mighty army of the turkes were so well governed , that no quarrells , mutinies , nor distractions was ever seene , nor heard through the whole army , but low and soft speeches ; alwayes both evening and morning recommending themselves , their safeties and prosperous successe of their actions to their god ; the consideration of this should make us that are christians , if not surpasse , yet equall them in such laudable actions . in a souldier is required six speciall vertues , as namely obedience , which is a duty both to god , and to kings duly to be administred : and as a learned gentleman hath demonstrated authoritie , in the resemblance of divers pictures , as the principall in authority , whose commission from god is very large , he is therefore pictured or portrayed , amply and fully , from the crowne of the head , to the sole of the foot , in token of his great soveraigntie . the next in authoritie is drawne but to the middle , his commission being but limited , having but part of authority . the last is portrayed but with a face only , or visage of a man drawne to the neck , his commission being of the meanest extent ; yet all these , though they have not the amplenesse that the principall picture hath , yet they beare the face of it , and so ought to be honoured and obeyed ; so that souldiers must be circumspect in obeying all those that have but the face of authority , so farre as their commission extends , in as due and obsequious manner , as those in higher authoritie ; for the meanest officer in a private band , resembles the authority of the greatest generall . the next thing that is to be attributed to the honour of a souldier , is silence , and that is to be taken in a very large sence , but intending brevitie , i will be concise . first , souldiers are to be silent in the times of their exercise , that the words of command may be understood , which are delivered by their officers . secondly , they are to be silent upon their guards and watches , lest any enemie discover any thing by them . thirdly , they are to be silent in the execution of any assaults , which are to be made in the night , lest the enemie discover the designe , and prevent it . fourthly , they are to be silent , when authority commands any one regiment , division , or private company in the army , to give an assault , or onset , they are not to murmure and cavill , as if they were the men appointed for the slaughter , as the french-men did before the citie of antwerp , whereby the whole enterprize was frustrated ; but souldiers ought rather to take it as the greatest honour to be employed upon any onset ; for indeed no wise man can thinke the generall doth it upon a spleene , in regard every regiment , throwes the dice upon the drummes head , and as his chance falls , so he is to take his fortune . fifthly , a souldier is to bee silent in all adversitie , as when penurie , famine , wounds , or if pay growes short ( if the generall cannot helpe it ) these things hapning in an army , every man ought to lay his hand on his mouth , and wisely to beare the affliction and crosse , otherwise confusion would soone betide an army , as appeared by duke albert at the siege of ostend , he being in some wants , both of money and victuals , some few foule-mouthed fellowes , raised a mutinie , so that of his souldiers fled to the enemie , and had like to have confounded his designes ; so that a souldier in all his wayes and cariages , must have that ornament of silence never wanting . the next thing required in a souldier , is to be secret in all his wayes and actions , fearing lest he should disclose any thing which might bee advantagious to the enemie ; as many times when souldiers have beene taken prisoners by the enemie , they have out of a base cowardly feare revealed what they knew concerning the state of their owne army , which many times hath proved obnoxious unto them . the next thing required in a souldier is sobriety , which is a vertue that makes a souldiers honour to shine most bright , and advanceth him into the stirrop of preferment ; for drunkennesse is such a lethargy in a souldier , which brings present confusion and death to himselfe , and utter ruine to a whole army . the next thing which should adorne a souldier , is hardinesse ; and this is to be taken in a double sense ; viz. hardy in manly carriages and performances , and likewise , hardy to indure and undergoe any misery or paines that accompanies the warres . lastly , every souldier is to be guirt with truth and loyalty ; not onely to his prince , but to all in authority , even to the meanest in office ; this truth is such a vertue , and that it exceeds the capacity of man to discourse of it , it is such a precious jewell , that neither promises , guifts , affections , nor hopes of preferment can undermine ; and likewise no torments , threats , or miseries , are able to make truth and loyalty change that unchangeable colour , which duty and affection hath dyed it in . this makes souldiers ever bound to obey the commandements of superiours , and superiours likewise are to love and imbrace such deserving souldiers ; and further , if souldiers desire to be prosperous and to attaine to honours , let them bee chaste and honest in their living , refraining all sensuality , and avoyding all occasions which might seduce them to that vice ; for those that give themselves that base liberty , are ever infected with cowardice , and are most fit to attend upon that lascivious generall sardanapalus , whose pastime it was to exercise himselfe with queanes , in all base postures of dalliance . hanibals army , by wofull experience , knew what it was to be lulled in the pleasures of women , having beene garrison'd but one winter in that delicious towne of capua , the edge of their valours , and their steely hardinesse , was softened to poore base cowardly dispositions ; so that marcus marcellus tooke his opportunity to conquer them . further , souldiers must be obedient in every respect unto those in authoritie over them , although such officers should bee infected with any notorious vice ; as very few but have beene blemisht in one kinde or other . as cyrus was cruell , covetous , and miserable , yet obeyed and beloved of his souldiers ; in the same kinde was cambises and marcus cato ; also marcus antonius swomme in his dalliances , gluttony , and riotousnesse , yet his souldiers would have suffered themselves to have beene crucified , to have done him any gratefull service ; and the reason was , indeed his excellent way of iustice , which he caused to bee administred duely and dayly in his army ; this did worke upon his souldiers more than his defects in vertue could infect them . and indeed , it is very requisite for all commanders to beware of giving ill examples , and to be charie how they doe or speake any thing , that hath but the shadow of unseemelinesse ; for as one sayes well , multa sunt honesta factu quae sunt turpia visu ; there are three principall parts in the body of man ; wherein are lodged the three principall powers of the soule ; concupiscence in the liver , anger in the heart , and reason in the head , as being the citadell ; in like manner , there are three severall vertues that doe command and governe them ; sobriety or temperance to over-sway concupiscence , courage against anger in the heart , and wisedome in thinking and judging with reason . but here i must take an occasion to speake of our trained souldiers , which are or should be fitted for a defensive warre ; they doe not consider how deeply every man is interessed in it , for if they did , our yeomandrie would not be so proud and base to refuse to be taught , and to thinke it a shame to serve in their owne armes , and to understand the use of them ; were they but sensible , that there is not the worth of one peny in a kingdome well secured , without the due use of armes , and that the gospell , which is the garland of our kingdome , cannot prosper and flourish but under the shadow of a sword : this should incourage all gentlemen and yeomen to be forward in the practice of martiall discipline , i am certaine we can finde times large and sufficient to negotiate trifles , and to hunt after our owne pleasures , solacing our selves in vaine delights , which produceth naught but folly , and ends in griefe ; halfe that time , and charge so ill spent , would make us expert ; and gai●● us honour ; for as one truly saith , that our times are consumed , either male agendo , nihil agendo , vel aliud agendo ; either in doing naughtinesse , or nothing , or impertinences ; and by this meanes the principall is neglected . and because that people are ready to make their excuses , to be spared from serving in their armes , either for their youth as being too young , or for their age , as being too old ; to decide this question , we will borrow the opinion of the ancient warriours , and as caius gracchus , one of the consuls of rome , instituted a decree that none should be exercised in armes under yeares of age . which questionlesse is a fit time for the inition of young souldiers , having more aged to sort with them , for they prove the best and ablest souldiers , that professe the use of armes from their youth . and whereas some imbellicke fellowes holds the opinion that forty yeeres is too late to receive them into the warres , they are deceived : for a man is of ability to doe good service at . yeeres and upwards . besides , their wisedome and judgements are more setled ; and indeed , your romans would not admit of a commander , unlesse he were forty or fiftie yeares of age : but some may object , that nature is decayed in this last age , mens strengths are not as formerly they have beene ? to this i answer . that the world waxeth old , yet not in post-haste ; although sensim , & sine sensu , it is soft and faire , and by degrees insensible ; as in reading hackwels apologie you may finde sufficient satisfaction to confute this objection . and as crinitus in his seventh booke de honesta disciplina , reports of terentius varro ; from the authority of discorides , a great astrologer : that the egiptians , who tooke especiall care by the imbalming of dead bodies , and by their witty reasonings , found out how the utmost age of man was confined , taking their estimate from the weight of the heart ; which every yeare receives the increase of two drammes , untill yeares be expired ; after which period , it decayes yeerely two drammes ▪ untill fifty more be expired : so that by this , it should bee fond for any man to pleade insufficiencie , unlesse at the least yeares were past . likewise , we finde in demosthenes ; that the state being in danger , men of yeares of age and upwards , did tugge at the oares ; and certainly , a man at and upwards is of more sufficiencie to doe service , than youth at or under : as in the second punicke warres they made choise of , as livie reports ; tum decretum vt tribuni plebis ad populum ferrent , vt qui minores annis sacramento dixissent , iis perinde stipendia precederunt , ac si annorum aut majores milites facti essent ; it was decreed that the tribunes should tell the people , that such as being under yeares of age , and had taken their military oath , should in like sort receive their pay , as if they had beene full or past ; but the hopefull age for performance , is betweene , and yeares , because strength , gravitie , wisedome , and experience , at such yeeres , hath a corrivall in managing the actions of men ; king edward the fourth , was conquerour in or severall battels , before he was yeeres old . likewise , alexander the great , had in a manner conquered the known world , at yeeres of his age. i confesse , nature is sooner perfect and ripe in some men , than in others ; and likewise , decayes sooner in some constitutions than in others ; for if strength be not the comfort of age , and wit the grace of strength ; and vertue the guide of wit , in all souldiers , they are not to be allowed of , eyther young or old ; for stre●gth without wit is dangerous , wit without vertue hurtfull and pernicious ; so likewise , age without strength is but tedious . therefore commanders ought to be of a prime judgement in making choise of such souldiers as are likely to prove serviceable . and in regard our weapons are of a divers nature , as pike and musquet ; it is to be observed , that nature hath framed men fit in stature and qualities to use them the tallest and ablest men , ought to be trained up to manage the pike , the men of meaner stature are to serve in musquets ; and to inable them the better , every man from his youth should exercise themselves in manlike actions , which might make them hardy , setling their joynts , and breeding strength ; so that in a short time their armour and weapons would seem very easie and light . likewise souldiers must be very carefull to observe their rankes and files , and especially in time of battell , taking notice that upon all occasions they must make their leaders place good , if he should chance to be slaine before him ; for if the front of the battell be not kept compleat , the en●my will soone ruine it : the consideration of which , caused manlius torq●●tus for example to p●steritie to put his sonne to death , because contrary to command he observed not his rankes . likewise , no officer nor souldier ought to goe beyond his commission , although a conquest might ensue ; the reason is , because none may trench upon the jurisdiction of authority , and also in regard , for the most part , a thousand times more mischiefe may ensue than good possibly can , which made posthumu● 〈◊〉 use martiall law against his sonne aulus posthumus , at his returne from his conquered enemy . if an army be so fortunate as to gaine a conquest : so many as are appointed for the execution of the victory , must be diligent in the execution ; and not to fall to pillaging , whereby the enemy may take an opportunity to rally his broken forces and overthrow you . it were very good for souldiers to practice all kinde of weapons , and to bee singuler in the use of them . likewise souldiers must be very perfect in the divers beates of the drumme ; they ought to be very expert in swimming , by reason many exploits are to be atchieved by it , and the lives of many souldiers sav'd by it . they should use themselves to carry heavie burthens , that they may bee the fitter to carry provision in a march , and to carry earth up the trenches without wearisomnesse ; for a souldier must looke to be exposed to all manner of toyle , upon occasions of necessity ; in consideration whereof , the worthy commanders of ancient times 〈◊〉 choise of country labouring fellowes to be their souldiers , because they could indure paines and hardinesse , rather than out of cities and townes , for such are fittest to be horsemen . souldiers are further to take notice , that in garrison or in a setled campe , their duty is upon all occasions ( not making any delay ) at the sound of the drumme , to repaire to his colours , with his compleate armes be it to answer an alarum , or to releeve the watch ; where no souldier , of what birth or degree soever , should not take it in scorne , or hold it a disgrace to stand sentinell , untill such time as hee understands himselfe better ; and then being a gentleman of a company , he must not refuse to be instructed and taught by the meanest officer ; it must bee farre from any souldier to disobey any of his officers precepts , and especially , such as are given in charge by the higher authority ; neyther to contemne or slight the martiall lawes , lost death be his reward . souldiers must be very wary how they undervalue their officers , especially their generall ; or how they speake invectively , or reproachfully of any service or designe that hath not taken effect . souldiers must rather choose death then cowardly to runne from their colou●s , neither must they have any converse with the enemy , either by speech , sending or receiving of letters , were it from his dearest friend without the generalls lycence . a domesticke traytour is a monster amongst enemies ; and let such a one know that never any prospered . for as queene elizabeth once said in the like case , that shee would make use of the treason , but never trust the traytour . now lastly , we must take notice of each souldiers particular duty , both in garrison , and in field , as the next chapter shall declare . chap. lvi . the duties both of officers , and souldiers in garrison . every fort or garrison hath a governour , a major , and a captaine of the watch , these are the principallest in authority ; next , there are divers other captaines and officers , both of horse and foot , with their companies to each belonging ; of the duties of each i will discourse briefly of , and i thought it fitting to place this discourse here , rather then in the end of the tract of fortification . the duty of a governour is to be vigilant and carefull , that all officers and souldiers under his jurisdiction , doe punctually performe their duties , and where default is , according as the offence is to punish ; he is to have daily intelligence of the enemies proceedings , which he must procure , either by sending out partyes of foot , or certaine horse , or else by the countrey people ; hee is to see all the workes , and fortifications about the towne preserved , and kept ; and what defences else hee in his wisdome shall thinke necessary to be raised , the garrison must indeavour to doe it ; what out-watches , either of horse or foot , he sees sit to be placed upon places convenient for the prevention of the enemies secret approaches , he must command it , and his major must see it executed , he is the chiefe judge in place of judicature , only assisted by the chiefe officers , who have each of them a voyce , and the governours stands for two ; by which meanes a malefactour is according to his demerit punished or freed , according as most voyces shall agree upon ; by his authority hee may commit the chiefest officer for any misdemenour , and cause him to be brought to his tryall . by his care and wisedome all things are to be managed ; his major , is his eye , mouth , and hand . his duty is to see the watches set , to see the gentlemen of the round doe their duty ; the sentenells stand at their postures , the ports well guarded , hee is to receive no troopes into the fort , but first hee must goe to them with a sufficient guard of pikes and musquets ; he is to receive the patent from the captaine of those troopes , which if he findes it to be the princes hand and seale , he is immediatly to acquaint the governour withall , and by his permission to conduct them in ; if there be divers companies , that company which first enters the towne hath the preeminence , the rest inccessively in order , and so accordingly they are to take their turnes to watch , the major is to give to every officer his billet for his convenient lodging , and the like to every souldier . at the drummes beating for the releeving of the watch , the major is to have a billet for each severall guard , which being put into a hat , one serjant of each severall company , or in his absence a corporall shall draw one of those lots or billets , and accordingly is to conduct his squadron to that guard which is specified in the billet , and there he is to set out his senteryes in convenient places , the corporal hath the chiefe command of that squadron , and is each houre to relieve his sentries , if his squadrant be compleat , otherwise he is to order their standing according to the strength of his squadron . the major is likewise to see the ports shut , and the keyes brought to the governour , hee is to receive the watch-word from the governour , and after port-shutting , hee is to deliver it secretly in the eare of every serjant , who immediatly must carry it to their officers . every morning the day being perfectly broke , and the sunne up , the major is to come to the captaine of the watch , and cause his drumme to beat , then the captaine of the watch , and all the gentlemen of the guard , with the guard of burgers or citizens , are to troope to each port , and stand ready upon their postures ; the major is to goe out at a wicket , with a small guard to discover if the enemy should be neere , the coast being cleere , he sends out certaine horse a mile or two , fearing lest the enemy should lye in ambush ; the ports being opened , the squadrons are brought thither to guard , there is one sentinell to bee placed without the ports at the turne-pike , who is to suffer none to passe , unlesse well knowne ; there is likewise a centrie to be placed upon the portculli● , who is suddenly upon occasion to let them fall , he is to let fall the middlemost first , because then no cart , nor waggon can bee brought to hinder the fall of the rest . alwayes at twelve a clocke the major must see all the ports shut for an houre or more untill dinner time be past , if he findes any souldier negligent in passing upon his duty , whether by day or night , he must imprison him ; the easiest punishment is bread and water two or three dayes , or the strappado , or present death ; he is to suffer no cart , waggon , nor boate to arive at the ports of the towne , but he must gage them with iron spitts , fearing lest the enemy should be hid in them . if any partie of souldiers should be appointed to bee sent out upon any service towards the enemie , the maior must cause the ports to bee shut a long time after their departure , fearing lest s●me intelligence might be conveyed from the towne to the enemie , which might marre their designe , but for the most part they are sent out in the night to prevent all surmises . if the enemie should send his drumme or trumpet for a prisoner , or upon some ambassage , he is to have a note written , and sewed on to his h●t , what his businesse is with the governors hand to it , he is not to come within musquet shot of the town , but he must beat , or sound a parley ; to whom the maior must goe with a guard , and blindfold him , and so conduct him into the towne first to the governour , and then to the prison ; where being courteously used , and his businesse dispatcht , he is againe to be blinded , and conducted out of the ports ; the like is to be done to any prisoner that is brought in , lest they should discover the weaknesse of the towne ; every sunday , and holy-day in the afternoone all the summer long , the maior is to see the companies in compleat armour about five a clocke to stand in parrado in the chiefest street , the governours company first , then the eldest captaine , &c. the companies being viewed by the governour and the maior , they are to march every company to his guard , and the captaine of the watch to the round-house , which is a guard so tearmed , because the gentlemen of the round , watch there . the duty of the captaine of the watch is to see his guard compleat , and towards evening shut ; he by himselfe , or the maior with him , and a sufficient guard are to walke round the walls of the fort , and every corporall is to come to him from his guard , and give him the word , whereby he understands they have the word right ▪ thus having viewed every guard , he is to returne to the round-house , and immediatly is to send two gentlemen , who are to have the word given them ; with these should goe a burger or citizen , for they watch by companies , and have their captaine of the watch also ; every centeries is to let these passe untill they come to the guard where that c●ntry is to make them stand , and not suffer them to come within him ; he is to call the corporall , who is to command one or two to attend him to them ; then the gentlemen of the round must softly give the corporall the watch-word , which if they cannot , the guard is to take them in , and not to suffer them further to passe , fearing that they should be enemies : the gentlemen having past by all the guards , and seene all things right ; if they should heare any noise , or discover the lights of any matches ; then they must acquaint the captaine of the watch with it at their first comming in , who must send out double rounds ; and perceiving the truth must raise the towne : if any alarum should be given , the captaine of the watch is to keepe his guard in the chiefe streete : and every captaine , officer , and private soldier , at the first beat of the drum must repaire to their colours with their compleat armes and there attend the governours pleasure ; but for the most part they are speedily to repaire to that port or guard , which their squadron have the watch at . the captaine of the watch may commit any souldier for his misdemeaner as well as the governour or major , for hee is chiefe next the governour for that time being ; he takes his place from the watch setting untill the watch bee relieved the next evening following . if any execution of malefactors be , hee must command his guard , and such other companies as the major shall appoint to guard the place of execution . the captaine of the watch with the major and his guard are to goe the 〈◊〉 about the streetes , to 〈◊〉 there be no abuses plotting , nor quarrell , fire , and the like , he is not to be absent from his guard : every captaine is to take his turne to be captaine of the watch , beginning first with the governo●rs , then the 〈◊〉 captaine ; and so in order . every company is divided into three squadrons , if the company be strong , then they are to be divided into foure squadrons , and one squadron of each company is to watch from sun to sun ; the rest have their freedome , unlesse the enemy be at hand ; then happily , halfe companies or whole companies , must watch in compleate armes . the governours drumme , with the captaine of the watches , are to beat about the streets to gather the souldiers together , to cut the yce in winter time , the burgers and citizens doe the like ; every company hath his just allowance to cut , it is to be cut or foot wide , that the enemy may be hindered to passe to the walles . the mayor is to deliver out powder , match , bullets , and all kinde of tooles , to the serjeants for the use of the souldiers , the tooles are to be returned safe againe ; this shall suffice at this time : next , i will briefly discour●● of the dutie of officers in the field , and also of souldiers . chap. lvii . the duties of officers and souldiers in the campe or field . the duties of officers and souldiers in the field or campe , doe not much differ from those in garrison ; wherefore i shall bee very short in this , and then i will proceed to discourse of the particular office of each commander , beginning at the meanest ; and so proceed to the chiefest in authority ; demonstrating every particular thing belonging to their offices . now by the way , observe that every army consists of a generall , lieutenant-generall , field-marshall ; treasurer , master of the ordnance , serjeant major generall ; these are the chiefe officers of the field , and are ●mployed dayly in the councell of warre with their prince , about state-affaires ; then the troopes are divided into colonies , both the infantry and cavalliary , the chiefe whereof is the colonell , the the lieutenant colonell , the serjeant major ; these are the chiefest in command in each regiment . every regiment is compounded of divers companies the chiefe of them is the captaine , the lieutenant , ensigne , serjeants and corporal● ; these last , are exposed to doe their duty in person , with their companies ; the other in higher authority for the most part , leave it to their inferiour officers , unlesse it be in times and cases of danger . the army being encamped , the colonels lieutenant of each regiment , who beares the titular name of captaine , takes place to be the first captaine of the watch ▪ then successively according to the antiquity of the captaine : their watch is set after the same manner as it is in garrison , onely no drumme is to beate neither for the setting of the watch at night , nor for the releeving of the guards in the morning , untill the drum-majors drum beates , then all are to imitate him . the captaine of the watch is to goe no further than the limits of his owne quarters , where he is to be attended with the gentlemen of the round , and to take the word , as before is shewed ; that night his turne is to be captaine of the watch , the whole company is to watch upon some convenient place by the brest-worke before their quarters . the serjeant-major of each regiment , colonell , or lieutenant colonell , may walke the limits of his owne regiment . the serjeant-major generall of the army may ride through all the quarters of the army , and take the word . if there be any out-workes , as redouts to be guarded ; then the serjeant-major of each particular regiment , is to give billets to every captaine , what guards they shall keepe ; then accordingly the whole company is to march to those redouts , leaving their colours in the head of their quarters , which is to bee guarded by certaine senteries appointed out of the next company , whose duty is also to guard the quarters and hutts , that no abuses bee committed . the armes that the captaine and ensigne beares with them is a pike , and his armour of proofe ; hee is to set out his sentrye perdues upon all passages ; and likewise a sentery within the redout , these are to bee relieved by the serjant or other officers every houre or two at the most : that company which shall come to relieve the watch , must stand in their compleate armes , untill such times as their senteryes bee plac't out and the bridge drawne up , least the enemy should take an advantage to fall upon them when they are in a confusion : to resist the enemy in their worke , they are to place betwixt each two pikes a musquet ; any of the chiefest officers in high authority may command a guard from one redout to another , and visit them at any season of the day or night , and are to take the word from the captaine himselfe . every souldier must bee very carefull of giving a false alarum , because all the whole army will bee disturbed and presently in armes : if the enemy comes upon the sentry perdue , hee is to retreate to the next sentry behind him , then if the enemy seeme many , they are to retreate into the worke and prepare to give them a vallye : those horses that watch , must bee plac't to keepe some passage , they must send out their horse centryes to stand upon some way ( which the enemy must take , ) their stations are to bee a quarter of a mile beyond the foot ; the whole company must not move off their saddles untill they are relieved . those perdues that are layed out against a besieged towne , are to lye flat on their bellies because of the enemies neerenes and continuall shooting ; and this shall suffice , and before i proceed any farther , i will have a more particuler discourse of the obedience and vallours both of souldiers and subjects . chap. lviii . of the due obedience , both subjects , officers , and souldiers should beare to their prince or generall ; with a demonstration how mutinies and treasons have beene rewarded with infinite miseries . no kingdome so fortunate and happy , as those where obedience flowes in a cleare streame ; so farre from the power of gusts and stormes , that gentle calmes are perpetuated to times , and all seasons are as halcion dayes ; when subjects of all conditions , and in all respects simpathize with their soveraigne in authority to his lawfull behests and commands , as the shadow imitates the body , or as the parts of the body are ready bent to observe and execute the pleasures and intents of the heart and faculties of the minde ; obedience and loyalty are the nerves and sinewes which strengthen and unite the members of a body politicke to the head , and the strongest fortifications that kingdomes can bee defended with ; these are they which are the onely conquerours in warre , and stedfast preservatives in peace ; these are the precious jewells which make the crowne and dignity of a king most splendent and glorious ; these are the most precious diadems that a state can bee adorned with , the commanding power thereof is so potent , that in an excellent transcendency they daunt the puposes of an enemy , forfeiting his designes ; they so farre strengthen the body of authority , that none of the members can possibly bee infected where these cordialls are placed next the heart ; without these , kingdomes are falling into a consumption , and nothing can be expected but ruine and destruction , as may evidently be seene by taking a survey of such histories which record the confusion of empires and kingdomes : and first the flourishing romans whose hearts were elevated by their famous conquests ; the whole orbe of this terrestiall world was filled with the ecchoes of their resounding honours . so long as they stayed themselves upon these diamond rocks of obedience and loyalty ; their loyalties being ready imbarqued to steere such courses in the streames of fidelity , that their princes and generalls ( which were their consulls ) should direct and command , by which they victoriously not onely conquered their princes love and affections , but withall gayned cities and countreys to be in subjection to their royall scepter ; as italy , and the carthagenians , whose conquests made a faire way , for sundry other spacious possessions to bee cast into the lappe of rome ; they not forsaking their generalls untill they had gained footing in all quarters of the earth , both in europe , asia , and africa , subduing people of all conditions , as the helvetians , germaines , gaules , belgians , swissons , neruijans , sedunians , veragrians , aquittanians , and brittaines ; so that they made themselves to be admired of the world , that with such constancy they should persevere and trample over such eminent dangers , wearisome toyles , and pinching penuries , as there indefatagable constant spirits led them through . but at last , the pride and ambition of those cheifes in authority being confultiated and propt up with their infinite treasures , and vastnesse of their territories , began to draw a regency to themselves : the heate whereof , melted their loyalty and obedience into a sea of factions , mutinies , and dissentions ; the waves and billowes sometimes flasht and foamed betweene the nobles and commons ; sometimes the tribunes swelled over the bankes , and many times the consulls prevailed : so that in townes and cities were light skirmishes . the seed of civill warre being sowne , soone sprung up like an ill weed in fertile ground , choaking , and extirpating that tender precious plant of loyalty ; they most inhumanely , like beasts of prey , conspire the destruction of their valiant prince they had chose their generall , caesar ; which was wrought by degrees through the frets and wounds which they secretly made in the empire , that a dayly falling off from the state was exercised ; untill constantines reigne , who neither by art nor physicke could keepe it from falling into the hectick consumption : so continuing in a decaying condition , until augustus ; in whose dayes the whole monarchie suncke under the burthen of their base disloyalty . they not onely slighting such commandments as authority commended to them , but altogether neglected the use of armes , and became most degenerate spirits , made up of nothing but mutinies , and perverse courses , whereby the barbarous nations ad-joyning , made use of those times , and tooke their fit opportunity with advantage to invade the romans , and brought italy seven severall times to the brincke of destruction by fire and sword . attila , king of the hunnes , spoyled florence , and lombardy . genserius , king of the vandalls , biergus , king of the lithuani ; fiftly , goacer , king of the h●rulij , who drave augustulus quite out of italy : the heavens in reward of their disobedience , neglects , and factions , layd the countrey dessolate twice in thirteene yeares : sixtly , by theodoricus king of the gothes ; seventhly , by gundiball , king of the burgundians ; hee had the pillaging of all lombardy , and so left it to the gothes , they injoying this perfidious countrey yeares , and had nothing to trouble them , but that they were troubled with nothing ; which caused the mosse of security to grow on their backes , so that pride , and riches made them esteeme themselves too great to live under the rules and commands prescribed by soveraignty ; but grew factious and rebellious . whereupon bellisarius , and narses , tooke a faire opportunity to destroy them , being a just reward for such mutinous rebells . likewise in what a blessed estate and happy prosperity did the subjects of the house of burgundie live in , untill divisions and rebellious thoughts were hatcht and nurtured : and though they were a free state of themselves , whereby they might have assumed some colour for their detractions and rebellions , yet the heavens would not bee propitious to such monsters , who were bound in allegeance to lewis the king of france : but they slighting that regall bond ( which men and angells honour with titles of dignity ) began to conceive and project how to set a foot divers inovations , thinking politiquely the greater part would have sided with them , wherby they should have wrung themselves out of their golden fetters of alleageance , which their base mindes ( delighting in charge ) esteemed a heavie yoake : the fates would not suffer their expectations to bee answerable to their thoughts and wished desires . they having prepared an army , and brought them before paris ; ( their basenesse was repayed with their owne base coine ) their owne souldiers refused to bee subject to their officers , and would not bee commanded by authority , neglected altogether their duties ( a long peace having worne out the stampe of mars ) they were routed and defeated by the king of france , suffering the sword to range amongst their troopes , their bloud being the sacrifice which made their new attonement . in the reigne of henry the first who invaded france , and prosecuted warres many yeares ; his subjects and souldiers being very loyall , trusty , faithfull , and obedient unto him , that neither penury nor death could betray their fidelities which they had sworne unto him , was the cheife and principall thing ( adding their vallours ) which possest him in most of the cheife cities , forts , and territories in france , whereby they had heaped up such infinite store of riches , which was the imediate occasion of puffing up his subjects and souldiers , thinking then most arrogantly their abilities would beare them out to peeke beyond the piller of obedience ; although they very well knew it had the herculian inscription ; nil ultra : whereupon the nobles began to fume , and parts taking amongst inferiour subjects , whereby their happie peace was turned topsie turvey both in france and england ; so that by degrees , that which by their loyalty and vallour they had gained in france , now by their basenesse and discords , melted away like ice against the sunne . then henry the sixt reigned in those critticall dayes , when samsons foxes had swinged their fiery tayles of dissention about this kingdome , that no security could bee enjoyed neither by peere , nor poore ; so that this ratsbane of disloyalty wrought so strongly , that the murthering of three of their lawfull kings was hellishly effected . but marke what was their successe ; the vengeance of almighty god would not bee appeased , untill these abhominable traitors were scourged with their owne rods ; they employing their disloyall malicious braines , like mad doggs to teare and devoure one the other : the chiefe of these rebels being the duke of yorke was slain in battell , and his head smitten off ; all the nobility of the house of warwick & somerset were either slaine in these civell broyles , or by due course of law beheaded ; the duke of gloster most inhumanely murthered his brothers sonnes , to usurpe king edwards crowne . but was not the almighty a just avenger ? yes questionlesse ; he stirred up a poore prisoner the earle of richmond , ( who had beene in durance in brittany in france ) who by poore meanes , and altogether unexpectedly , was furnished from those parts with ayde to come against england ; and at his arrivall gave the usurper battell , and ●●ue that bloudy butcher . thus the almighty avenger , rewarded disloyalty , stubbing them up roote and branch ; as edward at fourt● was constrained to hazzard his person in sixe or seven bloudy battells , to suppresse the distempers of his disobedient subjects , wherein the sword of vengeance cut off most of his nobility , and much of the comonalty flaine and put to flight : some young noblemen made an escape into burgundy , thinking to have beene there secured from the fury of gods revenging sword ; yet they were deceived , for gods iustice did not onely prosecute them thither , but persecuted them there with overwhelming penury , and reduc't them to the greatest exigent of misery that nature could possibly undergoe ; as was seene by that young nobleman the duke of excester , who was constrained by extreame poverty , to runne ( bare-legged up to the ancles in durt ) after the duke of burgundies trayne , begging an almes for christs sake . the serious contemplation of this very one thing ( a man would thinke ) should make the haire of a disloyall , treacherous hel-hound to stand upright , and that it should bee a president of matchlesse misery for such future times , wherein such vultures , and bafilisks , and cockatri●es should bee hatcht in ; for did these devouring dragons consider how in all ages god by his mighty arme in a transcendent way , hath used the heighth of severity against such delinquents , they would not dare to harbour the least thought of disloyalty , no not in th●ir seeretst closets , fearing least the birds of the ayre should reveale it ; for god will have subjects know how hee is interrested and stands ingaged to defend the right of supreame authority with his right arme ; establishing and supporting such lawes and edicts , as the royall majesty of a king shall constitute , being lawfully grounded upon the lawes of god , of nature , and nations . kings prerogatives must and will swimme above the infectious distempers of seditious subjects , like the precious oyle over the billowes of putrified waters ; and as one truely sayes , lex est sanctio , sancta , jubens honesta , prohibens contraria ; had wisdome beene the guide to those geare-braynd transgressours , they would have had a respect to the end ; whereas their fancie extended no farther then the begining ; for had they fixed one eye upon the act , which is both in the sight of god and man detestable : and the other eye upon the consequence , which determines their owne confusion ; they would have prized obedience and loyalty , ( although a severe government had beene exercised over them ) as the most soveraigne preservative against all mortall infections that might betide a kingdome either in warre and peace . but as salust : well observed , illis quieta movere , magna merces videbatur ; the basenesse of people is such , that they thinke the very disturbances of things established to bee a hire sufficient to set them on worke ; and as in times of pestilence , all diseases turne to the plague ; so , in generall discontents , all turnes to mutinies , tumults , and rebellions : and this is the sun-shine wherein an enemy desires to make his hay in ; and they expect the best crop when their labour and tillage hath made fit to receive the seeds of sedition and strifes , wherein they spare no cost in manuring such persons with great summes , as they shall finde fit and tractable for their purposes ; for neither gifts nor promises of honours and preferment shall bee wanting to accomplish their ends , as was well seene by barnavelt , who was an annuall pentioner to the court of spaine , whose deeds and projects are yet fresh in memory . how had they seduc't those monsters of men by their gifts and promises , to the subversion and cloudie destruction of state , king , and nobles , had not god beene propitious to our land by a miraculous discovery ; which sutes with that of the prophet daniell ; there is a god in heaven ( sayes hee ) which revealeth secrets , and maketh knowne to the king what shall bee . how had lewis the eleventh of france , wound in divers of the chiefe subjects of king edward of england to bee his pentioners ; hee distributed crownes a yeare amongst them : the chiefe whereof , was the lord chancellor , the master of the roules , the lord chamberlaine , &c. these were to disswade the king from assisting the young lady of burgundy ; and likewise when any ambassage came , they were to set it forwards : though these things might seeme tollerable , yet few kings would like such familiarity ; though a wise statesman may performe wonderfull good service to his king , by being inward with the estates of another kingdome ; but there must bee a great deale of grace and honesty to the ground-worke , for a king and state to build their confidence upon . in all the histories that either i have heard or read , either divine , or prophane , those subjects never escaped unpunished , which had maliciously and wrongfully perpetrated any disloyalty to their soveraign , nay not amongst barbarous nations ; much rather gods correcting hand will bee knowne amongst christians ; but that either they have perisht before the act of their conspiracy , or in the act , or after the act : the holy scriptures make mention of divers punishments inflicted upon the israelitish forces , for their murmurings , mutinies , and disobediences committed against their chiefe generall moses . divines distinguish obedience in a double respect , as filiall and legall , which holds good in the dutie of a subject to his soveraigne , or to such as he shall constitute over us in the managing of publike affaires ; and i hope none are so devoide of reason , but will submit to what soveraigntie shall lawfully injoyne , in regard punishment attends in a readinesse to be put in execution . but those are a degree neerer , who weare the true character of obedience wrapt up in a tender loving heart , fearing to displease , because love injoynes them to obey ; and the frownes of their soveraigne are like needles at their hearts ever pricking , untill the sunshine of his favour bee regained . this was the obedience and loyaltie the antient romans honoured their senators withall , for their loves did flow in a freer current then their lawes and edicts did injoyne ; they were prodigall in bestowing their lives and goods ( when authoritie commanded ) in their countreyes behalfe . how famous was artillus reg●●us that noble consull of rome being taken prisoner by the carthaginia●s , and by them sent home to redeeme divers of their captaines which the romans had in custodie ; hee made a learned oration to the senat , letting them understand that hee was old , and worne out with yeares , and that his zeale for the good of his countrey was such , that he would not admit of the sending backe those able carthaginian officers , who might doe much harme to rome , but would rather returne backe , and suffer a cruell death with his enemies ; further in the same warres which the romans managed against the carthaginians , by the unexpertnesse of the generall their whole navy was overthrowne , yet the wonderfull love and loyaltie of the commons , freely demonstrating their sincerity and obedience ( as a rule for subjects in future ages ) at their owne proper costs and charges , built a new fleete in all points fit for service ; i would this age wherein we live , were so mindfull of their loyalties and obedience , and not to mutter and repine , when authority justly commands such a poore thing as an annuall stipend for the setting forth a navy , for the honour and safetie of our kingdome . the netherlanders are to bee admired and commended , for setting their loves afloate above their lawes , daily tendering their lives and goods , in doing their states service ; they are so free from grumbling , or having any seditious thoughts or actions , that even voluntarily they condescend to pay an impost out of their meates and drinkes , towards the maintenance of their warres , besides their patience in induring their goods many times taken , and their houses ruined by souldiers ; they are so farre from repining , that they thinke all well bestowed that tends to the publike good ; they banish desire , and will not acknowledge it an act of their obedience , the property thereof being only to looke at things to come , but rather ground their actions upon love , which points at things present . wee can protest we desire his majesties wants were supplyed ; but where is the love that should command our purse-string ? i say no more , let every obstinate fellow blush , and see if his desires without performance can command the advise and costly drugges from his learned physitian , for the prevention of some eminent sicknesse , which the physitian by his wisedome and skill foresees , that without speedy prevention will prove an incurable destruction to his body ; let him rest upon it that hath a desire , that either his body or his estate should languish . let us but take a further survey of this dutie of obedience , and you shall find it defective , where feare only bindes , and love doth not joyne with it ; triplex amor , as scholers define it ; emanans , imperatus , & elicitus ; naturall love , all sensitive creatures participate in , being led by an instinct to their objects , there being a kind of necessitie inforcing ; as the pismires love and care is to provide in summer against winter ; even so man in the same kind guided by certaine reasons , is by love transported to his object . commanding love is , when firme reasons demonstrate some good thing fit to be beloved , and then our wills command us to affect the same ; free love is when the affections makes choyce of some good thing of excellent qualitie , freely ; and in contemplation of the goodnesse and priviledges , that is thereby injoyed , drives the spectators into admiration , and the circumstances that attend the actions , and demeanours of the object , begets his free love , and the prosperitie and welfare that it is possest withall , satisfieth the whole desires . naturall love , seekes only its owne profit ; but that is not here meant , nor commendable in a subject , when he loves his prince , only for the quiet gaining or enjoying of gooods ; in this a prince is not really to returne love againe . secondly , when a subjects will and affections , commands love for by-respects , and ●inister ends , as to be favoured in wicked and impious courses , this of all the rest is not to be respected , but utterly rejected . the third kind of love , is the true root from whence loyaltie and obedience springs , and that is pure without by-aymes or ends , of an enargeticall and working quality , ever seeking and working such things as may bring honour and safetie to their prince and state ; nam anima magis est ubi amat , quam ubi animat ; the members of a common-wealth , should take instructions from the philosophers , who hold that the parts love the beeing of the whole , better then it selfe ; as for example , the water being but the fourth part of the elements , that the great world is compounded of , ascends up to the ayre , that there should not be a vaccuum or emptinesse in the universe , for the elements touch one the other , as may be further proved by a small-mouthed glasse , the water contrary to the nature of it , runneth up to the ayre , as it is pouring out , that there may not be a voide place , it preferres the good of the whole , to its owne proper center ; and so in the little world man , when occasion of danger is offered , the hand is ever ready to defend , and preserve the head ; even so ready bent and prest , should every member of a body politique be , to defend and preserve their prince and state , and to administer such helps , as his necessities require with a free consent : he being our head , and all in all to us , we should , and are bound in dutie to hazard all for him ; for if we consider the large commission which almighty god hath beene pleased to give to his vice-roys upon earth , and in such a copious manner estated them in their thrones of regencie , that the sonnes of men never had the like priviledges , as may bee seene by the large commission granted to moses , his chiefe , and generall over his peculiar people , where god commands him , to make him a trumpet of silver , to assemble the people , and to remove the campe ; it was a thing of such great importance , that in the infancy of the world , god himselfe did immediatly by his owne mouth assemble the congregations , and directed them how , when , and where to incampe , limitting the times of their removals ; but after he had made choyce of a chiefe , to be his generall over the people ; he committed his care , and his office of command over to moses , and left him ample power to goe in and out before his people , as formerly hee himselfe had done , and to take and claime such priviledges as are due , from inferiours to a majestie : which made our saviour christ very forward for examples sake , to worke a miracle , rather then he would stand in contention with caesar , he would disburse for himselfe and his friend , ( although he might have pleaded his freedome , as being a man free-borne , or might have claimed the due to himselfe , as being king of kings ) but he well knew affaires of importancy belonging to a state , could not be compassed without daily revenewes , this made him so willingly pay his tribute , which the wisedome of caesar had imposed upon his subjects , for the securing of his kingdome , and especially in times of warre : as our saviour christ drawing a parable from the chargeablenesse , and dangerousnesse of it , wished a king first to sit downe and count , before he entertaines warre ; whether his power and abilitie , that is to be understood , not only the quantitie of armed men , but the qualitie , to sustaine them with ; which is money , munition , and victuals ; and these are to bee derived from the inferiour members ; as they may well be paralelled to the rootes of a high spreading ceder , which drawes the sappe out from the earth , and by the influence of the atractive rayes of soveraigne authoritie , forceth it up to the head ; so that both blossomes and fruit may insue ; without this neither warre nor peace can be safely managed ; this made david send to nabal for reliefe ( after he was anointed king ) whereby he and his army might subsist ; and although the wisedome of abigal diverted his intentions from shedding his bloud , and destroying his goods , for his base denials ; yet after the omnipotent hand had inlightned his dunghilly conscience , as a just reward , he gave up the ghost ; vt poena impii sit cruditio justi ; though princes are as men before god , yet they are as gods before men ; virgilius saith that princes are meerely by gods providence placed in the highest seate of honour , and owe equall justice to their subjects ; so ought the people to owe dutifull obedience to their prince , in reverencing his person , and fulfilling his commandements . tertullian saith , he that honoureth and obeyeth his prince , honoureth and obeyeth god ; for the prince is gods vicegerent upon earth , and representeth amongst ment the glorious state , and high majestie of god in heaven . and st. pauls holy counsell was that every soule should be subject to the higher powers ; for there is no power but of god and the powers that be are ordained of god : whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; but do you thinke this disobedient resisting shall vanish without it's due recompence ? no certainely ( saith st. paul ) they that are so audacious to resist , shall receive to themselves condemnation : for saith solomon , the kings wrath is like the roaring of a lyon , but his favour is like the de●w upon the g●asse : and in titus , there is urged a subjection to principalities and powers , with a due obedience ; and further , exhorting subjects to bee forward and ready to act and performe every good worke that shall bee required . but how farre are subjects in all nations sweru'd from this straight rule of obedience , and follow the serpentine parallels of some factious spirits , sprung up from some selfe-conceits , or discontents , as there are too many in this our age , by the strength of their windy oratory , moves the sea of waves and billowes of common people to inveigh and batter against their shores , and rocks of authority , and to their powers ready to submerge them ; and this ariseth from the curiositie of divers subjects of our litigious times ; who strive to soare above their owne spheare , to peepe into the arcanity of state affaires , and their fond and false commenting upon the actions and passages of those in high authority , and according to the fancie of their distempered braines , shape to themselves improper hyerogliphicks , whereby they would demonstrate as on a stage , what comedies or tragedies are in their weake judgements to ensue . these are to be likned unto unskilfull astronomers , that only have heard of the operation and influence of some starres and planets , and in perusing their almanacke finde some one to have the predominancy for that day , they presently conclude , that according to the disposition or efficatious working of the said planet , such ill seasons , or such weather must consequently follow ; they not having a respect to the fortunate conjunctions , and favourable aspects that may , and doth moderate and allay the malignitie of the most ominous influence ( if they so shall deeme it ) they being ignorant of that primum mobile that fooles , both astronomers and astrologers ; these are the novelists , which ( ever since there was a monarchiall government ) have beene very pernitious , both to generalls and chiefe officers of the field , as also disturbers to the quiet of the state at home . for like unskilfull pesants that desire to pry into the art of navigation , and for noveltie sake repaire to some promontory that lookes over into the sea , where they espie a carefull pilot well experienced in the conducting of the vessell he had charge of ; and according to his rules steereth his course , striving might and maine , to gaine the wished haven of his harbour ; yet being denyed the direct course , which formerly a faire wind and tyde did gently waft him in , the gusts of wind and waves of the sea being opposite , he in his wisedome is constrained to leviere about quite from the wonted channell , and all to fetch the wind , and to gaine the best advantage to sayle safe by the waves and gusts , for the security of the barke , and in this tempest if a leake chance to spring , which might indanger the vessell and all in her ; how is this carefull pilot constrained to lay her on one side , that the expert shipwright may securely stoppe the leake ! these simple fellows being not acquainted with such maritine affaires , are presently conceited that this vessell cannot but suffer shipwracke , when alas a generall or princes greatest and insupportablest burden , paines and care is to safegard , and defend his charge , and seeke the safety of those under his authority . this age of the world hath hatcht such a strange brood called novelists ; these are alwayes possessing the braines of simple people , with such strange fixions , either deifying some one man for deserts which they esteeme consonant to their mindes and courses , or otherwise vilifying others , and detracting from their goodnesse and worthes , making them a scorne , and rediculous to all such as shall joyne in their factions , and favour such vituperating courses , that it is a wonder how those in authority should have a heart to beare such callumnyes , did not their wisedomes and goodnesse passe by with a smile the simplicity of such creatures , although many times their aspertions are credited , whereby men in high government and authority are by their meanes hated , and ill opinions and false censures alwayes opposing any action that shall be intended , or put in execution for a generall good , either in time of peace or warre : for the nature of these novelists is such , that those they cannot fancie , let their actions be never so good , and politiquely carried for the publike welfare , yet to them it shall be distastfull , they being cloathed with jelousie and suspition , that they looke for that they doe not desire to see nor find ; for under every faire harbe they dreame of a serpent lurking , and that every laborious bee , which strives to extract waxe and honey for the preservation of its common-wealth , in their squint-eyed opinions are spiders which gather poyson to ruine the same ; it is a cruell reward which is returned as a recompence to those which these kind of people hate ; quem metuant oderunt , quem quisque odit pruiise experit : to verifie this i shall need make choyce , but of one example still fresh in memorie , which will serve to exemplifie and prove the truth of this discourse , and that is the duke of buckingham , who once , none then living so highly in favour , and generally honoured of the cominalty , and especially at his returne from spaine , with our gracious king that now is , it was their whole discourse to magnifie him with their applauses of his worth , wisedome , and fidelitie ; but how suddenly those of the corporation of novelists had changed the wind of his true fame into a contrary quarter , blowing their flie-blowes of aspersions and disgraces so fast upon him , that hee grew more hatefull and odious in the same mens conceits , which formerly so highly honoured him , ( and yet for his owne particular the same man , and to his power endeavoured to doe the same good for the common-wealth which formerly he had done ) so that what designe soever the people conceived his finger to have but toucht , was by them vilified , or some doubtfull various constructions made of it , which at length grew to the heighth of censuring , that when those foote forces which returned from the i le of ree were to be quartered , and billited in townes , untill his majesties pleasure was to dismisse them , or farther to have imployed them ; the common voyce was , it was the dukes plot to detaine these forces , to take his occasion to side with the enemy , and so to ruine our kingdome : and what base libells and scurulous songs were made of him ? so that at last they did hate his very person , so that by their callumnious reports , and invective inventions they had set on his shoulders ( according to the fiction in ovid ) another head , so that his owne friends and souldiers did not know him for their friend , but wrought their owne masters death most villanously by their wishes , which was acted by the cruell hand of a hellish murtherer to their contents ; but let them put the gaines they purchast by his losse in their eyes , and i beleeve they may still see , whilst he lived the common-wealth fared not the worse ; i think none can be ignorant of the mischiefes and inconueniences which are ingendred by these monsters of impudent censurings , and bold scrutinies of these novelists , which they ingrosse to themselves to please their pallats of a covetous desire of newes , and then to gaine a popular applause , or to maintaine table-talke they retayle it out againe , either to the honour or disparagement of some one or other , as they shall stand affected ; or as the time , place , or occasion shall bee offered : reports soone workes upon the weaknesse of ignorant people , who are apt to beleeve any thing , especially if it comes from one that hath a habit of seeming sanctity , and by such they will be drawne , and lead to any thing . these hitrogeniall courses either of subjects or souldiers used to those in authority over them , makes an enemie rejoyce , they perceiving by such wayes and courses , their pathes are ev'ned and swept ; and at their pleasures they can shape their designes and projects , according to the distempers and humours of the time , sayling with full wind and tyde unto the haven of their expectations ; for mens fancies are like to surfeited bloud , that what infection soever comes first , is most surely taken ; and indeed an enemy will not lose his opportunity to fish where the waters are troubled . and as in the little empire of the body naturall , the beginning of all motion is from the head , having the conjugation of all sinewes , and the architecture framed , built , and fashioned with joynts fit for motion , and by a secret instinct and light of creation annexed to the head from whence the whole strength is produced ; now if any of these sinewes or joynts are shrunke or dislocated , it marres and hinders the sudden motion of the whole frame , causing the limme where such a defect is , to bee altogether unusefull , and much hindering the orderly worke of the rest of the limbes , which would be more quicke and apt to helpe and defend the head ; the magnanimous eagle is easily surprized if but the least joynt of her wings be perisht . this corrupting , putrifying , and dis-joynting the members of a common-wealth , hath beene a pollicy ever used by the enemie , and hath afforded him more freedome to set afoot his projects and designes , then any one conclusion he hath made use of ; and such dislocations and distempers are usually the forerunners of confusion . histories make mention of many nations that have beene infected with this con●●gion , and have languisht in this dea●ly sicknesse , when as the art of physicke was not able to purge the glut that lay in the stomacks of these diseased persons , so that their breaths infected all that came neere , and made them unusefull burthens to their heads , so that the engines of wit , art , and policy , was not able to set them in a right frame and temper . france once deeply tasted of this deadly cuppe , untill ruine and confusion rent them from their head to a deeper destruction , like gangreene members they were cut off from the body politicke ; the residue being weary of their former smarts began then to comply with the times , and saw it the peaceablest and safest way for all degrees to joyne in one , for the ayding and supporting their king , and honouring and obeying all in authority under him ; then they showred their transcendent tearmes of loyaltie and obedience upon lewis the ninth ; ( and indeed he truly deserved them ) the commons with one voyce styled him their father ; the nobility reverenced him with title of just prince , and faithfull preserver of their lawes ; the grave doctors and fathers of the church ascribed to him the name of tutor , and defender against all oppositions , and the whole body of france viva voce , and with one consent proclaimed him the king of truth , and those in commission under him , true preservators and administrators of iustice : the crabbed fruits of their former follyes had wrought good effects , so that contestings , scrutinies , censurings , and oppositions , were quite banisht ; they having learned of licurgus , to answer those that did desire to meddle out of their spheare , as hee once answered one that was oppinionated , that a democrasticall government was most pleasing , hee wisht him to try it first in his owne house if such corrivals in authority would breed any content ; if every busie-braind fellow would make tryall of this , shame would make them blush , and ill-shapt discontents would stop their mouthes , causing them to be ready to imitate the egyptians , who antiently consecrated to their god harpocrates , the peach tree , the leaves thereof resemble a tongue , the fruit a heart ; simbolizing thereby , that their hearts should hence-forth serve him , and their tongues set forth his praise . the same embleme should every loyall and obedient subject and souldier have within his breast and mouth , which he should dedicate to supremacy , and to all in subordinate authority under him ; then every dore would turne merrily upon the hindges without jarring , and a gentle streame of peace would have a currant channell through kingdomes ; then there would be no feare of an enemies sowing his seedes of discontents amongst the inferiour members , nor inticing them by gifts and promises to disloyaltie or distractions . it is recorded of caesar , that he conquered more in france by complying with the people , profering them favours and curtesies , and giving them large gifts , to those that would yeeld to maintaine disputes , factions and contentions against authoritie , he thus exercising his wits but one winter , gained more townes and provinces , then hee and his potent army could conquer of them in ten yeares warres . factions , murmures , mutinies , contestations , oppositions , detractions , disloyalty , and disobedience , are farre more dangerous in an armie , then they possibly can be in a settled kingdome , in regard the members of an army are to bee ready prest to goe upon execution , upon every sudden occasion , being alwayes in action tending towards the finishing of the designe it was provided for , so that if any mutinies or detractions should be , it would fare with that army , as with a traveller that by some dangerous slippe in his earnest journeyes over a dangerous forrest is taken lame , so that he is disappointed of his expected ariving : being exposed to the dangers of the night ; and bereaved of his meanes of defending himselfe from the cruelty of devouring beasts , which most certainly will take the present opportunitie to fall upon and devour him ; whereas in a state ( no forraine enemies being neere ) such distempers , bruses , and dislocations , time it selfe may weare out the mallady , or some soveraigne course may be used to supple and lythen such dislocated joynts , and stiffe members , so that use may be obtained of them , before any urgent occasion shall command their assistance . it is not the least of all things to be thought of , if occasion should offer it selfe to make use of the commonaltie , for a speedy defence against an approaching enemy , those that have beene so offward , and refractary in obeying the edicts of soveraigne authority , and in yeelding the least of their assistance in contributing towards the mighty charge which is expended both by sea and land , for our peaceable and safe preservations ; how strange shall these men bee found in subjecting themselves to marshall lawes , and to such commanders as shall ●ee in command over them ; or how will they venter their flesh , which were scrupulous in venturing a few shillings : besides their ignorance in the use of armes ; and no marvell , because our yeomondry scorne to subject themselves under a captaine to bee taught , but put their servants into the list : and the cheifer sort that should bee the strength of our kingdome , slip their neckes out of coller , and every silly poore mecanicke fellow must make the souldier : thus dishonouring our soveraigne , and weakening our state , by putting trust in a company of poore ●●eas that have neither estate nor reputation to loose , but are fitter subjects to entertain mutinies , or commit mischiefes , then to bee brought into orderly subjection . you may give officers leave to complaine , being too well acquainted with their wonderfull disorders in our daily musters , which being not redrest will bee pernicious to our kingdome . moreover , our people are so metamorphiz'd from that true worth which in former ages was inherent to our english , but now so effeminiz'd by their voluptuous living , that they are not fit to undertake the paines and care of a souldier ; their hearts melting like butter , upon the supposition of meeting death in the face ; as was seene not many yeares since by the manly carriages of brave fellowes , when the rumour was of the enemies landing at wackring , betwixt maulden , and lee in essex ; what uproares and disorders it bred , two or three ●estriding a horse to eschew the danger , partly naked , fearing least the enemy should have over-taken them , being so stupid , that many of them knew that it was so farre from affording an enemie a landing , that a goose might bee gravelled , before shee could obtaine shoare . and i thinke the two fearefull mistakings of the enemies approaches at wethersfield in essex , the people being congregated in a time of fast ; at the discharging of a poore pistoll by a horseman returning from trayning , all the church was in such a strange uproare , every one running to hide himselfe ; tearing the ayre with their shrikes and cries , deeming they had seene their neighbours slaine ; when they in their hast tumbled one over another , some running a mile or two before they durst looke backe . likewise some few yeares after in the same church , at the running downe of the waight of the clocke ( which made to their thinking a fearefull noyse ) caused such an uproare as if the divell and a lease of beares had beene amongst them : these things plainely shewes the pusillanimity and imbellick constitution that peace and security , with the laciviousnesse of the times hath hatcht in them ; it would have beene hard for a generall or captain to have gotten these people to have made a stand , and opposed the enemy at push of pike , if occasion had beene of the enemies landing : a county might have been pillaged before they would have assumed the countenance of a souldier , they being so fearefully affrighted . if wee did but truely weigh these things , it would make every man more forward in his contribution towards the maintenance of the navie , which must secure us from these panicke feares . the ancient gaules accounted no man further worthy then to serve in the affaires of the house , that was not publickly called and generally thought worthy and meete to beare armes ; and being armed before the generall counsell , then hee was acknowledged a common-wealthes man , and fit to bee employed to doe his country service : and these were of the best and cheefest sort that strived to obtaine these honours : how farre are wee dissenting from those , yet wee would bee accounted good common-wealths men ; but wee must first leave our factious jarres and disputes , by which wee thinke to attribute to our selves the name of good common-wealths men ; and as the gaules did , betake our selves to the service of our king , and the good and safety of our countrey . tacitus makes mention , that the youth in those dayes did use no other recreation , but in preparing themselves and fitting themselves for the warres ; having that expertnesse , that they would leape voluntarily being naked against swords and iavelins opposed against them , wherein they had an art to disarme their enemies , and defend themselves : hee adds moreouer , that they would play upon such dangerous adventures , as would make a man blush to bee a spectator . the ancient romans upon their theaters , tutored up valiant young men in the art of fencing ; and when they grew expert and hardy , they were renowned with the name of gladiators , our gentry and yeomen are not of that mettall ; for either they through coveteousnesse , are adicted like boares to roote up the earth , to scrape base drosse together , ( which they deifie as their god ) or else they swimme in a more dangerous streame of drunkenesse , and riotousnesse , which weakens both their bodies and estates , making them not fit to doe neither king nor countrey service ; for it may truely bee sayd of those that sayle in these extreames , that they are ignorant to what end they were borne into the world ; which next their duty to god , they are bound in all loyalty and obedience to doe their best service to their king and countrey ; mens owne private ends ought to bee the last thing to bee thought upon . the ancients in former ages were not acquainted with such basenes , as this age is addicted unto ; they would not suffer such distempers amongst them : for as caesar reports , that the nervians were the most couragio●est of all the belgians ; his reason was , their governours would not suffer any wine to bee brought amongst them ; or any thing that tended unto delicacie ; they held it for an infallible rule , that such things would abate the courage of men : and strabo further testifies , that caenus a grave wise commander perswaded the getes to plucke up their vines , for feare of effeminatizing their people ; they neither delighted in delicacies nor riches ; as tacitus speakes very nobly in the behalfe of the ancient germanes ; who so highly hunted after honours , condemning base cankered wealth , that in their marriage circumstances instead of a great dowry , the husband presented a yoake of oxen ; a horse furnished and fitted for service , a target with a sword and iavelin : the virgin likewise presented her beloved with some weapons of warre , simbollizing that in all perrills and dangers bee it either in peace or warre they joyne to run in one fortune . our age is so farre from this , that although by statute they are bound to finde horse and armour , they will have trickes to shift it , or being compell'd , will borrow of their neighbours to blinde the eyes of authority ; so that in a troope of horse of a , there is not of these horse their owne , which ought to bee employed for the kings service ; were these people allotted their possessions , and yet bound to finde horse and armour , as aristotle , testifies of phaleas , the calcedonian that hee first published in the common-wealth ; that all goods and chattells should be equally divided , to the end that two principall plagues to mankinde ( which are riches , and poverty ) might bee banisht their cities . the warlike germanes put this in execution , by a custome received amongst themselves ; as caesar avoucheth in his sixt booke of his comentaries ; that they had no certaine measure of land , nor any particular habitation limited them , but as the princes and magistrates assigned every yeare unto particular kindreds aud parentages , so much ground or land , or such a citie or scituation as unto them seemed best and convenient , and the yeare following they were constrained to seek elsewhere : the reasons of this used by the same author , were first , least the people being retayned by customed continuance , in one place they should bee out of love with the profession of armes , taking more delight in their beneficiall and pleasing courses of life : secondly , from the occasions of withdrawing their mindes from the inlargement of their territories : thirdly , least they should bee over curious in building and defending themselves from cold and heate , and so prove starke cowards : fourthly , least a coveteous desire should arise amongst them , scraping and gathering goods together , whereon customarily issues threats , dissensions , and bloud . these inconveniencies former ages have beene reduc't unto , to deterre them from effeminate courses , and were constrained for all their uncertaine meanes to furnish themselves with horse and armour for the warres : wee have our compleate possessions from generation to generation defended by his majesties lawes ; yet how grievous it is to divers men to have a just taxation of moneys , horse , or armes impos'd upon them ; when they know without it , the realme cannot bee secured . let any sensible man compare these our dayes with these precedent circumstances ; and let him judge what good service , or what loyalty and obedience may bee expected of a people , either meerly given over to sensuallity , or altogether begrumbled with covetousnesse , for we are now growne to that height that wee make it an article of our faith ; that the possessing of goods and enjoying of pleasure , is the sumum bonum required . when as the people of the iewes , that god so highly delighted in ; that he would give kingdomes for their ransomes , and hedged them about with his favours , whereby they might have presumed to have lived in security : yet it was the almighties pleasure so farre to weane them from their eager dispositions of fortifying themselves , which they aymed at for their better security , that they might live uncontrolled , and wallow in their pleasures , and some in their covetousnesse , voyd of feare of the enemies surprizalls ; both their hands were commanded to bee employed , the one about their daily and common affaires , the other was to mannage the sword : so that one eye was employed about finishing and contriving their livelyhood ; the other had due respect to the enemy to prevent and resist them upon the first view : is our nation more confident of a miraculous preservation , then they might have claym'd ? i rather beleeve the contrary , for it is just wee should suffer , if wee slight ( as most of us doe ) both gods precepts , and the commands of authority which enjoyne us to a due preparation and daily vigilancy , which now is generally disobeyed and slighted , the noyse of the enemies canon sounding so far off , neither as yet hath the enemie played his part upon our stage ; so that wee shall feare like the shepheard when the woolfe comes ; indeed wee shall hardly gaine succour and resistance , in regard the common people take all warnings but as mockes and scare-crowes , which by these consequencies following may bee plainely seene . first , in our refractory carriages , when authority commands any service for the gayning experience in the use of armes , as namely our musters ; what murmurings are breathed out for the expence and charge of a little powder and match , and the losse of a dayes worke. secondly , what boysterings and stomackings there is against officers that shall give true information of mens sufficiencie , when accordingly armes by authority are imposed . thirdly , what strange circustances are used to gaine freedome , and the posting it over to another , happily farre insufficienter then himselfe . fourthly , when necessity compells the finding of armes ; what fond delayes , and slight excuses are set abroach to deferre the time ; and in this they have a double ayme : first , either that the dallying with time shall bee the meanes to bury it in o●livion , or , secondly , the removing themselves out of the division they conceive to bee prevalent , untill notice bee taken of some other to amplifie the list : others of lesse rethoricke , take it to bee the cheapest way to borrow their armes ; so that many times one horse or one armour , is fitted to the service of divers bodies . fiftly , those that are compleate in appearance , will hardly bee intreated to bee tutored one third part of the day , but some one evasion or other is put in execution ; many times they are so brittle , that they can hardly endure the calling over , which makes them so skilfull at the yeares end , that they can hardly distinguish a rancke , from a file . sixthly , their backwardnesse and unwillingnesse in answering to the commands of authority , and many times some of them are altogether deficient both in their armes and appearance , and usually all or the greater part will borrow two or three houres of the set time , before they come to the place where they are to bee called over ; that dayes worke above all other is so tedious , that they desire onely to trifle it to an end . seventhly , a base scorning and inveterate hating of such officers as have a desire to take paines with them , in exercising them and shewing them their postures , and causing them to bring in compleate armes . eighthly , the negligent and beastly keeping of their armes , that hardly halfe the armes of the band are fitted as they should bee for a present use , but altogether defective , and making any trash serve to passe the muster , not regarding future services : in all these particular faults , our horsemen are guilty of , and may blush for their shamefull abuses to king and state ; and in one thing they s●rpasse our foot-troopes , and that is the employing of such horses as are sequestred from common rurall uses , and onely appropriated to the kings service ; they instead of riding them and managing them for the warre , set them to plow and cart , or to performe some journeys either in a coach or otherwise ; or rather more absurdly make a cart-horse or coach-horse serve to beare the great sadle , which they thinke sufficient to blinde the eyes of authority ; should there bee any suddaine use that our forces should stand in competition with an enemy , i feare wee shall fall short of what is to bee expected . and although these defects may seeme but as a shadow to such points of disloyalty and disobedience , as formerly wee have discourst of ; yet these defects argue and savour of stupid security , and a base undervalluing esteeme of the use of armes , which all nations doe most highly honour and esteeme , as the meanes for safety of kingdomes , the preserver of lawes , and above all , the preserver and defender of gods gospell , which without it , would soone bee dasht under feet , and a confusion overflow our realme : therefore let us endeavour to amend what hath beene amisse , and in all dutifull obedience follow such directions as authority shall prescribe , banishing our owne ends , and every day furnishing and fitting our selves to the largest extent of our abilities and powers to doe our god , king , and country the faithfullest , and best service wee possibly may , and that willingly , and with a delight ; for this end wee were first borne , as was truely veryfied by pompeius magnus that famous commander , hee having shipt his men , and ready furnisht them with victualls and munition for the reliefe of the city of rome , which was then by the enemy besieged and in great distresse : in the interim , a wonderfull tempest of winde , raine , thunder , and lightning arose , so that nothing but ruine to him could bee expected ; his friends and souldiers besought him not to venter his life and the navies losse ; hee returned this noble answer , i am borne to obey authority ; et necesse est ut eam , non ut vivam : hee knew the rules and edicts of soveraigne authority were not to bee deferred , but hee tooke them as his card to steere his course of loyalty and obedience by . if wee should but draw examples of obedience from the creatures , and observe how in all things they stand conformable and obedient to the lawes of nature ; how the great unruly ocean observes the course of the moone in bringing in her tides : the massie earth waites the time and pleasure of the sunnes revolution , to yeild up the fruit and hidden treasures contained in her bowells to the uttermost of her power : all creatures both vegetative and sensitive , are precise and ready bent in all obedience when nature enjoynes ; and yet man a rationall creature most obstinate and hetrogeniall in his duty , loyalty and obedience to his superiours , which nature doth not onely challenge as a right , but god claimes it as a due : and how siily and foolish are men above all other creatures in making provision for their safety there is no creature but nature hath armed it with some defensive weapon , not so much but the poore bee hath his pike , which most valiantly and skilfully hee can use for his defence and preservation : but the times wee live in are such , that wee have neither will nor skill ; but we referre all to a generall providence , thinking it sufficient if they be roughcast with riches and prosperity : and the liberty and peace which here hath beene plentifully enjoyed , breeds a boldnesse and foole hardinesse to doe evill ; for long peace and large freedomes makes men as unfit to follow the warres for the present , as pampering and youthfulnesse doth a colt unridden ; he that should have a suddaine occasion to backe him for present service , cannot but expect the ryder should be overthrowne , and worke confusion to himselfe and all that depend on him . it was partly seene and tried at the isle of ree in france at the siege of rochell , and although our english had beene some short time tutured and exercised under the banners of mars ; yet the right valiant and judicious captaines had no more command of them in the time of need , when the tryall of their obedience , skill , and vallours should have beene brocht , then of a herd of deere : for all they saw by flight there was no safety but eminent destruction , yet they could not bee perswaded to make an honourable resistance , whereby they might either have freed themselves , or have died like men with their faces towards the enemy : now judge you , if such cowardly basenesse was found in those that scorned to give their heads for the washing being the prime spirits of our kingdome , we cannot but expect worse of these here behind remaining , which will fall short many bowes length of their worth , ( if we doe not flatter our selues ) for they will find warre a wearisome stage where souldiers must play their parts against their wills ; for truly it may bee said of a people that are unexercised , and know the warres but by heare-say : quod valentes sunt , & prevalent ante pericula , in ipsis tamen periculis discedunt ; they have ability enough and to spare , untill danger appeares ; but when perill indeed comes , they get them gone as vigetius sayes , there is a rule in the philosophie of the warre ; in omni praelio non tam multitudo , & virtus in●●cta , quam ●rs & exercitum , solent prestare victoriam ; in every battell , skill and practice doth more towards the victory , then multitudes and rude audacity . but certainly our age is possest that an enemy will dare at our brave cariages and gay cloathes , as the larke doth at the hobby , untill they beate them downe with their bolts . let such make tryall that please , it will prove but dulce bellum inexpertus . matters not usefull prove inductions to terrour ; for there are three things which agravates feare ; inexpectation , unacquaintance , and want of preparation ; the first distracts the minde , and flai●es the faculties and affections from their due consultations of remedy ; the second makes an earthquake in the soule , being not sensible of the event , as the imbellicke pesant quakes at the report of a musquet at his first hearing of it . the third dejects the spirits being voide of all hopes , either of evasion or defence , much lesse of conquering ; therefore lest wee should make our enemies more terrible to us then indeed they can bee , let us daily expect them , that when they come we may not be to seeke how to expulse them . and for conclusion of this seventh section ; let every true-hearted subject imitate the thracian captaine protesilaus , sonne to iphiclus ; who to shew the truth of his love and loyaltie to his soveraigne , would be the first man of all the warlike greekes , that should set foot on troy ; albeit he knew that hee should surely die that first toucht the trojan land , which came to passe , for he was slaine by hector , about whose tombe the poets were pleased to record to his perpetuall honour , that divers goodly tall greene trees did divinely spring up , whose branches covered the ruines of troy ; by this we may see in what estimation and honour , loyalty and valour was honoured withall ; as one truly sayes , such men deserve all respects and honour that may be to mortall men ascribed , for they are as the lockes and barres of the kings pallace , and so long as they are kept , fixe , strong , and close , they preserve all in safety ; but if infected with cankered disloyalty , rustie cowardise , and mossie securitie , they leave all open as a prey to theeves and robbers . the trve valovr of svbiects and sovldiers in fort and field . sect . viii . chap. lix . the true nature of valour described , and how men ought to be qualified with it , to make them sit subjects and souldiers . true valour in subjects and souldiers , is the summoning of the faculties of the irascible parts to a mature consultation with reason , iudgement being the principall engine , and resolution the modell that turnes all the wheeles , both of invention and execution , which makes a man truly valiant , to undertake without rashnesse , and to performe without feare , bearing downe dangers with a loftie courage , trampling on them with successe ; it makes a souldier looke death in the face , and passe by it with a smile ; it makes him afraid of nothing , but to be betrayed by feare , desiring rather to have his bloud seen , then his back ; it makes a souldier disdaine life upon all base conditions ; making him prodigall of his bloud , when god , his king and countrey shall command it ; his boldnesse proceedeth neither from ignorance nor senslesnesse ; but first he values the danger , and then disdaines it , having his feares least , when perills are greatest ; his magnanimous mind scornes flatteries , esteeming such as flyes blowing corruption upon sweet vertues ; he hates to feed his spirits upon the fulsomnesse of surfeiting ease ; his confidence keepes him safe , and his unapaled lookes doth daunt a base attempter ; it is more prevalent then briareus with his hundred hands , and more potent then chiron the centaure , whose strength and wisedome was matchlesse ; valour hath double oddes of a fearefull coward , for the undaunted carriage of a valiant man , drives feare up to the hilts in a cowards heart , so that he hath no ability left to offend his enemy , or defend himselfe ; this makes victory so easily gaind , for the spirits of a coward are so retired , and pent up with anguish and distresse , being wrapt up with feare of the approaching evill , and dispayring of his fortitude to avoide it , that there is hardly strength left to make the least resistance ; whereby valour takes his advantage to atchieve his honourable ends without much trouble , and lesse danger ; for as boldnesse fortifies the passions of the soule against the greatest miseries which are most difficult to be avoided , and incourageth it to pursue honourable atchievements that are most hard to obtaine ; so many times fearefull cowardize doth wannesse in it selfe its strength failing ; many times fearing that which is not to be feared ; having only but a shew of danger , saepius opinione laboramus quam re , many times more troubled and dejected with conceits then the thing it selfe . a cowards eye is of the nature of an augmentation glasse , dilating a small danger , and causing it to appeare tenne times greater then the accident can be ; whereas valour accordeth with the deminution glasse , contracting the dimentions of perils into so smal an image , that they appeare as shadowes . in a poore faint leaden spirit there are foure kindes of feare that undermine the heart ; first a naturall feare , whereby every thing shunnes the destruction of it selfe , and this is most proper in beasts . secondly humane , which ariseth of too much desire of this life . thirdly a base worldly feare , when a man despaires to hazard the losse of goods and credit . fourthly , a stinking servile disposition which causeth a feare of receiving wounds and death ; any one of these is able to subvert the whole fabrick of valour . that warlike caesar was free from the least tincture of any of these feares , when his boyling worth in the middest of eminent perils , cheared up his souldiers and mariners , and banisht their feares with the comfortable words that caesar and his fortunes were aboard : hee was very expert in the opperations of conceits , and passions of the minde upon the body ; he being a warlike physitian ( in the prescription of regiments to his fearfull souldiers ) he did alwayes consider accidentia animi to be of greatest force to further or hinder the atchieving of victory and fortune ; for questionlesse imagination is prevalent in altering the faculties and spirits of the imaginant , having a manifest power to hurt , deject , and weaken , the opperation of the spirits ; so that there is to be observed an art in warre , and to be used to coroborate , and strengthen the imagination , that they may like the loadstone , fix their conceits upon nothing but honours , victory and riches , which elevates the spirits into a majestick spheare . there is a great deale of difference betweene a naturall inbred hardinesse , and a soffisticated valour ; a silly sheepe may be made , managed , and tuter'd , to oppose and use violence to a dogge , but when the victory comes to competition , the wing is preferred before the claw , whereas in a lyon his naturall inbred magnanimitie cannot be altered , without the bereaving of life . the subject of warre is variable , and is only judged by the successe and event ; whereas other arts and sciences are judged by acts , as the pilot is judged by directing his course aright , and not by the fortune of the voyage ; it is otherwise with valour , for that may have an aspertion of timerosity , and taxed with indiscreet judgement , when the event is not answerable to the acts performed , when as imbellick fellowes may stumble on a victory by some strange accident , when neither art nor courage did attend them , which by the weaknesse and credulity of men shall be highly esteemed , as may bee manifested by the overthrow of the duke of brunswickes army , who were knowne to bee very valiant , and had so declared and manifested themselves in divers bloudy skirmishes , and principally in a battell fought against seignior tilly , where he had all the advantage both in force and place , yet most valiantly the duke forced a way thorow the enemies army ; the greatest losse to himselfe was only the losse of his hand ; yet these brave souldiers not long after were routed and ruined , by a few base countrey bores joyned with a few souldiers which were privatly drawne out of the adjacent townes , to hinder the enemies pillaging ; these in the dead time of the night found sufficient advantage to set their base mettall a worke , the brunswickians being confusedly quartered ( and their guards neglected ) upon a plaine neere brafford in gelderland , so as the divisions could not have the priviledge to draw themselves into order of battell to make their resistance , for i dare then say those grollians and bores would have fled at the first charge , like sheepe from wolves . true valour is of the nature of perfect coyne which goes currant in all places without contradiction , and dares indure the touchstone , when as seeming hardinesse , like base mettall will not indure the tryall , nor passe currant in valuation , yet happily it may to the view seeme very splendant , as courage raised by the spirits of wine , may seeme more headstrong and violent ( as one truly tearmes it a madnesse , or a worth out of the wits ) then the true valour which goes upon the feet of judgement and resolution , yet it will be nipt in the bud , and fall before the fruit be mature ; when as true hardy●souldiers well exercised , and acquainted with dangers , feare them not ; neglecto periculo iminentis mali opus ipsum quantumvis difficile agrediuntur ; they goe about the businesse it selfe , how hard soever it be , although they consider the danger with the mischiefe over their heads it may probably bring , which would distract a coward . a souldier must be so qualified , that adversity must not lessen his courage , nor prosperity his circumspection ; our english in former ages , have beene esteemed the best tempered mettals , transcending other nations of the world for true valour , and expertnesse in the use of armes ; whereby they have atchieved great victories : as in the battell of poictiers , where the french had all advantage against the blacke-prince , both in number , force , shew , country and conceit , with the chiefe strength of the horse of his kingdome , which were esteemed the best in europe , assisted with the greatest and wisest captaines of his realme , so that the french army consisted of . men well appointed , and expert warriours , nothing wanting in them ; but the golden spirits of our english , whose army consisted but of . men , overthrew the french army , and tooke their king prisoner . the like difference of worth in souldiers , was manifestly seene at the battaile fought by the estates of the netherlands , and the archdukes forces , neare newport in flanders , where our english did workes of supererogation , by the prudency and valour of the veres , with a handfull of disbanded men , routed the battalia's of the enemy , and redeemed the victory lost of their owne side , snatching it out of their enemies hands , when in the judgement of all men it was lost . and that incredible animosity and courage of a poore handfull of souldiers , which attended charles king of france , in his junenesse unto the warres which he intended in italy ! after the sacking of divers townes there , he marcht with his army to the gates of rome , and entering a breach in the wall , drove the inhabitants to such perplexities , that the pope gladly condiscended to any conditions which they should propound ; so as the world did admire their valour , wondring to see that no opposition could withstand their warlike hands ; so that kingdomes trembled to see with what facility they suodued in all places . alphonso understanding this army approacht neere naples , feare so farre possest him , that he crowned his sonne ferand , thinking that he more valiantly would have defended his country ; for his owne security he fled into sicily , being indeed toucht in his conscience , for his abhominable wickednesse : but no sooner were the french arrived at the ports of naples , but the sheepish neopolitans durst not once offer a repulse , but yeelded themselves with their kingdome to his mercy , where he was crowned king of naples . by these examples we may see the wonderfull difference betwixt an inbred naturall valour , and a forc'd made hardinesse . as there is a vertue in the load-stone to draw iron or steele to it , the vertue not extending to other mettals ; of the same nature is valour , which in a valiant commander , will draw all his captaines , officers , and common-souldiers , to step the same paces to gaine honour and renowne ; so that they will follow him in all desperate attempts , if they have the least graine of steele in them ; which being wanting , all the policy in the world is in vaine to seduce or draw them to any performances ; but like leade ( before other mettals ) when it comes to the fire of tryall , will soonest melt and runne . as much may be sayd of an effeminate commander , whose mettall is no better , than the minerall which saturne ingenders ; if he be infected with the pestilent disease of cowardise , all his souldiers under his command will soone be infected , and participate in his running fore , before his begin to rise ; souldiers are very superstitious , dreaming there is more worth and wisedome in a commander , than many times is found ; and when they perceive timerosity , doubts , and no apt performances in him , they conceit some strange effects are approaching , that may tend to their confusion ; and so like valiant cravens , bethinke themselves best how to be secured , reposing more confidence in one paire of wings , than in two paire of clawes ; as was well observed by the battell betweene po●●bus diazius a famous leader of the portugals , and alvara king of congo , who had in his army . souldiers , who by the poore spirits of their commanders were so astonisht , not daring to maintaine the ground they stood on , were utterly ruin'd by a handfull of portugals . caesar one of our schoole-masters in the rudiments of warre , was not ignorant of the strange effects that the worth of a commander begets in a souldier , and what poore spirits and agast countenances are bred by the sickly courages of commanders ; which made him haste to the sea-coast , understanding his navie was assaulted by achillis , as it lay at anchor by pharas in egipt , over against alexandria , he being intercepted of his passage by the egiptians , was compelled to leape into the sea , swimming for his life , divers times being constrained to dive into the water , to preserve himselfe from their darts , with much difficulty and danger arrived at his ships , whose presence , with his valourous animating of his souldiers , got the victory ; which otherwise had beene doubtfull . likewise , to confirme the base impression of feare that a cowardly commander stamps in his souldiers dispositions ; and likewise to manifest the worth and courage which is wrought in poore imbellicke creatures , by the forwardnesse and bold hardy courage of some in chiefe , you shall finde by the story of contarenus the venetian governour ; he having intelligence of the invasion of vluz ali with a navie of gallyes , was so stricken with a quaking agne , so that by his cowardly and unmanly carriage caused all the townesmen to runne after him , leaving the strong towne of curzola to be defended by none but their silly wives ; the simple women perceiving eminent danger and destruction to approach , plucke up their womanly spirits , and defended the walles with stones , fire , and such other weapons as they had , beate the enemy from the walles , and god being propitious to them in sending a suddaine violent tempest , which forc'd the turkes generall to remove his galleyes to a place of more safety . the like pusillanimity was found in king etheldred , who in the yeare . swayed the scepter in this kingdome , being invaded by swayne king of denmarke , with a navie of sayle , durst not withstand the storme , but tooke his opportunity the speediest way into normandy , leaving his subjects to the mercy of the danish king , who tyrannized over them untill his death . in all the passages of martiall affaires , i have onely observed three severall passages , whereby valiant men have beene subdued . the first may bee sayd miraculously , as when god is seene plainely and manifestly to bee the author of a conquest by a secondary meanes of lesse worth and power used ; and that is most usually , when god and his glory is interressed in it : as in sacred scriptures , the overthrow of goliah a man of mighty strength and valour , by david although valiant , yet a childe in comparison to the gyant : ( for valour and strength must have a cerrivall to make a man compleate ) also the overthrow of king saul and ionathan , who had ever beene victorious against their enemies : yet the almighty being at ods with them for their rebellions , in not performing execution against agag , they were subdued by their enemies ; yet david stiles them ( in his lamentations for them ) valiant men . also marcus antonius the emperour making warre against the quadi , being a warlicke people that inhabited silesia ; who by their worthes and policies had gotten the emperours army in such a straight , the mountaines invironing them on the one side , and the quadi ready to give battell in their teeth ; and as calamities seldome walke alone , the season of the yeare was very hot , and infinitely dry ; the emperour being ready to compound his safety with his enemy rather then hazard all , feare had taken such possession of him and his army : being in this deepe agony , a certaine captaine presents himselfe , letting the emperour understand that hee had divers millitents , meaning christians , which by their prayers to their god could obtaine victory , for whose sakes god was pleased to interest himselfe in this conquest , by sending a miraculous thunder and haile , which so beate in their enemies faces , that they with ease vanquisht them . secondly , valiant commanders may bee foyled by their owne presumption ; it being a domesticke traytor which attends the ruine to valour , and so neere allied to it , that it 's hard to bee seperated , and many times it doth trayne and usher forth valour upon extraordinary disadvantages , or blindes it with a superstitious remissenesse and loosenesse , in suggesting and acting such things as should bee requisite for safety ; abandoning all such rules and meanes as might tend to preservation and furtherance in their designes , making meere naked valour the rocke to ground their confidence upon , as in the battell betweene l. silla and the romans , against archelans generall to mithridates king of pontus , whose army consisted of souldiers , these reposing their confidence in their valours , and great multitudes of men , having an over-weening presumption of their owne strengths and deserts , caused them to neglect such courses and advantages as might have beene prevalent to a victorious conquest , whereby l. silla tooke an occasion to give them an overthrow with the losse but of fourteene of his owne men ; but archelans paying for his presumption the lives of of his valiantest youths . thirdly , as we have discovered valour to be of too high a temper , that is compounded with presumption ; so likewise when it is of too soft a temper being compounded with feare , as in instruments of steele , that which is absolutly steele , and of too high a temper , is of hardnesse sufficient to file in peeces any mettall of a softer temper , only it is brittle and subject to breake through its owne hardnesse ; so that sword that is partly steele , and partly iron , so farre as the steele is in it , and of a true temper it will indure the stroake , and will give no more way , but equally to that which is all steele , but when the steele is chopt , and hackt through to the iron , then that which is all steele , soone destroyes and cuts through the softer mettall ; accordingly when two valours meet in opposition , happily both sides indures the brunt a long time , so farre as strength and worth will give way , but being cut and worne to the quicke , the tempered edge is taken off , and a softer mettall appeares , which is soone fretted asunder by the true tempered weapon , that hath not that quantity of iron in it to soften it ; so that that army which indures the assault longest , is most sure of the victory ; so that too hard is better then too soft , but the golden meane betwixt them is the best temper of all , which is tough and apt to indure any hardship that shall be opposed ; as that famous battell fought for a kingdome , betweene king harold and william the conquerour , their mettals were so neere of a temper , and so truly tempered , that the victory was uncertaine which side it would favour , untill the edge of the english valours was worne through by the ominous death of king harold , then their courages grew so soft and poore , that the hardy normans destroyed them like grashoppers . it was farre otherwise with the true mettalled swedes , although the emperours army had deeply worne into them , by seeking to blunt their edges by the slaughter of the most valiant king gustavus ; yet in regard there was nothing but true tempered mettall remaining , they indured the force of their enemies opposition , and induring their greatest onsets and assaults , they were predominant over their enemies , standing to their tackling untill they had consumed their foes ; thus you see the two ill tempers ( as before i have said ) which attends fortitude is feare and rashnesse ; the golden meane betweene these two , is only to be chosen by a souldier ; this is a path so difficult to walke in , that few there are but erres ; as one compares this meane to the roofe of a church , on whose top there is scarse roome to turne a foot upon , but on either side a broad rode to ruine , if once falling , the stay is rare , and a recovery miraculous . there are sundry opinions argued betweene valour and pollicie , some are opinionated that policie transcends valour , having a respect to the speach of the philosopher achimedes , who saying of himselfe that hee could conquer more with his gowne in his studie ( meaning his studious way of contriving of politicke plots ) then all his enemies could performe in the field by their valours ; others hold valour of most force , comparing it to the saltpeeter in gun-powder which is irresistable ; and policy to the gunne , which being not charged with this spirit of saltpeeter , it cannot of it selfe be prevalent ; but from both these ariseth a third thing which effects all , and that is the bullet ; wherefore valour and policie must goe inseparably together for the effecting of any matter of consequence ; for the policie which iudith had contrived within the citie for the destruction of holofer●es , had beene to no purpose , had not her valiant hand put it in execution . in a valiant souldier there are two things required to make him able to sustaine so honourable a weighty burthen ; first , a love to the warres ; secondly , a contented mind to beare any misery , that the fortune of the warres may reduce him unto ; hee that hath a love to follow the warres , takes a pleasure and delight in it , which ariseth from the sweetnesse of the object , which is honour and riches ; all the passions of a mans soule depend upon pleasure or paine , which ariseth from contentment or distaste received from the object ; contentment is a firme prop to sustaine a souldier in the bloudiest warres , after the love of that profession hath invited him to the managing of armes ; and unlesse a souldier keepes these two companions close to him in his warlike progresse , the stampe of mars will soone bee eaten out ; for although content bee of an excellent vertue to qualifie a souldiers disposition in all matters of griefe and misery , yet there was never any but had some occasion of griefe betyded him , warre having so many alterations and suddaine changes attending the issue of it : but however it beares him up by the chinne from sincking into a muddy sadnesse , which is a base humour properly hanging about the understanding , which heavies and dulls the spirits , and extends to evills past , present , and to come , following the understanding which comprehendeth all these times . there are three kindes of this blemish of valour which a souldier should not once communicate with : the first is a sadnesse which ariseth as schollers define it , praeter rationis imperium , besides the command of reason ; as motions suddenly ejaculated into the affections , doe surprize a man. secondly there is a sadnesse , erga judicium rationis against the judgement of reason , and this subdueth reason for a while . thirdly , there is a sadnesse , secundum imperium rationis , according to the command of reason , for his reason commands to be sad : these sadnesses dimme the bright spirits that should enlighten a souldiers actions ; and as seneca saith , tristitia turbans non est in sapiente , although sadnesse may trouble a wise man , yet it perturbs him not . comines makes mention of a noble family knowne by the names of the laylands in france , who held the warres in such high estimation and love , and received such joyfull content in them , that divers generations of them spent their bloud and lives in their majesties service , so that scarse one of them but died in some honourable attempt . also verticus , a chiefe commander over the rhemi , whose worth neither warre nor age , could consume or blemish , having alwaies borne a love , and taken content in that honourable profession ; that even in his decreped age being hardly able to bestride a horse , hee would not consent that any battell should bee fought in his absence . of the same disposition was camilogenus a noted souldier amongst the alerci , hee could not be importun'd to favour his aged body and to bid the warre adue , but returned this answer ; that although his strength fayled , yet his judgement and counsell should bee of value and esteeme . also strabo makes mention of certaine frenchmen which were taken prisoners ; alexander taking a survey of their manly dispositions and carriages ; demanded of them if they were not fearefull in the warres , and what it was they most feared ; they returned unto him this peremtory answer , ( wee , sayd they ) feare nothing , except the heavens should fall on our heads . times haue wonderfully altered those noble conditions which former ages haue bin indued withall ; for in this age wee fall short , ( being altogether effeminiz'd , and for want of exercise and experience ) even of divers feminine sexes , whose worthes are recorded in history for our learning and imitation , and to their immortall praise . as first the warlike amazons , after their chiefe leaders plinos , and scholpythus were treacherously murthered with all their warlike forces , which inhabited in capadocia ; their wives with the rest of the feminine sex , being possest with griefe and feare which bred desperatenesse in them ; like beares ravisht of their whelpes , they pluckt up their mad desperate spirits , making choise of lampedo and marpetia for their conductors , who furiously set upon the conquerours , and in battell overthrew them , and afterwards wonderfully inlarged their dominions . after this hippollite and menalippe challenged the single combate of hercules and theseus . likewise penthesilea assisted priam king of troy with a brave troope of virgins ; the valour of these feminines was growne to that height , that they scorned their male kinde which proceeded out of their owne loynes , banishing them their societie ; and onely chose to trayne up the females in the feates of warre ; they invented divers warlike weapons , that the lubberly males were not capable of the use of them . further , in the province of palmira in syria lived a famous governesse named zenobla ; being of such worth that shee stood in contestation with gallienus for the empire of the world , she swayed all the easterne parts . also the unconquered spirit of semiramis , who led in her army chariots of warre , three millions of foot , and halfe a million of horse : she subdued the ethiopians , the indians ; and she having re-edified babylon , newes was brought her ( as shee was playting her haire ) of the revolt of this towne ; whereupon leaving her haire halfe undrest , shoe went and besieged it , never ordering the rest of her haire untill shee had againe recovered it . and our late queene elizabeth of famous memory may be a patterne to the world for her true worth and undaunted spirit , she managing both her forraigne and domesticke affaires beyond the capacity of man to conceive , that the world admired her high temper : which was well seene in , with what a brave undaunted courage and heroyicke spirit of resolution , shee comforted , her subjects in their feares and eminent dangers : the consideration of these unmatclesse spirits might beget worth in our effeminate age , to drown our childish spirits in their seas of valour , or cause us to imitate the worthes and valours of former ages , who pluckt out their calvish hearts and infused the spirits of lions into themselves , whereby they accomplisht deeds which merrited wonder ; and the rather the more to bee admired because of their meane breeding and simple parentage which could not afford them education ; as we finde it recorded in holy writ , david , saul , gideon of meane parentage brought up in rurall affaires ; one keeping sheepe , the other asses , the last with his flayle ; yet when they assumed the countenance and spirits of the valiant , what wonders they wrought , and with what honours were they dignified ; the dangerous't enterprises that ever happened in their times they feared not to attempt , which was the stirrope that elevated them into there thrones of highest dignity . likewise we finde in histories , what admirable parts men of meane parentage have attained unto , and what warlike wonders they have wrought ; as achilles the sonne of aeacus , was a long time hid under the garments of a woman amongst the daughters of licomedes ; yet afterwards his spirit aspired so high , that hee concluded the trojans greatnesse , and overthrew their citty from the toppe to the bottome . galerius maximianus borne and bred up basely ; wherefore he was termed armentarius , because hee was a neat-heards sonne : hee grew very fortunate in the warres , being indued with great valour and courage , was after for his deserts made emperour . iustia was first a swine-heard , afterwards a cow-heard , next a carpenter , a common souldier , a captaine , and by his conquests which he obtained by his valour was made emperour . pompienus maximus sonne to a smith , gave himselfe to vertue , and millitary services , proving fortunate against the polonians and germanes in divers valiant conquests , was after created emperour of italy . also maximinus a silly shepheard , at his first inition into the warres , behaved himselfe so honourably , that he was by the souldiers made emperour . it is wonderfull remarkable what strange adventures the worth and valour of men have spurred them unto , to undertake for their countryes good , and their immortall honours : it were worth the observation , if one of a thousand in these our dayes would endeavour to performe the like , either for their private or popular good ; as the phileni did for the carthagenians , who were in controversie with the cyrenians about the bounds of their territories : they being willing to end the quarrell , chose certaine men of either city that should set out at one instant , and where they met , there the confines should determine ; these phileni being swift of foot , got farre into the countrey of cyrene before they were met ; whereupon the cyrenians being inraged , wisht them either to returne backe into their countrey , or dye on the place ; the valiant young men preferring the common good before private safety , accepted to bee slaine . that reverent fether of the church swinglius , a man not onely indued with divine knowledge , but great learning , thought it a dishonour to him to withdraw his hands from the warres for his countryes good ; and the rather because hee had incited others to be valiant in their countryes behalfe , and to spend their bloud in the defence of it ; was himselfe the formost man in the battell fought neere zurich in helvetia , where by his eager valour pressing upon all disadvantages , hee was slaine : many divines of our age are not of that temper , but had rather appropriate some strange irregular wayes to themselves , whereby contentions and factions may breed at home amongst their brethren , then to exhort men to doe their couutrey service ; but by their detractions rather diswade them , then stretch out their owne hands or hazard their bodies for the good of their king and countrey ; for we are growne so farre from incouraging one th' other to follow the warres , or to distribute any maintenance towards them , that wee altogether discourage those that would venter their purses , and hazard their bodyes for the good of their countrey : but we may learne of that ever renowned lady tiphania , wife to bertran du gues●lin , and let her bee the patterne to all such detractors which seeke to deterre men from their due service and honourable performances : this warlike knight renowned in divers histories for his worthy enterprises , espoused himselfe to this fayre lady of a noble family ; his fame and honour being one chiefe cause she setled her affections ; perceiving shee by her amorous courses did withdraw his spirits and love from following the warres , whereby his honour began to diminish ; shee gently reproved him ( as hee was courting of her ) and blamed him for effeminizing himselfe , and leaving the warres , whereby formerly hee had atchieved his greatest reputation ; and that it neither suted with the nature of valour , nor duty of a true gentleman , to lose the least repute of honour wone before , by over much affecting his new made choice ; as for my part ( quoth shee ) i ought to shine by the bright radience of your splendent fame ; and shall thinke my selfe too much dejected , if you doe not prosecute so honourable a course begun , and loose your spirits in doting on love : these her noble and wise corrections , did so neere touch and trench upon the knights worth and valour ; that hee re-assumed a warlike course , presenting his body against the hottest assaults that ever our english nation tendred to the kingdome of france ; he fought against edward called the blacke prince ; hee restored henry the eleventh king of castile in his kingdome , maugre the english forces ; hee was after made constable of france , and highly indeered unto charles the fifth . i could gladly wish all ladies and gentlewomen of so noble a temper , esteeming no honour to the fame purchast by warlike actions , and instead of their teares and fond embraces , to rouze their noble husbands to prosecute the use of armes ; as the brave spirited women of former ages have done ; and for an example of their worths it is recorded in history , how the women of aquilegia a city in italy , did so animate and assist their husbands and other souldiers being beleaguered by maximinus , that when their bowstrings fayled , they cut the haire of their heads and made them new strings , all other materialls being spent , whereby they preserved their citty , and confounded their enemies , to their never dying honours . i hope i have sayd sufficient concerning this subject , and i take it for granted , that all mens spirits have taken this cordiall of valour ; so that now it stands requisite we should give some rules , how and when wee should set our valours a broach , and when to refraine . first , when two armies are dayly in readinesse to give battell , there are three principall things to bee considered ; as namely , if wee shall gaine lesse profit by the victory , then wee may feare detriment if wee should suffer an overthrow , upon this occasion we are to forbeare , and souldiers must not construe it as a trick of cowardize : to give you an example of the duke of guise when hee invaded the kingdome of naples ; the duke of alva had beene unwise if hee had given him battell , for the french could have lost no more but their army in that battell ; but if the victory had inclined to the french , the neopollitans had lost their army and kingdome with it ; for it is a maxime amongst the rules of mars , to delay an enemy that is of greater potency and farre from his country to gaine reliefe , whereby his victualls and amunition may bee wasted , so that distractions and mutinies might breed in the army , the souldiers being over-wearied in expecting the fatall day of losse or gayne ; so that the natives may take at pleasure their best and safest occasion to give battell , so that victory may bee atchived . the second reason why an army may refuse to try their valours in a pitcht battell , and shall not bee imputed as cowardize unto them ; is when a generall understands that his enemies army will bee broken and scattered without fight ; whereof the emperour charles the fifth may bee example : for when hee made warre against the protestants in germany hee would never joyne in battell with them ; for hee was credibly informed that their army consisting of divers nations could not long agree , but be disperst without battell . thirdly , an army may shun battell and yet bee voyd of cowardize , if hee certainely knowes his power to bee inferiour by much to the enemies , so that hee can in no wise hope for victory : in this case a generall had better doe as once a famous warriour was wont to say ; hee would rather make his enemy a golden bridge to march away , then give battell upon unequall tearmes , for it is never good to assault an enemy if hee bee perceived to make meanes to march quietly away without blowes ; for many times an enemy having beene brought into a desperate case , hath beene the onely thing which hath gayned them the victory ; as was well seene not onely by the blacke prince in france , but also by the duke de alva ; hee having beleaguered aultmore in holland , having blockt up his enemy in the town , would neither cappitulate of quarter , nor suffer them to steale out of the towne by flight ; this made the townesmen and souldiers resolute , in regard they expected no favour ▪ and with their manly courages resisted the duke and put him to the foyle , who otherwise would have fled and left the towne to the conquerour : for indeed it is a great indiscretion to detaine an enemy that is flying to stoppe his passage : for without question , such valours are deprived of the sinteresis and light of naturall principles , becomming equall to beasts , managing their proceedings without feare or wit ; that will wilfully spill the precious bloud of man , and may accomplish their ends without the hazard or losse of it : this was the honourable observation of a famous warriour who left it in ryme for future ages to consider of ; the words were these , spill not the bloud of man , to winne that hold , at which an asse may enter at with gold ; a souldiers honour shines as bright in politique conquest , as in bloudy fight . now it still remaines we should take some observations , in the true discerning of valour in an army , that souldiers may not flatter themselves with a false glosse of magnanimity ; and in the performance of this , there are divers circumstances to bee considered ; first , whether any suddaine newes or alarums , amazeth or feareth them . secondly , in time of danger , whether the currant of all mens opinions are level'd a like in their resolutions , to encounter and withstand those stormes of perills to their utmost abilities . thirdly , when danger hath invellop'd and surrounded them , that nothing but herculian blowes can free them ; whether then they manfully heaw out their safeties , or basely yeild , upon conditions farre baser . fourthly , whether their great brags and high ostentations in time of safety and peace , continues in the same straine of action in time of danger ; for cowards are forwardest in words , and backwardest in actions . fifthly , when an enemy shall have the better of some one wing or division of the army , whereby they seeme to bee distressed ; and for their particular safety , seeke to save themselves by flight , or to desire quarter , by which others may seeke to doe the like , preferring their lives before their honours ; thus disheartning the rest that would sell their lives at the dearest rate , such must bee branded for cowards , and are fit for no use but to make a barricadoe for the enemy to shoot against . sixthly , when victory is obtained , if there be not clemency and mercy used , as discretion shall see it meet , without an insulting way over poore captives ▪ for it is naturall and consonant to the disposition of a coward , to use all rigour and severity as hee is a conquerour , that the world should take notice of him to be that which he is not . seventhly , an army being onely in a supposed danger ▪ and to eschew it , run themselves into an eminent destruction ; for a coward thinks the presentest danger greatest , and will strive to preventit , though a thousand times greater doth imediately by this occasion ensue . eightly , if there bee disputes and detractions upon the point of service who shall give the onset ; for it is farre from a cowards temper to give an assault , but valour will strive to have the honour of the onset . now it remaines to shew how warlike valour may bee begotten bred and cherisht in the brests of souldiers . the first is , to bee conversant in reading such histories as treate of warlike actions ; this will beget a speculative knowledge of all actions honourably performed by valour , and withall , it will acquaint them with the events that have happened , wherby dangers will bee made more familiar to them ; so that by this the least sparke of valour will be kindled in a kinde of emulation , to bee possest of the same honours in performing the like victories or undergoing the like perills ; as we read of famous tamberlin , who made it his practise to read often the heroicke deeds of his progenitors , which did so inflame his virtues , that hee proved the mirrour of the world. for noble acts of predecessors are as flaming beacons that fame and time hath set on hills to call us to the like occasions . secondly , the theorie of warre being truely understood , the stomackes of the valiant will boyle with the conceit of the due honours and renownes that are therby to be attained , and will force a man of courage to enter into the lists of mars , to performe in action , what before hee onely conceived incontemplation ; in which large field hee shall see all proceedings and events , whereby his body and min●● will 〈◊〉 habituated unto it , so that the very jawes of death cannot affright such a souldier , who will sooner choose to be bereaved of life , then staine his honour . lastly for conclusion , such valiant souldiers as take delight in the rudiments of warre , will alwaies have the faculties of their minde busied in plotting and projecting all kindes of circumstances , which may tend to the beautifying of this profession ; as it is recorded in the commendations of that valiant souldier pyrrhus ; that in what place so ever hee became , hee in his walking would take notice of the scituation of each place hee came into , and in his fancy would contrive how hee should order his battell there with the best advantages ; observing the fittest places to hide some ambusheadoes in to fall upon the enemies flankes or reare ; and also which were his convenientest places for his retyre , or for the safe encamping his army , what passages were fittest to bee guarded , and the like : also in fortified townes hee would observe the strength of their fortification , and which place hee could have best advantage to make his assault ; with the nature and quality of the ground for the most advantagious placing his engines of battery , with millions of plots and devices , which in his fancy hee contrived ; whereby hee grew so expert , that neither time nor place could poze him : this caused haniball to answer scipio , that pyrrhus was the best souldier . and to conclude this discourse , let us observe and follow the command that god himselfe gave to his generall ioshua in charge , which was that hee should bee strong and of a valiant courage , whereby prosperity should follow him wheresoever his army should goe : the lord of hosts seeing it was a thing of such high consequence , hee reitterated his former charge in a more emphaticall speech , being a charge so speciall , that onely and above all things , they should bee strong and of a valiant courage , for without this nothing could bee effected in the warres . in consideration of this necessity of courage and valour , that valiant generall consalus , when hee had drawne his army before naples ; he gave his souldiers to understand by his earnest protestations , ( hoping they would imitate him ) that hee had rather dye one foot forwards , then to have his life secured for long , by one foot of retreate : such noble acts and honourable deeds of valiant souldiers cannot be buried in oblivion ; but like the phoenix , from whose preserved ashes one or other still doth spring up like unto them . the ancients did so esteeme of a famous name that they deemed it immortall , which made them ever ready to sacrifice their lives to gaine honour , which was esteemed above the worlds endowments : thus according to my poore ability i have finisht this discourse , though not so exactly as the subject requires , in regard my schollership and capacity are corrivalls in simplicity . in the next place i intend to bring in a discourse concerning duells , being a thing which assumes the cloake of valour , and may challenge a place in this discourse : but i have thought it most fit to make a particular draught of it by it selfe , wherein is shewed , who hath favoured this kinde of vindicating of honour by the sword ; and what circumstances may bee alleadged for the supposed lawfulnesse of it , with divers admonitions for the regayning of friendship ; and lastly the unlawfulnesse of it , proved both by lawes divine and humane . a discovrs vpon vnivst valovr in dvels . sect . ix . chap. lx. of the opinions of divers learned men concerning duels , with the chiefest circumstances that can be alledged for the lawfulnesse of it , and so confuted both by divine and humane reason ; and so concluding with divers exhortive reasons for enemies to entertaine a reconciliation . in regard this discourse of duels hath so neere a correspondency to the former discourse of valour , i thought it meet to intreate of it in this place ; and i must confesse it is a high pitch of magnanimitie could it be warranted by divine and humane authority ; and having duly weighed the nature of duels , and likewise observed the oppinions of divers learned , they holding it altogether unlawfull in regard it is repugnant to gods commandements , and the lawes of all nations , which hate the idle expence of such precious bloud , and will not lycence the spilling of it , without a lawfull calling for the preservation of king and countrey ; to these i must assent ; yet divers hot spirits have desired to prie further into this subject , thinking to skrew out a lawfulnesse , of the which they have falne short ; i have therefore used my best endeavours to summon up the likeliest arguments , and pregnantest examples that my poore reading can afford , to set the best glosse on it for their sakes , although to little purpose ; wherefore give me leave to speake my best in the behalfe of the duellist , and afterwards i will be an attourney of the other side ; wherefore suppose there are divers probabilities that may induce to conceive a lawfulnesse in some particular cases , having a respect to the limitations , and cautions that ought to attend upon duels ; and first having a regard to the necessitie of warre , and then duly weighing the circumstances belonging unto it ; we shall find a secret policie lye hidden , which will plead for it selfe , and will goe neere to prove that combats are necessary , and happily within the limits of lawfulnesse . and although yno bishop of chartres did complaine against the french church-men , and especially in his letter to the bishop of orlians he assenting with divers other learned men , which had taken a mature consideration of the good effects , the which might be produced from it ; and having likewise scand the ill and mischiefe that might consequently follow , did manifest and ratifie the lawfulnesse of challenging the combat , which i must likewise suppose they did upon good grounds , they having considered the manifold abuses , and most horrid aspersions that the 〈◊〉 of some degenerat spirits would invent , and falsely lay to the charges of those they hated , whereby both reputation and life of innocent men are indangered by false accusations , which being beyond the wit of man to screw out the truth , in regard no proofe can be produced , to leade authoritie to discerne where the abuse lyes , but only the justifying and denying of the partyes accusing , and accused ; so that the engine of wit cannot invent a more politique and discreet way , then by decyding the controversie by their weapons ; for reason tells a man , that in a just cause there is no man but will be resolute to defend his honour , and put forth his best valour to offend his antagonist , his combat being to maintaine the truth , and having a good conscience on his side , doth adde vigour to his courage ; whereas contrarily a guilty conscience will so detract from the worth and valour of the false accuser , that feare will under mine his heart , whereby he cannot performe in such a manly way , as that party which hath right on his side ; but admit there were no such thing in it , yet it would be prevalent to make men cautelous in abusing their neighbour , causing to weigh the perill they must hazard ; and although some have made this objection , that all men are not of like strength and valour , so that in that kind it may seeme unjust ; yet it is to be supposed in way of answer , that an inferiour man will not offer his superiour in skill and valour , to scandalize him ; and if a superiour in skill and valour should be so base , as to abuse or lay aspersions upon his inferiour , yet the inferiour hath the aduantage to choose his weapon , which shall be fitting to his strength and skill , whereby he shall be able buth to defend himselfe , and offend his enemy ; for we daily see by experience that very little weak men have had the better , as by the example of sir iohn vere , he ( being a very little gentleman ) to maintaine his reputation , being abused at the hage in holland by a french colonell , being a proper brave fellow , who so farre undervalued sir iohn , that at his comming to the place appointed for their combat , seeing a coutrey bore at worke neere that place , he demanded of him if he did not see de cline manicke , meaning the little gentleman , who presently came , and at a few incounters at single rapier , slew the brave caviliere . and for my owne part i have observed , that in all quarrels that were decided by duels , hee that had done the injurie , and did justifie it by his sword , did ever goe by the worst , if not lose his life . but some may further object , that there is provision appointed by authority to take up , and decide quarrels , and that the party abused shall have satisfaction by compelling the abusive to aske pardon , and to shew contrition for the wrongs offered . i must confesse this is somewhat and very colourable , yet reason and experience tells that such forced acknowledgements of satisfaction , doth not so fully cover the sore of dis-reputation , as when the party grieved compells his adversary , either to give him satisfaction by justifying the disgrace he hath done , with his sword , or otherwise to bethinke himselfe and cry peccavi ; for although the gentleman abused hath satisfaction before authority , which god forbid but every man should obey , yet there remaines a secret tincture of disrepute , which will sume in the stomackes of souldiers , when they conceive authority bindes the hands of the offendo● , and strengthens the proceedings of the offended ; a souldiers honour and reputation ought to shine so bright , that no blemish should be descride in it , for the smallest staine of basenesse or cowardise pierceth through the heart of honour and valour , reducing them to the secret scorne of all that knowes them , in which respect it behoves gentlemen and souldiers to manage their actions and courses without giving offence , that they may live blamelesse and untaxt . besides these reasons let us take a survey of the proceedings of the antient worthies of former ages . amongst the saxons duels were very frequent and upon such occasions , which indeed are not to bee tollerated ; but i find principally in history , that the gaules and the saxons ordained a law to decide such controversies , as no certaine proofe could be produced , and that by foure wayes , as aenius silvius reports . the first●was campe fight or combat , the accuser was with the perill , of his body , to prove the accused guilty , and by offering him his glove or gauntlet to challenge him to his tryall , which the other must accept or acknowledge himselfe culpable of the crime ; if the crime deserved death , then to fight on horse or foot untill one were slaine ; if imprisonment , then the vanquishing of the adversary was sufficient , and to take him prisoner ; in this kind of combat the accused had liberty to take another in his stead , but not the accuser . secondly , they had another kind of way to trye out the truth , which they used to imbellick persons , and to feminine spirits , they tearmed it fyre-ordeall , and was used upon accusations without manifest proofe , although not without suspition : hee or shee was after many prayers and invocations to take in their hands a red-hot iron , or else to confesse guiltie . thirdly , they were to be blindfolded , and divers hot shares and coulters layed , and the parties offending were led over them ; if they escaped without touch , or received no harme by touching them , then they were adjudged guiltlesse ; it was practised upon emma the mother of king edward the confessor , being accused for dishonesty with alwin bishop of winchester , which she performed without hurt ; it is likewise reported of runigund , wife to the emperour henry the second , being falsly accused of adultery , that she to prove her innocencie , tooke seven hot irons one after the other in her bare hands , and received no harme thereby . fourthly , in holy writ almighty god himselfe ordained , that such women as were suspected of adultery should drinke of the bitter water of the sanctuary ; which if she were guilty , it should make her thighs rotte off , and her belly burst ; if innocent she received no hurt . before we travell any further in this discourse , let us but duly weigh gods omnipotencie , and his forwardnesse from time to time in protecting and assisting the innocent , which hunts after no wrong ; and how ready and neere he is in power to inflict vengeance upon those that are abusive , and seeke the disgrace and detriment of their friends and neighbours ; which power of the almighty questionlesse did inflame the heart of david to answer the just combat with goliah , who had vilified , and dishonoured the host of israel . solomon the wisest that ever the heavens shadowed , hath delivered it for divinity in his booke of proverbs , that an evill tongue wounds like a two-edged sword , and if it wounds so deepe , it may indanger a mans life ; therefore by the law of god and nations , a man may make use of his weapon in his owne defence , and his bloud be upon his owne head , that dares give the occasion , and stand to justifie it ; let this be but by the way . the third tryall of hotte water was used after the same fashion that the former was . now the last was the tryall of cold water , which they performed in this manner , the party suspected to be guilty had a rope put about him , then being throwne into a deepe pond , if he sunke then he was freed , but if against nature hee swome , then hee was adjudged guiltie , because the water abhorred to receive such a base person . such hidden secret injuries , scandals , and abuses , perpetrated against the innocent ; god did ever favour the manifestation of them , pointing out the truth in a miraculous way by his owne finger : and in the bosome of the church , where the hornes of the altar were a refuge for base bloudy malefactours , yet god would have the lotte to be in use for to discover , and make manifest the truth . likewise david a man after gods owne heart , could not brooke the scandalous rayling of shimei , although he would not act it himselfe in person , and in hot bloud , he considering his owne grosse sinnes deserved no lesse , and that his invective vaporings somewhat trencht upon the truth ; yet the good king upon mature consideration gave expresse command , that his hoary head should not goe in peace to the grave : there hath beene , and still remaines a custome of challenging the combat for title of lands , where the truth cannot be otherwayes decided ; as corbius challenged the combat of orsua for the title of a lordship , which was performed upon a solemne day of tilts and tournyes . in england , edmond ironside fought a combat with can●tus the dane for a kingdome . in edward the thirds time there was a fight betweene the earle momfort , and the earle of bloys , their contending was for the duchie of britanie ; there were thirty english fought against thirty britaines . likewise upon the accusation of life , the lord henry bullinbrooke duke of harford , and moubray duke of norfolke . also betweene sir iohn ansley , and one catterington , whom ansley charged with treason , and proved it upon him being victorious . the like betweene the navaroys and one welch of grinsby ; this navaroys having accused welch upon treason , was by him beaten , and confessed hee had maliciously wronged welch ; whereupon hee was drawne out and hanged . these and divers other examples doe plead hard for an implicite lawfulnesse , seeing god doth by a supernaturall hand favour it by bringing the truth to light , and that the innocent are never put to the foyle ; thus former ages were opinionated of the lawfulnesse of duels , and did give free liberty to challenge an adversary in the upholding their honours and rights ; yet they would not make it a thing common , neither would they urge it upon every petty trifle , as now●adayes it is , who upon the giving the lye , will be ready to take the life of his adversary : although indeed of it selfe , it is a very unsufferable thing , yet it is a thing the truth of it may easily be construed ; for if he that gives the lye doe speake falsly , the dishonour redounds to himselfe , and shall need no greater punishment ; but if he to whom the lye is given proves guilty of it , indeed it were unconscionable and dishonourable to chalenge him to doe you right , that hath told you the truth ( and hee that gives the lye , although it be upon good grounds shewes ill breeding , and no gentle cariage ) but this humour we have borrowed from the french , which they have held for a custome ever since francis the french king , upon a breach of faith , sent the lye unto the emperour charles the fift , thereby to draw him to a personall combat , which afterwards grew to an humour through the whole realme to make the lye mortall , whereas formerly none would presume to challenge a man , unlesse it were upon some peremptory abuse done to their persons , or to their honours and reputations , which by it was so farre ecclipst , that it was irrecoverably staind , unlesse they skrewed out the truth by this meanes , and before they would adventure to challenge their adversaries , they would search and seeke out the best meanes to gaine the truth , and did use the fairest meanes they could devise , to bring their enemies by faire meanes to confesse his abuse , so that the sword was their last refuge . many times authority would undertake the sifting out of the injuries , and then they were very punctually to observe , and stand to such injunctions as should bee given them in charge to observe or performe . many times friends would seeke to mediate peace , and to sift out the truth ; to this they would not be refractory , but did condiscend to whatsoever might stand with their reputations and honours . moreover , if their enemies did desire to be reconciled , and would voluntarily aske pardon , and acknowledge their fault before such friends , as best knew the cariage of the quarrell : then the party offended would not refuse this satisfaction , unlesse it were such an injury as did touch his life . further , those that were injured , if they were constrained to challenge the field of their adversary , in regard of their enemies peevish refractarinesse , yet they would banish all envie , hatred and malice ; not once admitting any of these to bee the subject of their strokes , and that the ground of their challenging was rather to gaine their wounded reputations , then thirsty to shed bloud . in the next place the ancients of former ages did attribute a great deale of honour to such persons as were injured , yet were not furious and speedy to challenge his enemy , but would waite a convenient time to see if his enemy will come in , and acknowledge his abuses , for it could not be accounted a dishonour if the party offended did challenge his enemie within a yeare and a day ; of all the dishonours that might be done a gentleman the lye with a blow was held the greatest , and deserved presentest rebuke , because they esteemed a blow an absolute undervaluing , and a high disgrace which had no circumstances of arguing belonging unto it , for it did argue a voluntary and envious act , and there could be no plea of mistaking in it ; but in all other abuses they conceived there might be a mistake which being argued might be acknowledged and reconciled . lastly , they held that a noble enemy would beare himselfe so valiantly that hee would scorne to take any advantage , although his judicious forwardnesse might have put his enemy to the worst . now i have shewed you how former ages did account of this kind of duells , and how they did tollerate them as lawfull , now i can doe no lesse but like penelopes webbe , unweave what before i had done , and shew you how in divers respects these kinde of combats are unlawfull and not to be tollerated amongst christians . in the first place the duel or single combat is denyed to a christian man , to do it , to grant it , and to see it , by reasons both divine and humane , as well canonicall , as civill . it is prohibited by divine reason according to this argument , every act whereby god may be tempted , is prohibited to a christian by the commandement of god ; for it is written , thou shalt not tempt the lord thy god : that god is tempted by the duell or combat , i prove it in this manner ; to make tryall of a thing , which cannot be reduced to an end by naturall meanes , but only by the hand of heaven : such attempting is to tempt god , as it hapneth in these cases of combats , where it is plainly and evidently seene ( that by naturall course and disposition ) the strongest , active , and most powerfull person ever vanquisheth the weaker , and of lesse ability ; contrariwise that the stronger body shall be overcome by the weaker , cannot happen but miraculously . bringing then two such unequall persons into the field , victory is desired for him that hath the right on his side , to the end that the truth may bee made apparant ; but then god is tempted , in seeking that hee should performe a miracle ; which must needs be so , when the weaker man conquereth the stronger , being a thing as it were directly against nature . i prove it further forbidden by divine reason ; after this argument , when a law prohibiteth a thing , it forbiddeth also the doing of it , and a man performeth an especiall inhibited thing , when he knoweth ( by the divine law ) that he is not to kill a man ; the combat then is flatly forbidden , because thereby murther may happen . i prove it otherwise thus ; the divine law forbiddeth every action , that differeth from the fountaine of charity , which is the scope and end of all vertues , and utterly expelleth vice ; the act of combat is farre off from charity , leaning unto vice , because charity is nothing else , but to love god and thy neighbour , and hee that enters the combat to kill his neighbour , is out of obedience to god. it is likewise forbidden by the canonicall law , because it ever-more followeth the divine law , and in plaine reason what the one inhibiteth , the other never allowes . combat is also forbidden by the law of men ; and the proofe is , that every thing , which repugneth and contradicteth naturall equity , is likewise prohibited by the reason of man ; because reason is grounded upon naturall equity : the reason of equity amongst men , willeth that he which committeth a crime , should bee punished , and the innocent cleered : not withstanding by combat it falleth out many times quite contrary . it is further proved by this argument ; naturall equity whereon ( as wee have already said ) all reason in men is grounded , is intirely for the conservation and increase of them . the act then which turneth unto the diminution and destruction of men , it is quite forbidden : so ought combat to be , because thereby men kill one another , and men are of greatest price in the world . moreover , every act which repugneth the precepts of naturall equity is forbidden by mans reason , because it is grounded thereupon : one of the precepts is , that no man shall desire profit or honour , by the prejudice of another . the second is , that no man shall wish that to another , which hee would not have done to himselfe . the act of combat contradicteth them both , because he which commeth so prepared into the field , coveteth his owne glory , by the shame and harme of him against whom he fighteth , which is his neighbour , and wisheth that to him which hee would not have executed on himselfe , for he would vanquish and kill him . it is also forbidden by civile reason , and this is the rule ; civile right prohibiteth every act whereby iustice may be denyed to men , or injury done them ; now in the case of combat , oftentimes it falls out quite contrary for the innocent man dyeth , and the guilty offender remaineth alive , so that by this meanes iustice cannot take her due place . last of all , the honour of god , and the honour of men are layd into the ballance , or stand in competition ; if gods honour be slighted to set up the wounded reputation of a man , it maketh the sinne most damnably presumptuous , and not to be tollerated amongst civill men . now if you please , we will take a briefe survey of what king james hath delivered in his publication against combates , and combartants ; where he sayth , pag. . that the law of nature , never warranted the presumption of a subject , to challenge any person to the combate for his life , in cold ●loud , and upon advisement , nor any other act , then a necessary defence upon a violent assault , because a life might otherwise be lost before a complaint could bee made , the weapons working their outragious effects and ends in an instant , and without hope of redresse . and yet the civill lawes , which speake with the voyce of nature among men , doe not admit so much as this defence of life by the sword , but upon necessity , and as they speake themselves , ratione inculpatae tutelae , which is in such distresse , as destruction cannot be declined , nor avoyded otherwise : for if it fall out that the party set upon , be able to secure himselfe without sword , eyther by stepping aside , or by craving ayde at the same leisure , that a gentleman or any other wronged in his reputation , may take his remedy without rage or violence , before a lawfull iudge . the duellers of these dayes must want this thinne cover for an excuse of their audacitie . for nothing can bee more certaine ( sayth he ) then that gentlemen doe first offend against the law of nations , which is indeed the law of nature among men that are indued with reason , and created according to gods owne image . they spare not in like manner to transgresse the written lawes of god himselfe , which providently referres all kinde of complaints , actions , and suits that concernes the bodyes , and fortunes of men ; all kinde of strife betweene title and title , plea and plea , bloud and bloud ; not to the humorous construction of the parties humour that is interessed ( and therefore partiality corrupts ) but rather to the strength of testimony , to the justice of lawes , and to the conscience of an upright iudge ; who bending neither to partiality nor prejudice , but looking upon the matter with uprightnesse of conscience and knowledge , is more likely then the persons whom the case so neerely and dearely concernes , to resolve according to the straight levell . wee make no question but that if honour had beene reputed such an individuum vagum , or such a wilde transcendent in former ages , as neither civill courts were able to containe ( which notwithstanding judge of all matters concerning liberty and life , which are reckoned with reputation , inter res inaestimabiles ) nor the court of honour to confine ( which was errected to no other end but to preserve mens reputations , and prevent the effusion of bloud ; which the other lawes of the land did omit as things not appertaining to their ellement ) some other course would have bin found before our dayes , that had beene more indifferent to have decided betweene the sense of honour , and the severity of law : but wee see the lawes of the kingdome proceed capitally against all those that are found to kill their enemies upon private quarrells in the field after a fayre manner ( according to the phrase ) that is without treachery or fraud ; and that there is no protection for such offenders either by the court of chivalrie , or those strict lawes qualified or repealed by parliament ; although there have beene many members of the sayd house , which have beene allied neere in bloud to those gentlemen that have beene guilty of these crimes . thus you see it evident , how farre all challenges in cold bloud swerve from all prescription and formes of justice that ever were ; we may further adde , that against the state of a king ( whose office is to take a precise accompt of all wrongs ) and the iustice of a kingdome , that make distribution without defect , they transgresse wilfully ; for what can be more repugnant both to duty and humanity , than to snatch the sword of iustice out of our hands , which these duelists draw and exercise in their owne wils , as if it lay in their owne election to obey or not obey , as if they might keepe a posterne gate ever open , without watch or ward , to which it should be lawfull for young gentlemen , without consulting eyther prince or iudge to run headlong to their owne ruine , or as if it could stand with the tender care , which we professe of concerning the subjects in security , the state in strength , the government in peace , to open the great vaine , by which the common-wealth might bleed , not as fevers pestilent , ad animi diliquium , but rather as in the heart of seneca , when hopes are desperate , ad vit● exitum ; for this must be the issue of an unlawfull act , which excludes all manner of satisfaction for wrongs , besides that of the sword , which observes no measure . these challengers , doe likewise strongly crosse the line of their owne pretended levell , and if malice did not stand too much in the light of reason , they would easily confesse . for they pretending above all things to regard honour for a flourish , yet to satisfie their owne inordinate desires , they flye the certaine judgement of the court of honour , which is purposely erected to scourge such delinquents , as shall dare to transgresse , causing them to give sufficient satisfaction , for the regaining of the honour lost . the wrongs which are grounded of quarrels , are eyther verball ; that is , when one gentleman accuseth another of some dishonest fact , or gives the lye : or reall , by which is meant blowes , stripes , or hurts in all degrees , though they differ in proportion ; and besides , all scornefull lookes , acts , or figures , that implie contempt ; all libels published in any sort to the disgrace of any gentleman , or person , whom that gentleman is bound in credit to defend as himselfe ; for all these ( sayes his majestie ) trench as deepely into reputation , as the stabbe it selfe doth , into a man that esteemes honour ; wherefore whereinsoever reputation is agrieved though it bee but in the weight of one graine , it ought to be repaired and as much restored as hath beene diminished ; by which the seeds of quarrels shall be bruised in the bud , before they come to beare the bitter fruites that are ever gathered in stormes . wherefore , he hath commanded the lord high-marshall , and the lords lieutenants and their deputies in their severall precincts , that so soone as they shall have notice of any abuses either by blowes , or speeches , whereby a quarrell may be grounded , that they commit the party thus offending either to his owne house or chamber , onely in respect of disobedience to his royall prohibition : leaving him to the earle marshals discretion in what kinde hee shall giue the party agreeved satisfaction , according to the rules and formes , which vpon like occasions ; aswell within our kingdome , as in forraine states are vsuall , before hee be set at full liberty : for it is true , that this small instrument , the tongue in the body of man , being kept in tune , by the wrest of awe , prevents many fearefull accidents that are apt to spring vp out of neglect of discipline . if from a foule word , vpon which a quarrell is begun the answere leape at the first bound to the lye ▪ or a blow be given from which a challenge is produc'd , or if choller breakes apruptly into a challenge at first ; ( as many times it happens , because the property of distempers is to confound all dealings , & to put custome out of course , it ought to be punished both for it selfe , and in it selfe ab origine ; ) the saxons layd a fine of sixe shillings , as appeares by antiquity , vpon every one that uncivily misgreeted his country men . in spaine vn hombre dislingado , a man that vseth ill language , out of his liberty or loosenesse , according to his rancke , is either whipped in the open streetes or sent to the galleys , and especially for this verball injury the lye , which workes such conceit of horrour unto gentlemen well borne , that they had rather indure the racke , then the reproch ; this his majesty was pleased to ranke with the highest verball wrongs and to be punished by the earle marshall accordingly . wherefore his majesty leaues the earle marshall and other lords authorised by commission , to use their best discreete indeavours , in devising meanes to satisfie the party that is wounded by the giving of the lye ; wherefore his majesty manifested his pleasure , that whosoever should stand convicted thereof in the presence of the earle marshall ; or of the lord lieutenants , or their deputies ; by proofe sufficient , should bee presently committed to prison ; and that hee be not suffered to depart out of durance , before he shall acknowledge both an errour in his iudgement ▪ and a breach in duty , in vpbrayding anyman with that uncivill terme , which his tender caution hath very sharply prohibited ; hee shall also aske forgivenesse of his fault in presence of the lords , and renounce that interest which men claime in these dayes , in righting themselves by the fury of the sword , when iustice , eyther marshall , or civile , or both , provides with so great tendernesse for their indemnitie . touching the first branch of actuall offences by blowes with the hand , stripes with a rod , bruises with a cudgell , stabbes with a dagger , or hurts with a rap●er , his purpose was out of the sense of honour , to extend his punishment , as farre above those ordinary degrees which are now in use , as the facts themselues exceed all humanity ; wherefore he leaves the proportions and degrees of satisfaction , for such inhumane wrongs ; to the caution and temper of the earle marshall , or the lords lieutenants or their deputies : for wee resolue ( saith his majesty ) in this offence by blowes , as in the other comming vpon words , to punish the breach of order before , or in a higher straine then wrongs of reputation ; wherefore all offenders in this kinde that shal be convicted orderly before the lords , eyther by the strength of witnesses or by their owne confessions ; of striking hastily for any other cause , then their owne defence vpon assault , shall instantly be committed to prison ; to the end , that during this time of breathing and respiring , they may learne , that princes remit not actions , of such high presumption and contempte , without due punishment ; so that if any man shall so transgresse by quarrelling , if he were not in commissiō of the peace before the fact committed , it was his majesties pleasure he should be peremptorily disabled from being put in , for the space of seaven yeares next ensuing , and if hee were of the peace , upon notice given to the lord chancellor , from the lord high marshall or the lords lieutenants , he is to be removed and put out instantly ; beside such parties offending shall not be quite free before they have acknowledged their offence at the councell table , for breaking the kings ordinance ; he shall promise before the said lords sollemnly never to offend vpon like occasion in the like contempt ; hee shall bee bound to the good behaviour , during the space of the next sixe moneths ensuing ; and if they bee of his majesties household , they are to absent the court ; besides his majesties pleasure is , that the person which is eyther hurt or stricken shall ( besides these satisfactions given him ) take the benefit of his action of battery at common law , with a meaning that such censures be reputed rather cumulative , then privatiue , of any lawfull helpe that ●ustice yeelds . further it is his majesties pleasure ; that the very least abuses should not passe with out due correction ; not so much as the trippe of a foote , the thrust of an elbow , the making with the mouth , or the hand an uncivill signe ; and although these doe neither bruise the bone nor mayme the parts ; yet since the malice , the disgrace , and scorne in these things doe so farre exceed the fact it selfe ( expressing the base and disgracefull reckoning , which they that offer these contempts make of the person upon which they braue them ) is to bee taxed and corrected by the lords , upon like termes , and with like severity . the party that killes , if he escape with life out of the field , shall be brought by a course of ordinary proceeding , without dispensation , or connivancie to the common barte for tryall of the fact : and ( for a greater discouragement of all men that preferre their passions to civill duties ) his royall majesty doth potest and promise by the word of a king , that he would never by the strength of his royall prerogatiue , grant to any such offender ; any pardon for his life , or any lease for life nor any other kind of grace or favour that might put such audacious adventerours into the least hope of life . but if it happen both parties after meeting , vpon challenge in cold blood returne alive out of the field , ( though generally wee may observe , that neyther the principals themselves that went of purpose to make good their agreements , nor the seconds , that in a sort assisted , are punished by an ordinary course , which slacknesse rather multiplyes offenders , then cuts off offenders ) yet it was his royall purpose without regard of issues or events , to punish very sharply and severely the presumption it selfe , in seeking eyther by the sending or accepting of a challenge , to revenge that out of passion which iustice would examine and correct , with greater indifferency . whosoever therefore shall presume ; ( as it were in despite of lawes and magistrates ( either to send any challenge , or to declare a voluntary acceptance , of the challenge that is sent , whereby subjects may be drawne to tryall by the sword for their liues in the field , his royall pleasure was that hee or they , as number hit , bee first committed to some prison used in the county for malifactours that they may learne at good leysure to repent with sorrow what was committed with temerity . the punishments prescribed against reproachfull quarrellours , and strikers , with provisionall regard and tender care , shall be added in like manner cumulative , to the censure of these chalengers in cold bloud , as the wreckfull executions of all passions , that those preparatory meanes , and outrages have kindled ; they shall moreover for the space of seven yeares be suspended from the court , without hope of forgivenesse , that it may be found more easie for the sea to brooke a dead carka●●e , then the court a quareller . wherefore beside the penalties expressed in that which goes before , not with the quill of an ostrich which may bow ; but as the prophet speakes , vngue adamanti●● , which cannot breake ; hee doth further bind his purpose , verbo regio ; that during the seven yeares suspension formerly decreed , both from the royall presence and his court ; hee would never use nor employ any gentleman , &c. in peace or warre , at home or abroad , directly or indirectly in his royall affaires : hee vowed never to bestow on them the least fruit , or effect of his grace or favour , in land , lease , pension , or by letters commendatory to their advantage in the least degree , nor repute them other then as seare fruitlesse branches , cut off from the body of the vine , being made thereby uncapable both of sustinance and support , by which the members of all bodyes as well naturall as oeconomicall and politicke both subsist and flourish . his royall majesty did further commend unto the lords ; the binding of all men to the good behaviour , that after fighting upon challenge , happen to returne alive out of the field for six moneths at the least : for as the plagues that hang upon this censure are both many , and those very heavy ; so doth the quality of the contempt deserve them all ; moving busie fellowes that are giddy , rash , and inconsiderate ; to be well advised before they leape . those that thinke themselves secure by agreeing to fight in forraine parts , where the kings writte runnes not , neither can the lawes of the kingdome take hold of any subject in that case , though the romans , and in the reigne of the first potent emperours , would haue thought it strange , that the life of any subject , taken by another subject wrongfully , should not be lawfully accounted for . this reason happily did move the states of brabant , before the dutifull admittance of duke iohn to be their lord in the right of his wife , to bind him by oath never to spare the life of any subject in that state , that should kill another in the field , though the act were done in a forraine government ; the same reason may be , why the lord segrave ( as appeares upon record ) attempting only to passe over into france from dover , for to performe a private quarrell , was condemned iudicio parium , by the judgement of his peeres , as if he had preferred by this act , the iustice of forraine countries before his owne . but for a redresse of this , his majestie having conferred with the learned iudges upon this point , that though there can be no proceeding by the common law against one subject that hath slaine another , by agreement upon challenge to fight in forraine parts : yet by appeale , so often as it shall please his majestie to appoint a constable and marshall of england ( for the present only ) both to heare and ad judge the cause ; the party thus offending may be condemned in that court to death ( as by an act of parliament , made in the first yeare of king henry the fourth is evident ) and to this his royall majestie did protest by the word of a religious just king , to put this in execution ; wherefore there should be no hope of former impunity , but that such offenders thus condemned , should without remitting or forgivenesse bee executed . as for seconds which these combatants make choyce of , ( to make the best of them ) they are only stout assistants to bad ends , and their supporters being restrained upon paine of so deepe penalty , they cannot but shrinke sublato principali , omnia cadant accessario . betweene an actor and an abettor the difference cannot bee great , wherefore his majestie did find by the moderne use of france , of the archdukes dominions , and many states in italy , that the carriers of chalenges , and they that bring backe answers , are both condemned and punished in a very high degree , upon a violent presumption , that they either blow the cole , or endeavour not to quench the fire ; wherefore his royall majestie layes the same proportion of punishment upon the seconds , the carriers , and intercommuners that is due to the principalls themselves . his majesty chargeth all persons of whatsoever ranke or quality , which are present in the place where a quarrell first begins , that upon paine of his majesti●● high displeasure , they first apply their best perswasions and endevours , to the taking of the ground of the contention away , and the reconcilement of the partyes mindes if it be possible , if not , to call in with all expedition an officer of the peace , that may bring the matter before the lords in commission before it be too farre exasperated and ●nvenomed . further , his royall majesties pleasure was , that whosoever published a challenge , or any one that did but relate any part of the quarrellous businesse should be brought ore tenus , or otherwise as the cause requireth into the starre-chamber , and there bee punished at the discretion and censure of the court for their high contempt against his majestie , and to be banisht the court , &c. and which is heaviest of all , his royall majestie did protest for his owne part , he should never account of them but as cowards ; for it is ever held the part of a man to shew his courage , when hee is by authority put to it in action : but hee that seekes his reputation by plurality of voyces amongst simple people , it is to be accounted to proceed from the knowledge and jealousie of his owne weake imbellicke parts , as if a man could not winn● honour , but per ●●●dicata suffragia , in ordinaries and taverns . and to conclude his majesties publication ; he wills every man that should find himselfe grieved with any whisperings or rumours spread abroad , or any other way abused , to resort to the earle marshall , who shall right him in his reputation , if hee finds hee be wronged . thus you see what a soveraigne salve it hath pleased his majestie to prepare for the saving and repayring of gentlemens reputations ; so that now you must confesse with me , that there is no dore left open for the sword to passe out at , unlesse men would runne willingly to destruction , by undergoing the penalty of the law here , and the eternall wrath of the great god of heaven , who hath reserved revenge to himself , and none but himselfe shall repay it ; and let us blesse god that his royall majestie hath authorized an earle marshall of so noble bloud , and so conscious and respective , in desciding such affaires ; hee according to his owne worth hath a tender care to render the due rights of honour and reputation to those that shall sue to his noblenesse , giving them a free admittance to crave his honours warrant for the conventing any such delinquent before him , and upon conviction , imposing due punishment upon such refractary fellowes , with his noble injunction to the party offending , to restore the blemisht reputation of the complaynant , before he depart his presence , so that never any that came before his lordship had ever cause to complaine of partiallitie , or remissenesse in his honoured course of iudicature . and for mine owne advise to gentlemen , having three severall times tasted of this bitter fruit which hath growne by the sword in the field , not so well then understanding my selfe , as riper yeares and more mature considerations hath since ingraven in me , i doe rather wish a fayre reconciliation then a foule fray , for the reconciling of an enemy is more safe then to conquer him ; my reason is because victory onely deprives him of his power , but reconciliation , of his will , and there is lesse danger in a will that will not hurt , than in a power that cannot , and againe power is not so apt to tempt the will , as the will is studious to finde out meanes to provoke power ; if the enemy be base it is a dishonour to meddle with him , if hee be worthy let his worth perswade thee to attonement , for hee that can be a worthy enemy , if once reconciled may be thy worthy friend , for if in a just cause he dares fight against thee , in the like cause as valiantly fight for thee . it is pollicy to bee reconciled to a base enemy , bee it but to charme his slandrous tongue , and use him as a friend in outward fairenesse , but beware him as an enemy , apt to reassume his base quarrells , for a base foe cannot but prove a false friend . and further let gentlemen know that take a delight to busie themselves in such litigious affaires , sicut not martyrom pana , sic non fortem pugua , sed causa ; as it is not the punishment that makes the martyr , so it is not fighting that declares a valiant man , but the fighting in a good cause , when his king and countrey injoynes : and he that makes use of this dangerous salve to skinne up his honour , let him not use it as a delight , but as a necessitie to constrayne him ; for the lawfulnesse is not to be questioned when a man is prest with injuries or violent abuses ▪ hee may by the law of nature and of all christian kings fight in his defene● to preserve his person and honour . i have taken the greater paines in this discourse , in regard gentlemen and souldiers might be fully satisfied of the unlawfulnesse of duells , which is proved by undeniable arguments : likewise to informe them if ●ase injuries be offered them how they may gaine lawfull satisfaction by the ayde of authority provided for that purpose . in the next place i shall proceede to discourse of the particular duties of all officers , beginning at the meanest , and so proceede untill i shall come to the office of the generall of an army . the office and dvty of every particvlar officer in an army . sect . x. chap. lxi . the duty and office of a drumme to a private company , and of the drum-major of the regiment . before we can further proceede in our intended discourse i hould it fit to entreate of the duties and offices of all the officers belonging to an army , and that for two respects ; first that all young officers that never followed the warres , might at the first view know their places , and the duties belonging to them ; secondly , that all souldiers might likewise observe and take notice of every particular officers duty hee is to performe , and the command he is to beare , that they may the better learne to obey them , and obs●rve such documents as their officers shall give them in charge ; wherefore first i intend to begin with the meanest officer of a private company , and then proceed to discourse of every particular officer of a regiment ; and likewise of the chiefe officers of the field , with their dependan●es . a drumm● is one of the 〈…〉 officers to a company and divers 〈◊〉 of waight and moment hee is to be imployed in ; for many times they are sent to parlie with the enemie , and to redeeme prisoners from the enemy ; therefore hee ought to be a man of personage , faithfull , secret , and trusty ; he ought to speake severall languages , especially the drumme of a colonels company ought to bee thus qualified , he hath the command of all the drummes of the regiment , and upon a march hee appoints every drumme his place , and time to beate , using a due proportion to every one for their times of reliefe ; in a campe or leaguer , no drumme must offer to beate for the releeving of the watch before the drumme-major first begins ; most usually he is sent upon all employments too , and from the enemy ; hee ought to have a small drumme for lightnesse to carry with him ; hee is also to have a paper wherein is writ the contents of his message , which is to be placed upon his hatte ; when hee approaches neere the enemies towne , hee is to make a stand a musquet-shot from the ports , and to beate a parley , whereby they may know his intent ; hee ought to be of a singular good cariage , and discreet , to observe and take notice of all passages , that may give any intelligence to his officers of the state of the enemie ; hee must be very wary that nothing be screwd from him , neither by ●ayre nor foule meanes ; wherefore he must be wary of the enemies friendship , in bestowing courtesies upon him especially in giving him drinke , least in his cupps he reveale any secrets : when a drumme is sent out of the enemies campe , hee must not bee suffered to approach neere the guards nor ports untill an officer ●ee sent unto him ( who must bee attended with a guard of musquetires ) and having blind-foulded him ; he is to be conducted into the campe to the generalls pavillion where a guard must passe on him least he should discover the weakenesse of the campe. a drumme ought daily in the day time in time of peace , to frequent the guards and beate to the souldiers , that they may distinguish , and know one kind of beate from th' other ( viz ) a call , a march , a troope , a charge , an allarm , a retreit , &c. he ought to passe precisely upon the houres appointed for the releeving of the watch , to beate their drummes for the summoning of the souldiers together , and to doe such other duties as shall bee required : hee must be obedient to his captaine , and the rest of the officers , whensoever they command him to goe , or stand , or to beate any point of warre , every private company ought to have two drummes at the least . chap. lxii . the office of a corporall and his lansprezado , and how they are to demeane themselves , both upon their guard , and in the companie . a corporall , being an officer a degree above a private souldier , ought to be a man of stayed yeeres , of no lesse wisedome , valour , and experience , then a serjant of a private company should bee ; in regard many times , he is to officiat for him , his duty ; his carriage and behaviour should bee , such that all his squadron might take good example thereby , hee should be free from all vices , especially the be●o●ting vice of drunkennesse , by which infection a whole guard will soone be taynted ; he ought not to suffer any drunkennesse or misbehaviour upon his guard ; for by this abhominable vice of drunkennesse , an enemy hath had the advantage to cut off whole guards , and thereby have surprised townes and forts , as by divers examples may be seene ; as that of breda , when the turffe-boate lay before the towne with divers souldiers immured in it , the enemy had no way to gaine the wall but by the skipper , who had recourse to the next guard and made them drunke : so that their duties were neglected ; some being a drinking and most a sleepe , the enemy stole upon them at unawarres and slue them , and having gayned the watchword from the corporall , they soone surprised the rest of the guards , and by a signe given to the troopes that lay in ambush without , they entred the forts and surprised the garrison before there was any allarme given . wherefore he ought to passe precisely upon his watch and guards ; and to be very vigilant and carefull in setting out his senturies and duly releeving them , dividing the time of their standing , by the number of souldiers in his guard , so that they may bring evenly the seasons of their watch about , one souldier not standing longer then another ; which he may do by the burning of a match , so many thumbes breadths allowed to each ; hee is duly to frequent and visite the senturies fearing least they should miscarry or be negligent , or sleeping : it is at his choyse to command any one of his guard to stand at sentury , first or last . hee may make choyse of one of the sufficientest souldiers of his guard to bee his lansprezado , who shall negotiate his duty and office upon all occasions ; and all the souldiers upon the guard are to obey him ; the corporall is bound once a day to teach his squadron their postures , in the presence of his superiour officers ; he is to observe the same order and dutifull obedience that the rest should doe ; his command is no further than upon the guard , where he beares his captaines authoritie ; upon all alarmes , he is to draw out his souldiers , and to order them so , that the best and safest resistance may speedily be made , untill more ayde shall come to succour them ; he is to have continuall fire upon his guard , to refresh his souldiers in winter , and 〈◊〉 to light their matches thereby ; he is to be allowed certaine candle , that every man may see to arme themselves ; he is to examine every souldiers bandiliers , what powder is in them , and what match and bullets they have ; and in time or warre , every 〈◊〉 is to be loaded with powder and bullet , and every man his match continually light● after the watch is set , and he hath the watch-word from the serjeant ; neither himselfe , nor any souldier shall depart the guard , upon paine of death , untill the watch be releeved by sound of drumme ; their duty is to keepe their guard from sunne-setting 〈◊〉 the evening following , and then they are to be releeved by their serjeant with another squadron , at which time they are to stand ready before their guard in compleat armes , untill that squadron which releeved them , have set out his sentinels . every sentinell that is plac'd before the corps du guard , is to stay and cha●ge his weapon against any man that shall come upon the wall , not suffering him to passe , untill he calles out his corporall to take the word of him , which word is very secretly to be given and taken ; he is to give the word to the governour , major , or captaine of the watch , but to none else ; the corporall is to command two or three souldiers to guard him ; he is to have his sword ready drawne , and to place the point towards the breast of him that gives the word , for feare of treachery , and if hee faulters in the word , and cannot deliver it right , he is to take him into his guard , and there keepe him untill the morning , and then send him with a guard before the governour ; also in times and places of danger , he is to set out double senturies , a pike and a musquet , so that if the enemy approacheth , he may discharge his musquet , to put the guards in a readinesse to make their resistance ; the corporall is to be a musquetier , and is to have the chiefest place in his squadron , according to his eldership . chap. lxiii . the office of a serjeant to a private companie , and his duty both in garrison and in the field , declared . a serjant of a private company ought to be a man of good experience ; and sufficiently instructed in all marshall exercises , and if it were possible he should not be inferour in knowledge and skill to his superiour officers ; hee ought to have a quicke spirit , and active body , able both suddainly to conceive , and painfully to execute , his superiour officers , orders , and commands , it importeth much that hee bee a skilfull valiant souldier ; in regard hee is put upon weighty and dangerous services ; hee ought to be very ready and skillfull , in ordering and rancking the company , and in knowledge of exercising the same , hee ought to take all occasions in time of peace , to call forth such squadrons as have the guard , and duly to exercise them there , also to shew every particular souldier their severall postures , and so fit them in readinesse for the chiefe officers to exercise in grosse ; hee ought to be learned both in writing and in arethmaticke , he is to have alwayes a squadran-rowle about him , wherein hee should distinguish every man by the armes he beares ; his duty is when the drumme beates for the watch setting , to repare with his holberd to his colours , where he ought to call over particularly every souldier of that squadron , and view the fixenesse of their armes , and what match , bullets , and powder every man hath , he is to rancke the squadron , and if no superiour officer bee there , he is to troope away with them to the guard with his holbert advan'd . hee is to attend the comming of the major of a garrison , or the serjant major of his regiment , ( if they bee intrencht in the field ) for the watchword ; and to receive such orders from him , as hee hath received from the serjant major generall of the army ; or from the governour of a garrison , he is to give the word to his captaine first if he bee in place , and then to each superiour officer , and lastly to the corporall ; the eldest serjant in a march leadeth up the division of musqueti●es in the reare , 〈…〉 of training they are to looke that every man keepes his rankes and files duly , helpe order the company all the time of exercise ; in time of warre he is imployed upon parties which are sent out to discover , or to fetch in bootie and farrage ; likewise many times to the guarding of passages ; also in laying out of perdues and visiting them : also in ordering of troopes that are drawne out to charge some part of the enemy , where he is to bring up the musquetiers to his superiour officer in good order to skirmish , and to give fire upon the enemy , and so orderly to leade them off againe , seeing them ranke themselves fairely , and causing them to make ready their peeces to come up to give fire againe ; also in retreite , he ought to assist the souldiers discreetly in keeping their orders , lest confusion betides them ; also in time of fight to see the souldiers bandaliers filled ready that no stay bee made , and to see the powder transported after them securely ; he is also ( when his captaine , is captaine of the watch , ) to call out the gentlemen of the round to doe their duties , and to give them the word , he ought to assigne every souldier his due and proper place to march in , that no contention may arise ; hee is to place the chiefe gentlemen in the front on the right hand file ; the next in degree is to leade the left-hand file , so placing every man according to his degree ; hee ought to see that every corporall bee a musquetiere ; hee is to fetch the powder , shot , and match from the magezine , and distribute it to each corporall , and so to each souldier of their squadron : hee is at his captaines command to carry all delinquents to prison , and see irons put upon them ; if scarsity of victuals should be in the campe , he is to procure it from the ammunutioner of the army , lest the company fall in want , which being procured , hee is to distribute it to the corporalls , and they to their squadrons ; hee is also to instruct the drummes the true tone of beating , viz. a call , a march , a troope , a charge , an allarme , a retreite , &c. hee ought to be resolute and forward in times of skirmishing , shewing worthy examples to the souldiers , that they might imitate him ; hee ought by his serviceablenesse , and care to gaine the love of the whole company , it must be farre from him to be addicted to the hellish vice of drinking , drabbing , or dicing , using his best indeavours to shame such as should in that kind transgresse ; also he is not to permit any souldier that is in drinke to performe any duty of charge for that time , for feare of sleeping or quarrelling , whereby much inconveniences may ensue , but rather seeke to punish him severely , that all may take example by him to beware of the like oversight ; hee is every night at drum-beating to draw billets for his guard , and accordingly to leade his squadron to it ; and thus behaving himselfe wisely and valiantly , hee shall gaine honour and reputation , which will bee steps to advance him to higher fortunes : and to define the office of serjant truly , hee is to be the eye , eare , mouth , hand , and feet of his superiour officers ; i could wish our serjants of bands here in england were thus qualified for their captaines sakes ; but i feare the blind will leade the blind , and so fall both into the ditch ; it were happy if they would indeavour to learne to understand their office , against his majesty should have occasion to use them . chap. lxiiii. the office of an ensigne to a private company , and his duty both in garrison and in field declared . an ensigne being the foundation of the company , ought to bee indued with valour and wisedome , and to equall his superiour officers in skill if it were possible ; the honour and reputation both of captaine and souldiers , depends upon the welfare of the colours , and contrarily there can be no greater dishonour then to lose them ; i have read in history of ensignes that rather then they would undergoe the dishonour of losing their colours , being so dangerously charged by the enemy , that either they must yeeld them up , or be slaine , have chosen rather to wrappe them about their bodyes , and have leapt into the mercilesse waters , where they have perisht with their colours most honourably to their immortall ●ames : after any company is 〈◊〉 , if the ensigne hath behaved himselfe honourably , the captaine ought to bestow the colours on him as a favour ; in the absence of his superiour officers , hee is punctually to supply their places , and to passe upon those duties which they should , whether it be to be captaine of the watch , or to bee commanded our with some troopes for the guarding of some passage to prevent the enemies approches ; hee is to exercise his company in all their postures ; he ought to bee gallantly apparelled ▪ with a faire sword and brigandine ; if hee be commanded to passe upon any service with part of the company , he is not to carry his colours ; also , if the 〈◊〉 company are to guard some dangerous out-workes , as a halfe moone , or a redou● , the company is to troope thither , and he is to leave his colours in the quarters with a sufficient guard over them , and hee is to take for his weapon a good pike . also , every souldiers honour is highly ingaged to defend and preserve their ensigne , and if occasion of necessity should happen , they must not spare to runne upon the pikes to releeve him , as divers valiant souldiers formerly have done : histories have eternized to their immortall fame the honourable exploits of captaine morerula and his two brothers , one of them being his ensigne at the siege of the citie of africa in barbary , in charles the fifts time , when iohn de vega vice-roy of sicilia scaled the walls of it ; this ensigne being sore wounded and overthrowne his brother being serjeant seconded him , and recovered the colours , who advancing forwards like a valiant souldier was slaine ; the captaine brother to them both , tooke up the colours , and performed the ensignes office , who in the scaling of the wall , was sore hurt and died thereof ; thus three valiant brethren died honourably in defending their colours : if an ensigne should lose all his colours from the staffe and hose , it is no dishonour ; when an army is drawne into batalia , the ensigne ought to stand out before the front of it some five paces , and if the generall , or some other chiefe officer of the field passe by , he is gently to vaile his colours holding the butte end of his staffe at his girdlested : also a maxime that no souldier moves hat or helmet to the greatest commander that is , but only to bow his body to him ; likewise in time of battell the ensigne is to withdraw himselfe for his safety into the middle-most ranke of the pikes . likewise in a march the ensigne is to march before the first division of pikes with his flying colours . if a king or great prince passeth by , the ensigne is to vaile his colours close to the ground with his knee bending , in token of alegiance and submission ; every ensigne of private companies ought to observe how the ensigne of the right hand of the battell orders his colours , after the same manner hee is to order his ; every souldier upon an allarme is speedily to repaire to his colours ; likewise not to forsake them untill they be lodged ; when any company shall march either into camp● ▪ guard , fortresse , or castle , no souldier ought to disarme himselfe , untill they see first the colours placed , and the ensigne disarmed ; likewise , no sooner shall a souldier see the ensigne take up his colours , but they should arme and ranke themselves immediately . no ensigne ought to disarme himselfe upon any guard , campe , or field , untill hee sees that with safety hee may doe it ; likewise an ensigne should shew himselfe forwardest with his colours in assaulting a fort , or entring a breach to incourage the souldiers manfully to fall on to defend , and make way for them ; he ought to behave himselfe so , that he may gaine the love of all the souldiers , whereby his owne person shall be in the more safetie , when he shall attempt any perrillous exploits , for love will command a souldier to fight , when all things in the world else 〈…〉 him forwards , and let him know that the vertue of the ensigne 〈…〉 the vertue and valour of the captaine , and his whole band ; i could wish 〈…〉 captaines would be pleased to be more circumspect in their election of 〈◊〉 , and not to put undeserving fellowes , of base birth and qualitie into place of 〈◊〉 , which deserves gentlemen of quality to officiate , the office of 〈…〉 place of repute and honour , doth not s●te with every yeoman , taylor , or fidler , as i have knowne to one company in essex , all these o● the like mechanick fellowes have had the honour to beare the colours before a generous captaine of noble birth , whose name i forbeare to relate , but let it be an 〈◊〉 to all generous captaines to make choyce of officers that are well bred and deserving , otherwise they doe but disgrace themselves , and abuse his majesties service , and the reputation of our countrey . chap. lxv . the office of a lieu●tenant to a private company , and his duty both in garrison and in field declared . a lieuetenant is an office of high credit and reputation , and he ought in all respects to bee well indoctrinated and qualified in the arts millitary , and ought not to bee inferiour in knowledge to any officer of higher authority ; for an unskilfull captaine may better demean himselfe with an experienst lieuetenant , then an unskilfull lieuetenant can ●adge with a skilfull captain ; because all businesse belonging to a company , is for the most part ordered by the lieuetenant , the captaine having other imployments of greate importance ; hee is to see the company fitted in all respects for service , hee is the right hand to his captaine in ayding and assisting him as well in the brunt of battell , as in peace ; hee is to see to the fitting and furnishing of all things necessary belonging to the company ; hee is to keepe a perfect roule of all the souldiers in the company , and to observe that every squadron bee compleate , hee is to view the sufficiency and ●●●enesse of the armes , and to give order for the repayring of such as shall bee found defective : hee is to order and ranke the company fit for his captaine to march with ; hee is to divide his company into foure divisions , making two divisions of the pikes , and two of the musquetieres ; hee is to ranke the first division of musquets in the front , and the second division of musquets in the reare of the pikes ; hee is to march in the reare of the company into the field , and in marching out of the field , the captaine is to march in the reare and the lieuetenant in the front ; he is carefully to passe upon his duty to see the squadrons drawne to the guards for to watch ; hee is to bee very carefull and diligent in exercising his company , either by squadrons uppon the guards , or the whole company in the field , assuming fit and convenient times ; hee is to leade on the left wing of shot in time of service ; in time of exercising hee is to helpe order the company so that his captaine may have the more ease and freedome ; hee ought to bee silent , and to cause silence in the company during the time of his captaines exercise ; he ought to bee in the reare of the company to instruct the souldiers how to act and observe the captaines commands , he ought to call over the company , and take a particular survey of every defect ; hee ought to rule over the company , and take a particular survey of every souldier in his captaines absence , for then hee is in absolute authority , and the souldiers are bound to obey him as their cheife in all respects ; hee ought not to refuse to bee put upon any service by his captaine ; or colonell , or any cheife officer of the field ; also he is not to bee sent upon any convoy , or to guard any passage without a sufficient troope of souldiers , fifty or sixty at least , if lesse , then the ensigne is of sufficiency to command them : hee is to view his captaine thrice a day , morne , noone , and night , but especially in the time of warre to see what hee hath to command him ; hee is to take notice of what discords , quarrels and debates arise amongst the souldiers of his band , hee is to pacifie them if it may bee , otherwise to commit them ; hee is to judge and determine such disputes with gravity and good speeches , and where the fault is , to make him acknowledge it and crave pardon of the party hee hath abused ; hee is duely to see the watch set , and to follow them to the guard and see the sentinells set out , and give them their charge what they are to doe : if hee be in the field , hee is to visit the sentry perdues very often , hee is to command the souldiers in a kinde of perswasory way to obey their corporalls , and serjants ; wherefore hee ought to give good language , in a discreet and wise manner to move and perswade them , with 〈◊〉 reasons to the observation and obedience of millitary discipline , 〈◊〉 his captaine of many ●oyles ; hee is to bee carefull that every souldier have a sufficient lodging in garrison and in the field a hut : hee is also to take due care of the sicke and maymed , that they perish not for want of means or looking unto ; he is also to take care that the sutlers do not oppresse and rack the poore souldiers in their victuals and drinke ; he is to see the company provided with all kinde of amunition , with axes , mattockes , spades , and the like to build their hutts withall ; these instruments are to have the marke of the gallowse set on them , in token of death to them that steale them ; hee is in his captaines absence to sit in the christrade or marshalls court , to define of the punishments which are to bee inflicted upon delinquents and malefactorus , their punishment going by most voyces ; hee is to set a guard at his captaines tent , and likewise at the cullours , where hee ought to give order for a fitting place to hang up loose armes ; his hutt ought to bee in the head of the quarter upon the right hand , and the ensignes on the left , and the serjants at the reare of the quarter ; hee is to bee alwaies in a readinesse to answer an allarum , and with all speed draw his men if they bee in garrison , to that port or guard his squadron hath the watch at ; if in the campe , then to the brest-worke before their quarters , where hee is to place betwixt each musquet a pike for their better defence : in garrison hee is to bee captaine of the watch in his captaines stead , onely for the ease of his captaine , where he must bee very circumspect upon his guard ; hee is to have his ensigne and his serjants to attend him , hee is to goe the first round with a serjant and two gentlemen at the least to attend him , where hee is to take the word of every corporall , and to see that the sentinells bee duely pla'ct out , and to give them charge to bee very circumspect in their watches , that upon the sight of the enemy , or the seeing of their matches sparkle , or hearing their armour clatter ; they presently informe the corporalls , so that an allarum may bee given to the towne , but hee that shall give a false alarum is to bee imprisoned ; the lieuetenant is to go the patroule with a sufficient guard about all the streets within the night to prevent treason in the town , or to discover fire or ill orders as quarrelling , &c. hee is to march in the morning with the major of the garrison at the drumme beating to the opening of the ports ; hee is to bee guarded with all the gentlemen of the round ; in sommer time at watch set , he is to draw his men in parrado in the market place , with all the rest of the companies in the towne , their companies being compleate : if in the field and to goe upon service , hee ought to see prayers read in the head of the troopes every night , and every sabbath all those souldiers that have not the guard , hee is to compell them to goe to their colonells tent to heare prayers and preaching ; hee is to bee religious , valiant , and wise , his armes is onely a gorget and a pattisen . chap. lxvi . the office of a captaine of a private company , and his duty both in garrison and in the field briefely declared . the office of a captaine being so honourable , and a place of such great consequence that it ought not slightly to bee considered of ; wherefore they ought to bee men of excellent quallity and of undaunted valiant resolution ; hee should not bee inferiour in knowledge and skill , in all the circumstances and actions belonging to warre , in as profound a manner as the chiefest officer of the field , for hee hath a charge of great importance committed unto him , hee being many times called to execute the office of serjant major , or lieuetenant collonell ; besides hee is exposed to all manner of danger in the warres , for no captaine but must leade on his men in the face of the enemy , and charge them in the teeth , which if hee bee not skilfull as well to leade them off as draw them on , hee may bee the occasion of spilling of much bloud ; hee ought not to bee a man chosen altogether for birth , meanes , personage , favour or affection ; but for his wisedome , civility , valour , and experience ; the unexpertnesse of a captaine hath beene the ruine of armies , and destruction of common-wealths ; in the time of peace every brave fellow desires to bee honoured with the name and charge of a captaine ; but when warre approacheth and the enemy is at hand , they quake their swords out of their scabberds , and had rather make use in fight of their wings , then their tallents : a captaine ought to be well seene and read in all the liberall sciences , to be acquainted with history , and to have what speculative knowledge that may bee to joyne with their practice , all kinde of stratagems should be similiar with him , and nothing should be wanting that might make him an accomplisht souldier : a captaine ought to have regard to the due exercising of his souldiers , fitting them in all points for service ; hee ought to see his souldiers furnished with all things needfull ; as armes , munition , and their weekely pay duely at the appoynted times ; hee is to bee very conscionable in delivering them their off-reckonings and apparrell ; hee is to passe very strictly ( if it be in time of warre ) upon his watch ; being captaine of the watch , hee is to command the gentlemen of the rounds to bee set out , and to have the word given them . if he be in the field , he should leade out the perdues and see them visited in due season ; then afterwards his lieuetenant , and other inferiour officers are to doe the like : if he be in garrison , in time of danger , hee is precisely to goe the first round himselfe , being ayded with his serjants and divers gentlemen , where hee must view the strength and sufficiency of every guard , and how every officer doth dispose of his souldiers ; hee is to take the word of every officer in his round at every corps-du-guard ▪ if he be in●ampt in the field , then hee is to goe the patroule through his owne regiment , and cause all sutlers to exstinguish their candles , and to suffer no drinking after the warning peece is discharged : if his company bee strong , hee is to have foure corporalls , and to divide his company into foure even parts ( viz. ) fifty souldiers in a corporal-ship : in the time of peace and being in garrison , one squadron onely watcheth , begining with the eldest corporal-ship the first night , and so successively one corporal-ship relieving the other : in time of warre , halfe or whole companies , specially being in the field , no guard shall bee relieved but once in houres ; hee is to make choyce of the chiefe and ablest souldiers being men of quality to be gentlemen of his company , and they are to guard with the captaine of the watch by turns , and to walke the round about all the walls and bulworkes ; they are to give the word to the corporalls at every guard ; they are to discover the enemy , and to see the sentinells doe their duty ; which if they cannot or mistake it , the guard is to charge them with their weapons and apprehend them as enemies ; the captaine is to lay out these gentlemen perdue upon convenient passages ●nd apt places , to discover if the enemy should sally out , according as the place is in distance from the enemies trenches , so must the number of perdues be layd , one a pretty distance behinde the other , so that if occasion bee they may retreate backe one to the other , and so give notice to the campe that they may prepare for an assault : those are to bee relieved every houre or halfe houre ; also the captaine is to instruct his souldiers how to make an assault against the enemy , and also how to defend an assault : hee must be a good enginiere , to know how to rayse all kinde of workes and trenches , and how to place his men upon the flankes to scowre the bulworkes by the lyne of levell ; upon a brestworke in the campe hee is to place betwixt every two musquets , a pike , the musquetiers are to give fire and fall off , and another imediately to present in his place , the pikes are to stand firme : the captaine is to have his armour of proofe , and a faire pike for his defensive and offensive armes : he is to have two great bougets made of dry neats-leather , which will hold a hundred weight of powder a peece to furnish his musquetiers withall : hee is to see the bandyliers filled with powder , with sufficient match , and bullets ; hee must bee ever in a readinesse to answer an allarum , and the first that shall charge the enemy : if the enemy makes his approaches against the campe , after the captaine hath drawne his men up to the parrapet to make resistance , and being all ready to give fire , hee is to command that no man gives fire untill hee gives order , and so suffer the enemy to come up as close as may bee , and then give him a brave volly of shot altogether in his teeth , one musquetire relieving the other , the pikes charging manfully and stedfastly ; at all convenient times hee is to drill his souldiers very accurately , shewing them all the postures of the pike and musquet , then how to march , counter-march , to double their files , and rankes , the middle men to double to the front , to advance forwards , and to retreat backwards at the sound of the drumme , to wheele about his musquetiers , to make ready , present , and give fire , to give fire in the front , in the reare , and upon either flanke , to fall off by files and give fire , as we shall hereafter more largely discourse of . a captaine ought to march into the field in the front of his company , and his lieutenant in the reare ; but marching out of the field , the captaines place is to bring up the reare , and the lieutenant to leade the company ; the ensigne is to march before the first division of pikes , the eldest serjeant is to bring up the next division of pikes , and another serjeant the last division of musquetiers . the captaine ought not to doe any reall act in the warres , without commission from higher authority , he is to lead up the right wing of his musquetiers to charge the enemy , and his lieutenant the left : when a captaine makes choice of a lieutenant or ensigne , he is to draw his company into armes , and one of the gentlem●n is to carry the pattisen or colours , and being marcht into the field , the captaine is to deliver the pattisen or colours ( in the head of the troope ) to the officer he hath made choise of , commanding the souldiers to take notice of him , and to obey him as their officer ; he is to make choise of diligent serjeants , and vigilant corporals , a trusty clerke , and good drummes ; he ought to have one wagon at the least , to carry his baggage , and to conduct sicke souldiers ; he is to be as little pestered with luggage of his owne , or his souldiers , as possibly may be ▪ lest it should hinder their march , and also upon any service , be rather forward to fight for goods , than have their mindes homewards , fearing to lose their owne ; he ought not to be covetous nor niggardly , but forward to gratifie all good services with some guifts and courtesie , whereby he shall indeere his souldiers to be prodigall of their lives to doe him service : he must be familiar , and eloquent in perswading and diswading his souldiers , and to stirre up their valours to undergoe paine and perill ; if a souldior transgresse , he ought not to beate him , but to send him to the provost-marshall to have irons laid on him , by beating of a souldier , a world of hatred will be stirred up , and happily private revenge ; he ought to be very carefull to keepe his souldiers in action , whereby idle expence of time ( as drinking and playing ) may be prevented which usually ends in quarrelling and bloud-shed : he is to have lanthornes and torches , such as will burne in any storme and tempest , for they may stand him many times in great stead : he is to have his tent in the head of all his troope , and to bee conversant with them , shewing them ensamples of hardship ; he ought alwayes to have his colours and his drumme in the field when he exerciseth his company , as well to give the more reputation unto the action , as also that the use of them may be well knowne . lastly , a captaine ought to carry himselfe in such a way , that his souldiers may both feare and love him , too much familiarity breeds contempt , and too sterne a carriage begets hatred ; and so let him not over-value his life , but expose it to the fortune of the warre , using his best skill and indeavours to annoy his enemies , and to be diligent and forward in executing such commands as authority injoynes him , and so to persist in a resolution to feare nothing but infamie . and i will conclude , with an exhortation to all noble captaines , desiring them for their credits sake , and for the honour of our gracious king , and welfare of our kingdome , to be more diligent in the discipling of their souldiers , and not to chop and change so many new men into their companies that betweene muster , and muster the third part of the company are new untutored fellowes , that knowes not their right hand from their left , so that it is a labor in vain to instruct them ; and they are the meanes of putting all those that have some knowledge out of square , by their aukward doings , besides all base beggerly fellowes are admitted into the muster rowle , when as the best and chiefest yeomen ought to doe their king and country service in their owne persons . then lastly that every captaine would command his officers to instruct the pikes and musquets whilst the rest are a calling over , and then eyther himselfe or his lieutenant to exercise them in grosse all their postures ; and cause them to give fire in way of skirmish ; and not to goe into the towne untill all the exercise bee finisht . chap. lxvii . the office of a serjeant-major of a regiment , and his dutie both in garrison and in the field , briefely declared . a serjeant-major , is the third principall officer in a regiment ; and in regard he is an officer of the field , hee ought to participate of all the perfections that officers of higher authority should have ; his place and office doth somewhat correspond with the major-generals ; onely his duty is tending to officiate betweene the colonell , and the officers of the regiment ; he is to be learned in all the liberall sciences , he ought to have both speculative and practicke knowledge in all things belonging to his profession ; he must be very civill , wise , and discreet , in his carriage and actions , in regard he is to manage a world of affaires of high consequence , which may serve to the conserving or ruining of the army ; he is duly to attend his colonels pleasure ; and morning , ●oone , and night , he is to waite upon the major generall , and to receive such orders , as are by the generall of the army delivered unto him ; he is speedily to certifie his colonell what the orders are , and what the generals pleasure is , and also , with all celerity , to execute such things as his colonell shall give him in charge : he is not onely to be a good scholler , and witty , but he must be quick in apprehension , and furnisht with an able memory ; he must have a paper-book , with pen and incke , to set downe all orders and commands that he , may not erre nor vary one title from what was delivered him in charge ; at drumsbeat , he is to repaire to the generals tent , and take the word of the major generall , and orders for that nights proceedings , then he is to repaire to his colonels tent , where he is to deliver him the word , and to his lieutenant colonel , with such orders as he hath received . the serjeants of every company of his regiment ; are to repaire to him to take the word from him , with such orders as he shall give them , and they are speedily to acquaint their captaine , and other officers with it , all the inferiour serjeants are to stand round about him , and he is to deliver the word very privately in the eare of that serjeant which stands at his right hand , and he is secretly to whisper it in the eare of the next , and so from one to another round , and the last man is to give it to the serjant-major againe , if the last man gives it to him wrong , then he must give it over againe . he is to have them draw billets for their guards , in regard much disputes may arise , because many guards are more subject to the danger of the enemy , than some others are , and also to prevent treason , so that no officer knowes his guard before-hand ; he is also to provide powder , match , and bullets , and distribute it amongst the officers of his regiment ; he ought to have able officers to his owne company because he cannot tend unto them his imployments are so great ; he ought to have a swift nagge to carry him about the quarters , and to visit his guards , for his businesse lyes very confusedly in the army ; he is likewise to view all outward gvards , both in the day time and in the night , where his regiment hath command , every captaine is to give him the word , and from one guard to another he is to be guarded with certaine musquetiers ; he is to instruct and shew such of his officers , as are to passe upon watch , where to place their sentinels and perdues , he is likewise to shew every officer , whether to draw his company , to joyne with the rest in battalia , if the enemy should give an alarme . he is to exercise all the companies of his regiment at convenient times . chap. lxviii . the office of a lieutenant-colonell of a regiment , and his duty both in garrison and in field , briefly declared . a lieutenant colonell to a regiment is a place of high consequence and great dignitie , being the second person in the regiment , hee is not to be deficient in all kindes of literature , but to bee as able both in valour and experience as the colonell , in regard in the colonels absence , hee hath the sole ordering of the regiment , and upon all occasions as his colonell shall command , hee is to bee ready and dutifull to performe : there is much toyle and paines belonging to his office , in regard hee frees his colonels execution●● 〈◊〉 his duties ; hee ought in time , and causes of present perill to give his best advise to his colonell , and to give him notice of every particular passage in the regiment ; hee is not of his owne authority to act any thing without his colonels command ; all the captaines and officers of the regiment ought to respect and obey his commands ; hee is to see the regiment well ordered , the watches set , and the guards duly releeved ; in time of battell hee is many times commanded to draw up divisions to charge the enemy : in besieges hee relieves his colonell , taking his command by turnes , it is his charge to see to the regiment that all things are orderly performed , and that all necessaries be provided both for food and amunition ; hee is to see every captaine demeane themselves faire to their companies , that their pay be duly distributed amongst the souldiers ; hee is to see their armes fixed and fitting for service : every captaine is to have two powder bo●gets with powder , bullets , and match ; hee is to command the captaines to draw out their companies into the field , and to see them exercise them ; hee is to exercise every company in the regiment himselfe at his pleasure ; hee is to observe how every captaine clothes his souldiers , and to have his eare open to the complaints of poore distressed souldiers , and see them righted ; hee is to take notice of all quarrels and disputes amongst the officers , and endeavour to reconcile them , otherwise to lay his command on , them , and to confine them to their lodgings untill his colonell understands of it ; hee is to release no delinquent from prison , that is laid in by the consent of his colonell ; hee is to sit in the marshalls court in the absence of his colonell ; hee is to see the serjant major order the regiment for the march , and he is to assist him in ordering and drawing up the divisions into battalia ; and to conclude , hee ought to be discreet , wise , valiant , and religious , so that hee should be a patterne to all the officers of his regiment to steere their courses by . chap. lxix . the office and duty of a colonell over a regiment , and his command both in garrison , and in the field . the office of a colonell is very honourable , and a place of great consequence in the army , wherefore hee ought to bee a grave experienced souldier , religious , wise , temperate , and valiant ; his command is not of so high an extent as the serjant major generalls is ; for his command extends no further then tenne or twelve companies , which he is to see well ordered , and strictly governed ; hee that hath his commission first , is to be accounted the eldest , and is to take place , both in the quarters , and in the march , and so every one successively according to the date of their commission ; hee hath under his command two speciall officers , his lieutenant-colonell , and serjant-major ; his office is in time of warre to see his regiment compleate , and to order his divisions , and draw them into forme of battell ; his place in the battell is various , according as hee shall be commanded by the generall , but most usuall , he takes his place before the right wing of his owne regiment , ordering his officers as hee shall have directions from his superiours in authority ; hee is to be forward in shewing good examples to his officers , that his worth and valour may not be blemished ; his eye is to be duly upon his owne officers and souldiers , to rebuke them that are negligent , and cowardly , and to animate those that are forward ; hee ought to have all the colours of his regiment to be alike both in colour and in fashion to avoide confusion , so that the souldiers may discerne their owne regiment from the other troopes ; likewise , every particular captaine of his regiment may have some small distinction in their colours , as their armes , or some embleme , or the like , so that one company may be discerned from another ; hee ought in the time of skirmishing in battell , to pry and take serious notice of the enemies battallias , how they are ordered , and what advantages are to be gained , which suddenly he is to incounter and atchieve ▪ hee must be as cautelous and circumspect in taking notice how the enemy playes his game , as himselfe is to be wary and cunning in 〈◊〉 and managing his owne ; hee is not to be put upon any desperate service , unlesse 〈◊〉 ●ath the command of five hundred , or a thousand souldiers ; hee ought to be very expert in raising of fortifications , and in all kind of stratagems , in as ample manner as the generall , because many times he hath the sole command in beleaguered townes , and in certaine quarters in the trenches against a fort beleaguered ; also many times hee is to command divers troopes as generall in some kind of services ; hee is to have a well-governed and religious preacher to his regiment , so that by his life and doctrine the souldiers may be drawne to goodnesse ; hee is to cause so many of his regiment as are to releeve the watch , morning and evening to bee drawne in parado before the head of the quarters , where divine duties are to bee performed by the preacher amongst them : every sabbath day he is to have a sermon in his tent forenoone and afternoone , and every officer of his regiment is to compell his souldiers that are freed from the guard to repaire thither ; and that no suttler shall draw any beere in the time of divine service and sermon : hee is to have a speciall care to see such dutyes performed by his officers as are given them in charge : there is no impunity or remisnesse to be used in the warres , to any one that shall neglect or slight any duty b● command : hee is to see that all guards , passages , and fortifications , wherein any of his regiment are to guard or maintaine , that it be sufficiently guarded with souldiers ; hee seldome watcheth himselfe in person in the campe , only in beleagured townes hee passeth upon his duty ; hee is to cause his owne drumme to beate to prepare for the reliefe of the watch morning and evening ; likewise , all the drums of the regiment are at the same time to beate ; hee is to appoint the captaine of the watch in his regiment ; the eldest captaine first beginneth , and successively one after another according to their antiquity ; hee hath only a lieutenant and ensigne , his lieutenant is titularly called captaine ; hee is to have a sufficient quarter-master to his regiment ; hee is also to have an under-marshall , whose office is to lay irons upon such delinquents as shall be committed to his charge , hee is likewise to looke to all the suttlers , that no abuse be in their excessive prices , or ill measures ; there are able and sufficient sulters to be provided for his regiment : the colonell is to sit in counsell with the generall , and to advise according to his wisedome and experience about all states affaires : hee is to sit in the marshals court , and to give his voyce for the punishing of delinquents ; hee is to bee a man free from all vices ; hee is to bee religious , grave , wise , and truly valiant . chap. lxx . the office of a serjeant-major-generall of an army , and his duty both in garrison and field briefely declared . thee office of a serjeant-major-generall of the army : is a place of great honour and renowne , there being committed to his charge , the affaires of a whole army , for through his hands all the affaires , practises , and actions that betides an army daily runnes ; hee being the conduit-pipe to convey all orders and instructions from the generall , to all the subordinate officers , wherefore hee ought to bee a man of a ready wit and conception , of a sound judgement , of a strong memory , so that hee must conceive and retaine such things as are given him in charge , for 〈◊〉 mistake may prejudice the proceedings of a waighty consequence ; therefore his pen and paper-booke must be ready to take the true notes from his generall , that he may not erre in delivering of his orders to the majors of each regiment : hee is to be at his tent ready at a prefixt houre , both morning and evening , to deliver them such orders and instructions as are delivered unto him , that so speedily they may be conveyed to each officer in every particular regiment throughout all the whole army ; hee must be very vigilant and circumspect , to prie and dive into all passages that concernes the good or safety of the army : above all other officers , the major-generall ought to bee a good scholer , and well indoctrinated in the liberall arts ; hee is to bee a good linguist , hee is to bee well skilled in ordering and forming of battels , and in speedy reducing them from one forme into another , as occasion shall offer ; hee is to informe his generall that such things as hee sees needfull and of consequence , either for the safety or good of the army may bee put in execution , as the raising of skonces , redouts , &c. for the fortifying of passages , and securing of bridges , and guarding of shallow fordes , by which an enemy shall bee impeached from taking an advantage to indanger an army ; hee must take a serious view how every officer , both colonels and captaines performe their dutyes ; hee is at his convenient leisure to ride from guard to guard , being conducted with a sufficient guard of musquetiers , to see such orders put in execution as was given the captaines in charge , and that their guards bee not too slightly manned , and where neglect shall bee , hee is to punish the delinquents , and to see those defects supplyed ; he is to be in his generals presence as oft as his occasions will permit , but especially morne , noone , and night , either to informe the generall of such newes , and passages as are of consequence , or to receive instructions from him , which he is suddently to put in execution : hee is by the generalls command to call his officers before him to sit in councell upon such things as may seeme difficult , so that the best advice may be taken . every officer is to order and demeane his troopes according as hee shall please to give them directions ; he is of himselfe warrant sufficient to order and dispose all commanders , and they are to obey him and execute what he is pleased to give them in charge . every officer ought to relate unto him what wants and defects are to their knowledge in the army , whether armes , amunition , victuals , or the like , that there may bee present order taken by the generall , to supply all wants and defects ; all the serjeant-majors of every regiment in the army are to attend the major-generall morning and night , to receive the word and orders , which they must take from his secretly , and as secretly impart it to the inferiour officers : his command extends over all regiments whatsoever , and in time of battell he may draw forth what divisions he pleaseth , he may command what officer he pleaseth to lead them to such services , as hee shall in his wisedome thinke convenient , either to assist the wings that are in fight , or to strengthen some one part of the army that is most assaulted , so that hee is to bee indued with all the properties that the generall should be accomplisht with ; hee is also in time of battell to bee neere the generall to advise in cases of extremity , what is best and safest to be done : also to goe from regiment to regiment , to give commanders such orders as are delivered to him : hee is of power sufficient to command the captaine of the watch , and if hee perceive any disorders or neglects in his duties , hee may punish him : the serjeant major ought to premeditate how to bring his men into order the easiest and most readiest way in time of battell , causing every major of a regiment to draw up their divisions into even squares , or otherwise as hee shall please to thinke fittest ; hee is to give order to the quarter-masters how they shall pitch their standerds that accordingly the troopes may range themselves , what distances betwixt the forlorne hopes , and the maine battell , and betwixt the maine battell , and the battell of succour , &c. what distance betwixt the horse and the flankes of the foot , and where the ordnance are to be plac't most convenientest , &c. hee is to draw out no wings of shot to give fire upon the enemy , but must have a competency of pikes to guard them from the fury of the horse ; hee is lisiewise in time of battell to appoynt every colonell his place , and every other chiefe officer their places , some in the front of the mayne battell , others to command the forlorne ●opes , some in the battell of succour , others in the reare . likewise in marches , in regard divers officers i● high authority are not to march with their private companies , but are employed 〈◊〉 generall upon other weighty affaires ; the major may command such officers as hee shall thinke fitting to leade such troopes as hee shall command them ; and such officers as he placeth , are to command with as much authority , and the souldiers bound to obey them with as much diligence and dutifulnesse , as if they were their owne officers ; also he may command any colonel or major of a regiment to send out what officer of his regiment hee pleaseth , and what forces hee shall thinke fitting either upon convoyes , or to the guarding of passages or the like . and to conclude , hee is to bee the eyes , eares , mouth , hands , and feet of the generall . chap. lxxi . the office of the lord marshall in the warres , and of his high jurisdiction and command in the army . the lord marshall of an army above all other officers ought to bee a most approved scholler , in regard his office is to sit many times in the seate of iudicature , he is also to be a most approved souldier ; for howsoever in the greatnesse of other great places in the warres there may be a dispensation of skill , yet in this office it may not be so ; for above all others it hath the greatest place of action and direction in all the army , and hee commands in a higher straine then any the fore mentioned officers in the army , hee having them all at his command ; yet all of them cannot assist him to dispense or lessen the least duty belonging to his place or person ; for though the generall or lieuetenant generall preceds him in place , yet they ought not in knowledge and experience , in regard both themselves and the whole army both horse and foot are bound to move at his directions ; and though hee may not command his generall , yet he may in a directory way advise , and say your excellency ought to stand here in this place , or order your armies according to such rules ; wherefore , he must be a man of great performance , accomplisht with wisedome , temperance , valour ; and vertue ; it will bee hard for a prince to finde a man fit and sutable for this imployment . next the generall , the lord marshall is sayd to have the supreame command of the whole army ; wherefore usually his trumpet is first in the morning to discharge the watch , and his troope ought first of all to be mounted ; for it is an honour due to his place , and allowed him by the army , by reason of the infinite paines which hee taketh in his owne particular person ; neither ought his troope to watch or ward , but are freed of that duty , by reason of their more serious occasions ; after he and his troope are mounted , he ma●cheth to the out-m●st borders of the campe , and 〈…〉 his stand untill the whole army are r●●ged , neither ●●its his station untill the last man be marcht away : hee is himselfe in all things both assistant and directive to the generall of the horse , and the serjeant major generall ; all the day long hee is tyed to no battalion , but at his pleasure may dispose of his owne person , sometimes accompanying the generall , and sometimes conducting his owne troopes ; and indeed alwaies where the greatest occasion of necessity is , and where the enemy is most likelyest to assayle , there hee should be to make resistance : also as his person , so is his troope not tyed to any especiall or certaine place , but may vary and alter , as danger shall offer it selfe for them to oppose , still supplying whatsoever is weakest , and ever ready to entertaine the enemy upon all his approaches , upon all retreats ; the reare is his place which he is to bring up with safety , and to defend it with courage : when the army is to bee incamped , he stayeth untill every man be dismounted and the whole army lodged ; then he with his troope dismounteth ; he taketh order for the scouts , he adviseth with the serjeant major for the guards , vieweth the strength of the campe , &c. when the army is to be incamped in any new place , the serjeant major generall , the quarter master generall , the serjeant major of regiments , the scout-master , and all inferiour quarter masters , with a sufficient guard of the best horsemen , are to attend the lord high marshall ; and he out of his owne power , with the discreet advise of the serjeant major generall , and the scoute master generall , shall assigne the campe where the fittingest place is to pitch it in , the manner , forme , and proportion it shall carry , the bounds it shall containe , and the distinction of every place and commodity , advantage , strength , or discommodity , which it shall please him to annex unto the same , and according to his pleasure and demonstration , so shall the quarter master generall see it divided , leaving the intrenchments to the trench-master ; and the other inferiour divisions to the serjeant major generall , the serjeant major of regiments , and their quarter masters . it is in the power of his office also ( after the army is incamped , having taken a survey of all the convenientest places for the guards ) to appoint all the regiments , in what manner they shall place their corps-du-guards , the scouts , and sentinell● , so as no man may passe either in or out , but to be continuall upon their discovery ; and likewise to provide for the raysing of all out-workes , as skonses , and redouts upon all passages and fordes , for the safety of the whole army . and as in the constant settling of the army , so in the marching and removing thereof ; the lord marshall is to have a speciall regard to his strength and ability to encounter with the enemy , and whether it be meet to enter into the face of battell or no , or whether the time bee mature and ripe for matters of execution ; or else to deferre and prevent all occasions of encounters , in which if he find himselfe the weaker , hee shall order his march through woody places , and places inaccessible ; thereby to adde a naturall strength to his army , and to hinder the execution of the enemies horse ; he is to have the lighter sort of horsemen to march so neere unto the enemy , that continually upon every alteration hee may have sudden intelligence of the enemies designes : but if the necessity of the march bee through the champion and plaines , where the nature of the ground affordeth no assistance ; then the lord marshall must so order his horse troopes in such sort , to make them shew great and innumerable , for to a maze and distract the enemy in his approaches . hee is to have a most speciall regard in removing his campe , whether it bee by night or by day ; it is very bold and audacious to remove a campe in the day if the enemy bee neere hand , but to remove in the night , it argues a weakenesse and di●ability in the army , for it is little better then a flight : wherefore there must be great licie used with silence and diligence , and the march and good array to bee held with all care and industry ; and therefore it requireth all the skill and art of the marshall , and all the care and obedience that can bee required in a souldier , for it is a rul● in martiall discipline , that no remove by night can be absolutely secure . it is the office of the lord marshall , to give order to the master of the ordnance , both for his march and his passage ; both where , when , and which way all his provision shall goe for the best advantage and safety : and at the planting o● artillery or making of batteries , the marshall is to oversee the proceedings , and to give directions upon any doubt or misse-adventure ; hee is to give order unto the victuall master , wagon-master , and all officers of their natures , both for their allodgements , stores , and all other necessary accommodations , and against all violence and injuries which shall be offered them , he is to see carefull and speedy reformation . the lord high-marshall , is the supreame and onely powerfull iudge , in all causes of life and death , in criminall offences and controversies in the army , of all manner of natures , and provideth for the due execution of all the lawes , articles , and institutions , which shall be appointed by the generall to be observed , and to see due punishment executed for any breach of the same : wherefore he ought to be exceedingly well read , and learned in all marshall lawes , the custome of countries , the degrees of honour , and the distribution of blouds , places , and imployments ; and that he may the better proceed in these affaires , he is to be assisted with divers learned and experienced officers under him , as the iudge-marshall , and provost-marshall , an auditor , and two clerkes , the under-provost , &c. he is to have twenty or thirty gentlemen for a continuall guard about him ; the iudge-marshall is to assist him in all difficult and curious interpretations of the law , and in deciding such controversies , as shall happen in the taking of prisoners , &c. he is to direct the scout-master in all his proceedings , and to receive from him all the intelligence and observations which he hath found out in his discoveries , and to deliver unto him any other instructions , which had formerly beene neglected : what the lord marshall is to doe about the restoring of gentlemens honours which have beene maliciously disgrac'd , and his deciding of all quarrels , i have formerly intreated of , in the discourse of unjust valour ; but this will suffice to let the ingenuous souldier see a glimpse of this noble office. chap. lxxii . of the councell of warre and of their office and duties in the time of warre , the army being in campe or otherwise . there is nothing in this sublunary world , which requires more mature consultations , deliberations , and grave advise then the subject of warre ; in regard the welfare of citties , countries , and kingdomes , wholy depends upon it : wherefore , above all other marshall men , those of the counsell of warre , are to bee best experienced , and of most approved judgements : and that generall is happy that hath for his counsellours , grave , wise , skilfull , experienced , vertuous , and painfull men , for his assistance , to expostulate all matters , and occurrences , which shall appertaine to the good and safety of the army ; and to the weakning and ruining of the enemy . when a generall is engaged in these great businesses of the warres , and hath for the government and ruling of his army and the affaires thereunto belonging , appointed his superiour officers ; hee is then out of the whole and entire number to select an especiall company of the most religious , valiant , expert wise men , whose yeeres , and judgements , are mature , to bee of his counsell ; as namely all colonells , and their equalls : yet it is to bee understood ; that from hence , hath growne a distinguishment of counsels , and according to the variation of marshall courts , so they have altered both in emminency and application , some being generall , as in the tryall and judging of criminall offenders ; and to this all captaines enrowled within the generalls list , may freely and by their owne right be admitted ; others are more especiall , as where the debatement of provisions , the raysing of taxes , and the ordering of the publike affaires of the campe are handled ; and to this all colonells and officers within their rancke are admitted ; and doe consult and conclude with the generall , for all the welfares and benefits which doe appertaine unto the army ; but the last councell of all is a great deale more private , and the matters which are handled therein are of that consequence , for secre●ie and ●ffect ; that it were unfit and not allowable so many should bee drawne thereunto ; ●or that all sorts of men should partake of every stat● negotiation ; or those powerfull stratagems which indeed should lodge in the strongest and safest bosomes ; for notwithstanding men of great experience and valour , or men of high birth and rancke may in a short space of time , ascend to command a colonells place in the field ; yet may learning , iudgement , secre●ie , and divers other vertues ( without which a priuy councellour cannot subsist ) be so farre removed and distant from his nature ; that it were a great solicisme in state to admit such trust to his bosome : so on the other side men of meaner and lower advancement ; who are not capable of those high places in the army ; may yet bee much apter to advise , and have a better and stronger fort wherein to keepe secrets from perishing , then those of a higher calling ; and therefore ( not without good warrant ) are many times chosen and admitted to this noble place of trust and preferment ; alexander tooke ●armenio , clytus and all the ouldest of his father philips commanders ; to advise , counsell , and strengthen him in all his warlike affaires : caesar likewise made choyse of cato that by his advice he might ruine pompey ; thus antony prevayled during the life of publicalo ; and augustus held himselfe fortunate in the councels of 〈◊〉 . likewise wee have moderne instances how philip of spaine gave to don iohn duke of austria ; ( that brave souldier ) don lewis de zuniga to counsell him in all marshall occasions : and our edward the third did the like for the blacke prince , hee made choyse for his councellors the earle of warwicke , suffolke , salisbury , and oxford ; by the strength of whose advice in the battell of poicteirs ; hee not onely overthrew all the flowers of france ; but also tooke iohn their king and philip his sonne prisoners . those generalls that have runne in precipitate courses rejecting both councellours and councells , have soone ruined themselves and their armyes ; as crassus , when he brought himselfe and eleven legions to bee rowted and massacred in parthia ; and tyberius gracchus when he had his braines dasht out in the capitoll : after the same manner did caius gracchus , who was made a bloudy sacrifice on the top of mount aventine , for the much advised tempting of his fortunes . by this we may see , there is nothing more necessary , than a sufficient councell of warre , for their counsell and advice is more prevailent in marshall-discipline , than eyther armour or weapons , and more brave exployts have beene atchieved by wisedome and policy , than ever could be brought under by violence and daring . to speake generally of this especiall and private councell of warre , and who are to be supposed meetest to succeed and rise unto the same , they are these especiall officers following , who by vertue of their first place , are ever capable of the second ; because none of lesse merit and desert , may or ought to assume unto the sway or command of this prime dignity . of these privie councellors , the lieutenant-generall of the horse hath the first place , the lord marshall hath the second , the master of the ordnance hath the third , the treasurer of the warre the fourth , and the eldest co●●●ell in the field the fifth : but if the number of councellors arise to any great extent , then they are chosen out of other great personages of eminency and worth , at the discretion of the generall ; these private councell of warre , are to negotiate and deale in matters that are profound , dangerous , and difficult , and are to argue and dispute them , with sound understandings , and deepe judgements ; and this shall suffice to conclude this discourse . as for other officers belonging to the army , i omit to discourse of their offices , in regard they have no charge of souldiers under them ; as the treasurer , the foure corporals of the field , the quarter-masters , the muster-masters , scout-master , provost-marshall , victuall-master , forrage-master , wagon-master , trench-master , captaine of the pioners , &c. happily , i shall take occasion to discourse afterwards of some of these offices , in the treatise of incamping the army , and in the discourse of framing of battels , where i shall more fitly give a touch of them : we are in the next place to discourse of the exercising of the foot and horse . the art of drilling , or exercising a foote company . sect . xi . chap. lxxiii . the manner how every officer should drill , and exercise their companyes of foote in all their postures , and motions with the severall wayes of giving fire . although it bee a thing familiar to divers men to drill , and exercise a foote company , and that some men have formerly to good purpose , intreated of the postures both of pike and musquet ; yet in regard my intent is to write a generall discourse of every part of the body of warre , i thinke it convenient in as short and briefe tearmes as the subject will require , to demonstrate the parts requisite to bee understood in the exercising of companies ; shewing the grounds and reasons of every posture and motion that is materiall , either to offend or defend , the reasons why they were invented , and what advantage is in them ; for although a souldier should know how to order , and demeane himselfe exquisitly in this art of drilling , yet if he doth not conceive the reasons to what purpose they were invented , and the severall advantages they afford against the enemy , in time of necessity hee will be to seeke , whereby the whole grounds of souldiarisme may miscarry , and the ends they were invented for , lose their effect ; and let no man expect that i should invent any new anticke postures , there being more already in use then are profitable ; but i could wish a souldier should only make use of such circumstances as are really most fit , and apt for imployment of wa●res , and of quickest dispatch in execution . farre be it from me to discommend a comely manlike gesture and a correspondency in the agitation of the limmes , when a souldier handles his armes ; yet upon the point of service all superfluous postures are lopt off , and reduced only to these three actions , making ready , presenting , and giving fire . for should a commander nominate all the postures in the time of service , hee would have no breath to oppose his enemy , neither could use any circumspection how to incounter with him ; wherefore i would rather wish all commanders to affect the plaine and readiest way in exercising , which may best sute with the actions and capacities of plaine souldiers , which will prove more substantiall and essentiall ; and those thus educated , are men likeliest to sustaine the brunt of an enemies fury , and stand to their tackling , when others with their circumstantiall complements and superfluous slender devices , may take a retraite for a charge , wherefore in the first place let us observe that in composing of multitudes into an orderly way of exercising , they must bee reduced into rankes and files , a file is a certaine number of souldiers standing in a direct lyne one behinde another face to backe , which number must not exceed ten in depth . a ranke is a number of souldiers standing in an eeven lyne side-wayes , shoulder to shoulder , and this is not limited to any certaine proportion of number , but encreaseth or decreaseth accidentally , according to the greatnesse or smallnesse of the number . a company being thus ordered into ranke and file , the next thing considerable , is the distance , or orderly space betweene file and file , ranke and ranke . there are foure orders or distances , observable betweene file and file , or ranke and ranke , being these under mamed ; close order order open order double distance which is both in ranke and file one foote and a halfe . three foote . sixe foote . twelve foote . there is further to bee considered in distance , three especiall circumstance , viz. distance for march. for motion . for skirmish , the distance for march is to be three foote betweene file and file : and sixe foote betweene ranke and ranke . the distance for skirmish and for wheeling , is three foote in ranke and file ; onely in receiving a charge from the horse , it is convenient the files of pike-men should be at close order . chap. lxxiv . how a captaine shall cause his officers to order and ranke his companie sit to march into the field . the drums having called the souldiers together to their colours , the ensigne standing forth with them ; then the lievtenant and serjeants shall command the pikes and musquettiers to ranke them selves . . or . abreast as the captaine shall be pleased to command ; observing the files to be at order , and the rankes at open order . if the commander will observe the french manner of marching , then you must divide the musquets ; the first division is to march in the van next after the captaine , the pikes are to make the battell , and to march after the ensigne in two divisions , the second division being led by the eldest serjeant ; the musquetiers of the left flanke ( called the second division of musquets ) makes the reare-gaurd , which is to bee led commonly by the second serjant ; the drumme is to bee placed in the third ranke of musquetieres ; the second drumme betweene the third and fourth ranke of the second division of pikes ; the third serjeant is to march in the left flanke of the musquets in the reare ; the fourth serjeant is to be on the right flanke of the musquetiers , and the lieutenant in the reare , as by the sequent figure you may perceive two hundred men in order to march into the field , the captaine leading his companie with a souldier-like gesture , the rest of the officers following in their due places in a faire equipage : and being arrived at the place of exercise , you are to draw your companie into battalia after this manner : first you are to command your front division to stand , then the ensigne is to draw up his division of pikes upon the left flanke of the first division of musqueteires , with his colours flying , and the pikes to continue shouldered so long as the drum beates a march ; but if it beates a troope , then they are to advance and close their rankes forward to their order , and then the ensigne is to troope them up with his colours firled : the eldest serjeant is to leade up the second division of pikes . the second serjeant is to lead up the second or reare divisions o● musquetiers ; each division still marching up to the left of that division next before it ; the manner you may plainly see in the figure upon the right side of this page ; where the first division is marked in the reare with the figure . the first division of pikes with the figure . the second division of pikes with the figure . the second division of musquettiers hath in the reare the figure . in the next page you shall finde a figure in forme of a square , as they stand in a battalia . front. c s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s d. . s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s e p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p s. . p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p d p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s l reare . c s . sssss sssss sssss d sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss e ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp s ppppp ppppp ppppp d ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp ppppp s . sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss sssss . e c s. . sssss d pppppppppp d sssss s. .   sssss   pppppppppp   sssss     sssss   pppppppppp   sssss     sssss   pppppppppp   sssss     sssss   pppppppppp   sssss     sssss   pppppppppp   sssss     sssss   pppppppppp   sssss     sssss   pppppppppp   sssss     sssss   pppppppppp   sssss   s. . sssss   pppppppppp   sssss s. . in this precedent figure , you see the divisions of the company drawne up into an even body or battalia , all the fell-leaders standing even in front together making one ranke . chap. lxxv . how the officers are to draw both pikes and musquets ( one file sequenting another ) into a ring for the better and speedier exercising them in their postures . the company standing in an even body as the former figure shewes , before the captaine shall exercise them in grosse as they now stand ; the easiest , readiest , and most convenient way , is to see every man particularly doe his postures both of pike and musquet ; wherefore first draw out the body of pikes from the shot , then command the right wing of shot to face to the left hand , and the left wing of shot to face to the right hand ; then marching forwards , joyn their files together , so facing as they were makes them stand in an even body : that officer which intends to exercise the pikes , is to draw them into one side of the field , and some other officer is to take the musquets and draw them another way a convenient distance apart , so that one division may not interrupt the other ; then either officers drawing out their files one following another , leading them round into a ring , the officers standing in the middest , every souldier facing towards him so that hee may see all their actions ; and likewise they may heare his words of command , and observe how hee handles his armes , that they may imitate him , and where he sees any one aukeward and ignorant , hee is speedily to step to him and to shew him how to demeane himselfe , the words of command and the postures followe in the next chapter . chap. lxxvi . how an officer is to demeane himselfe , in the exercising of the musquetieres , and how every souldier is to observe and imitate him punctually , from posture , to posture . the officer having disposed his men as before is shewed , himselfe standing in the middest of them , taking a musquet in his hand , and bandelieres about him , he shall command silence , and being presupposed they stand with their bandiliers on , their match betweene their fingers , their musquets shouldred , and their rests in their hands ; the officer commands them to rest your musquet . this pocture is performed , the musquet being shouldred ; first by slipping it , then bringing about the right hand , and grasping the musquet at the breech , and at the same instant drawing in your right heele to your left ankle , with a small jutte of the shoulder , you raise the peece , and poise it in the right hand being stretcht out , with the musquet-rest in the left hand likewise stretch'd out ; then bringing about your left hand and foot , you meet the musquet with your rest , placing it upon the ground aslant from you , your thumbe pressing the side of the barrell and the forke of the rest together , your right legge being brought a little forwards , standing with a full body towards the mouth of the peece , the but end close to your side above your huckle bone . poise your musquets . this posture is performed , by bringing up the right leg to the ankle of the left , the peece being stayed upon the rest by the pinching of the thumbe , the right hand at the same motion graspes the peece at the breech , the middle joynt of the fore-finger plac'd under the pan , the upper joynt next the hand just with the breech-pin , the thumbe upon the inside of the stocke , a little pressing downe the right hand , and raising the left with the rest , you receive it and hold it at armes end , with the mouth plum upwards , the rest in the left hand , with the arme out-stretch'd , the right foot being removed side-wayes , at the same instant with the right hand , the body will stand full and comely . shoulder your musquet . the musquet being poised , you must bring about your right hand , drawing up the heele of your right foot , to your left ankle ; and as your musquet is ready to touch your left shoulder , you must at the same instant , bring about your left hand over the but end of the peece , with the rest in it , the ground end of your rest pointing towards your right thigh , joyning the sear● of the peece close to your shoulder ; note , when you intend to poise it as in the former posture , you must turne the point of your rest inwards towarde your left thigh , and withall let the peece slip a little , the breech will lye fit for the right hand to receive it . take your rest in your right hand fit for march . there needs no great commenting upon this posture , onely when the musquet is shouldred , you are take the rest into your right hand , for to be a stay unto you in your march . take your match betweene the fingers of your right hand . this posture is performed by bringing about your right hand , and betweene the fore-finger and thumbe thereof , take the match within an inch of the cole , from betweene the little and third finger of the left hand , then holding your right hand out from your body . . put your rest string about your left wrist , and carry your rest in your left hand . there needs no great circumstance about this posture , onely you having the rest in your right hand upon a march , you now put on the string upon the left hand , holding the rest in it over the but end of the musquet , by which you are in a readinesse to make present use of it . returne your match betweene the fingers of the left hand . this posture is performed , having the match betweene the finger and the thumbe of the right hand ; you are to bring your arme about towards the left hand , there placing the cole end of the match betweene the middle and third finger thereof , the light end to the backe of the hand-ward , then taking the other end of the match , and place it in like manner betweene the third and little finger , by this meanes it is not troublesome , but readie to bee used upon all occasions . vnshoulder your musquet . this pcture is performed , by turning the point of your rest outwards towards your left knee , and withall letting the musquet slip a little downe your breast , the breech of the peece will lye faire for the right hand to take it with a graspe , just under the pan , with the middle joynt of the fore-finger ; the uppermost joynt next the hand against the breech-pin , and the thumbe upon the stocke on the inner side , and with a small jutte ( the left hand with the rest being taken off from the stocke ) the right hand will poize it up , standing with a full body , the mouth of the peece right up , and armes out-strecht , as more plainly in the first posture is discourc'd of , not forgetting to let the foot act with the hand . joyne your rest to the outside of your musquet . the musquet being poised , you are to step forward with your left leg , and withall bringing your left hand with your thumbe prest against the inner side of the forke of your rest , then drawing in your right elbow , you gently let the musquet and the rest meet , the upper side of the forke plac'd against the out-side of the stocke , the thumbe pressing the lower ; and the end of the rest lockt in the in●ide of the but end of the peece , it rests in an equall ballance in the left hand . . open. . cleere . prime . shut your pan. the musquet and rest being joyned together , with your two fore-fingers thrust betweene the barrell and the tippe of the pan , thrusting them side-wayes makes it open with ease , then with the boale of your thumbe prest downe into the pan and wrung about cleeres it ; then take your primer in your right hand , and knocking it gently against the side of the pan , untill the concavity of it bee filled , then with your fingers shut ti , and a little turning the butte end of your musquet from you give te a jogge or two . . cast off your loose cornes . the musquet being primed , and the pan shut , you are to turne the butte end from your right side a little distance , as the peece rests upon the rest , then with a shogge or two shake off the superfluous cornes of powder , to prevent taking of fire when you try your match . . blow off your loose cornes . . and cast about your musquet to your left side . this posture of blowing off the loose cornes is to be performed , either the musquet being rested ( as i have said before ) or when the musquet and the rest are joyned together ; for the first you are onely to stoope with your head , and with a puffe or two blow them off , otherwise you are to bring the musquet towards your head , tilluing the pan somewhat from you , and with a sudden strong blast beate them off , so that when the match is tryed , it may not indanger the firing . now for the casting about your musquet after the loose cornes be blowne off , it is but slipping backe your left legge , and you holding your musquet and rest together in your left hand ; with your right hand you convey the butt end of the peece on to the left side , and in the motion turne the stocke upwards , and letting your rest slip , you may easily charge . . trayle your rest. . ballance your musquet in your left hand . this posture is performed after the musquet is brought about to the left side , stepping forward with your right foot , and at the same instant you bring about your musquet ; and withall your right hand graspes the barrell of the peece some foote from the mouth , untill the rest bee slipt and trayled , and the peece ballanc'd in the left hand fit for to charge . . charge . with powder , bullet . this posture is performed after the musquet is ballanc'd in your left hand , by taking one of the charges of your bandelieres in your right hand , and pulling the lidde of it off with your teeth ; then thrusting the mouth of the charge into the bore of the peece , giving it a shogge or two , that the powder may empty into it ; then giving the peece another jogge with the butt end of it against the ground , to make the powder sinke to the bottome of the barrell ; then having your bullet ready in your mouth , and taking it in your right hand betweene your forefinger and thumbe , setting your right legge forwards towards the mouth of the peece , as you bring your hand to the same , letting the bullet drop in with a jogge to sinke it to the powder ; or by ramming it downe with the gunne-sticke . . draw forth . shorten your scowring-stick . this posture is performed by drawing forth the scowring-sticke with the right hand , at three even pulls , the lower side of your hand towards the upper end of the musquet ; the scowring-sticke being thus produc'd , you are to shorten it against your breast , your hand slipping downe almost to the lower end of it , so that with ease it may bee put into the mouth , then thrusting it downe part of the way , at the second motion , and ramming downe the powder at the third . . put your scowring-stick into your musquet . this posture is performed ( as before is said ) after the scowring-sticke is produc'd and shortned , the right hand holding it close by the lower end , the right foote being set out a pretty step towards the mouth of the peece , is with ease put in , and rammed downe . . ramme home your charge . this is performed after the scowring-sticke is entred the bore of the barrell about a handfull , then at two motions more you thrust it downe to the powder or bullet , giving a good jobbe or two downe , that the bullet may bee home to the powder . . withdraw . shorten . returne your scowring sticke . this posture is performed by taking the scowring-stick in your right hand , the upper-side of your hand towards the mouth of the peece , so that all your fingers takes the stick flat about the middle , the joynts upon the outside of it , and the thumbe upon the inside , then making three even distinct pulls in withdrawing it , turning your hand , so as the small end of the sticke is towards your breast , then shortening it against the same , you have it fit to returne into the stocke , which is to bee done likewise at three even portions . . bring forward your musquet and rest. this posture is performed after the scowring-stick is returned by drawing backe your right foote , and bringing your musquet with your left hand before you , so as the barrell of the peece may be towards your breast ; the rest is to trayle after by the string that hangs upon your wrist . . poyze your musquet , and recover your rest. this posture is performed , your right heele being drawne in towards the small of your left foot ; at the same instant your right hand is to take the peece below under at the great screw ; then poyze it upwards , setting your right foot out againe , then bringing your rest forwards with your left hand , so farre as the string will permit , you shall easily receive it , and so with a full body stand poysed . . ioyne your rest to the outside of your musquet . the posture is performed after the musquet is poyzed , by drawing in your left heele towards the small of your right foot , your left hand holding the rest close by the forke ; and your thumbe pressing the end of the forke close , you bring it to the musquet ; then joyning the rest to the out-side of the musquet , and locking them fixe together by pressing the lower side of the forke with your thumbe , the peece lyes firme in your left hand in one even ballance , your right hand being at freedome , and your left legge set out againe . draw forth your match . this posture is performed by drawing in the right heele to the small of the left foot , at the same instant bringing your right hand with a kinde of circumference towards your left ; you are to take the match betwixt the thumbe and second finger , then holding it out towards your right side , at the same instant you are to set out your right legge againe , your musquet being held in a due height . blow your cole . having taken the match from between the little finger and the third finger of the left hand , betwixt the thumbe and second finger of the right hand within an inch of the coale of it ; then bringing it towards your mouth , turning your head towards your right side stooping very little , you gently blow it , your right legge being let out forwards . cock fit your match . having blowne your match as aforesayd , you are to bring it with a little circumference to the cocke , and are to fit it into the same with your thumbe and finger , not screwing it in , having before directed the widenesse of the cocke to the thicknesse of the match ; your left legge being set forwards with the knee somewhat bending out . guard your pan. having tryed and governed the match with your thumbe and second finger , to the end you may set it higher , lower , shorter , or longer ; and your left heele being drawn towards the small of your right foot , you are gently to lay the two fore fingers of the right hand full upon the pan to defend the powder from the sparkles of the match . blow the ashes from your cole . having guarded your pan as aforesayd , and your left heele being drawne towards the small of your right foote , you are gently to raise the peece up towards your mouth , and without stooping , blow off the ashes from your cole . open your pan. having blown off the ashes from the cole ( standing in the same posture as aforesayd ) you are at the same instant , handsomely with your middle finger to shove aside the pan lid ; and removing your left legge forwards with the knee bending out . present upon your rest. your left leg being set out as aforesayd , and your right hand having graspt the musquet with your thumbe in the small of the stocke , and your middle finger plac't against the tricker ; then having plac'd the musquet in the rest , the mouth of it being kept at a reasonable height , and the lower end of your rest being set forwards , the butt end of your peece will be plac'd full upon your right breast ; then setting your right legge somewhat out side-wayes , standing with a full body towards the mouth of your peeece , you shall bee ready to give fire . give fire breast high . having as before is shewed , presented well ( viz ) holding the musquet and the rest in the left hand , bearing the right arme or elbowe somewhat up , and turning a little the body to the left side , the left knee bowed , and the right legge straight , and not laying your cheeke to the stocke before you shall set the musquet to your breast ; then taking your ayme breast high , without starting or winking , you are gently to pull downe the tricker , and so give fire with a full body upon the enemy . dismounte your musquet , joyning your rest to the outside of your musquet . you having discharged , must pull in your right legge a little ; then thrusting your musquet a little forwards , you shall joyne your rest to the outside of your musquet , holding it in an even ballance in your left hand , not forgetting to hold the mouth up ; ( especially if it hath not gone off ) for feare of hurting any man. vncocke and returne your match . your right heele being drawne towards the small of your left foote ; you are to bring about your right hand in a comely manner , and with your thumbe and second finger pull the match out of the cocke , and returne it betweene the two last fingers of the left hand . cleere shut your pan. you standing in the same posture as before ; after you have returned your match , you are with the thumbe of your right hand to run the pan and cleare it , that no sparkles may remaine : then with your fore-finger you are to thrust the cover of the pan close : after you have blowne off the sparkles . poize shoulder your musquet . after you have cleared and shut your pan , you must graspe your musquet with your right hand close by the britch-pin , as in the second posture is shewed : then raising the musquet with your left hand , you poize it up , holding the mouth of it right upwards , your right arme being stretched out , your rest remaining in your left hand likewise extended : then drawing your right heele to the small of your left foote , at the very instant your right hand brings the musquet to your left shoulder ; your left hand with the rest in it being ready ( the same moment ) to embrace it at the butt end , the seare being thrust close to your shoulder ; then removing your right legge againe to his former station , you stand upright with a full body . take the match betweene the fingers of the right hand . to performe this , view the posture before described at the figure . onely the match is to bee placed betweene your fingers of your right hand ; as before it was in the left : take your rest into your right hand , clearing your string from your wrist . this is to be performed first by drawing in your right heele to the small of your left foote , and withall bringing your right hand to your left , you receive the rest , clearing your left wrist from the string . returne your rest into your left hand , the string loose . this is performed as the former posture is , at the figure in reverse . return your match into your left hand . this is performed as the former posture is at the figure . vnshoulder your musquet and poize . this is performed , as the former posture is ; at the figure . rest your musquet . this is likewise performed , as is shewed in the former posture , at the figure . set the but end of your musquet upon the ground . you are to dismount your musquet off the rest , then placing the but end of it upon the ground , close by the outside of your right foot , with the stocke towards you , your right hand holding it somewhat more than halfe way towards the mouth ; you stand with a full body boult upright , with the musquet in the same manner by your right side . lay down your musquet & rest. match this posture is performed , by stepping forwards with your right foot ( your selfe and peece , standing as in the precedent posture ) then declining with your body , you lay it downe gently with the mouth in a right line from you , and and the locke upwards ; after the same manner also your rest and match is to be disposed of . take off lay down your bandeliers . after your hands are free from your musquet , match , and rest , you may with your left hand take off your hat , which may hinder you , and with your right hand neatly convey them over your head , and so ( as before ) lay them downe along by the side of your musquet , but so as the match may not fire them . march from your armes . this is principally used to make the souldiers apt and ready to finde their owne places againe , and to be quicke in re-arming themselves upon a suddaine allarme . the sentinell posture is no otherwise , then having your musquet rested , primed , and charged with powder and bullet , for your better ease and readinesse to give fire upon the enemy , to make an allarme , you , stand at that posture with the but end of your musquet at your right huckle bone , with a light match cockt , the mouth of the peece somewhat mounting , and your hand grasping the stocke , with your finger upon the seare : and this shall suffice for the postures of the musquet , onely you are to draw your files into an even body againe , fit to joyne with the body of pikes . chap. lxxvii . how a● officer is to 〈◊〉 himselfe , in the 〈◊〉 of the pikes , and 〈…〉 souldier ●s to imitate him punctually from posture to posture . the officer having disposed his pi●●emen as before is shewed , and standing in the midst of the ring with a pike in his hand , after he hath ●●●●●●ded silence , and being presupposed that the souldiers stand with their pikes advanc'd ; the officer commands them to order your pikes . this posture is performed ( the pike being advanc'd ) by drawing in your left heele towards the small of your right foot , and at the same instant raising your left hand as farre as you can indifferently stretch it , you graspe the pike in it , towards the top of your head , then loosening your right hand which holds the but end of the pike , and withall sinking your left hand with the pike in it as low as your skirts , you againe raise up your right hand , and guiding the pike with your left , you place the but end of it by the out-side of your right foot , your right hand holding it even with your eye , and your thumbe right up , then removing your legge to his former station , your left arme being set a kimbo by your side , you shall stand with a full body in a comely posture . advance your pikes . the pike being ordered as in the former posture is shewed , without changing of your hold , you must with your right hand lift the pike a little from the ground , and taking it suddainly againe with the left hand towards the 〈◊〉 end , leaving so much length below , as you can afterwards reach well with the right hand , where it is stayed in the fist at the full length of the arme , hanging right downewards ; your fore-finger and thumbe close at the but end , resting it close to your thigh , and bearing against the shoulder close to your breast , causeth it to stand firme and upright , without wavering . shoulder your pike . this posture may be performed , eyther when the pike is advanc'd , or ordered ; ( if advanc'd ) then your left hand is to be brought about to your right side , and being stretcht upwards , you are to take hold of the pike towards the top of your head , then loosening your right hand which holds the but end , the left hand sinkes the pike downewards , sloping in a right line forwarns ; so that the right hand receiving the second hold as high as it can conveniently reach , and graspes the pike with the thumbe long-wayes upon the pike , and underneath it . then your left hand leaving its former hold , immediately graspes the pike just below your right hand , and so both hands being joyned together , they gently conveyes it unto the right shoulder , leaving the right fist close prest to the plate bone thereof ; with your right elbow close downe by your side , and your left elbow set a kimbo , you stand with an upright full body . note , that in acting this posture , your feet are not to bee removed eyther backwards or forwards , but occasionally side-wayes ; as the hands are imployed in the executing this posture : some never stirre any foot at all , i leave it as a thing indifferent . levell your pikes . this is performed the pike being shouldered , by bringing your left hand to the pike , and grasping it close under your right hand ( and withall at the same instant drawing in your left heele towards the 〈◊〉 of your right foot ) then with an even motion of both your hands , you are to raise the butte end of your pike , untill it lyes levell upon your shoulder ; then returning your hand and foot to their due places , you shall stand in a fai●● posture . this may bee performed without moving the foot , but then it hath not the like grace with it : slope your pikes . this posture is performed in the same kind the former was , only the hands presseth downe the butte end of the pike , within halfe a foote of the ground , which causeth it to lye right sloping . charge your pikes to the front. this posture may be performed ; either when the pike is advanced , or shouldered ; wherealso you must further observe , whether it be to be acted standing , or marching ; if so be your pike bee advanced , and you are to act this posture standing ; then you must only slip backe your right hand , and your right foote a good stride , placing your foote side-wayes from your body ; then with your left hand , you are to receive the pike about a yard from the butte end , holding your elbow , in an even distance from your body , with your hand close to your breast , so that the pike may have the more freedome to play forwards and backwards , just breast-high of a man , your left knee being bent for wards , and your body yeelding towards the point of the speare , so as you may not easily be thrust back by the enemy . if your pike be shouldered , then you must receive the pike in your left hand a pretty reach downewards , t●wards the butte end of the same ; at the same instant you are to raise the pike with your right hand from your shoulder , and with your left hand draw in the butt end of the same towards the outside of your right thigh , then slipping backe your right foote and hand , you receive the butt-end of it , you charge it as before is shewed . if this posture be to be performed marching ( your pike being shouldred ) then first steppe forwards with your right foote , and let your left hand receive the pike , and equall distance ( from your right hand ) towards the butt-end of the same , raising your pike forwards with your right hand from your shoulder , then at the same instant step forwards with your left foot , and receive the butt-end of the pike , with your right hand , just behind the side of your right thigh . but to performe this posture , ●rooping , and your pike advanced ; then you are only to step forwards with your left foot ; and with a little shogge of the shoulder , and drawing backe the butt-end of your pike in your right hand , will cause the pike to fall forwards , where your left hand is at the instant to be ready to receive it betweene the thumbe and the forefingers at a convenient distance . charge to the horse . note in charging to the horse it hath beene in former ages used , to place the but-end of your pike in the ground by the inside of your right foot , and so to draw your sword over your left arme ; and divers rankes of musquetiers plac'd to shoot over their heads behind them : no question it is a very good way for your bow-pikes ; but the former charging is most in use . charge to the reare . you may by the precedent posture conceive how to charge your pike , either to the right or left hand ; but for the charging to the reare , the pikes being either shouldered or advanced , is somewhat difficult . therefore you may please to observe , that if the pike bee advanced , you must with your left hand take it in his proper place up towards your head , then suddenly turning your body about towards your left hand , and being faced about , you are to thrust backe your right hand with the butt-end of the pike in it , and withall your right leg is to be set out with it ; this will bring you into the right posture . but if your pike be shouldered ( and you are to charge to the reare ) then you must take the pike in your left hand , a good distance from your right hand towards the butt-end , and at the same instant with your right hand , raise the pike from your shoulder as high above your head towards your left side as possibly you may , then standing firme with your left legge , you are to bring about your right side and legge towards the left hand about , and being halfe turned , you are to let loose your right hand , and with your left hand you are somewhat to advance the point of the pike forwards , so that the butt-end may bee drawne backe by your right side for your right hand to receive it , your right foot also at the very instant being stept backe , makes you stand fully charged . port your pikes . this posture is performed by holding the pike a halfe distance betweene advancing and charging ; and was only invented to case the hind most rankes from the intollerable labour of continuall charging , and to secure the pikes from the bullets , which would have more power to breake them if they hold them advanc'd . besides , it is the most aptest and comliest posture for a company to use in marching thorow a port or gate , and most readiest for to charge upon a sudden . checke your pike . this posture is to be performed at three motions ; first if your pike be shouldered , you are to raise it with your right hand from your shoulder , and with a ticke of your left hand , you are to convey the butt-end of it by your right side , then thrusting backe your right with the pike in it so farre as conveniently may be ; you are to take a fathom with your left hand as farre towards the speare end of the pike as possibly you may ; then conveying the pike in your left hand baackward as before , you are againe with your right hand to take another fathome , within a foot of your pikes end ; lastly , stepping forwards with your left foote , you bring your left hand withall , which receives the pike within a quarter of a foot of the speares end , provided alwayes that in all the motions of the hands , you suffer not the butt-end to touch the ground , untill you have checkt it with your left hand . pikes as you were . trayle your pikes . this posture is performed after you have used the circumstances in checking ( as in the precedent posture is shewed ) by bringing up your right foot even with your left , and by removing your right hand just before your left , close to the end of the pike , then you are to withdraw your left hand , and place it a-kimbo by your side , and your right hand will hold the end of the speare just above your right huckle-bone , with your body standing full forwards . pikes as you were . lay downe your pikes . this posture is to bee performed your pike being advanced , by stepping forwards with your right foot , then your right shoulder with a small bearing forwards , and with it a little jogge , causeth the pike to meet the left hand , which gently conveyes the speares end to the ground , then turning about your right arme in a kind of circle , will cause the backe of your hand to bee next the outside of your right thigh ; then leaning your body forwards , you convey the butt-end to the ground , close at the side of your right foot , so as the pike will lye in an even line from your foot forwards . recover your pikes and charge . this posture is performed your feet standing even together , only owing your body forwards , you cause the backe of your right hand to bee put downe close by the out-side of your right foot , then in the raising of the butt-end of your pike , you turne your hand with the pike in it , so that the inside of your hand will bee towards your right side ; then your left hand in the raising , taketh the pike at a convenient place or distance , and elevates it either to the posture of charging or ordering , as the officer shall please to command ; the word of command which the officer is to use for the reducing of these postures to their first station is ; pikes as you were . there are divers other postures which i doe here omit , referring you to the booke of militarie discipline , composed by that worthy gentleman , master william barrife , lieutenant to the artillery garden , who hath merited much honour in performing so noble a worke , in a most concise , and exquisite way , for the which our kingdome is much bound to him . chap. lxxviii . how the commanders shall draw their files , both of musquetiers and pikes , and joyne them in one body , fit to be exercised in grosse . you have seene every souldier performe his postures well , then you must draw out the file-leader of the right-hand-file , with his whole file , commanding every file-leader successively to draw up his file , either of other ; and being drawne into a body , command them to advance their pikes . in the meane time the lieutenant or some other officer is to divide the musquetiers ( they being drawne into a body , as aforesaid ) into two equall parts or divisions ; if there should bee an odde file in one of the divisions , it makes no matter . next you are to draw up your body of pikes betweene those divisions of musquets , fronting them with the musquets in an even line . or otherwise , you may draw your musquetiers upon the left wing of your body of pikes , their front and rankes being placed even one against another ; you are to command the pikes to open their rankes , and to order their pikes ; the musquetiers are to have all their musquets rested . then commanding the right-hand-division ( only ) to shoulder their musquets , and to face to the right-hand . then commanding them to march even , through the rankes of the pikes an ordinary distance beyond them , and causing them to face to the left-hand , will bring them into true order with the pikes . next you are to command the residue , or left wing of musquets to shoulder their peeces , and to face to the right hand , and advance them forwards to the side of the pikes ; observing their distance betwixt them ; then facing them to the left hand makes them stand even with the pikes . or if you please , you may make use of a third way , to draw your musquetiers upon either wing of your pikes . your pikes being first drawne into a square body , and your musquetiers in a like square body , being drawne up to the reare of the pikes . you may command them to double their front to the right and left hand by division , which is in this kind performed ; one halfe of the files of musqueteirs are to face to the right hand , and the other halfe to the left hand , either division marching after they are turned right forwards about sixe foot beyond the flankes of the pikes . then that division of musquetiers which marched towards the left-hand , you are to command them to face to the right hand . and the division of musquetiers that marched to the right hand , you are to command them to face to the left. then both the divisions of shotte at one instant in an even order , are to march up by the side of the pikes , untill they front even with them . these things being thus performed , you are to command your musquetiers to shoulder their musquets and slope them . you are likewise to command your pikemen to advance their pikes , and then begin to exercise them in their motions as followeth , having first ordered them in their distance for motion at six foote both in ranke and file . chap. lxxix . how a commander shall exercise his company in grosse , in their proper motions , after hee hath drawne the shotte upon either wing of the body of pikes : with the words of command for the performance thereof ; as also for the reducing them to their first station . having duly performed those circumstances specified in the former chapter , and now standing in the head of your company ; the lieutenant in the reare , and the serjeants upon either flanke , after you have commanded silence , and also to stand right in their rankes and files , you shall command them to . faces to the right hand . this motion is performed only by turning your body to the place where your right hand stood , not moving your right foot at all , but turning it a little upon the ball ; and to reduce them to their former station , you must use this word of command ( as you were ) so turning to the left hand againe , brings them to their former station . faces to the left hand . this motion is performed by turning your body to the place where your left hand stood , bringing your left legge somewhat about , and onely turning your right foot a little upon the ball : and to reduce them to their former station , you must use this word of command ( as you were ) so turning off to the right hand , brings them to their first station . faces to the right hand about . this motion is performed , by turning of your body round about by the right hand , so that your face stands where your back parts did , and to reduce them to their former station , you must use this word of command , ( to the left hand about as you were ) so turning backe againe by the left hand , brings them to their first station . faces to the left hand about . this motion is performed , by turning of your body round about by the left hand , so that your face stands where your backe parts did : and to reduce them to their former station , you must use this word of command ( to the right hand about as you were ) so turning backe againe by the right hand , brings them to their first station . these motions of facing being perfectly done , you shall command the whole company to front to the right hand , and cause them there to begin anew the aforesaid motions ; where ten to one , you shall finde them anew to seeke ; so fronting them from hand to hand round about , will make them perfect ; otherwise , they will be to seeke , as oft as you alter your front. chap. lxxx . of facing square , and how to performe it ; the usefulnesse of facings , and the severall parts thereof . facings are so usefull and necessary , that a commander may as well dispence with any one of the grounds of discipline as with them ; for upon all occasions in service they are usefull , and not onely sooner executed than any other of the motions , but may be needfull when wheelings and counter-marches cannot be used , as in a strait . there are no more than foure faces intire , besides angular ; as in the precedent chapter is shewed ; but as for your divisionall there be divers which i have omitted . intire facings , are so called , when the aspect of the whole companie is directed one way . divisionall facings are so called , when the aspect of the souldiers is at one and the same time directed divers wayes ; as to the front and reare , the right , the right and left , or to all foure at once , &c. angular facings are so called , when the aspect of the companie is directed to the right corner man , which is the right angle , or to the left corner man , which is the left angle , or to the foure corner men , which are termed the foure angles . these angular facings , amongst the grecians were of great use , for they made use of them by reducing out of the square , a diamond battell ; and from the diamond , they reduc'd two triangles , by cutting or dividing the same in the middest at the two flat angles ; and of two triangles they framed a sheere battell ; and of three or foure triangles , they framed their saw-battell , &c. now for the instructing of your souldiers how to face square ( if the body bee but eight in depth ) you must command the two first rankes to stand fast , likewise the two last rankes are to face about , the rest of the body , are to face to the right and left ; if the body be deeper , then you must command more rankes to the front , and so likewise to the reare ; and in the viewing the subsequent figure , you shall the better understand the manner of performing this motion of square facing . face square , and march. proper front. front accidentall . front accident all . the front of the reere . the words of command commonly used to produce this precedent figure , are these as followeth , if they be in depth , and in ranke . the first three rankes stand . the three last rankes face about . the rest of the body face to the right and left , ( then ) march all . to reduce them to their first order : face all about to the right ; march , and close your divisions . face all to your leader , ( who then stands at his front proper . ) another way of facing square , and marching upon it . the front proper . the front of the left flanke . the front of the right flank . the front of the reere . the words of command customarily used to produce this figure , are these as followeth . musquetiers , face to the right and left . halfe-files of pikes , faces about to the right ( then ) march all . to reduce them to their former order . face all about to the right , march and close your divisions . face all to your leader . in the next chapter i shall shew the manner of opening and closing both of files and rankes ; and then some instructions of doubling them , with their use and parts . chap. lxxxi . the manner of opening , and closing , both of rankes and files , and how to double them with the use and parts thereunto belonging . in the opening , and closing of rankes and files , there are divers things considerable , as first in the motion of files , you are to observe your leader . secondly , in your motion of rankes , you are to observe your right-hand 〈◊〉 . thirdly , when files open to the right , the left-hand-file , must stand fast , every 〈◊〉 taking 〈◊〉 distance from the file next his left hand . fourthly , when they open to the le , then the right hand file stands ; every file taking his distance from the file next his right hand . fiftly , in closing of files if it be to the right , then contrary to the opening the right-hand-file stands : the rest closing to the right taking then distance , from their next right hand-file . sixthly , if you close to the left , then the left-hand-file stands , the rest of the files closing to the left , taking their distance in like manner . seventhly , when files close to the right and left , then they close inwards , taking their distance from the files within them , neerer to the middest of the body . eighthly , note when files are commanded to open to the right and left ( or by division ) it must be outward . likewise you must observe when rankes open forwards , then the last ranke stands , every ranke taking his distance from the ranke next behind him . secondly , when they open backwards , then the first ranke is to stand , and every ranke is to take his distance from the ranke next before him . thirdly , if rankes close to front and reare , then the first and last ranke stands , the other taking their distances from them . fourthly , if they close rankes towards the center or middest , then they close towards their two middlemost rankes . lastly , you are to observe , that in opening of files and ranks , you are ( in the acting of it ) either to face to the right , or to the right about ; these things being considered , and you hauing commanded them to even their rankes , and straighten their files , you are to use these words of command following rankes and files to your close order . files open to the right rankes open forwards to your order . files open to the right rankes open forwards to your open order . files open to the right rankes open forwards to your double distance . files close to the right rankes close forwards to your open order . files close to the right rankes close forwards to your order . files close to the right rankes close forwards to your close order . files open to the left rankes open backwards to your order . files , open to the left . rankes , open backwards . to your open order . files , open to the left . rankes , open backwards . to your double distance . files , close to the left . rankes close backward . to your open order files , close to the left . rankes , close backward . to your order . files , close to the left . rankes , close backward . to your close order . files , rankes , open to the right and left front and reare . to your order . files , rankes , open to the right and left front and reare to your open order . files , rankes , open to the right and left , front and reare , to your double distance . files , rankes , close to the right and left inward middest , to your open order . these motions being performed by the souldiers fairly , and with out mistakes ; you may proceed to exercise them , in their doublings ; and shew them their use and parts ; as the following chapter will direct . chap. lxxxii . how an officer shall exercise his company in doubling of their rankes and files with the use thereof , and the severall parts and branches thereto belonging . the use of doublings were invented for the strengthening of any part of the battell , according to the discretion of the wise commander , and are distinguished into these two generalls , viz. doublings of length , and doublings of depth . doubling of rankes doth make the number double so much as was before , whereby the length of the battell is extended to the double proportion of ground . doubling of files ( or flankes ) doth likewise double the number in depth ; as the former did in length : and before wee proceed to particularize these doublings ; let us take notice of these observations following . first , that in this motion of doubling there is one part of the body stands firme and the other part moves , viz. the standing part is to be doubled , the part moving are those that double . secondly , observe that the distance for particular and divisionall doublings , is open order in ranke and file . thirdly , observe that the ordinary doublings of rankes and files is or ought to be performed by three steps ; viz , first stepping forth with that foote which is next unto the place named . fourthly , in the reducement to your former station , you must returne by the contrary hand . fifthly , observe in doubling of rankes and files , viz , if you double rankes either to the right or left hand ; if you double your files to the contrary hand , reduceth them into their former station ; or in doubling of files to either hand ; doubling of your rankes to the contrary will reduce them . lastly , observe the severall parts or branches of doublings ; which are , doublings of first , rankes . secondly , halfe-files . thirdly , bringers up . fourthly , the reare . fifthly , files . sixthly , halfe-rankes , the first is doubling of rankes , which is performed when every even-ranke is doubled into the odde . the second is , when the halfe files double their rankes forwards into the front. the third is , when the bringers-up double their rankes forwards into the front. the fourth is , when the front halfe files doubleth the reare : these first foure being doublings of rankes , causeth the length of the battell to be extended either simply in number , or both in number and place . the fift is , the ordinary doubling of files , viz. every one of the even files being inserted into the odde files ; accounting from the hand named . the sixt and last is , the doubling of halfe rankes ; which is to be understood when one flanke doubles the other , either by passing through , counter-march , doubling entire , or divisionall ; the words of command most properly used for doublings . rankes , to the right left. double . rankes , as you were . files , to the right . left. double . files , as you were . bringers up , double your rankes forward to the right . bringers up , face about to the left : march forth into your places . bringers up , double your rankes forward to the left . bringers up , face about to the right : march forth into your places . files , to the right and left double . outward , inward . files , as you were . halfe files , double your rankes forward to the right . halfe files , face about to the left : march forth into your places . halfe files , double yur rankes forwards to the left . halfe files , face about to the right : march forth into yrur places . front halfe files , face about to the left. and double the reare to the right . march forth into your places . front halfe files , face about to the right . and double the reare to the left . march forth into your places , front halfe-files double the reare to the right by counter-march . front halfe-files face about to the left ; march forth into your places . front halfe-files double the reere to the left by counter-march . front halfe-files face about to the right ; march forth into your places . halfe rankes to the right by counter-march double your left flanke , halfe-rankes that doubled , face to the right ; march forth into your places . halfe-rankes to the left by counter-march , double your right flanke . halfe-rankes that doubled , face to the left ; march forth into your places ; halfe-rankes of the right , double your left flanke . halfe-rankes that doubled , face to the right ; march forth into your places . halfe rankes of the left , double your right flanke . halfe-rankes that doubled , face to the left . march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front to the right intire . halfe-files face about to the left ; march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front to the left intire . halfe-files face about to the right ; march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front inward intire . halfe-files face about to the right ; march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front by division . halfe-files , face about to the right and left ; march forth into your places . front halfe-files , double your reare by division . front halfe-files , face about to the right and left inward ; march to your places . front halfe-files , double your reare to the right intire . front halfe-files , face about to the left ; march forth into your places . front halfe-files , double your reare to the left intire . front halfe-files , face about to the right ; march forth into your places : halfe-rankes of the right , double your left flanke , intire to the right . halfe-rankes that doubled , face about to the left ; march forth into your places . halfe-rankes of the left , double your right flankes intire to the left . halfe-rankes that doubled , face about to the right ; march into your places . halfe-rankes of the right , double your left flanke by division . halfe-rankes that doubled , face about to the right , and left inward ; march forth into , &c. double your rankes to the right intire . rankes that doubled , face to the left ; march forth into your places . double your rankes to the left intire . rankes that doubled face to the right ; march forth into your places . double your rankes by division . rankes that doubled , face to the right and left inward ; march forth into your places . double your files to the right intire advancing . files that doubled , face about to the left ; march forth into your places . double your files to the left intire advancing . files that doubled face about to the right : march forth into your places . files double your depth intire to the right , left. files that doubled , as you were . files double your depth to the right : every man falling behinde his bringer-up . files that doubled , as your were . thus have i runne over the words of command , whereby the doubling both of rankes and files are produc'd , and also the aptest way and termes to reduce them to their first forme and station , as for demonstrating them by figure , it would bee too tedious ; in regard i am to discourse of all the parts belonging to the body of warre ; wherefore i shall onely exemplifie them , by discourse in the following chapter . chap. lxxxiii . directions how to performe those severall kindes of doublings : and how to reduce them againe , according to the fore-going words of command , for producing and reducing them . having spoken briefly in the fore-going chapter , concerning the severall kindes of doublings , and mentioned both the words of command , which produceth them ; and also the words of direction for the reducing of them to their first forme and station ; in this chapter , i shall endeavour to set downe briefe directions , how they may best be performed ; with the readiest way for the executing of them . the words of command ( you shall finde in the margent ) which produceth each severall motion , of doubling both of rankes and files . rankes to the right double . this doubling of rankes to the right , is naught else but the inserting of the even-rankes into the odde-rankes ; wherein you must note , that in the doubling of rankes , the even-rankes are to double into the odde , beginning alwayes to reckon from the first ranke ; so that the second ranke doubles into the first , entring in upon the right hand of him that stands in the ranke right before him , and so stands even a-brest with them . the fourth ranke , after the same manner doubles upon the right hand of him that stands before him in the third ranke . the sixt ranke after the same manner doubles into the fifth ranke . the eighth into the seventh , and the tenth into the ninth . so that the right-hand man of that ranke that doubleth to the right , is alwayes to take his place upon the outermost side of the right-hand man of that ranke that was doubled , the rest of his ranke doing accordingly . after the same manner , it is to be performed to the left hand , onely now you are to take the left hand of him that stands in the ranke before you after the same manner as before you did the right . for the reducing of them , those rankes that doubled , must turne off to the contrary hand of that they doubled unto : the command is , rankes as you were . or otherwise you may reduce them , by commanding the leaders to draw out their files , ( viz. ) those rankes that doubled , are to stand firme ; and those that were doubled are to march out , untill their last ranke be a pretty distance before the first ranke of them that doubled , and then they are to step into their even distances , and stand even in ranke and file , as before . files to the left double . the words of command which produceth this doubling of files is placed in the margent : and the way to performe it is as followeth ; first each of the even files doubleth into the odde files , beginning from the hand named ; as in this doubling of files to the left ; the left-hand-file stands fast , and the second file doubleth into it by stepping behinde his left-hand-man at three steppes ; the fourth file doubleth into the third , and so for the rest ; if your command be to double your files to the right ; then contrariwise the right-hand-file stands fast ; the rest of the even files doubling into the odde , accounting from the right , as before from the left ; and by the way observe , that as in doubling of rankes any way , you are to observe your right-hand leader ; so in doubling of files you are to observe your file-leader ; so that as neere as possibly may bee , you may either in ranke or file , be altogether in one motion ; also take notice that this kind of doubling , is a doubling of number , and not of place , for the depth of the battel is not thereby extended , the words of command used for the reducing of them is , files as you were . bringers up , double your rankes forward to the right . in this doubling of rankes by bringers-up , as likewise in all other of like nature ; they that are to move , are first to advance their armes ; in the next place they must bee sure to observe their right-hand-men . this doubling of rankes by bringers-up differeth from the other doubling of ranks before demonstrated , both in quantity and qualitie : in quantitie it differeth , in regard the other leaves a large distance betweene ranke and ranke , being double the distance they formerly stood at . this contrariwise continuing and preserving the same distance they formerly stood at betweene each ranke ; it differeth also in quality , because it brings the best , and second sort of souldiers , together into the front ; the words of command , and direction ( whereby this motion is produced ) is placed in the margent ; the manner of performing this motion is thus ; the tenth or last ranke , which are the bringers up , are to passe forwards even in ranke , through or betweene the intervals to the right of them that stand before them , untill they come even in ranke with the front ; the ninth ranke following those which marched from behind them , placing themselves in the second ranke . the eight eight ranke in the third . the seventh ranke in the fourth . the sixt ranke or halfe-files , in the fifth or reare of the front halfe-files . this doubling maketh a very able front in bringing the ablest souldiers together , and although the depth of the battell bee diminished , yet the length of it is double in number ; this doubling is in quantity of number , not of ground . when you march into your places , you must not forget , that the ranke which last toke his place in the execution of this motion , must first march into his place in the way of reducement , for as they are led forth by their bringers up , contrariwise they are led off by their halfe-file leaders . as for the doubling the front to the left hand by bringers up , it is the same ; onely differing in this , that whereas it was to the right , this must bee performed to the left ; the words of command and direction for reducement of this motion is , bringers up , face about to the left , march forth into your places . files , to the right and left double outwards ; i will in the first place describe the manner of doubling of files outwards ; which worketh the same effect , as to double files to the right and left ; for the right flanke is to double to the right , and the left flanke to the left ; by this doubling of files to the right and left outwards both the flankes at one instant are strengthened by doubling their number in depth ; but it weakeneth the inward part , where it taketh two files cleane away , leaving a large intervall in the midst ; after the word of command is given ; the outmost file of each flanke stands , and the second file doubles into them ; the third from each flanke stands , and the fourth file doubles into the third , the sixt into the fift , and so likewise of all the rest . note , that in doubling of files you must alwayes step behinde the side-man that you are to double into . if you would double files to the right and left inwards ; it is to be done the contrary way : for whereas in the precedent doubling the outmost files stand ; and the other doubling outwards in to them : contrariwise in this ; the two inmost files shall stand , and the rest are to double inwards to them ; and whereas in the other there is a larger distance in the midst then in any other part ; but in this doubling inwards the midst will be as close as any other part ; the words of command for the reducing of them into their first forme is ; files , as you were . then the files which doubled inwards upon the right flanke are to turne off to the right , and those of the left flanke to the left ; and so step into their places . this doubling of rankes forewards by halfe-files ; is a motion generally approved of to be very serviceable . it differeth from the other doublings by bringers-up in quality though not in quantity ( for in quantity they keepe one and the same proportion ) in quality it differs thus : the doubling by bringers-up doth bring the best and second sort of souldiers together into the front ; the fourth and third sort into the reare ; so that the reare is / worse then the front . but this doubling by halfe-files brings the best and the third together into the front ; and leaves the second and fourth in the reare ; so that the front is made more able then the reare by / . halfe-files , double your rankes , forwards to the right . it differeth like wise in motion thus : for whereas in the other doubling by bringers-up the motion was begun by the last ranke , ever ranke following the ranke which came from behind him . but this contrariwise is directly led forth by the sixt ranke from the front ( they being ten deepe in file ) and so is executed more surely and suddainly . after the words of command are give ( as you see placed in the margent ; ) then the sixt ranke passing up into the first ; the seventy ranke into the second ; the eighth ranke into the third ; and so for the rest . for the reducement the words of command are , halfe-files face about to the left , march forth into your places . then as the motion was led on by the halfe file leaders ; so in the reducement they are led off by the bringers up . you may double your halfe-files to the left after the same manner of the former ; only changing to the contrary hand . front , halfe files ; face about to the left , and double your reare to the right . this doubling the reare by front halfe files ; is differing from the doubling last discourst of more in manner then matter ; for they both correspond in substance , onely they differ in circumstance : after the words of command , and direction are given ( as is exprest in the margent ; ) then the front halfe files are to face about to the left ( the pikes being all advanced , and the musquetttiers all either poized or shouldred ) and so being led by the halfe file leaders to the reare they march directly forwards to the right of the other part of the body , which stood faced in opposition , vntill the leaders of the doubling have ranked even in ranke with the bringers up ; the rest ranking even with the other standing rankes , according to their places : if this doubling be used in service , then the whole body is to face about to the reare , being the part to be doubled ; but in way of exercise the commander may keepe his place , and the doubling being performed ; and the whole body faced to the leader . then for reducement you may command files to the right intire adllancing ; then every man falling before his leader will reduce each man to his first station . or otherwise you may command ; front halfe-files , face about to the left , march forth into your places ; which they performing accordingly will reduce them . front halfe-files , double your reare to the right by countermarch . this kind of doubling of the reare , by the front halfe files , is performed contrary to the former , for it is done by way of the lacedemonian counter-march , and doth produce the same effect to the reare , as doubling the front by bringers up doth into the front : the counter-march by which it is performed , is a counter-march of losse of ground : where note , one part or moitie of the body countermarcheth ; thereby not altring the number of the length and depth of the figure ; but onely transferring one part into another . you must further observe that if the reare be doubled to the right , then the counter-march must bee to the left : if the doubling be to the left , then the countermarch must be to the left ; if the doubling bee to the left , then the countermarch must be to the right . the way to reduce them is ( if the commander stand at the head of that part that is doubled ) to command : front halfe-files , face about to the right , march forth into your places . but if he keepes his first standing , and having faced them to him : then , front halfe-files , march forth into your places ; to double the reare to the left is the same , onely changing the hand . halfe rankes to the right , by countermarch double your left flanke . halfe-rankes ( or flankes ) are then sayd to be doubled when the depth of the battalia is increased , to double their former proportion of number , or place , or both ; this doubling of halfe-rankes to the left flanke by countermarch , is a doubling of number and not of place , for the depth still retaines the same proportion , onely augmented by one man , but the length of the battalia is diminished both in number and place , the right flanke being wholly inserted into the left flanke ; after the words of command is given ( that produceth this motion ) which you shall finde plac'd in the margent ; then the halfe rankes to the right , are to face to the right , and then even in ranke together they are to counter march betweene the intervalls , untill to the outmost file to the right , be come into the outmost file of the left flancke , ( the body being in ranke , or brest ) then the second into the nineteenth , the third into the eighteenth , the fourth into the seventeenth , the fifth into the sixteenth , and the rest in like manner . the use of this doubling is to strengthen one of the flanckes ; by bringing more hands to doe present execution , the other flancke being in more surety . the way for reducement of this motion is after this manner , the halfe rankes last doubled , being faced to the right ; then they which were the last , which tooke their places in the motion ; now are the first which take their places in the reducement , orderly marching in ranke together untill they come to their places ; then facing to their leader they become files againe . the left flancke may in like manner , double the right by counter-march ; the difference is this : the right flancke stands , the left flancke is inserted into the right as before the right was into the left. halfe files double your front to the right intire . if in this doubling of halfe files to the right intire , it should be performed , as the body stands in an ordinary square , flanked with musquetiers , then it would produce a mixture of armes ; wherefore to avoid this , before you enter upon this doubling of passing in , through or betweene your halfe ranckes : cause your halfe files to double the front to the right intire ; which being performed , you may then proceed to the doubling of your flanckes , any way you please without mixture of armes . this doubling of the front by halfe-files to the right intire , is thus performed ; after the words of command are given , the halfe-files are to face to the right ; then marching out forwards untill the left-hand file belonging to the reere , be marcht past the right halfe-file belonging to the front , then facing to the left , they march up even abreast , untill the file-leaders of the halfe-files to the reere , bee plac'd even in ranke with the file-leaders of the front ; all the rest of the rankes placing themselves even with the other rankes . this manner of doubling halfe-files is a doubling both of number and place , for the length of the battell is not onely double so many a-brest as they were before , but they also have extended their length to double their proportion of ground which formerly they did occupie ; now you are to conceive that this doubling of halfe files which i have now discour'st of , is performed for this purpose , that when the halfe rankes of the right , double the left flanke ; there shall by this meanes bee no mixture of armes . halfe rankes of the right double your left flanke . in the next place let us demonstrate the way how the halfe rankes of the right should double their left flanke , which is thus performed ; the left flanke stands , the halfe rankes of the right are to face to the left ; and then the inmost file of the right flanke ( all the files of the right flanke , being by this facing become rankes ) is the leader of this motion , marching forth right to their left hands , betweene the intervalls of the rankes of the left flanke ; untill the twentieth file ( accounting from the right flanke which now is become a ranke ) have placed themselves orderly in the fortieth file , which is the outmost file of the left flanke ; the nineteenth in the nine and thirty , the eighteenth in the eight and thirty , and so of all the rest ; this doubling is of number and not of place . for reducement to both these doublings ; first cause the halfe rankes , which last doubled , to face to the right , and so to march out into their places : they that last tooke their place in the motion , are the first that take their places in the reducements : the doubling of halfe rankes being thus reduced , you are next to reduce the halfe files ; by commanding them to face about to the left , and to march forth into their places : note these kind of divisionall doublings requires open order in ranke and file . and for your intire doublings there is onely the distance of order in ranke and file required . halfe-files double your front to the left intire . all doublings aer either intire or divisionall ; intire doublings are to bee understood , when as files or halfe-files , rankes , or halfe-rankes ; ( according as the command is given ) doe march forth jointly together without division or dissipation , to double the part commanded . divisionall doublings , are such as formerly is shewed ( viz. ) when the files or halfe-files , rankes or halfe-rankes , are disranked and divided into more parts , or places then one , this doubling of halfe-files to the left intire is thus to be performed , first the halfe-files to the reere , face to the left , and march forwards untill they are quite cleare of that part of the body , which stands , then they face to their leader ; and so march up untill they are become even in ranke with those that stand upon the right flanke , and then , the forme is perfect , the word of command which produceth it , is placed in the margent . for the reducement , the halfe-files that doubled having faced about they march straight forth untill they be cleare of the front halfe-files ; then they face to the left , and march straight forth untill every man hath his right place , and then they are to face right after their leaders , the words of command and direction for this reducement is , halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . this kind of doubling of halfe-files hath beene held a better doubling , then eyther the ordinary doubling of rankes , or the usuall way of doubling by halfe-files , or bringers up , the reasons are these , first it makes no disturbance to the other part of the battalia ; but that it may eyther be executed in time of motion , exercise or skirmish : secondly it appeares another solid body ; to the great disheartning of an enemy : thirdly it is very apt for over fronting ; it being a doubling both of number and place . halfe-files double your front inward intire . this motion of doubling the front inward intire , hath beene of great request ; and is most commonly used by great bodies ; as when a regiment , division , or maniple , moveth forwards , betweene two others , thereby seconding or releeving them : whereby the front of all the three divisions become ranged in an even line ; the words of command & direction that produceth this motion is placed in the margent the motion of this doubling is thus to be performed : the halfe-files of the front , faceth to the right and left ; and eyther division marcheth right forth untill they have left a distance betweene them sufficient to receive the halfe-files of the reere , and then they are to stand and face to their leader : then the halfe-files march up and even their front. for the reducement of this figure ; let the halfe-files face to the reere , and march untill they are cleare of the front halfe-files , then stand and face about to their leader or commander ; then the other halfe-files of the front , are to close their division , and they are reduced . the words of command used for this reducement are , halfe-files , face about , and march . front halfe-files , close your divisions , face all to your leader . halfe-files double your front by division . this kinde of doubling , as before is shewed , is of singular good use , because it may be performed in time of fight , without disturbance to the other part of the battell . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth ; first , the halfe-files of the reere are to face to the right and left ; and then to march right-forth untill they are cleare of the reare part of the front-division , then they are to face to their leader , and march , untill they become even in ranke with the front , and so stand ; which perfects this doubling . the way to reduce them is as followeth ; viz. the halfe-files are to face about to the reere , and to march forth-right , untill they are cleare of the front halfe-files , and then they are to face to the right and left inwards , and so to march and close their divisions ; then being faced to their leader they are reduced . the words of command for reducement , are halfe-files face about inwards , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reare by division . this doubling of the reare by the front halfe-files , will worke the same effect to the reare , as the last doubling by division did to the front. it may be usefull in the passing of a river , when the enemy chargeth or pursueth in the reare , the front-division eyther opening and suffering the reare halfe-files to passe through them , they maintaining the skirmish , untill the other have attained the further banke of the river : or else the front halfe-files being opened to the right and left , and faced upon the enemy , march valiantly up and receive the charge , whil'st the other provide for themselves ; for the manner and way of this motion , it may be thus performed . after the command is given , the front halfe-files are to face to the right and left , and march right forth until they are cleere of the other halfe-files of the reare , then they face to the reare and march on , untill they have attained to be even in rank with them whom they had command to double ; which perfects the doubling . the way to reduce them followeth ; if you keep your place of the first front , then let your half-files face about , and march until they are cleare of the reare halfe-files which stand , then face to the right and left inwards , and close their division , and being againe faced to their leader , they are reduced to their first forme . the words of command properly used for this reducement , is ; front halfe-files , face about to the right and left inward , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reare to the right intire . this doubling of the reare to the right intire by the front halfe-files , is thus to be performed ; after the word of command is given , the halfe files of the front are to face to the left , and march straight out , untill they are cleare of that part of the body which stands ; then they are to face againe to the left ( which is the reare ) and march out-right untill they ranke even with the last ranke of the reere-division ; which gives conclusion to the doubling . for reducement thereof , your front halfe-files face about to the left , and march right forth untill they are cleare of the reere halfe-files , then face them to the right , and let them march into their places ; then if the commander goe to his first front , and face them all to him , they are reduced as at first . to double the reare to the left intire , may bee done after the same manner , onely differing in hand . the words of command which reduceth it , are front halfe-files , face about to the left , march forth into your places . halfe ranks of the right , double your left flank intire to the right . this doubling of the left flank by advancing the right flank , and placing it before the leaders of the left flank , which is a doubling both of number and place , being very usefull for the strengthning of any flank where it shall seem needfull . and if you desire to have your musketires to double even with the musketires of the contrary flank ; then you must first cause the half ranks of the right flank to march forth-right , untill the rear-rank of the right flank be advanced about foot before the front of the left flank ; and then cause that flank so advanced to counter-march their ranks to the right , and then all your musketires will be together , and the pikes likewise by themselves . the manner of performing this motion according to the words of command in the margent , is as followeth : first the left flank stands , and the right flank marcheth forth-right , untill the rear of the right flank be advanced before the front of the left flank ( as before is shewed ) then face them to the left , and cause them to march untill the pikes are even in rank with the musketires , which perfects the doubling . for the reducement , let the halfe ranks that doubled face about to the left , and march untill they are cleer of the left flank , then cause them to face to the right , and to march straight down into their places : then the commander being at his first front faceth them all to him , which reduceth them as at first . the left flank may also double the right flank intire after the former manner , only changing the hand ; the command for reducement is halfe ranks that doubled , face about to the left , march forth into your places . half ranks of the left , double your right flank by division . this motion of doubling flanks by division doth make a strong form of battell to give fire three severall waies at once ; the manner of performing it after the word of command is given as followeth : the rear half-files of the left flank face about to the right , and then both the front half-files and rear half-files march forth-right untill they are clear of that part of the body that stands ; then each division faceth that way which they are to double ( which the front half-files must do to the right , and the rear half-files to the left ) & so march forth-right untill the doubling be performed . for reducement , if the commander stands at the right flank ( which is the part that was doubled ) then the reducement is as followeth ; the half ranks that doubled are to face about inwards , and march forth-right untill they are clear of the right flank which stands ; then the front half-files face to the left , and the rear half-files to the right , and then close their division . the commander going to his first front and facing the whole body to him , they are reduc'd as at first , if that the right flank would double the left flank by division , the way is the same , only differing in the hand . the words of command to reduce it , are , halfe ranks that doubled , face about inwards , march forth into your places . double your ranks to the right intire . this doubling of ranks intire to the right , is a doubling both of number and place , and in some sort worketh the same effect as the doubling of half files doth to the right intire ; but differeth in regard of the parties which are the doublers , and in the distance left after the doubling . the motion of this doubling ought to be thus performed : after the word of command is given for the doubling to the right , as in the margent is exprest : then every even rank faceth to the right . the right hand man of each rank becoming the leader of his rank , likewise leading them forth , and in their march of moving forwards , a little bending to the left , that when the left-hand man of each rank ( which are the bringers up of the motion ) are clear of the standing part of the body , by only facing to the front , they may stand even in rank with the rest of the company . for reducement of this doubling , you must observe that the left-hand men are the leaders of the motion : wherefore command the ranks that doubled to face to the left , and march forth-right into their places . or you may command the halfe ranks of the right to face to the left , and double the left flank ; this will work the same effect with the former . to double ranks to the left intire , is to bee done after the same manner , onely observe the difference of the hand . this kind of doubling may also be done by division . the words of command used for this reduceme●t , are , ranks that doubled , face to the left : march forth into your places . double your files to the right intire , advancing . this kind of doubling of files intire to the right advancing , is also a doubling both of number and place ; for it increaseth the depth , to double their former proportion of number , as from ten to twenty . it also gaineth so much ground the more before the front , as formerly the battell did contain , by transferring the even files of the body into the ground before the front of the odd files ; but this doubling doth diminish the number of the length of your battell , although it preserves their place . the manner of performing this motion of doubling is thus to be done ; first the word of command being given ( as in the margent is specified ) the odd files are to stand , beginning your account from the outmost file to the hand named ; the musketires and pikes of the even files are to advance their arms and follow their file-leaders , every file-leader leading his file forth-right before his next file to the right , untill the bringers up of the even files are orderly placed before the leaders of the odd files . for reducement , let the files that doubled face about to the left , the bringers up of each file leading them forth-right downe the distance or spaces which are on their left hand , untill they are come even with the rear , and then stand and face about to their commander , and they will bee in their first forme and station . the doubling of files to the left intire advancing is after the same manner , only differing in the hand . the words of command used for this reducement , are , files that doubled , face about to the left : march forth into your places . files double your depth to the right , every man falling behind his bringer up . this kind of doubling of the depth of files to the right doth sympathize with the former doubling last discourst of , both for number and place ; only it differeth from the other both in the manner of executing , and in some sort of the matter executed : for whereas the other doubling by advancing of files did transferre all the even files into the ground before the front ; contrariwise , this doubling doth transfer them into the ground next behind the rear . and as in the other doublings , half the file-leaders did remain in the front , and the other halfe were halfe-file-leaders . now in this doubling halfe the file-leaders are to remain in the front , and the other half are brought down and plac'd in the last rank of the rear , and those which were bringers up , are now in this motion become the middlemost ranks . the manner of performing this doubling , is thus first having given the word of command that produceth this motion ( as is specified in the margent ) ; then every man falling behind his bringer up , the even files ( accounting from the hand named ) immediately are to face about to the right , and the bringers up of each of the even files are to turne behind the bringers up of the odd files that stand ; and so every man as hee commeth downe to the reare , turneth to the left behind him that marcheth down the next before him , untill those that were leaders of the even files are become the bringers up to those that were the odd files . the reducement is thus to bee performed , according to the words of command used for that purpose , bringers up ( that now are ) double your ranks forwards to the left . the instructions for this doubling the ranks forwards ( by the bringers up ) into the front , is discourst of in the beginning of this chapter : where you shall find in the margent the manner of doubling of ranks , by the bringers up described . in the next chapter following i shall endeavour to shew the difference between inversion and conversion , with the words of command and reducement belonging to those motions . chap. lxxxiiii . of inversion and conversion with their words of command , whereby those motions are produc'd , and the way of reducing them described . for etymologie of these words , you may be pleased to observe , that inversion doth alwaies produce file or files ; and conversion rank or ranks . inversion consists of the files filing , or of ranks filing ; but coversion consists of ranks ranking to the right or left . or by increase of files ranking by even or uneven parts , and of ranks wheeling to the right or left . but in performing these motions there is a larger distance of ground required than in any other motion . the words of command with their severall reducements are as followeth . files file on to the right . left. this word of command is performed by causing the right-hand file to march away single : the second file from the right falleth into the rear of the first , the third behind the second , the fourth behind the third , & so consequently all the rest of the files fall into the rear of their next right-hand files , untill all the whole company become one file . this was invented to passe narrow bridges or straight paths in woods , where but one at once can passe ; for the reducing of these into their former stations , the word of command is , file-leaders lead up your files as your were : which is performed , every file-leader leading up his file to the left of him that marcheth before him , until all the file-leaders are even in rank together , and their files orderly following of them . for the files filing on to the left may bee performed after this precedent manner , only altering the hand &c. this filing by division is to bee performed after the same manner the precedent was , onely this difference ; that files , file to the right and left , by division . the right-hand file of the companie , and the left-hand file of the same begin to leade forth at one and the same time , in their severall places , viz. the files of the right flank falling likewise behind the right-hand file ; the files of the left flank falling in like manner behind the left-hand file , so that if the bodie of pikes bee flankt with musketires , then this filing by division bringeth all the musketires into the front-division , and the pikes into the rear of them . the word for reducement , is , file-leaders , leade up your files as you were . ranks , file to the right . left. to performe this , all the ranks are to bee inverted to the outmost file to the right . wherefore let all your files bee closed to their order , or close order , and your ranks opened ( either forwards or backwards ) to double distance , or twice double distance ( according to your number of men in rank ) . then let every rank move after his right-hand man untill all the ranks stand right in one file , after the right-hand leader of his rank . if the commander will performe this upon a march , then the ranks shall not need to bee opened to any distance , but let them take their distance in the execution of it , which is the easiest way thus to performe it , viz. the right-hand man of the first rank marcheth forth-right , all his rank facing to the right , and marching likewise after him . the right-hand man of the second rank falling immediately after the left-hand man of the first rank , all his rank in like manner following of him . the right-hand man of the third rank falleth into the file after the left-hand man of the second , his rank likewise following of him ; and so of all the rest of the ranks untill they become one file ; this kind of filing by ranks is sooner performed than files filing ; and is readier to bee reduc'd to make resistance against any opposition in the front. the word of command to reduce them , is , files , ranke as you were . the manner to performe this reducement , is , if they were ten men in the formost rank , then the first tenne men rank to the left into the front as they were at first . the next ten men next after them , which makes the second rank . the third ten men ranking to the left , makes the third rank ; and so of all the rest , untill they be reduc'd into their first forme or station . as for ranks filing to the left , &c. it is to be performed after this very same manner , only it differeth in the hands : for in this the left-hand man of the first rank marcheth forth-right , and all his rank facing to the left , marcheth likewise after him ; and so of the rest . if you desire to avoid the mixture of armes , you may march forwards your musketires of each division , and close them before the pikes , and invert them first : or you may march forwards your pikes first , and leave the muskets to come in the rear ; or you may invert the front-division of shot , then the pikes , and last the rear-division of shot . ranks , file to the right . left. ranks filing to the right and left , is a doubling of the depth by an unequall proportion : for in other doublings , either the number of length or depth is augmented . but this doubling of inversion makes their depth so many times more in number as there are files to double ; or halfe so many , if it be done by division : the use of it is to avoid the shot of great ordnance ; it serves also for a guard for any great personage or commander to passe through : it is also commonly used for the lodging of the colours . the manner to performe this motion is the same with the last precedent motion , differing only in this ; that whereas in the former all the whole ranks turned to the right , behind their right-hand men ; in this motion the left flank ( or half-ranks to the left ) fall into the outmost file to the left , and the halfe-ranks to the right behind their severall right-hand men . for reducement , the word of command for it , is , files , rank to the right and left inwards , as you were : viz. the ranks which before inverted into files , now are to convert into ranks as they were . the nature of this motion , which is performed by conversion , produceth ranks , as the former motion of inversion did files . wherefore you may use this word of command , ranks , ranke . . . . or . to the right . . . . or . to the left . by increase , . . . . &c. to the right . by increase , . . . . &c. to the left . intire to the right , into the front. intire to the left , into the front. by division into the front. the word of command to reduce these into their former station , is . rank , ranks as you were . ranks wheel to the right . left. right and left . files , rank . . . . or . to the right . . . . or . to the left . by increase to the right , . . . . &c. by increase to the left , . . . . &c. to the right , to the left , into the front. the word of command to reduce these into their former station is , ranks , file as you were . now observe , that the severall parts of this motion , which is distinguished by the name of conversion , consists of ranks ranking in equall parts . in unequall parts . intire into the front. by division into the front. by wheeling to the flanks . files ranking by equall parts . by unequall parts . intire into the front. first of ranks ranking in equall parts , it is thus to be understood ; when there are or ( more or lesse ) marching a brest , and the commander finding his passage narrow , or for any other intent , commandeth his ranks to rank or a brest , or , , or any other number , every rank holding equality of number . secondly observe , that ranks then rank by unequall parts , when they rank by increase or decrease : as for example , when the first rank shall be , the next , then , , &c. which is commonly used in triangular figures , as the horsemans-wedge , or the diamond-battell . thirdly observe , that ranks then rank intire into the front , when the first rank stands , the second rank placeth it self upon the right or left of the first ; the third by the second ; the fourth by the third ; and so forwards for all the rest , untill all the ranks , according to their cōmand , either to the right or left , are become one rank in the front. fourthly observe , that ranks then rank by division into the front , when the second rank , and all the rest of the ranks behind open to the right & left , the one part going to the right , and the other to the left , ranking even with the first , as is shewed in the former ; and all these being joyned together , makes one intire rank . fifthly observe , that ranks then rank to the flank or flanks , when either the right-hand man of each rank , or left-hand man ( or both together ) are as it were the hinge of the motion ; the residue of each rank wheeling about them to the right or left ( or to each hand by division ) untill that every rank bee brought into the distance which was before the rank , between the right-handman of the rank next before , and the right-hand man of the same rank you stand in . if it bee to the left , then they wheel into the distance between the left-hand leaders of each rank . if it bee by division , then halfe the rank wheeleth to the right , and the other halfe to the left , which produceth two ranks . sixthly observe , that files then rank by equall parts when they rank , or a brest ( be it more or lesse ) still keeping the number of men in rank , of due proportion . if you rank three a brest ( either to the right or left ) and your files be but ten deep ; then the first nine men makes three ranks , and the fourth rank must be made up by the leader , and the next that follows him of the second file : and so for all the rest . if you rank five , and the files be ten deep , then every file makes two ranks , &c. seventhly observe , that files then rank by unequall parts when they either rank by progressionall increase or by decrease : as when every rank exceeds the rank before it , by two , three or foure , bee it more or lesse ; or else that each rank decreaseth after the same manner . eighthly observe , that files then rank intire into the front , when there is so much distance between file and file , as will contain each file rank-wise , every man in the file marching forwards to the right or left , as shall bee commanded , untill he stand even in rank with the leader of his file , which brings the body into one rank . as for ranks wheeling by conversion to the right and left , or ranks ranking to each flank by wheeling , it differeth from ranks filing both in manner and matter . in differs in manner thus ; whereas in ranks filing to the right and left , the right and left-hand file-leaders preserve and continue their places : in this wheeling by conversion to the right and left , you shall find it contrary to ranks filing : for the innermost file-leaders become the outmost men in that part where the front stood , the other file-leaders rank even within them ; for when the word of command is given for wheeling , you are to wheel your aspects unto the hand or part named , whereby you either become a rank or ranks , and not files . this way of wheeling is a very speedy motion for a great body ( if they have their due distance ) to give fire to one or both flanks . the manner or performing it follows . ranks , wheele to the right and left by division . to perform this wheeling by division , the right and left-hand men of every rank are to become the hinges of the motion ; the rest of each rank wheeling by equall division to the right and left about , and above the right and left-hand leaders , untill they become ranks to the flanks . if you will avoid mixture of arms , then place all your muskets in front or rear , or else wheele only your muskets and leave your pikes standing ; or else it may be done , the body marching at length , the muskets being in the front & rear division . the word for the reducemēt , is , ranks , rank as you were : which is performed by facing to the rear , and then to wheel back into their places ; then face to their leaders , and they will be in their former station . now it remains to demonstrate the way and manner of files ranking by conversion in equall parts ; the word of command is , files , rank ●our to the left . to performe this motion , the right-hand file-leader leadeth forth his file , & the three next men behind him move forwards to the left hand of each other , untill they rank even a brest with their file-leader . the next four in like manner ranking to the left , do make the second rank , they being but eight deep . the file-leader of the second file placeth himselfe next after him that was the half-file-leader of the first , which now is become the right-hand man of the second rank : the three next men behind him makes up his rank ; and so in like manner for all the rest untill the motion be quite perfected . this converts each file into two ranks , and brings all the proper file-leaders and half-file-leaders to make the outmost file to the right . the bringers up both of the front and rear half-files , maketh the outmost file to the left . for the reducement of this motion of files ranking four to the left , is thus to bee performed : first cause your ranks to file ( or invert ) to the right ; which being done , command every file-leader to lead up his file to the left , and so every man will bee in his first station . chap. lxxxv . how an officer is to exercise his souldiers in three manner of countermarches , which are to be performed two manner of wayes , viz. one by file , the other by rank . the next thing to bee performed after you have exercised your men in the doubling of their ranks and files , is , to teach them how to countermarch . wherefore you may first begin with intire countermarches by file . the word of command which produceth it , followeth . files , to the right-hand countermarch . as soon as the word of command is given , if they be to countermarch to the right ; then all the file-leaders are to step forwards with their right-legs , and face about to the right-hand : every file-leader with his file following him , passing down towards to the rear , through the intervall on his right hand , still observing to keep even in rank with his right-hand man ; and note , that no man must turne untill hee come to the ground where at first his file-leader began the countermarch . this motion is performed when the bringers up have attained unto the place where before their file-leaders stood . files , to the left-hand countermarch . to countermarch to the left-hand worketh the same effect , and is done after the same manner , only differing in hands . for reducing them into their former stations , if you countermarch to the right , by countermarching again to the left , brings them into their first forme . files , to the right-hand countermarch , every man turning after his leader , on the ground he stands . this lacedaemonian countermarch is to be performed as followeth : the file-leaders of each file are to step side-waies to the right-hand , and therewithall to face about to the rear , and so march even in rank down together between the intervalls or spaces of ground between file and file ; no man advancing a foot forwards , but turning off the ground they stand on after their leaders when they are past by them ; still observing to keep their due distance : and so rank after rank , still turning off to the right , untill the motion be performed . files , to the left-hand countermarch ; every man turning after his leader on the ground hee stands . to countermarch to the left-hand , worketh the same effect , and is to be performed after the same manner , only differing in hand . for reducing them into their former stations , if first they countermarcht to the right-hand , by countermarching again to the left , brings them into their first forme . bringers up face about to the right ; the rest passe through to the rear , and place your selves before your bringers up . this lacedaemonian countermarch doth lose the ground also whereon it formerly stood , and takes the ground behind the rear . the manner of the motion is as followeth , viz. the last rank of bringers up face to the rear , and stand : the rest of the body facing about in like manner , and passing through , or between their bringers up , and placing themselves even in rank before them . the motion is begun by the rank next the bringers up , and so continued successively by the rest , untill the countermarch be ended . it is to be reduc'd by performing the same motion to the contrary hand ; or the next subsequent motion following will reduce this into its former station . bringers up , stand ; the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves behind your bringers up . this lacedaemonian countermarch ( by which the former may be reduc'd ) is thus to be performed . the last rank ( or bringers up ) are to stand firm , and the rest of the body are to face to the rear , and passe through to the right , & place themselves behind their bringers up , contrary to the countermarch last shown , in which they plac'd themselves before . the motion is also begun by the second rank from the rear , the rest following successively , until the file-leaders are become the bringers up ; then face them about after their proper file-leaders , and they are reduc'd . file-leaders , face about to the right ; the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves behind your leaders . the motion of this macedonian countermarch is from the rear to the front : quite contrary to the lacedaemonian , whose motion was from the front to the rear . this macedonian countermarch makes semblance in the rear of flight , but presently produceth a setled front , when perhaps the enemy with a too early pursuit hath broken the order of array . the way to perform this countermarch is as followeth ; the file-leaders or first rank face about to the right , the rest of the body passe through between the intervals ( or distance betwixt files ) to the left , and place themselves behind their leaders , every rank ( beginning with that next the file-leaders ) passing through successively , and taking their places , untill the countermarch be fully executed . this may be reduc'd as the former were , by doing the same to the contrary hand ; or as formerly is said by any intire countermarch of file : or it may bee reduc'd by another macedonian countermarch , which in the next place shall be described . file-leaders , face to the rear ; the rest of the body passe through to the left , following your bringers up , placing your selves behind your leaders . by this macedonian countermarch the precedent countermarch may be reduc'd to its former station ; and it is thus performed : the first rank or file-leaders face to the rear , then the last rank begin the countermarch : passing forwards between the intervalls , the seventh rank following the eighth , the sixth following the seventh ; and so likewise the rest untill the whole body bee trans-ferred into the ground before the front , and then joyntly together facing to the right about after their leaders : the countermarch is ended . for reducement , take this for a rule , that any intire countermarch of file may bee reduc'd by another intire countermarch by file , of what kind , or to what hand soever . file-leaders , stand ; the rest passe through to the right and place your selves before your leaders . this bastard countermarch being partly derived from the macedonian and lacedaemonian countermarches , is thus to be performed ; the file-leaders stand , the rest of the body advance their armes . the second rank first passing through to the right , and placing themselves before the first rank , the third rank before the second , the fourth before the third , and so forwards for all the rest , untill the last rank ( or bringers up ) are become the formost , which perfects the motion . you may reduce it by countermarching to the contrary hand ; or if you please , you may reduce it by another like it selfe . ranks to the right-hand countermarch . this chorean countermarch of ranks , is an altering or changing of one flank for the other , the battalia still keeping the same ground ; only the right flank becomes the left , and the left is changed into the right . to performe this motion , you are to command your company to face to the right ( by which the ranks are become now files ) then countermarching them down the intervalls ( or distance between rank and rank ) marching forth-right unto the part which was the left flank , with their ranks file-wise following them . being come unto their ground , they face as before ; and the countermarch is performed . for the reducement , let them countermarch to the left-hand back again , and they will be in their first station . ranks , to the right-hand countermarch , every man turning after his right-hand man , on the ground he stands . this lacedaemonian countermarch of ranks is a falling on upon the left flank , the motion being begun by the right ; it leaves all the ground the battalia stood on , and assumes in place thereof the ground besides the left flank , turning the aspect to the left : it is thus to bee performed . the whole body faceth to the right , and then the right-hand file being faced ( becomes a rank ) begins the countermarch , turning down the intervalls of the ranks ( which by this facing is made the distance between the files ) and so marcheth forth-right beyond the left flank , every man following of him that was his right-hand man , but not stepping forward one foot of ground untill the countermarch be performed . for the reducement of this countermarch , you must command them to countermarch again to the left , and they will be as at first ; or if you please , you may reduce it by another of the same kind as followeth . right-hand file , face to the right ; the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves before your right-hand men . this lacedaemonian countermarch of ranks makes a falling on upon the right flank , the motion being from the left flank to the right , leaving all the ground whereon the battalia stood , and in lieu thereof takes the ground besides the right flank . it is performed after this manner . the right-hand file faceth to the right , and passeth through the intervalls or spaces to the right , placing themselves before their right-hand men , until the left-hand file become the formost rank ▪ if you do this countermarch by it self ; then for reducement , first face them to their front proper ; then let the left-hand files face to the left , and do as much to the left , and they will be in their first station . right-hand files , face to the left ; the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves behind your right-hand men . this macedonian countermarch of ranks is contrary to the former , for it dismarcheth from the enemy upon that flank where he approaches & presents the contrary flank to receive the charge . it is performed after this manner ; the outmost file to the right faceth to the left ; the rest of the body or battalia faceth to the right , every man passing through to the right , and placing themselves behind their right-hand men . for the reducement of this countermarch , do but command them to doe as much to the left as first they did to the right , and they will be in their first forme . or if you please , you may make use of this following bastard countermarch to performe the same . right-hand file , stand , the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves on the outside of your right-hand man. this bastard countermarch of ranks doth alter both ground and flank ( still reserving the aspect without alteration ) : the manner of acting it followeth . the outmost or right-hand file standeth ; the rest of the body facing to the right , passe through to the right , every man placing of himselfe on the right side of his right-hand man , and so standing even in rank , the motion still continuing untill the left-hand file is become the right , and the right-hand file the left . if you command this countermarch to bee performed alone , then to reduce it , you must cause the left-hand file to stand , then do as much to the left as before you did to the right , and they will be in their first forme . countermarch front and rear into the midst . this divisionall chorean countermarch brings your file-leaders and bringers up together in the midst , and the ranks that were in the midst into the front and rear . every man is to march up into his leaders ground before he faceth about to countermarch . to performe this , you must cause the halfe-files to face about ; then the file-leaders stepping forwards with the right legge , are to face about to the right , passing down the intervalls upon the right hand ; the rest of the front half-files following their leaders , and not turning untill they come to the ground where their leaders turned down before them . the bringers up with the rear half-files at the same instant are to turn down their intervalls , upon the left-hand , the rest of their division following them , untill the file-leaders and bringers up meet together in the midst of the battell , and then having faced all to their leaders , the motion is performed . you may reduce it by doing the same thing over again , or any other divisionall countermarch of file . file-leaders & half-file-leaders , stand ; the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves before your leaders . this bastard countermarch doth bring the leaders and bringers up together into the midst , and saves two facings , and is more readily performed than the former ; the way to performe the motion is as followeth . the first rank stands , and the halfe-file-leaders stand , then those of the front half-files are to passe through their intervalls to the right , placing themselves before their file-leaders : the second rank are to place themselves before the first , the third before the second , the fourth before the third , &c. the rear half-files at the same instant are to perform the like , placing themselves before their half-file-leaders as the other did before their file-leaders . this motion may either bee reduced by acting the same over againe to the contrary hand , or else by countermarching the front and rear into the midst , or by any other divisionall countermarches of files . only observe by the way , that as the front half-files emptieth the spaces of ground between the leaders and the halfe-file leaders , placing themselves in the ground before the front. so in the mean time their places are to be replenisht by the souldiers of the rear halfe-files , who are to march up and supply their roomes . file-leaders and bringers up stand ; the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves before your leaders and bringers up . this divisionall lacedaemonian countermarch makes semblance of falling on or charging the enemy both to front and rear , and leaves all the ground whereon they stood , transferring them into the ground before the front , and behind the rear , the ground or place of their former standing being vacant . the motion is thus to bee performed : the rear halfe-files are commanded to face to the rear ; and then the front halfe-files passe through to the right , placing themselves before their leaders ; the second rank before the first , the third before the second , the fourth before the third , &c. the rear halfe-files at the same instant passing through to the rear , placing themselves before their bringers up . to reduce this motion into their former stations , ( if you have not closed their distance ) you may face them about , and so let them returne into their places : or else by doing the same countermarch over againe , or to the contrary hand , or any such like way will reduce them . note , if you reduce them by another countermarch , you must first close their divisions . file-leaders face about , bringers up stand , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves behind your file-leaders and bringers up . this divisionall macedonian countermarch doth little differ from the last ; onely that turned the aspect outwards to the front and rear , but this countermarch turnes the aspect inwards toward the midst , placing the best souldiers in the midst , with a large lane or distance betwixt them , through which any great personage may bee conducted crosse the length of your battell , whereby the bravery of the souldiers may be seene . this motion is thus to bee performed : the first rank ( or file-leaders ) face about , the last rank stands , the rear halfe-files face about , and so the front-division passe forwards and place themselves behind the file-leaders ; and the reare halfe-files behinde their bringers up . note , that when the rear halfe-files face about , the last rank which are the bringers up , are still to keepe their standing . the way to reduce this motion is to bee done either by the same word of command which produced it , or else by any of the precedent divisionall countermarches . front halfe-files , interchange ground with the reare passing through to the right . this bastard countermarch of enterchanging ground is not truely derived from any one particular ground of countermarch , but rather participating of them all ; and yet in it selfe it differs from them all : for whereas the other countermarches of files in division did bring their front and rear into the midst , yet their front half-files continued still on the same part , and their rear halfe-files did not alter into the place of the other . but this , contrary to any other of the divisionall countermarches , transfers the front halfe-files into the ground or place of the rear halfe-files , and them into the contrary part , bringing the file-leaders and bringers up together into the midst . for the performing this motion , you must cause the front halfe-files to face about , passing forwards to the right ( being led by the bringers up of the front half-files ) between the intervalls towards the rear . the rear half-files , at the same instant , in like manner marching forwards between the intervals on their right hands into the front , untill the front-division have attained the place of the rear , and they contrariwise the place of the front. for the reducement of this countermarch , do as much back again ; or if you would reduce it some other way , you may first make an entire countermarch of files , and then countermarch front and rear into the midst . under two countermarches it cannot be reduced . countermarch your flanks into the midst . this chorean countermarch of the flanks into the midst by bringing the outermost files to be the innermost , is thus to bee performed ; you must first command the whole body to face to the right and left hand by division . the outermost files by this facing becomming ranks , every man in the right-hand file being a leader in his halfe rank , file-wise : and so likewise in the left-hand file the same . then you are to countermarch the right flank to the right , and the left flank to the lelft , which you must alwaies observe to doe ; and your flanks will meet just in the midst of your battalia . lastly , having faced them to their first front , the countermarch is ended . to reduce them , you may either make use of the same countermarch again , or any of these following divisionall countermarches of flanks , unlesse it bee that of enterchanging of ground . note that upon the countermarching of flanks into the midst , the right flank must alwaies observe to turne to the right hand , and the left flank to the left hand : for if they should both turn off to the right , they will meet wrong , or if they turne off both to the left it , will be as bad . outmost files of each flank , face outward ; the rest passe through to the right and left , placing your selves before your outside men . this lacedaemonian countermarch of half ranks or flanks makes shew of charging the enemy with both flanks , but leaves a wast distance of ground unoccupied between the two outermost files or midst of the battell : the way to performe this motion is after this manner ; first you must cause your right-hand file to face to the right , and the left-hand file to the left ; the rest of the body faceth to the right and left , the right flank passing through to the right , and placing themselves before their right-hand men ; the second file from the right begins the motion on the right flank , the left flank in right manner passing through to the left , and placing themselves before their left-hand men , the second file accounting from the left begins the motion on the left flank : but you must note that the files become ranks with the facing . for reducement , if you will first face them to their proper front , you must command the two inmost files to stand , the rest are to passe through to the right and left-hand inwards and take their place : or you may make use of a chorean or a macedonian countermarch of ranks by division and with a facing , and closing their divisions they will bee in their first forme . the out most file of each flanke face inwards , the rest passe through to the right and left , placing your selves behinde your outside men . this macedonian counter-march corespondes with the last ; onely it differs in turning the aspct inwards , whereas the former directed their aspects outwards ; and it is thus performed : the outmost files of each flanke are to face inwards , and the rest of the body are to face to the right , the left are to face outward , those of the right flanke passing through the right , and placing themselves behind their right hand men , those of the left flanke passing through to the left , and placing themselves behind their left hand men , the motion is to be begun by the second file from each flank . for the reducement of this counter-march , you must first face them to their first front ; then commanding the two innermost files to face outwards , and the rest are to passe through to the right and left inward , placing themselves behind their right and left hand men , which being done , the whole body will stand faced to the right and left outwards ; then being faced to their leaders they are reduced into their first stations . or you may make use of the counter march next before , or of the next following , or of any other divisionall counter-march of rankes ( which doe not interchange ground . ) the outmost file of each flanke stand , the rest passe through to the right , and left , & place your selves on the outside of your right and left hand men . this divisionall bastard counter-march produceth the same effect which the other two next before it wrought , onely differing in the aspect ; for the lacedemonian turned the aspect outwards , the macedonian turned the aspect inwards , and this keepes the aspect still directed the same way . to performe this motion you must command the outmost file of each flanke to stand , the rest of the body are to face to the right and left outwards ( viz ) the right flanke passing through to the right , and the left flanke to the left ; those of the right flanke placing themselves on the outside of their right hand men ; in like manner those of the left flanke are to place themselves on the outside of their left hand men . it may be reduced eyther by any of the foregoing divisionall counter-marches of rankes , or else being faced to any of the flankes , then the rankes become files . and by divisionall counter-marches of files you may reduce devisionall counter-marches of rankes , or by rankes files : onely you must observe some facings , yet you may reduce this motion by commanding the two inmost files to stand , the rest are to face to the right and left inwards , and so march into their places . interchange flanks : this exchanging of flankes or bastard counter-march is differing from all the other divisionall counter-marches of rankes , for this transferres the right flanke into the place of the left , and the left flanke into the place of the right : it is very proper to receive a sudden charge from the horse , for so soone as they shall bee commanded to enterchange their flankes they face to the right and left inwards , and then the inmost files of the pikes begins the motion ; the rest of each flanke following orderly , likewise the pikes are to port so soone as they begin to move , and are to charge as they see occasion ; if neede bee the pikes may charge at the foot , the musquetiers giving fire over their shoulders ; if the pikes have too large a distance , they may close at their owne pleasures as soone as they have past through . for reducement you may interchange ground againe , or otherwise you may counter-march your flankes into the middest , and then an intire counter-march eyther of rankes or files will reduce them . and this shall suffice to finish this discourse of counter-marches , wishing every commander to be ready and well verst in all of them , but principally to make use of the three first intire counter-marches of files , as also the same of rankes , for those you cannot possibly omit in your drillings , the rest you may dispense with all at your pleasure : and having thus exercised your men in these motions of counter-march ; the next things you are to teach them are wheelings , and they are of two kinds , as in the next chapter shall more fully be demonstrated . chap. lxxxvi . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in the motions of wheeling , with the description of their kindes and uses , with their severall words of command placed in the margent . wheelings are of two kindes ( viz. ) wheelings anguler , and wheelings on the center , and these are eyther intire or divisionall . the use of intire wheelings is to turne the aspect of the front proper , eyther to the right , to the left , or to the reere , eyther for the gayning of the wind , sunne , or some such like advantages , or to entertaine their enemy with their best souldiers ; and for your better performing of these motions of wheelings , you must first close both your rankes and files to their order , which is three foote both in ranke and file ; and likewise upon all wheelings you must be sure to observe your leader , and follow him keeping your due distance , your musquets are all eyther to be poyzed , or shouldred , your pikes are to be advanced : further observe that upon the exercise of the motions whether it be distance , facings , doublings or counter-marches , or wheelings ; the musquetiers ought to bee all upon one and the same posture eyther poyzed or shouldred , and the pikes in like manner eyther shouldred or advanced ; the words of command followes in the margent , and the directions how to performe the motions , right against them : wherefore first you are to command them to , wheele your battell to the right . this anguler wheeling transferres the aspect or countenance of the front proper into that part which was the right flanke : it also remove the battallia from the ground whereon formerly it stood , and placeth it on the part before the front ; the hinge of the motion is the right corner man which hath the leading of the right hand file , he with a gentle motion moveth to the right , and every man the more remote his place is from the right angle , the swifter must be his motion , because he is to go a greater circumstance . for reducement , wheele your battallia to the left in the like manner as it was wheeled to the right ; but withall note , that this will not bring you backe into the same ground you formerly stood on , because it hath advanced you the length of your battallia before the place of your first front , wherefore to reduce you into the same place you stood on first ; you must face your battallia to the right , and being so faced whele your battell to the left , which being performed , face to the left and then they are compleately reduced to their first forme and station . this also is an angular wheeling and transferreth the aspect of the front proper towards the reere ; it is performed after the same manner of the former , onely the motion is twise as much , wherefore observe the directions in the former ; note the ground you formerly did possesse will bee twise the length of your battallia to the left of your left flanke : for the reducing them as well to their first ground as their first aspect , you must face them to the right , and then wheele then to the left about ; which being performed , face them again to the left and they are reduced perfectly to their first forme & station : further observe that every following wheeling is a reducement unto that which is placed next before it , and the wheeling next before may reduce that next following : as to wheele your flankes into the front , by wheeling your flankes into the reere it is reduced ; or to wheele front and reere into both flankes , if you wheele both flankes into the front and reere , they are likewise reduced as before . wheele your battaile to the right on the same ground . this wheeling on the center is more suddenly performed then the angular wheelings , and may be done in farre lesse ground , for the left flanke advanceth forwards , still wheeling to the right , the right flanke contrariwise facing to the left , and so falling backwards ; if you have an odde file then the middle file leader must be the center of the motion , but if you have an even number of files , then the middlemost file leader from the left , or if your wheeling bee to the left , then the middlemost file-leader to the right must be the center ; this hath beene used by the grave van nassaw in the netherlands . for the reducement you must wheele your battell to the left on the same ground and they will be in their first forme and station . wheele your battell to the right about on the same ground . this wheeling is also a wheeling on the center or midst of the front , whereby the aspect of the front proper is transferred towards the reere and withall the battell is remomoved from off the ground whereon formerly it stood , and is placed upon the ground before the front ; it requires the very same action the former did , onely the motion is double to the other . to performe this motion every man of the left flanke is to observe duly his right hand man , and the right flanke must keepe even and straight after their left hand man , which becomes their leaders filewise , untill they have attained their ground , after which they face as before , making an even front. for the reducement , wheele your battell to the left about upon the same ground , and they will be in their first forme . wheele off your front by division . this motion of wheeling by division in great battallias is very efficatious to oppose severall enemies at one and the same time with the front of your battallia , whereby your ablest souldiers will bee first brought to action ; but if you wheele off your battell by division , and joyne them againe when they be in the reere , then all your musquetiers are brought from the flankes into the midst of your battallia , and your pikes will be upon the flankes ; this motion is easie to be performed , for all the file-leaders to the right flanke are to wheele about to the right , the rest of each file following their leaders ; the file-leaders likewise of the left flanke are to wheele about to the left , and then joyne or close their divisions . to reduce them you must wheele them off againe by division , or the wheeling next following will performe it . wheele your front inwards to the reere . this divisionall wheeling of the front inwards to the reere may serve for a reducement unto the precedent wheelings , and so it brings the musquetiers to the flankes againe , but if you performe this motion , the company being first reduced , then it brings the pikes to the flankes , if you chance to be anoyed with horse in the reere upon a march , you having gayned some place of advantage as aside hill or the like , then by wheeling your front inwards to the reere , you may perswade the enemy you are taking your flight , but you shall be ready to entertayne his aproches with a setled orderly body , for your shot will bee in the middest , and the pikes impaling their flankes , so as the horse can have no power over the shot to route them , but they shall bee able to give fire upon them continually ; this motion is thus to bee performed : the right hand file-leader , with all the leaders of the right flanke are to advance forwards , and so are to wheele about to the left , every file still keeping close to their right hand file : likewise the left hand file-leader , with all the leaders of the left flanke are to advance forwards , and wheele about to the right , every file of the left flanke closing close to the left , thus the outmost file of each flanke will meet and become the innermost , the front being metamorphis'd into the reere . for reducement you may wheele them againe off to the right and left by division , or else wheele your front inward to the reere wheele your flanks into the front. this divisionall wheeling of the flankes into the front is cosen-german to a doubling , for by it all your shot are brought from both the flankes into the front , and thereby so many shot more are brought to doe execution accordingly as the depth will permit . this motion of wheeling your flankes into the front will not onely secure your shot , but also is very proper to baricado up any passage with your pikes , so as the enemies horse will be defeated of their expectations ; upon the first motion of dividing , every devision wheeleth about his owne angle untill the outmost file leaders of each flanke meete together in the midst , then facing to their leader performes it : for reducement of this motion ; wheele your flankes into the reere , or else foure times the same , although the further way about . face all about to the right , and wheele your flanks into the reere . this divisionall wheeling of the flankes into the reere is also neere akind to a doubling , and is to be performed as the other in all respects , for this wheeling brings your two outmost files to be the first ranke , the bringers up of the right and left hand files meeting together , the bringers up of the left flanke meeting face to face with the bringers up of the right flanke , and so being faced to their leader they which before were compleate files , are now become halfe rankes , eyther to the right or left ; but you must note that before you beginne to wheele , you must face your body about to the reere , and then the action will be all one as if you wheeled your flankes into the front ; it shall neede no further explayning in regard in the motion before this it is fully exprest . but by the way take notice that in all wheelings you must observe to follow your leaders , which must be understood as well of those which are accidentally become leaders ( by reason of facings ) as of those which be the first and propet leaders , as for example , in this wheeling you must note that the bringers up are become the leaders of the motion ; also you may further observe that the two middlemost bringers up are the hinges of the wheeling . for the reducement of this wheeling , the commander being at his front accidentall , may command them to wheele their wings into the reere , and so passing through to that part where his proper file-leaders are● , and then face them to him and they are in their first forme . or else when the commander hath past through to the reere , and faced his company to him , then ( his pikes being foremost ) let him wheele his flankes into the front , who being faced to their leader are reduced . wheele front , and reere into the right flanke . this divisionall wheeling of the front and reere , into the right flanke ; doth quadruple the depth : as for example if the body of your battallia be but ten in depth , this wheeling to the right flanke makes them forty deepe in file , and but five in ranke or brest ; you may observe how the musqueteires of the left flanke are devided ( viz ) the one halfe of them wheeling to the front ; and the other halfe to the reere ; likewise the musqueteirs of the right flanke are to wheele together into the midst . the pikes are likewise divided : those that were the front halfe files ; are to wheele into the midst of the front division of musquetiers , and those that were the reere division of pikes are to wheele into the reere division of shott ; after the word of command is given to wheele front and reere , into the right flanke ; you must cause your souldiers for to face to the right : ( that being done ) they are to wheele together ; about the fifth and sixth men in the right hand file ; which is the halfe file leader to the front , and halfe file leader to the reere ; this motion being performed right , the two halfe files to the right , will be converted into the two midle rankes of the battallia ; and the file-leaders to the front , and the bringers of the reere will be the right hand file . for the reducement ; there may be many wayes ; according as the body of the battallia may be faced ; but suppose they stand faced in the same forme that this battallia did before the motion began and then the wheeling of front and reere into the left flanke will reduce them to their first station , they being faced to their leader ; or if you please to face them that way which they wheeled in the motion which was to the right , then wheele your flankes into the reere , and then facing them to their proper front they are reduced . wheele front and reere into the left flanke . this divisionall wheeling of the front and reere into the left flanke ; is a doubling of the depth as the former was : and the nature of the motion is the same with the precedent , the difference is onely in the flankes wherefore first you must cause the battallia to face to the left ; and then you must wheele them as before you did wheele the flankes into the front . but suppose that all the shott are placed upon the right flanke before you begin this motion ; then this wheeling will bring the one halfe of them into the front and the other halfe into the reere : and the motion being performed and they faced towards their commander they will be deepe in file , and five in ranke as the precedent motion was . for reducement : the usuall way is to wheele the front and reere into the right flanke , or if upon occasion , you have faced your battallia to the same way they have wheeled ( which was to the left flanke ) and would give your command from thence , then you must cause them to wheele , their flankes into the reere , this being done , you must passe to your first front , then causing them to face towards you they are in the same forme they were at first : then cause the five files of shott , to face to the left : and then to passe through their places . lastly , you must close their rankes and files to their due distance and all is performed . wheele both flankes into the front and reere . this divisionall wheeling of both flankes into the front and reere : doth double the depth , making them from ten deepe to be twenty . it doth also transferre the musquetiers from both the flankes into the front and reere , making a division betweene the front halfe files , and the reere halfe-files . so that of one body flankte with shott it maketh two , each having their shot in the front . to performe this wheeling you must take these following directions . the word of command being given as in the margent is exprest , the first thing the souldiers have to doe ; is for the halfe files to face about to the reere and then the front halfe files , and the reere halfe files are to wheele at one and the same instant . the front division are to wheele about their two innermost file leaders ; untill the file leaders of the right flanke meete together in the midst with the file leaders of the left flanke ; the residue of their divisions orderly following of them . the halfe files in like maner being faced about , the bringers up in the same order as the former did are to wheele together being now the leaders of the motion in the reere . this being performed and the commander standing at the place of his first front , he is to cause them to face towards him : then he is to command them to close their division , which being done all your file leaders are in the two innermost files of the front division file wise , and all the bringers up , in the reere division of the same files . for reducement you may face them to either of the flankes , and then command them to wheele both flankes into the front and reere : then facing them againe to their proper front , and closing their divisions , they will be as at first ; or if you please the subsequent motion of wheeling will reduce it . wheele front and reere into both flankes . this wheeling of front and reere into both flankes is also a doubling of depth . so that from ten deepe it makes them twenty . and by this motion the shot which in the precedent wheeling was placed upon the flankes , by this motion of wheeling are transferd into the midst betweene the front and the reere of the pikes ; and whereas in this former motion , their wheeling was about the two midlemost file leaders , and bringers up . this wheeling contrariwise is about the two halfe file leaders of the outmost files of each flanke . in the other wheeling the file leaders and bringers up , made the inmost file , but in this they make the outermost file of each flanke . this motion being performed , it leaves a large intervall ( or division ) from front to reere betweene the flankes : which if the commander passe into the midst , betweene each division , and face them all to him , causing them to close their divisions : and then he being marcht forth into his first place , causing the souldiers to direct their aspects to him , then will the pikes be in the front and reere . for the reducement of this motion of wheeling to its first forme and station , you must cause the battallia to face to one of the flankes , which being done , you must command them againe to wheele front and reere into both flankes , then facing them to their first front , and closing their division , they are reduced , or you may wheele both flankes into the front and reere , and then face them to their leader and close their division . thus having shewed the wayes and properties of wheelings , in their severall kindes wishing every commander at least to make use of the intire wheelings : and to make their souldiers perfect in them , so that they may wheele to the right , to the left and to the reere , and as for the rest you may use your pleasure : ( if time will not permit you ) to exercise your souldiers in them . the next thing that a commander is to teach his souldiers , is the severall wayes of giving fire , and the fitting and preparing them for skirmish which in the next chapter shall be discours'd of . chap. lxxxvii . how a commauder shall prepare his souldiers for skirmish , with the maner , and use of firing by forlorne files , in the front. when a commander hath exercised his company in their postures , doublings , counter-marches , and wheelings , the next thing requisite to be taught the souldiers , is how they should skirmish , with the maner and use of firing , wherefore your company being first drawne in battallia , every man observing his order both in ranke and file . the officers in their due places ( viz ) the captaine and ensigne in the front of pikes , the lieutenant in the reere , the serjants on the flankes , the drummes on the front and reere angle of the pikes : every man thus standing in his right equipage , the captaine shall command the drums to beate a march , the colours flying at the head of the pikes , the pikes and musquets shouldred marching at their distance of order in file , and at their open order in ranke , the commander is to give a signe to the drume to beare a preparative , at which time the ensigne is to furle-up his colours , and to retire into the midst of the pikes , every man is to advance his pike , and to close all their rankes forwards to their order , the musquetiers art to make ready every one preparing himselfe for skirmish , but before we proceede any further it will be very convenient to shew the maner and use of firings that the souldiers may be the better able to performe them , when they come to the proofe and tryall , wherefore observe that all firings are either direct or oblique . the maner of firings , are sometimes advancing against an enemie , sometimes receiving the enemies charge upon a stand , or else retiring ( for we may be constrained to give fire in the reere , marching from the enemie ) or in , flanke marching by an enemie , or it may fall out that the enemy may charge in severall places at once , as in front and flanke or in front , reere , and flanke , these particulars shall be more fully discust in the following discourses . and first to begin with the firings in front , both advancing and standing . i will follow master barrifes directions , who hath excellently well described them , both by discourse and figure . wherefore first take notice of giving fire by forlorne files , which most commonly is used two maner of wayes in the exercising of companies . the first is , for the two outermost files of each flanke of shot to march forth ( being led on by the two yongest serjants , ) a convenient distance beyond the front of the battell , who being there arived ought to make there stand , the foremost rankes are to give fire , wheeling off both to the right , ( or to the right and left if it be commanded ) and to place themselves in the reere of their owne files , the rest of the rankes firing and doing of the like , untill they have fired once , or twice over , according as they shall be directed , this being performed , the next two out most files , of each flanke are to march forwards unto the place assigned , and are there to doe the like . those files which formerly faced are in the meane time to troope backe , and place themselves next the flankes of the pikes , upon the inside of the division of musquetiers . the rest of the shot after the former manner are to march up and give fire , placing themselves as before is shewed , when they have fired all over and placed themselves according to these directions they are reduced into their first stations . the second way of firing by forlorne files is thus to be performed : the outmost files of each flanke are led forth by the serjeants unto the place assigned , and then they command their files to ranke inwards , and to present and give fire all at one instant as by the subsequent figure you may perceive . serjeant serjeant captaine ensigne serjeant serjeant lievetenant . the first two files having ranked inwards and joyned together making one brest as you may perceive at the figure . and having presented and given fire , they are to wheele off to the right and left , each man following his leader in single file ( and performing their postures of priming and charging , &c. ) as they troope downe to place themselves on the inside of their division of shot alongst by the flankes of the pikes : the next outmost file which followed the first in the reere in the meane time are to ranke themselves inwards , and are to give fire and wheele off as the former did , placing themselves alongst by the flankes of the pikes , after the same manner all the rest of the files are to performe their indeavours . note the odde files may eyther march up and give fire single or else the next outermost file may sequent them . chap. lxxxviii . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers to give fire by two rankes , advancing them ten or twenty paces before the front of the battalia , then even with the front , and lastly even with the halfe-files . this manner of advancing two rankes a certaine distance before the front of the battell is commonly used , when two battells make their approaches one against the other , whereby they are brought within distance to doe certaine execution ; a serjeant from each flanke is to leade these two formost rankes up to the place assigned : the first ranke of each wing of shot is to present and to give fire , wheeling off eyther to the right , or to the right and left , the second ranke stands ready with their musquets rested , their match-cocked and pans guarded , mounting the muzells of their peeces cleere of their leaders , and standing the distance of three foote behind the first ranke , are ready to levell and give fire so soone as their leaders are wheeled off from before them . the first rankes having presented and given fire ( as aforesayd ) in their wheeling off they are to march downe in single file close by the outside of the wings of shot , untill they come to the reere of their owne divisions where every man is to place himselfe in the reere of his owne file . the second ranke having discharged are after the same manner to wheele off , and to place themselves in the reere as the former did . the next two rankes are to beginne to advance forwards , when they see the last of the two former rankes presented and ready to give fire , and they also having given fire are to wheele off as the former did , and so successively the rest of the rankes advancing are to imitate the former in all the points . the body of pikes are to march very slowly forwards , all the while that the shot are drawne up to give fire before the front , and if the enemies battallias be not neare , the pikes may march shouldred . but when the enemies battallias be approacht , within six or eight score , or lesse , then the musquetiers are to give fire even with the front of the body of pikes , and then the pikemen are to advance their pikes , and close their rankes to the distance of three foote , and the shot to advance up even with the first ranke of pikes , and there giving fire , they are to wheele off to the right and left , as in the former directions . note when the first ranke hath given fire and wheeled off , the next rankes are to move forwards at three motions into their place , * and there to give fire after the same manner wheeling away againe , and placing themselves according to the former directions , every ranke still making good their leaders ground , by this meanes they may continue giving fire untill the two battells are ready to joyne at push of pike , at which time , the shot are to give fire eyther retiring , or else not to advance further then the halfe files of pikes , for there they shall be secure from the enemies pikes offending them , besides they may do as good execution there , as being placed even with the front . if so be the drumme beate a retreite , then the shot ought neyther to advance nor retreite , but every ranke is to give fire upon the same ground they stand on : and then wheele off that the next ranke may doe as much . never the lesse , when the forlorne files march forth , or that two rankes march forth ten paces ( or more ) before the front , then they are to give fire as upon a retreit , unlesse the enemy flee . the skirmish being ended , the reducement is easie , the leader of each file , being in his place at the head of his file is to draw up the shot even with the front of pikes , and then they will be as at first . chap. lxxxix . how a commander shall exercise his wings of musquetiers to give fire , they being advanc'd a small distance before the front of the pikes , in manner of a horne battell , and also how to reduce it . this kinde of giving fire , ( the shot being advanc'd before the front of the pikes , the bringers up of eyther winge of musquetiers being rankt even with the first ranke of pikes in the front ) is of the same use that the firing by two rankes , ten paces advanst before the front , is of , & cannot choose but be more serviceable upon some occasions , in regard the shot doe their execution more readily without intermission of time , or stragling from their bodies ; besides it is an apt forme for over fronting , and they are easily to be wheeled , whereby they may charge the enemy in flanke ; each of these wings of shot may bee led up by a serjeant , ( or some other superiour officer ) unto the place assigned by the chiefe . after the word of command is given for the bringing them into this forme , as in the margent is expressed , the manner of giving fire is thus to be performed . pikes stand , musquetiers , march untill the bringers up ranke with the front of pikes . the first ranke of musquetiers presents and give fire wheeling off , eyther all to the right , or to the right and left , ( according as they shall be directed ) and placing themselves orderly in the reere of their owne files ; the next ranke ( after the same manner ) are to give fire and wheele off placing themselves behinde those which were their leaders ; thus is every ranke successively to doe the like , untill they have all given fire . if you desire to continue giving fire still in this forme , then your shot must moue forwards into the grounde of them that fired before them and the forme will be still the same . but if you desire after once , or twice firing over , to have your shot flanke their pikes ; then the musquetiers , must not advance into their leaders ground , but contrarily every ranke is to present & give fire upon the same ground they stand on , falling off into the reere one after another , by which meanes they will be brought even with the pikes . or if you please , the pikes may advance , and march up , to make their front intire with the file leaders of the shot , whereby they will be reduced . pikes stand , musquetiers , advance before your front of pikes and close your divisions . the forme of this next kinde of firing is produced according to the words of command placed in the margent , the manner of the forme is thus , the two winges of shot are advanced before the front of the body of pikes : and closing their divisions they shelter the pikes from the fury of the enemies shot . and there may be as great execution performed by this forme of firing , as by any of the former , in regard it is so sollid and stable . in the former firings , the pikes either rank'd even with the wings of shot , or else the division betweene the wings of shot being open , the pikes are liable to the danger of the enemies shot , the pikes are not able of themselves to doe any thing either in the way of offence , or defence , untill the enemie be within push of pike . but this kinde of demie-hearse battell covers the front of their pikes securely with the wings of their owne shot , untill the enemie be come within distance . there are two principall wayes of giving fire belonging to this forme , namely first the musquetiers may give fire in the front , and so wheele off by division , or if the commander pleaseth , they may wheele all off to the right , placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions and files of shot just before the front of the pikes . the next rankes are immediately to move forwards into their leaders ground , and are likewise to give fire and wheele off placing themselves after the maner of the former , the rest of the rankes of musquetiers performing the like , untill they have all given fire : thus having fired once or twice over this way , you may make use of a second way of firing , which shall serve for reducement of the former . wherefore observe that in this second way of firing , when the first rankes have given fire , they are to wheele equally off by division , each part faling file wise downe close by the flankes of the wings of musquetiers , untill the leaders of the rankes of shot are come downe as low as the first ranke of pikes , which being performed they are to face outwards : and to move so farre forth in a straight line untill they have ranked even with the first ranke of pikes , not forgetting to leave there a distance betwixt the inermost musquet of each flanke , and the outermost file-leader of the pikes . so soone as the first ranke hath given fire and wheeled away , the second ranke is to give fire , wheeling off as before , and passing down betweene the intervalls of the flankes placing themselves after their leaders . the same is every ranke successively to doe untill all the shot be drawne from before the front , & placed on the flankes of their pikes . but when all the shot in the front hath discharged unto the two last rankes , then the pikes are to porte , and when they have all fired and wheeled away , then they are to charge their pikes ; then advancing their pikes again , the battallia stands reduced as in its first forme . musquetiers make ready to give fire by introduction to the right . files of musquetires open by division to your open order . you shall finde in the margent the words of command that produceth this forme of giving fire , by way of introduction , it being a kinde of advancing against the enemie , and of gayning ground , although not used ( in these our moderne warres ) but in way of exercise . it is to be performed two wayes . the first , when the motion is begun by the second ranke from the front. the other when it is begun by the bringers up ; wherefore observe before the firing begin , you must open your files of musquetiers , to their open order , so that the shot may passe betweene the intervalls of each file to give fire in the front. the maner and forme of this kind of firing by introduction may be thus performed . the pikes being flanked with the musquetiers , the first ranke of each flanke is to present and give fire , and having fired , they stand and make ready againe in the same place . the second ranke passing forwards before the first , doe there also fire and stand . the third ranke then passing forwards , after the second , and standing even in ranke with them that first fired , that so soone as the second ranke hath fired , they may presently step before them and fire in like maner . in this firing still the ranke which is next to fire , stands even in ranke with them which last fired , untill those which stand presented have first given fire , after which they then passe before them ; the ranke which was their next followers , passing forwarde , & ranking with those which last fired , every man following his leader successively , untill the bringers up give fire and stand in the front of all ; and then this forme will be like the figure of a horne battell . all the while that this firing by introduction is continued , the pikes may be shouldred , if there be no feare of the enemies horse . if you continue this firing twice over the musquetiers will have their right place : which being done , march up your pikes and ranke them even in front with the shot , and they are reduced . the second way of firing by introduction : the first ranke , ( or file leaders ) are to give fire as before , and to stand . the last ranke ( or bringers up ) in the interim of their firing marching up , and ranking even with the second ranke : the rest follow their bringers up , as they doe when bringers up double their front : the first ranke having fired , the bringers up step imediatly before them , present , and give fire , the rest still successively doing the like , untill every ranke have given fire once over : observe with all , that the file leaders are to give fire twice over , being the first , and the last , and then to stand , the pikes marching up even with their front of musquetiers . and thus they are reduced as at first . if the two first rankes of pikes in every battallia should have bowes fastned to their pikes , they might do good service against the enemie whilst the shot performes their duties in giving fire . the words of command which produceth this forme of a diamand battell , is in the margent , amongst the ancients it hath bin of great account , but in these late ages musquetiers , ranke , , , , , , &c. by increase to the left . files of pikes ranked by decrease after your musquetiers . not used in the warres , the manner of forming it is thus : first you must cause your musquetiers of the right flanke , to open to the right , to a sufficient distance for the receiving the shot of the left flanke . then you must command the left flanke of musquetiers , to passe through into the space of ground on the right . this being done , for to frame this battell you must command your files of musquetires to ranke , , , , &c. by increase to the left , then you must command the files of pikes to ranke by decrease after the musquetiers ; the musquitiers may give fire from this forme of battell two wayes principally , the first is the giving fire in ranke ( viz. ) the first man ( or point of the diamond ) is first to give fire , then he is to wheele off to the right , and place himselfe just behind the single pikemen in the reere ; then the next ranke consisting of three men are to give fire , and to wheele off by division , and are to place themselves in ranke behind the single musquetiere as they were before the firing began , next the ranke of five musquitiers gives fire wheeling off in like manner by division , ever observing that where the number is odde , and they commanded to wheele off by division , there the greatest number alwayes goes to the right : and after this manner every ranke gives fire successively , and place themselves after their leaders , as before is shewed : when all the shot have given fire and are wheeled off , then let the pikes charge , which will be fiveteene in the first rank , the rest decreasing ( having advanced your forme ) will stand like two wedges with their points joyned . if you would reduce your men from this forme , without giving fire , then let the musquitiers stand , and the pikes face to the reere , and then the wedge will stand faced in opposition : next you may command them to interchange ground , the musquetiers advancing forwards into the ground of the pikes , and the pikes moving into the ground of the musquetiers , and then by facing the pikes to the former front , the body will stand in forme of a diamond againe . if you would give fire from this forme in regard all the musquetiers are placed in the reere , the body must face about , & so the firing will bee contrary to the former . but if you wheele them about , then they may give fire the same way : however after fire is given they must wheele off by division , and place themselves in the reere of the pikes , even in rank againe as they were when they gave fire : thus having all fired over & wheeled away , the pikes may charge , & being againe advanced , the body wil stand in form of a diamond . the second way of firing on this diamond forme is by way of counter-march , and is an oblique firing , for whereas in the other firing by rankes in the diamond battell , each ranke fired by increase of two , beginning with one , and ending with . . or , &c. ( according to the quantitie of your souldiers ) in a ranke ; this second kind of firing contrary wise may beginne with . . or , &c. and end with one , still decreasing two ; and to performe this firing your files must be at open order , because the musquetiers must counter-march downe betweene the intervals of their owne files to the right , every musquetiere that findes him-himselfe without a leader , being to present and give fire , and then to counter-march to the right , and to place himselfe in the reere of his owne file behind the pikes , when the first ranke ( if it consists but of . ) have given fire , then the next ranke of . is to present , give fire , and counter-march , still placing themselves in the reere of their owne files ; next there fireth . then , &c. and in this manner of firing they that fire together stand neither in ranke nor file , but obliquely when all the shot have fired , and are counter-marcht into the reere of their owne files , then the rankes will become two , and two of a number . your men standing in the forme before described if you please you may produce another forme by facing them all to the reere , then command your musquetiers to march ten or twelve paces , your pikes to stand , and your musquetiers will make resemblance of a hollow wedge , and your piks of a sollid wedge . lastly , to reduce all these severall formes into the first proper square battell ; first let the sollid wedge , close forwards into the hollow of the other , then let the shot make ready , present , and give fire as before ( viz. ) every musquetiere that findes himselfe without a leader is to give fire and counter-march to the reere of his owne file , and the rest doing the like successively , when they have all fired and are all counter-marcht cleare , let the pikes charge and then the body of your battallia will have the forme of a diamond againe . next face them all to the reere and command the rankes to file . &c. to the right , which being done , passe the shot through which belongs to the left flanke into their places , and close the musquetiers to the right flanke to their due distance , and then they will stand in their proper reducement . wheele your flankes into the front , and face the body to one of the flanks , and wheele your battell into a convex halfe moone . the manner and use of the severall wayes of firing belonging to this forme of the convex , half moone , or semi-circuler battell , is a forme which our schoolemaster in the rudiments ( julius casar ) did highly esteeme of , it makes shew but of a few souldiers in regard of the rotunditie of it , yet being drawne out in length it makes a very long front , it may be for the landing of souldiers in the enemies country , or being secured in the reere with rivers , bogges , ditches or the like , it hath beene accounted very prevalent to be opposed against an armie of greater power , it may be framed either with the shot outermost or innermost or lined . if your battell be in forme of a hearse then wheele them to the right and left about , untill they have attained this forme of a semicircle , but if in a square then you must make use of those words of command plac'd in the margent which will produce this convex forme . having brought your souldiers into this semicircle , you may face them all inwards the better to heare such speeches or orations as shall be by the commander delivered unto them , but for to receive a charge from the enemy you must face them outwards , there must be certaine intervalls or distances betwixt each division for the shot to wheele off and march downe in : the outmost arch or first ranke of each division is to present and give fire , those of the right flanke wheeling off to the right , and the left flanke to the left , placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of musquetiers , still making good their leaders ground , the rest of the rankes are to doe the same until they have all given fire . never the lesse if the enemies horse should bee too potent then let them give fire by division as is shewed before , passing quite through their intervalls , and placing themselves in the reere of the pikes , every ranke is to make good his leaders ground . thus also are the rest of the musquitiers to give fire , placing themselves in the concave part of the body as aforesaid , following the pikes which now makes good the musquetiers ground ; the pikes may eyther charge over hand or upon occasion at the foote , drawing forth their swords over their left arme , and couching downe their heads , by which meanes the musquitiers may play over their shoulders for the first ranke having fired may kneele downe and charge againe , and so the second ranke may give fire , and kneele in like sort making ready againe , and so all the rest , untill the first ranke riseth up with the rest and give fire over againe . so the skirmish may be continued the pikes still opposing the horse . pikes stand ; musquetiers face to the reere , and march until your are cleere of your body of pikes . then face inwards , and close your division , then face to your leader and double your rankes for the reducement of this forme , and to bring every man to his place . let your shot ( either by firing , or passing through ) be brought into the place they were in , before they first gave fire , then face the whole body to one of the flankes ; and march them untill they have evened their rankes , and straitned their files , this done then if all your pikes be upon the right flanke , wheele your right flanke into the midst , if on the left flanke wheele front and reere into the left flanke . this being preformed the commander must passe to his proper file-leaders , and face the whole body to him , and they will be in their first forme . this way of firing by extraduction is also a firing in front , it is of singuler good use in a strait or narrow passage , where the wings and reere may be secured from the fury of the enemies horse , you must fill the mouth of the passage with your pikes , and if the length of your company be not sufficient to doe it , then double your rankes , and your pikes being charged , your musquetiers being in the reere are to march up into the front , and give fire , as in the next place shal be demonstrated , onely first by the way observe the words of directions placed in the margent , which produceth this forme . the battel being ordred as a foresaid let the first ranke of musquetiers , ( which are those that followes next after the pikes ) face to the right and march forth ( file-wise ) up close by the right flanke of pikes , untill he that is the conductor of them become into the front of the pikes , then he is to leade them quite crosse the front of pikes , untill he have attained the further part of the front to the left : which being done , they are all to stand present and give fire . you must observe withall that he in this firing that was the right hand man of the ranke , and was the leader of the motion : now becomes the left hand man when he gives fire , and when they have fired they are to wheele off to the left close by the left flanke of pikes and so to fall into the reere of the musquetiers . in the interim whilst that the ranke that first fired , is wheeling away , the second ranke is marching into their places to give fire . and in this maner they may maintaine their skirmish so long as they please : the pikes either porting or charging all the while . the musquetiers in their time of their crossing the front , are to couch , or stoope under their pikes , that they may be no impediment to them in their charge . there is another way of firing by extraduction , which is that the right hand leader of musquetiers placeth himselfe before the right file leader of pikes , the rest all faling beyond him but this is a more imperfect way then the former and not worth the further describing . for reducement you must command your pikes to stand , and your musquets to double their front by division . but if you want roome to doe it , then first double your files to the contrary hand of that which you doubled your rankes , and so having doubled by division , as a foresaid they will be reduced as at first . wheele your flankes into the front , face to your leader . the firings belonging to a broad fronted battell are of singular use either offensive , or defensive . the words of direction that produceth this forme is in the margent , and the maner of performing it is thus , first cause your pikes to stand , and your musquetiers to march untill the reere ranke of musquetiers be advanced a little space before the front of the pikes , then let the musquetiers face inwards , ( or in opposition ) and close their division , and then face to their leaders , and if you would bring more hands to fight , double rankes to any hand . but the speediest way to produce thus forme , is to wheele both flankes into the front. for the manner of firing , there are intervalls made for each division to the right ; that so they may either fall into the reere of the shot , and there continue the firing ; or else fall into the reere of the pikes : and be thereby secured from the enemies horse . wherefore be pleased to observe the words of command whereby this forme is produced ( which is placed in the margent , ) for the performance of this firing , the first ranke is to present and give fire , then wheele off to the right ; all passing downe the intervalls to the right and placing themselves in the reere of their owne shot , the musquetiers making good their leaders ground . likewise after the next rankes have fired , they are after the former manner to wheele off and to place themselves . this way they may give fire once or twise over , and then make use of a second way . and that is to place themselves in the reere of the pikes ; either standing or advancing : or if neede be the pikes may close their divisions , and charge at the foote , the musquetiers giving fire over them . for reducement : if you make this forme of battell by wheeling your flankes into the front and there having given fire , as foresaid ; then you must cause them to give fire over againe , and so fall into their former places : for you must observe that the second firing will cause the body to face to the reere , which then becomes a front accidentall , and then by wheeling your flankes into the front againe , and facing them about to the right ; will bring them into their first station : or if you would reduce them without giving of fire over againe ; then you must command your shot to double their front by division , that being done , you are to wheele both flankes into the reare , then facing to their leaders , you must againe command the musquetiers to double their front by division , and they will be in their first forme and station . chap. xc . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in giving fire to the reere , with the severall wayes there to belonging , and how they ought to be performed . having in the former discourse shewed the diverse and sundry wayes of giving fire in the front. it seemes now requisit i should doe the same office , in demonstrating the severall wayes of giving fire in the reere . wherefore after the commander hath taught his souldiers these wayes , ( or at least the chiefest of them ) in giving fire in the front , he must performe the like paines in exercising them in their firings in the reere . and first having commanded them to face about into the reere , or wheele them about , or performe it by counter marching . the company , we presuppose stands in battallia , with the wings of shot , upon each flanke of the body of pikes : the pikes being shouldred you may cause them to march easily forwards ; the enemie being supposed to appeare in the reere , command your last ranke of musquetiers to face about , present , and give fire , wheeling off by division , file-wise marching uptoward the front , and there placing themselves before the foremost ranke of shot , ( the outmost man of each ranke , being the leader up of those which have fired ) where first taking their place on the outside , the rest wheeling about them , and ranking even with them on the inside , ever observing that they ranke even with the second ranke of pikes ; the rest of the shot also doing the like , and in this manner to continue the firing : as occasion shall require . this kinde of firing may easily be performed if souldiers will but observe these following directions , ( viz ) when the last ranke of musquetiers have presented to the reere and are giving of fire , then the ranke which marcheth next before them must blow , open , and present at three motions * still keeping along even with the body of pikes , untill that ( lastly ) they present to the reere , by which time the ranke that last fired , will be wheeled away . the next ranke so soone as the other hath presented , is likewise at three motions , to doe the same ; and so successively for all the rest , every ranke observing , upon each rankes firing , to loose one , and to march one ranke neerer to the reere of the battell , that so that part may still be kept absolute , captaine swan , ( at the giving over of deventer , in gilderland , by stanly , and yorke ) did defend himselfe from the enemies horse by giving fire in the reere untill he had gained a place of strength , which honorable performance will never be buried in oblivion . but suppose the enemies horse shall still pursue your troopes in the reere , you having gained some straight , or place of aduantage , then your best way will be to wheele your flanke into the front , and then face them about into the reere , and with your charged pikes defend your shot , which will be in the reere of the pikes , after they have wheeled as aforesaid . the body standing in this forme , the shot may sleeve up by way of extraduction , or otherwise you may cause your pikes to charge at foote , and the musquetiers to give fire over them . for reducing them having thus fired , you must command them to wheele their flankes into the front , and to face about after their proper file leaders , and they will be in their first forme . a second way to give fire in the reere , is to place all your shot marching , in the reere of the pikes . the manner of performing the motion , is as before is shewed . but the placing of the men after they have given fire , may be diversly performed . as to wheele off by division , placing themselves in the front of the musquetiers , next behinde the reere of the pikes . or if the body be large , to wheele all off to the right , through distances for that purpose made , and so to march into the front of the pikes . or otherwise they may wheele off by division and flanke their pikes , and so give fire over againe as at first . if in giving fire in the reere , your musquetiers wheele off and place themselves before the front of the pikes , then to reduce them , you may either wheele the body about , and give fire in front causing your musquetiers to fail off by division , and to flanke their pikes ; or if you will reduce them with out a firing , cause your musquetiers to open to the right and left , and the pikes to march up into the midst , and then facing them to their leader and they will be in their first forme . let these instructions suffice , for the giving fire in the reere : desiring every commander to be uery carefull , and punctuall , in exercising their shot in these kinde of firings in the reere , it being a thing of great consequence , and very aduantagious for the preservation of foote troopes from the fury of a prosecuting enemie , that would seeke to cut them off : or at least deterr them from ariving at their place of strength where they may be secured . in the next place , shall be shewne , the wayes of giving fire in the flankes , so that a companie may be made compleate in their performances of exercise . chap. xci . how a commander shall exercise his company in giving fire in the flankes , with the circumstances there unto belonging . the manner of giving fire in flanke is used in two respects ; the first is , when the enemie shall make his aproaches to charge your troopes on the flanke in a march . the second , is when as by some sudden attempt or ambushment , the whole body of an army is ingaged : and so forced to stand , and to face to the right , or left , or both ; by which facings the flankes become fronts accidentall , and their firings will be after the same manner of the firings in front , wherefore i will indeavour to shew such firings in flanke , as are of use in a march , which are these following . the first is for the outmost file to give fire , and stand , untill the next file hath fired . secondly , after they have given fire in flanke they are to be led up betweene musquetiers and pikes . the third way of firing in flanke after they have performed it , they are led off by the bringers up . the forth way after they have given fire , they are placed as sleeves upon the contrary flanke of pikes . the fifth way is after they have given fire in flanke , they are drawne up betweene the inmost files of pikes : of these i shall discourse severally , in their due places . in the meane time suppose all your musquetiers to be placed upon the right wing of your pikes , and casting your eye into the margent , you shall finde the words of command , which produceth this firing in the flanke . musquetiers give fire to the right , and gather up your files . the command being , to give fire to the right , presently the outermost file to the right faceth outward , and presents , the rest of the body still marching forwards . then the presented file gives fire , and stands facing againe to their first front , by that time the body will be marched cleere of the standing file , then the next outermost file , presents , and fires in like manner , the body facing as before ; having fired they in like manner facing to their first front and stand , a serjeant leading up the file that first fired on the outside of the file that last fired , then they both stand together , untill the third file hath given fire after the same manner , and then the serjeant leades up the two files , even with the third which last fired . and after this manner all the files of musquetiers are to face to the flanke , and give fire successively , and stand ; untill the serjant leades up the rest of the files which fired , even with the front of the file which last fired . thus having all fired over they are to march up againe even with the front of pikes , and this reduceth them , as at first . musquetiers give fire , in flanke , march up be●eene the pikes and musquets . the second manner of giving fire to the flanke is a more secure way , then the former : and yet full as serviceable for matter of execution , for this way after the shot hath fired , they shall be secured from the enemies shot , farre better then the former , and also the body shall continue more intire without seperation . and this forme is of very good use when two enemies are divided by a river , or by some such like meanes secured from the incursions of horse , for then the shot being drawne up betweene the innermost files of the musquetiers and the outermost file of pikes to the right , your skirmish may be continued as long as occasion shall serve . the words of command which produceth this forme is placed in the margent . and the way to performe this motion of firing is as followeth ( onely take notice that as in the former manner of firing , the shot were placed upon the right flanke of pikes , after the same manner they are placed now , with a distance betwixt the outerflanke of the pikes and the inmost flanke of the musquetiers for the shot to march up into after they have given fire ) . the outermost file of musquetiers being commanded to face to the right , and present : the rest of the body marcheth away , and the standing file gives fire . this done and the body is marched cleere of the standing file , the next file presents to the right , and the file that first gave fire , faceth to the first front , and is led by a serjeant crosse the reere of musquetiers up into the distance between the musquets and pikes . the musquetiers are still open to the right , as they march that so there may be roome for one file to march betweene them and the pikes . and so successively each file having fired marcheth up next unto the right flanke of pikes : when all your shot hath given fire once over , they are reduced as at first . musquetiers give fire to the right , wheeling off after your bringers up , and placing your selves betweene your divisions . the third way of giving fire in flanke , differeth nothing from the former . but onely their manner of wheeling off , and placing them , doth differ : for you remember in the former , that the file of musquetiers , after that they had given fire were led off by their proper file-leadere , but this must be led off to the contrary by their bringers up , and this indeede if the body bee upon a slow march is the readiest and quickest way , and doth more speedily secure the shot after they have given fire : the pikes and shot being placed in battallia as before is described , you may take the words of command and direction which produceth this firing , as it is placed in the margent , and the way of performing this firing is as followeth . frst you must presuppose your body to be marching ( as before is shewed upon all these firings in flanke ) with their pikes shouldred . the command being given , the outmost file presents to the right , and gives fire , then faceth to the right , after their bringers up who leadeth them off , crosse the reere of musquetiers marching them up betweene the divisions , the bringers up supplying the file-leaders place , and marching even in ranke in the front with the file-leaders , and the file leader of the same file becomming the bringer up in the reere . the files of musquetiers or pikes , ( according as the command shall be given ) are as they march , to open , thereby giving way to the musquetiers , after they have fired to come up betweene the divisions ; and so soone as the first file that fired is cleare from the right flanke , the second file is then to present and give fire , and in like manner to wheele off as before , and so to march up betweene the pikes and musquetiers ; every file successively giving fire , and wheeling off as aforesaid . this firing may be performed as often as the commander pleaseth : never the lesse if it be twise performed the men are reduced as at first , every man possessing his right place . there is another way for the bringers up to wheele off , and each of them to leade off his file untill he comes to the reere of his division , which is betweene the musquets and the pikes , and there hee is to stand and ranke with the bringers up , the rest that follow passing on forwards by way of introduction , and every man ranking before him that was his leader in the wheeling off , untill the proper file-leader be come into his place againe , and after this way they may give fire , each firing being his owne reducement . musquetiers give fire to the right , placing your selves on the outside of the left flank of pikes . the fourth way of giving f●re in the flanke differeth nothing from the former , but in the manner of placing the files , that they may be the better defended from the fury of the enemies horse , after they have given fire upon them in the flanke , for the same purpose therefore after the shot have fired , they are to be drawne up on the outer-side of the left flanke of pikes for their safeguard : if there bee any rivers , ponds , ditches , hedges , marish grounds or the like , whereby the horse may be disabled from performing any execution against them , and then the pikes are to make their best defence , if neede be charging at the foote closely seried together with their swords drawne , so that the shot may give fire over them . now by the way you are to presuppose that the shot and pikes are ranged in forme , as before is described in the former wayes of firing in the flanke ; and taking with you the words of command and direction placed in the margent , you shall perceive the manner of firing and placing of the men as followeth : first the outermost file having presented to the right , the rest of the body continueth the march , whilst they in the meane time are giving fire , which being done and the body cleare , the next outmost file presents : the file that last fired in the interim facing to the left after their proper file-leader , who leadeth them crosse the reere , both of musquets and pikes a good round pace , sleeving them upon the outside of the left flanke of pikes ; the next file having in like manner fired , doth also troope up on the outside of the file led off before : every file having given fire and placed ●●●mselves as before is described then the pikes may charge . having ●●●en fire to the right flanke and drawne all your shot upon the left ●●nke , you may cause them in like sort to give fire on the left flanke , 〈◊〉 bring them back againe to the right flanke , by which meanes they will be reduced into their first forme : or if you would reduce them without firing , then either passe your musquetiers through betweene your rankes of pikes , or else let your whole division of shot be drawne crosse , eyther the front or reere of pikes , into their places . or if you please your shot may give fire in flanke by division ; the first fire sleeving on the left flanke , the rest of the files still falling betweene the pikes , and the musquetiers that wheeled off before the last before them , and this is a very good way of firing and may be reduced with doing the same way backe againe . musquetiers give fire to the right , marching up betweene the midst of the pikes . the fift way of firing in a flanke , and bringing them off betweene the midst of the pikes , is to be used at such times when as you would secure your shot from the enemies horse , there being no other naturall strength to defend them ; and upon occasion you may draw three or foure files of pikes ( more or lesse , according to your number , or the danger ) crosse the musquetiers both in front and reere which 〈◊〉 in the midst betwixt the pikes , which may serve for an impalement 〈◊〉 defend the shot both in front and reere as in flanke . the forme ●f this battell is after this manner ; the shot are placed upon the right ●●ing of the pikes , as is described in the former firings , and the pikes are divided in the middlemost file , leaving such a proportionable distance as may conveniently receive all the files of shot after they have fired . the word of command and direction you shall finde placed in the margent : the command being given for the outermost file to present to the right , ( as formerly is shewed in the other firings in the flanke ) the rest of the body still marcheth on untill that the outermost file hath fired , and is faced to the left againe , following their leader : he now leading them off to the left , marched up in the distance which is made betweene the middlemost files of pikes , who are then to open to the right and left , so to give them roome to march up betweene them ; in the meane time the next file having given fire , wheeleth off in like manner , marching up on the left hand of the file that fired last before , and so successively for all the rest of the files of musquetiers , all which are to give fire and wheele off as before , placing them still on the left hand of the files which last fired ; wherein still is to be noted that the pikes are still to open to the right and left , for the receiving the shot betweene them after they have discharged . this firing , as well as all the former firings in flank may be led off by their bringers up , as well as by their file-leaders , and then the reducement will be answerable . the shot having all given fire the pikes may seeke to defend themselves by charging at push of pike , or at foote ; if there bee any bow pikes they may gall the enemy in the meane time , or the shot may play over the shoulders of the pikes as they charge at the foote , one ranke giving fire after another , for the formost ranke having fired may kneele downe , and there make ready againe untill the next ranke behind hath also fired , &c. for reducement and to bring the musquetiers into both flankes againe as they were before wee discoursed of these severall firings in flankes ; you must first command your pikes to face inwards , and your musquetiers to the right and left outward , and so to passe them through and interchange ground , then facing them to their leader they will be reduced as at first . you must observe that all these firings in flanke may as well be performed to the left hand and with the same words , onely the words of right must be changed for left , and left for right . the next discourse shall be of divisionall firings . chap. xcii . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in divisionall firings ( viz. ) front and reere upon a march. musquetiers give fire to the front and reere , and flanke your pikes . you may please to remember how that in the last foregoing firings in the flanke , the shot were placed in the middest of the pikes , and now before we can give directions for these divisionall firings in front and reere , we must observe the way of reducing the musquetiers into the front and reere of the pikes , from the forme wherein they last stood . to performe this , you must command the halfe files of musquetiers to face about , which done , let the pikes stand and the musquetires march , untill they are cleare both of front and reere of pikes , then let them stand and face to their leader , then command your pikes to close their divisions , and the shot will bee one halfe of them in front and the other halfe in the reere , in a readinesse to performe this firing which wee are now about to discourse of : the pikes being shouldred and the words of command and direction given ( as in the margent is specified ) the first ranke in the front presents , and the last ranke faceth about to the reere and doth the like , and so by giving fire together wheele off by division , ( viz. ) the one halfe of the ranke following after the right hand man of the same ranke , the other halfe after the left hand man who leads them close downe by the sides or flankes of the musquetiers untill they come to the pikes : the first ranke of musquetiers in the front are to ranke even with the first ranke of pikes , and the last ranke of musquetiers in the reere are to ranke even with the last ranke of pikes , leaving a sufficient distance betwixt them and their pikes for the other musquetiers to march betweene . and by the way take notice that he that was outermost when they gave fire , must likewise be outermost when they have taken their places on the flanks ; the first and last ranke having fired and wheeled off , the next rankes ( the body marching on , three or foure steppes ) are in like manner to present and give fire , wheeling off by division , and passing betweene the divisions , there placing themselves , they of the front division are to place them selves behind those which fired last before them , and they of the reere division before them which fired last in the reere behind them ; and thus they may continue to give fire after the same manner untill they have all given fire over once , then may the body make a stand and the pikes charge to the front and reere if occasion be ; or if the commander would continue his firing to the front and reere still upon this same forme , then let the shot of the front place themselves ( after they have given fire ) behind the musquetiers of their owne division , and those of the reere division are to place themseleves betwixt the reere of pikes and the shot of their owne division , and so the body moving but slowly forwards they may continue the firing . musquetiers give fire to the front and reere , placing your selves betweene your divisions . in the precedent discourse after fire was given to front and reere , the shot flanked the pikes , now from this forme i will indeavour to shew you a second way of firing to front and reere , which may easily be effected if the souldiers be well instructed . to performe this firing take these words of command and directions ( placed in the margent ) which will produce this forme of firing following . the command being thus given the first ranke presents to the front , likewise the last ranke of musquetiers in the reere faceth about and presents towards the reere , then both at one instant gives fire , wheeling off by division , and placing themselves betweene the musquetiers of their division , these , namely , which were of the front halfe files falling into the reere of their owne divisions , and those of the reere halfe files ( contrary wise ) falling before their halfe file-leaders , and ranking even with the halfe file-leaders of the pikes , the next ranke successively firing and wheeling off after the same manner : having fired once over they are reduced every man to his place . the officer must take some paines in teaching his souldiers these two last firings , otherwise they will seeme very difficult at first for them to performe . chap. xciii . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in giving fire to the reere and right flanke marching , and likewise to both flankes at once marching , and also to both flankes standing . musquetiers , give fire to the right flanke and reere , placing your selves betweene the pikes and your owne divisions . this kinde of firing in reere and flanke upon a march , is very serviceable at such times as the enemy shall skirmish with the body , to annoy them in their passage in flanke and reere at one time , and this kinde of firing you may performe two severall wayes , as first your musquetiers being placed in their ordinary place upon the flankes of their pikes : the second and more securer way for the pikes will be , to draw the musquetieres from that flanke which is least in danger , crosse the reere of pikemen . the words of command and direction you shall finde in the margent , which produceth this latter forme of firing : the words of command being given to fire to the reere and right flanke : the outermost file of musquetiers presents to the right ; and the last ranke of musquetiers presents to the reere , and so both give fire ; the rest of the body in the meane time marching a reasonable pace : the right hand file on the right flanke ; and the last ranke of the musquetiers in the reere of the pikes , having fired , the file facech to the left after their file leader , and so marcheth up betweene the musquetiers of the same division and the pikes ; the rankes also wheeling off to the right , and placing it selfe next after the reere of pikes : and if you please you may make an intervall or space betweene the musquetiers in the reere that so one part may wheele off to the right on the outside , & the other part wheele off to the right , and march up betweene the intervalls into their places . the first file file upon the flanke , and the first ranke in the reere that presented , having given fire and wheeled cleare of the body ; the next file and ranke is to present and give fire ; after the same manner wheeling off and taking their places as aforesaid , and so successively the rest , both files and rankes gives fire , observing the same order , and having given fire once , twice or oftner over they are still reduced to the same they were before the firing began ; then draw your shot from the reere to the left flanke againe , and they will be in their first forme and station . musquetiers give fire to both flankes , marching up betweene the pikes and your owne divisions . this kinde of firing to both flankes marching , may be upon some occasions serviceable , and the shot after they have given fire may be eyther placed betweene their owne divisions and the pikes , or betweene the midst of the pikes , for their better securitie ; the shot being placed upon both the flankes of the pikes , as we left them in the former discourse , you must make use of the words of command and direction ( which is placed in the margent ) which will produce this forme of firing . the command being given the outmost file of each flanke presents outward , the rest of the body still continuing of the march ; the presented files ( in the interim ) giving fire , then facing after their proper file-leaders , who are to leade them up betweene the musquetiers of their owne divisions and the pikes ) in the time of their wheeling away ) the next two outermost files are to present , firing after the same manner , and leading up as before ; the rest successively doing the like untill they have fired all over , which brings them to their former places . advance your pikes , and stand , face to the right and left ; musquetiers give fire and flanke your pikes . this kinde of firing to both flankes upon a stand , is produced by the words of command and directions placed in the margent , onely observe , the musquetiers are placed upon both flankes of the body of pikes , as you left them in the precedent discourse . the words of command being given , the whole body both of pikes and shot are to face to the right and left hand , and then the formost rankes of musquetiers ( which before the facing were the outermost files ) are to present and give fire , and then wheele off by division , ranking even with the formost rankes of pikes , and leaving sufficient intervalls for the rest of the musquetiers to march betweene them and the pikes : the next ranke presenting and firing after the same manner , but not advancing forwards , onely firing upon the same ground and wheeling off by division : afterwards passing downe betweene the intervalls , and so ranking after their leaders ; but you must observe by the way , that they that were outermost when they gave fire are likewise to be so , when they have taken their places : all the rankes of musquetiers having fired and wheeled off as before , the pikes if neede be may charge , and the musquetiers giving fire over againe , wheeling off outwards , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisious : having advanced your pikes , and faced your body to their first front , all your musquetiers will be in front and reere , and then if your halfe files about and give fire ( after the same manner formerly discoursed of ) to the front and reere , having faced them againe to their first front , they will be reduced as at first into their ordinary square . chap. xciiii . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in a triple way of giving fire to the front. by this triple firing to the front the precedent forme of firing to both flankes standing may be reduced , for the musquetiers of the reere division opening to the right and left , and sleeving upon the flankes of the pikes , untill the leaders of the reere division , ( who then were the halfe file-leaders ) ranke even with the front of pikes ; and those in the front division are placed before the pikes in the front , securely covering them from the enemy ; the word of command and directions that produceth this forme of firing is placed in the margent . musquetiers of the reere , double your front of pikes by division . the one halfe of the shot being placed before the front of the pikes , and the other halfe placed upon eyther flanke even with the first ranke of pikes , and the word of command being given , then the first ranke of musquetiers ( both of front and flankes ) presents to the front and gives fire , wheeling off to the right and left by division . the musquetiers of the front division being wheeled off ( as aforesaid ) close by the flankes of their owne musquetiers , passe directly downe betweene the intervals , and place themselves even in ranke behind the musquetiers of the reere division , which are upon the flanks , like wise the musqueters that fired at the same time on the flankes wheele also off the right flanke to the right , & the left flanke to the left ) marching directly downe even with the reere rankes of the pikes , and there place themselves againe even in ranke with the last ranke of pikes ; this done the rest of the rankes successively give fire , and doe the like , every ranke taking his place , after the ranke that fired last before them ; the other rankes mooving one ranke forwarder ; the musquetiers having given fire once over , and falling off according to this direction , they will all be reduced to the flanke againe as at first . view the figure in the next page . the figure of the triple firing to the front. front. serjeant serjeant . serjeant serjeant chap. xcv . how a commander shall exercise his souldiers in giving fire three wayes at once , ( viz. ) to the front , reere and right flanke . in performing this firing three wayes at once , first you may suppose the musquetiers to be placed upon eyther flanke of the pikes , then by commanding the halfe rankes of the left , to double their right flanke by division , then the reere halfe files of the left flanke are to face about to the right , and then both the front halfe files , and the reere halfe files are to march forthright , untill they are cleere of that part of the body that stands , then each division faceth that way they are to double ) which the front halfe files must doe to the right , and the reere halfe files to the left ) and so march forth right untill the doubling be performed , then the reere division that doubled is to face to the reere , and the front division is to face front proper , and the right flanke that stood is to face to the right hand , whereby they are fast ready to give fire three severall wayes at once ; the manner of firing is thus performed , the formost rankes of musquetiers on each part having fired , they wheele off to the right or to the right and left ( according as they shall bee commanded ) placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions , the next ranke in the meane time moving forwards into their leaders ground , there in like manner firing wheeling off and placing themselves as before ; the rest of the rankes performing the like successively ; for reducement face them all to their front proper , then command the halfe rankes that doubled to face to the left , and so to march into their places , the figure of this precedent discourse followeth in the next page . front proper . serjeant serjeant front of the right flanke serjeant front of the reere . there are divers other wayes of firings which i am forced to omit , desiring you to turne into the excellent book of millitary discipline , composed by lievetenant barriff , wherein you may be further instructed , and see the poligons or figures belonging to most of these instructions which i have briefely discoursed of , wishing you by all meanes not to omit any of them in your exercises , if time and patience may give you leave and if you should passe by any ▪ let them be onely your divisionall motions , as for your intire motions eyther of doublings , counter-marches or wheelings , &c. you must be very circumspect and carefull to performe them all , otherwise all your paines will be to no purpose . now for the marching out of the field , your company standing in a square forme ( viz. ) the shot upon each flanke of the pikes ; the lievetenant leads away the first division of shot with a serjeant attending him , the drumme beating betweene the third and fourth ranke of the same division of shot ; the ensigne is to march before the first division of pikes , following a pritty distance behind the first division of shot with the drum placed as before : the eldest serjeant is to march before the second division of pikes : the second serjeant marcheth before the last division of shot , with the captaine in the reere of all : and being marcht to the place where the colours should be lodged , let them as they march invert to the right and left ( viz. ) the rankes are to file to the right and left by division , then all the musquetiers are to face in opposition , to cocke their matches , guard their pans , and rest their musquets ; the pikemen in the meane time are to advance their pikes , and close their rankes and files to their order , which being done , ( the drum beating a troope at the head of the pikes ) : all the chiefe officers in their due places are to passe through this guard into the appointed place for the allodgement of the colours , then the serjeant is to cause all the musquetiers to face about to the right , and present , and upon the first beate of the drum they are all to give fire in one volley ; then the drum beating a call and makes proclamation of silence the captaine is to deliver them such orders as he hath in charge to acquaint them with all eyther from the lord lievetenants or the counsell , which being done he is to dismisse them untill the next summons for their appearance . in the next discourse i shall intreate about the exercising of horse-troopes ; and so make a generall discourse of all the parts belonging to the body of warre . the drilling or exercising of horse troopes . sect . xii . chap. xcvi . of the preheminency and dignitie of officers , for the avoiding of disputes , with a short declaration of the high office of the generall of the horse . having finished those instructions concerning the exercising of foote companies ; by which meanes they may be fitted and prepared for service : and before we can come to intreate either of marching , incamping , or imbattelling ; it is necessary wee should shew some briefe instructions for the drilling and exercising of horse troopes ; in regard no army can be compleate in power and strength , for the exercising of such things of importance , as the cause may require , unlesse compounded of foote and horse ; otherwise it must of necessity hault , and make use of the stilt of some peculiar place for advantage and safetie , and not to looke the enemy in the face in all places . and in regard divers nations are diversly opinionated ; some esteeming the infantrie better than the caualliary , as our english hath done ; others esteeme the cavalliarie better than the infantry , as the french , yet according to the nature and situation of the country or place , the army is to be imployed in , whether inclosures , or champion , accordingly it must be compounded , of more or lesse , of th' one or th' other . but for the avoiding of disputes which may arise amongst the officers of either part for place of preheminencie and dignitie : you shall finde by this aphorisme amplified with the authority of the ancient sages : that in profession either civill or millitary ; those are more honourable , which have greater charge , or require greater knowledge ; as to rule a state is more noble than to governe a cittie ; and this more eminent , than to order a family ; in which respect though the true end of horse and foote be one and the same , to defend aright , and redresse a wrong : and per case that of foote be generally more usefull , yet this of horse is the more honorable service ; because his vertue and knowledge is exercised as well in managing and defending of his horse , as of himselfe : upon whose safegarde his life and honour depends , as well as in immediate defence of his owne person : thus much for the dignity of place . as for the officers of the cauallrie ; i wil onely with all brevitie touch such things for instruction as are most naturall in every particular office ; and then transferre them to the taking of a practicall surveigh of what is commended to the generall of the army , and to the rest of the officers of the infantrie ; for if it were possible there ought to be no difference in experience , wisedome and valour , amongst all officers if they could attaine unto it . the generall of the horse hath the eminent controule and commande of all the cavalrie or horse regiments , of what nature or composition whatsoever , and is respectively bound , as other captaines are to looke to the happie government of his owne troope , and so consequently to his owne regiments ; which done hee is to have a generall eye of surveigh over all other colonells of horse , their regiments , officers , and souldiers ; for that part of the army which consists of horse are comprised within his charge : wherefore it behoves him to see his troopes fairely de●●e●●ed ; for what offence or disparagement happens amongst them , the spot of it will staine his reputation : wherefore not onely his eye , but the eyes of every particular officer ought continually to watch and guard over all their affaires . the generall ought to have delivered unto him by the mustermaster generall ; and the colonells and captaines of the cavalrie , a true role containing the catalogue or list of all his commanders belonging to the cavalrie , with the distinction of the armes they serve in , as namely which are harquebuziers , carbines , curassies or dragoones ; by which hee shall the better know how to order them in service . he must be very politicke , and wise to set his valour rightly on worke , otherwise he is liable to doe more mischiefe to his owne foote troopes , by the misgoverning of his horses , then possibly hee can offend the enemy by his well managing of them . there is nothing so dangerous in a campe , as souldiers to contemne their generall , and there is nothing breedes it sooner , than remissenesse and lenitie : for hee that suffereth one mischiefe passe unpunished inviteth another , which brings his command into discredit ; and the service into despaire ; wherefore as in men of great ranke it is lesse blame worthy ; to be overstately and imperious , than over-familiar and base : so for a generall it is a lesse fault to be over-rigorous , than not to punish delinquents at all : likewise not forgetting to reward desert in a bountifull manner ; for hereby his officers and souldiers will be kept in an awfull readinesse to doe as they are commanded ; for neither his maturitie of judgement to undertake , nor his alacritie of spirit to execute , availes in the perfecting of his resolved enterprise , if he want a powerfull majestie in his command : likewise if he hath never such obedient and valiant souldiers , fitted with all kinde of warlike habilliments , yet all his strength is but lame , and unable to move it selfe without money the sinnewes of warre . chap. xcvii . the office of the linetenant generall of the cavalrie . the lievetenant generall of the horse ; besides his excellent worth and knowledge in the art of warre : is like wise to be the eye and hand of the generall , spying out all defects , and a ready hand to demonstrate and point out what is to be performed . the generall for the most part is absent from the troopes being with the generall of the army to assist him in his consultations , and aiding his judgement , in contriving what shall be best and fittest to be put in action , for their owne safties , and the defeite of the enemy . first it is his dutie to take notice how the troopes are exercised , and the officers and souldiers dem●ened ? next he is to imitate the noble generall pyrrhus , whose daily course was to bethinke himselfe what wayes and courses ; or what advantages the enemy may take to offend him , as also to consider what places are most advantagious to hinder his proceedings ; he did alwayes premeditate how commodiously hee might assault the enemy when occasion was offered . hee had alwayes true and exact mappe of the place or country he was to goe puon execution , whereby he did the better know , whether and how farre to march alwayes providing commodius places to quarter his armie in ; it behoves this lievetenant generall to doe the like ; and also to see the campe well secured by setting out sufficient guardes , and placing sentinells ; he is to cause the wayes to be discovered by sending out parties of horse before the armie ; hee must have all kinde of stratagems and policies at his fingers ends , the which wisely he is to put in execution . and let this be a caution to him and to all in authority that they stand upon glasse ; which by its slipperinesse and brittlenesse may cause them to faile at once ; for as to rise to preferment is craggie . so to fall downewards is icie ; for the least aspersion will cause him slippe ; and betweene the heighest fortune and the lowest ebbe there is no stay . chap. xcviii . of the sergeant major generall of the cavalliary . this great officer is to walke the same path that the sergeant major generall of the infantry steppes in ; for he is not onely to be the eye and hand , but also to be the eare and legges of the generall and lievetenant generall ; for hee must be the embassadour betweene the generall and the inferiour officers ; he is to attend the generall thrice a day at the least , both to bring newes of the enemies proceedings ; and of the defects in the army ; as also to receive such orders as shall be given him in charge from the generall to deliver to the colonells and the rest of the officers . hee is likewise to take the watch word ; and secretly to deliver it to the generall , and to the livetenant generall of the cavalrie , and so to the quarter-master generall , that he may distribute it to the inferiour officers : he must be ware of doing ill offices betweene the head and inferiour officers . he is never to report any newes from what others doe say , but from his owne immediate knowledge , or from some trustie friend that hath informed him ▪ likewise , whatsoever he is truely possest with , it is necessary he should truely relate , although it be never so small an accident . likewise hee must be very carefull , as he officiates his dutie in visiting the guards , and going about the quarters , that hee gives no occasion of allarme to the souldiers , nor take no alarme unlesse it be justly , for it may breede much inconvenience . when hee is to visite the outmost guards ; hee is to have a sufficient guard of horsemen to attend him , for feare of being surprised by the enemie . such orders as hee shall receive from the generall ; hee must not betrust his memory with , but commit it presently to writing , for a small mistake can pleade no excuse in the warres , but is highly to be punished , for by mistakings a world of mischiefe hath insued many times to the ruining of part , or of the whole army . chap. xcix . of the quarter master generall of the cavallry . this office is of great respect , and importance ; hee ought to be full of sound knowledge in marshall discipline ; and well read in divers of the liberall sciences , but especially in arithmeticke and geometry , so that he is to have an insight in the art of surveighing and measuring of grounds , being able upon the first view , to take the best advantage thereof for any singular purpose ; especially for the quartering or incamping his troopes in the best and safest manner that may be . he is likewise to be skilfull and well experienced in the use of mappes ; that thereby he may truely know how all the roades and wayes lye : with the situation and distances , betweene towne and towne . he is to keepe a list of the guards , and is to visit them both day and night , shewing the allarme place , to all the inferiour quartermasters , when they come to take the word of him when the lord high marshall takes a view of the ground whereon to incampe the armie ; he is to summon all the inferiour quartermasters , belonging to every regiment , and those quartermasters are to call together every furrier and harbenger ; and so are to attend the lord marshall to the intended campe ; then the chiefe quartermaster is to stake out the forme of the incampement or intrenchment , and also the distances for each regiment , and then every particular quartermaster is to allot out the distances for the alodgement of every private company . he is to give his due attendance to the generall , and to the lord high marshall to be imployed about such things as they shall give him in charge ; if any order for hast bee given him by word of mouth , himselfe must goe and deliver it , and not trust it to others ; the inferiour quartermasters are to assist him in all his affaires . chap. c. the office of the captaine of the cavallry . this officer ought to be qualified with all those noble parts , which are to be expected in a foot captaine , and rather in a fuller measure , in regard he is to governe man and beast : he must bee a perfect and absolute horseman , teaching his horse by the motion of his hand , legge , and body , to understand all things belonging to the riders pleasure ; he must be carefull in making his whole troope good horsemen teaching them how to sit a horse in a comely posture ; carrying his body upright , the right hand bearing his pistoll or carbine coucht upon his thigh : the left hand with the bridle raines under the guard of the pummell of the saddle ; and his legges close and streight by the horses sides , with his toes turned a little inwards ; his horse so well managed that he will stand constantly without rage or distemper : then he is to be made sensible ( by yeelding the body , or thrusting forwards the riders legges ) when to put himselfe forwards into a short or large trot ; then how by the even stroke of both is spu●res to passe into a swift carrire ; then how to gallop the field either in large ringes ; midles or lesse rings , either to turne with speede upon the one or the other hand ; then to put him into a gentle gallop right forth in an even line , and suddenly to stop , and upon the halfe stop to turne swiftly and roundly . then lastly how to retire backe , or to make him flye sidewayes , on the one or the other side according as the advantage of fight shall give him occasion ; he is likewise to see his souldiers well horst , with compleate armour , their furniture sufficient their bridles well rayned and lyned with a wire chaine , their pistolls and carbines strong and fixe ; and he must strive to make all his souldiers , as good shot or markes men as himselfe , or else all his labour will be to little purpose . he must be wary of over slipping any opportunity , which may be taken either in offending the enemie , or securing himselfe ; for not to adventure when he should is cowardize and not prudence , and to dare when he should not is rashnesse and not valour ; wherefore he must frame his counsells and actions , upon the mould of necessary circumstances , he must further know that the weapons of victory are formed on the forge of discipline ; for it both captaine and souldiers have not this temper ; they will loose the edge of their valours in the tryall , and turne the points into their owne bowels . further , there is nothing snatcheth victory out of the hand of the conquerour , so much as untimely falling to the spoyle , upon such disorder fortune alwayes turnes her wheele , and maketh victors of them that before were vanquished . he must diligently observe the orders which shall be given him from his superiours , and not faile to be with his troope , at the time and place required . vpon all occasions he is to be first mounted on horse backe , and is to have his company full and compleate , and what ill fortune so ever should seeme to befall him , he must not discover any feare , for upon his courage and countenance the souldiers depend , wherefore he must have a good resolution attend him . in a pitcht battell he must seldome or never seeke to charge the enemie in the front , especially if the two armies are neere joyning , fearing least his horses wrong his foote troopes , by a disorderly retreate than possibly he can offend the enemie , wherefore the best and safest place to charge the enemie upon , is the flankes and reare . when the enemie shall charge you with one of his troopes , doe not you rush forth to meete them , but if your ground be of advantage keepe it ; if not advance softly forwards ; untill the enemy be within . paces of you , and then fall into your careire , by this meanes your horse will be in breath and good order , when as the enemie will be to seeke . the captaine of the cuirassiers hath the priority , the next is the captaine of the harquinburies , the captaine of the carbines hath the third place , the dragones are of the meanest account , although many times they doe the best service . and for conclusion let all noble captaines , that desire the honour of their king , and welfare of the countrie , not suffer themselves to be gold and deluded by their souldiers ; which bring them borrowed horses , and furniture not of their owne ; and chopping and changing of their men , and not appearances ; so that our troopes are so deficient , that if an enemie should aproach we shall be to seeke of halfe our troopes , and them not halfe exercised . chap. ci. the office of the liefetenant of the cavallry . this officer is to beare the true image of his captaine , for he is imployed upon many services by his captaine , more than any other inferiour officers are ; as guarding some particular passages , riding out upon parties to scowre the country , and to gaine intelligence ( from the country people ) of the enemies proceedings . he is many times sent out to command a certaine number of horse for the safeguard of the forragers and for the intercepting and guarding of some fords and passages . he is to exercise and drill his men wisely and orderly , using his command over them ; that he may be more beloved than feared . he commands in his captaines absence soly , he is to march in the reare of his troope ; causing the souldiers to follow their captaine and corner in good order : not suffering any to straggle from the troope . when he is to passe upon any duty , he is first to gaine the best instructions for the advantage in managing the service he is imployed about . he is to be alwayes armed during the time of his guard , and is not onely to place out the sentinels , but also to visit and revisit them : if they be quartered in any village , in case of an allarme , the souldiers are to repaire to the cornets lodging . he is to see every souldier have his billet delivered him from the quartermaster , unlesse it be in garrison , then the major of the towne performes that office . he is to see good orders kept by visiting their huts , and commanding their fires to bee extinguished immediately after the warning peece is discharged . he is to be very carefull of his owne demeanurs for example sake . he must have some schollership in him in regard he is to keepe a list of all his souldiers names , and by reason of orders or letters sent to him from his superiors , which he is to keepe secret , and not to shew to others . the company being drawne to the guard in any place , and approaching neere it ; the lieftenant is to ride before to take notice of the corpes duguard , and is to conferre with the company , who are then to be releeved , what sentinells are to bee plac't out , and what wayes are to be scowred , and all other things requisite . chap. cii . of the cornet belonging to the cavalry . the cornet of horse ought to be a man of a haughty courage , and of a singular behaviour , he commandeth the company in the absence of the captaine and livetenant , his place of march is in the front , before the first ranke ; yet behind the captaine . in fight he is not to regard the breaking of his standard in regard it shall be an honour unto him although the enemie should gaine a peece of it , his usuall place in time of skirmish , is to be in the middle of the troope , those before him must be the aprovedst souldiers and best armed . he is to keepe a list of the company to send so many to the guard as the captaine or lievetenant shall appoint . once a day at the lord generalls first passing by the troope , he is to doe obeysance by inclining his cornet towards the ground . and because i intend brevity , i will onely name the residue of officers belonging to the cavalry , referring the reader for his better satisfaction to markhams decads , and to captaine iohn crus●e his millitary instructions . the quartermasters of every particular regiments duty is to assist the quartermaster generall in making the quarters ; they are to distribute the word and the billets for the souldiers lodgings . the corporalls to a troope are usually three or two at the least , they are to assist the leivetenants in placing the sentinells , and in ordering of the troope , they have the command of a squadron to guide some passages , or to ride out upon discovery ; he is to keepe a list of his squadron . there ought to be two trumpers at the least to each troope of horse ; whose duty is besides their knowledge in distinguishing their sounds and points of warre . but they must be wise in delivering embasses and messages , and very observative how the enemy demeanes his forces , and how his guards are kept , one trumpet is to lodge with the cornet , to be in a readinesse for all suddaine allarmes . there is but one auditor or fiscall generall allowed to the army , both of horse and foote . the provost marshall is an officer under the high marshall ; hee is to keepe in safe custody all delinquents , every regiment hath an inferiour marshall belonging to it , they are to see to the victuallers , butchers , and to the weights and measures of bread , beare , and the like ; they are to informe the commissary , and auditor what rates the sutlers , butchers , &c. may afford their provision for that they may set the taxe accordingly . they are to carry a trunshon with a ribbin in it by which they are distinguished . they are to attach all straggling souldiers in a march , to prevent him from pilliging . and to conclude this discourse , i would have all officers of such a true temper of valour ; and so constant in all their proceedings , that honour and prosperity should not make them imperious ; nor the worst of fortunes deject them . for that man that beares his prosperitie , neither with moderation nor prudence but is full blowne like a bladder with the winde of pride ; hee seldome in adversity shewes either constancie or courage , for one pricke of distaster will emptie his swolne heart of all hopes ; and will make him prove like an unskilfull and dejected sea man , upon every little storme to cut his cables , and maste , and throw all over boorde ; where as a noble resolution would finde a remedy by slacking of some few sayles to indure the storme , and save all he hath in charge . chap. ciii . of the ordering and riding of horses to make them fit for service . it is a thing of great consequence for souldiers to understand how to order themselves , towards their horses , to make them the apter to understand the riders meaning , and to be fitted for exercise , for an officer shall finde it a thing impossible to exercise a troope of horses , unlesse they be first prepared for that service ; therefore let me request you to apply your indeavours to such documents , as the best experienced riders have observed . and first a souldier may fit and helpe his horse sixe manner of wayes ( viz. ) with his voyce , with his tongue , with his rodde , with his bridle , with the caulfes of his legges , with his sturrop , and with his spurres , likewise when your horse hath performed his exercise well , you have two wayes to cheerish and coye him , which is by your voyce in speaking to him gently , or else by scratchiug and coying him with your hand , or with the end of your rodde . and although helpes and corrections may seeme one , yet there is this difference , having a respect to the time , for the one goeth before errour , and the other commeth after : for you helpe your horse to the intent he should not erre ; but you correct him because he hath already erred . for the first of the seaven helpes before specified , which is the voyce , it is used divers wayes , as in the way of correction , for his obstinacie or wrestinesse : a terrible voyce is used with some opprobrious termes , but in the way of helping or cherishing him , you must use milde termes with a cheerefull voyce ; as in running him , you must say , hey , hey , or the like ; if to retreate , you must use a low voyce , backe , backe boy , backe , i say . if you would helpe him to advance at the stop , you must say cheerefully , hup , hup , or hoyse , hoyse . likewise to make him lite behinde , you must say derier , or such termes as you shall please . in cherishing your horse , or coying him for doing well , your voyce must be most milde of all , as saying , well boy , well . the next thing observeable it the tongue , which is onely a clocking it to the roofe of the mouth , and likewise the lippes , with a kinde of chirrupping : doth much put a horse forwards in a gentle straine . the rod is a very necessary instrument if used aright ( viz. ) not to correct your horse with it out of season , but onely at the very instant he erreth : for there is no such way as a good wand , well labored upon a stubborne horse that is wresty . the bridle governes a horse as the helme doth the ship , and it is the principall instrument about him , to bring him in subjection ; and to fit him for service , wherefore divers things in it are considerable : as the fashion of the bit , sutable to the tendernesse of his mouth , the musrowle , the cheekes , kurbles , ports , treaches and such like bitts according to the discretion of the rider . he most likewise know when to ride his horse with a bitte , then with what manner of bitte , and how to use it at first putting on , and in what part of his mouth it must rest . likewise how to hold the raynes , when even together ; and when one shorter than another , and what measure he shall keepe with his hand , in bearing hard or loose , high or low , when to use the false raynes or musrowle , and when to leave them ; when and how to correct him with the bridle , and when to helpe him . many men spoile their horse at first , by using to sharpe a bitte ; wherefore the safest way is to take a plaine cannon with right cheekes , and that hath beene formerly used , placing it a little above his great teeth , annointing it with a little honey mixt with salt , which will make him leane to it , and delight in it the better . the raynes you must hold in your left hand ; so as your little finger , and ring finger be betwixt the two raynes , and your thumbe may lye close upon the raynes , with the brane thereof turned towards the sadles pummell ; being destitute of a rodde , take the overplusse that hangeth downe by the middest in your right hand , holding just by your right thigh . in bearing your bridle you must observe three severall wayes : first , by bearing the raynes low beneath the pummell of the saddle , even with the wither● , which is a ready way to correct him . secondly , bearing your hand heigher towards the middest of the pommell , th●● maintaines him . thirdly , bearing him just above the pommell , that is used in managing him ; to beare the hand higher is by sundry authors disallowed ; first , in regard it we●●ieth the arme ; secondly , if neede require , you have not so much power to stoppe your horse when you would . thirdly , being upon service in the field against your enemy , the bearing of your hand so high , would be a trouble unto your defence , and a commodity to your enemie , for thereby he may easily cut your raynes in sunder . lastly , you can have no steady hand upon your horse , for any continnance , by meanes whereof he can never rayne well , nor port his head steedy , unlesse you beare your hand low , remembring when you turne your horse , neither to draw your armes nor hands more on the one side than the other , but keepe it even with the horses crest , and onely to turne your fist a little inward , or outwards , to signifie unto him what hand you would have him turne unto : for the helpe of the caulfe and heele in riding the ring , you must consider divers circumstances , as first a single stroake of the contrary legge , to the side you intend to turne upon : as for example , if you would have him turne on the right side , then you must touch him with your left legge , if on the left hand , then with your right legge . secondly , a double stroake , striking him with both your legges together with an even stroake , and this is to make him thrust forwards . thirdly , the closing stroake ; as for example , when you would have your horse close his turne well , as namely to the right hand ; then in his turning touch him with your left legge in the spurring place , and with your right legge immediatly after more backwards towards his flanke . fourthly , to strike with both heeles one after the other foure or five times , serves for a correction when your horse transgresseth . the use of the stir●op availeth much in helping a young horse in his beginning ; for if he carries his head or necke a wry , or hang on one side , more than another by striking him with the stirrop under the shoulder , on the contrary side , will cause him to amend his fault . the use of the spurre is to helpe when the horse hath beene first backt halfe a score times ; and when you first use them , let it be in a new fallow field which lyes upon stetches , and then tro : the ring ; and when you put spurres to him , forget not to helpe him with your voyce or lippes . how and when to use the spurre , you may observe what is before spoken of the calfe and heele . chap. civ . further instructions concerning the ordering and riding of a horse for service , with the use of the ring . now let us proceede further , to the instructing of horses , and fitting them for the imployment of warre ; wherein the rider must use great diligence in making him tread loftily to keepe one path , and to trot cleane , which is one of the chiefest points ; then to goe softly , to runne or to gallope . secondly , you must teach him to be light at stoppe : thirdly , to advance or rise up with his fore legges . fourthly , to turne readily upon both hands , with single turne or double turne . fiftly , to make a sure and ready mannage . sixthly , to passe a swift carriere ; for which purpose you must take a new fallowed land with deepe forrowes to make him lift up his feete ; then trotting him right out about the length of a hundred paces crosse the ridges ; then ride him a good way up one of the furrowes , in such part of the land as will admitte space enough ; then beginne to turne on the right hand , making him easily treade out a round circle twise together , containing twenty five , or thirty paces ; and being come about at the second time to the place you began ; then tread out the like circle ring on the left hand , after twise going about it ; then beginne againe on the right hand , and so shift from ring to ring , treading each of them , twice about , untill you have gone about the left ring foure times , and the right ring sixe times ; this being performed , trot him right out in the same furrow where he began first , the length of thirty paces . and then pulling in your bridle hand , stoppe him , and stay a pretty while together , causing him to stand still , keeping his head and body right in the furrow ; this being performed , then turne him softly on the right hand , and being come round againe in to the same path , trot him backe againe into the place from whence first he came ; then alight off his backe , coying and encouraging him ; this you must performe eight dayes together ; but after that time is expired , you must increase his ring turnes , by two and by two , untill he comes to twenty two ( viz. ) ten for the left ring , and twelve for the right , the proportion of the ring i have here drawne , whereby any man may perceive , both the rings together with the furrowes , and place of stopping and turning . if you finde your horse not fitting but untoward and unable to tread out this ring ; then let some other horse that is perfect tread it out before him ; and let him follow him ; but if you tread it out your selfe , doe not trot your horse , but tread it out softly , untill the way be beaten , that he may the better see how to demeane himselfe , then afterwards to fall on with a gentle trot . but if your horse be over metled , you shall not suffer him to trot the rings at all , but onely to tread them faire and softly , for two or three dayes together , untill be be staied and acquainted with them . if through often treading ; the rings grow hard , then tread out new ones . when you come to mannage your horse , or to passe a carriere , it is not then best to use one place alwayes , or one length , lest hee be to seeke , when he change places , thinking he should not doe it , in any other place ; or that hee should not passe his accustomed length , and so stoppe before you would have him . after you have ridden your horse a few weekes , you may increase your ring turnes every day two times , untill hee come to . which makes a leaven large turnes and a halfe , ( viz. ) . for the left ring , and . for the right . when soever you gallop your horse in the ring , remember alwayes to helpe him with your voyce , rodde , or spurre , according as the quality of the horse shall require , and when he doth well forget not to cherish him . when you have trotted or troad your number of rings , that you shall see meete , then trot your horse right out in the furrow between the two rings , untill you come to the place of stop , there staying a good pretty while together , keepe his body right in the path : and after hee hath made his stoppe , you must cause him to goe backe ; three or foure steps , which will not onely stay his mouth , and make him easie rayned ; but also lift his legges , and be apt to advance , or rise before . to teach him to goe backe , you must so soone as he hath stopt , pull in your bridle hand moderately , according as the horses resistance shall require , so keeping your hand steady , without giving him any liberty , strike him softly upon the bowing of his necke with your riding rod , saying with a soft voyce in that instant , back , back i say , thus being obsequious unto him a pretty while together , if he then will not move his legges , or doth make resistance , then spurre him in time , first with one spurre , then with the other , but most of that side his hinder part stands out of order , when these things are performed , and your horse well verst in them , then at the stop you shall further teach him to advance or rise , with both his fore feete together three or foure times , a foote or halfe a yard above the ground , this thing is so necessary that the horse cannot manage well , nor turne readily without this performance . if he will not advance by striking him at his stoppe on the right shoulder with your rod , then keepe still a steady hand , and correct him twise or thrice together with the even stroke of your spurres , or else with one spurre after another , cherishing him with your voyce , as saying hup , hup , or hoyce , immediately after trot him out againe , the distance of forty or fifty foote , with a swift trot , and at the stoppe doe as you did before , continuing the same course untill he be perfect , likewise you may teach him the same devices upon his gallop . in the next place we are to take notice of the narrow and streight turnes ( having sufficiently spoken of the former large turnes ) of the narrow turnes there are three kindes ( viz. ) halfe turnes , whole turnes , and double turnes . the halfe turne is when the horse turneth on the one side , and setteth his head the way his tayle before stood , the way he goes being but halfe a circle , but if he doubles it and goes the whole circumference of the circle , his head will stand as it did at his first setting out , and this is called a whole turne , and two such whole turnes will make a double turne , in these turnes divers things are to be considered . first that the horse brings in the contrary legge upon the other , and that he carries his legges neither too high nor too low , also that he keepeth alwayes one path : and that he neither presseth forwards not reeleth backwards in his turning , also that he keepeth his body at one stay , not any wayes awry , neither head , necke , nor any part of his body , but to come in whole and round together , and to close his turnes , in so narrow a roome as may be . when you are come out of your ring , trot your horse right out in the middle furrow , unto the place of stop , and having stopt ; turne your horse faire and softly on the right hand , taking circumference enough : that being done give him the like turne on the left hand , and then returne him againe ; ( as before ) on the right hand . note when he is to turne on the right hand , he is to bring his left foote over the right foote before , which is performed by helping him with your voyce , in saying to him turne here ; and by striking him with your rod , moderately upon the left shoulder . likewise when you turne him on the left hand , helpe him with your voyce as before , and with your rod on the right shoulder , to bring in the right fore foote over the left fore foote . if your horse be harder to turne on one side than on the other , you must helpe him with the contrary legge or spurre , or with your rod by beating him on the contrary shoulder . and to make him close truely , it shall be needfull to helpe him with your closing stroke of your heele and spurre . further if your horse be so stiffe necked and wresty that he will turne upon one hand and not upon the other , you shall tread out in new plowed land another fashioned ring , as beneath is figured , which both differs in shape , and in the order of treading from the former . for whereas you were wont before in the former figure to goe twice about in the right ring , following still the right hand ; and then to goe twice about the left ring , following then the left hand : now in this last ring you shall goe three times about each of them following still the right hand in both of them , and whereas before foure goings about made a large turne , now sixe goings about , shall doe no more than make a large turne , the reason is this , if you should goe out of the right ring at the second turne , for to enter into the left ring and would follow still the right hand ( as you must doe ) then you shall lacke a good deals of closing the second turne , as you may perceive by this last figure in the right ring ; where the place is marked ( that you should goe out of , for to enter into the left wing ) with the letter a. and the place of closing your turne with the letter b. betwixt which two letters is contained the portion of a circle , which will be wanting , wherefore of necessity you must goe thrice about , to the intent the second turne may be fully ended , as for any overplusse it makes no matter . to this last ring , is also added a middle furrow with two places of stoppings and turnings , meete to mannage a horse , trotting him there in the length of a good cariere , and having made him stoppe and advance , make much of him and stay a good while , and untill he hath mended his fault of not turning which way you would have him ; you must with your bridle hand , shorten one rayne of that side he desires he should turne upon , then having a foote man standing against him with a sticke in his hand , and as you move your fist to turne your horse , on that side he is unwilling to turne upon , at that same instant shall strike him upon the nose , not leaving him untill he turnes : likewise making use of his voyce to provoke him ; then being turned and trotted the uppermost ring round , you must returne backe in the same furrow againe , even hard to the second little ring , and there likewise let a man stand as before is shewed , to strike him upon the stop , and cause him to turne upon the right hand , which hand a horse must alwayes first turne upon , but if he be harder to turne on the left hand than on the right , then begin in first with the left ring observing the order and directions before exprest . likewise with a cord fastned to the middle eye of the bit , on the side he will not turne upon , and tye the other end unto the sursingle , on the same side strayning it pritty hard to make him bow his necke : thus chasing him round in the circle , divers times unloosen the cord and hold it in that hand which is next the side he will not turne upon in stead of a false rayne , then trot him forth the length of twenty or thirty paces , and there stop , where one must stand with a rod threatning him ; and if neede be , beating him upon the contrary side to cause him to turne ; and the rider strayning the cord a little will make him performe it . then trot him backe , and cause him to performe the like , using the same meanes a fore prescribed . chap. cv . how to manage a horse for service , foure kindes of wayes . in this next progresse we are to observe foure kindes of managing a horse to fit him for service . first when you make your horse double his turnes . secondly when you gallop the field , making him wave in and out , as is used in single skirmish . thirdly when you make him leape a loft , fetching divers saltes or curveates ; but this is not so proper to teach to a horse for service . fourthly when you pace , trot , and gallop , him too and fro in one path , the length of twenty or thirty paces , turning him at each end thereof , either with single turne , whole turne , or double turne , ( this is termed manage ) and in this word there is three things observable , as first the manage with halfe rest , that is to cause your horse at the end of every managing path , to stop and then to advance twise together , and at the second bound to turne , whereby you rest one bound . the manage with the whole r●st , is when you turne him at the third bound , and so you rest two bounds , the managing without rest , is when you turne him immediately upon the stop , without any tarriance at all , which is most in use with us . note when your horse turneth upon the right hand , turne you your left shoulder towards his left eare , keeping your body upright in the saddle , so that the raynes of your backe may directly answere the ridg-bone of the horses backe , never the lesse when you feele him to bend his hinder houghs , then leane you somewhat backewards , for that will make him close his turne the more roundly and swiftly , likewise when he turnes on the left hand accompany him with your right shoulder towards his right eare , observing as before . your horse being perfect in all points before mentioned you shall ride him into some plaine sandy way , voyde of all occasions of stumbling , and to acquaint him with the way , pace him faire and softly the length of a good carriere , which must be measured out according to the strength and quality of the horse . at the end of the carriere path , let your horse stop and advance , and at the second bound ; turne him faire and softly upon the right hand , and so stay a little while then suddenly with a lively voyce , crying hay , hay , put him forwards with both spurres at once , forcing him to runne all the path as swift as possibly may be , just up to the end , to the intent he may stop on his buttockes ; this being performed turne him upon the left hand , and pace him forth faire and softly , unto the other end of the carriere path , and there stop him , and turne him againe upon the right hand , as you did before and so leave him . note there is no better way to bring a horse to this , than by using him to tread the ring with a very swift trot , which will make him nimble of his legges , and so swift and stayed of head , that comming afterwards to be runne , it shall bee easie to him to performe ; this was observed by that famous rider cola pagano , who would never runne his horse untill he saw him wel stayed of head , and well broken , for although a horse may be halfe a yeare in breaking , yet in eight dayes he may be taught to runne and stoppe in a most perfect manner . likewise to teach your horse to goe side wayes , ( it being a thing of much consequence in the wars ) you must performe it thus , as namely you desire to have him goe side longs towards the left hand , you must beare your bridle even and steady : and clap your right legge close to his belly , and hold it there still , making him feele the spurre on the right side ; if he moveth his body that way you desire , then suddenly pull away your legge from thence , and make much of him , that being performed make him doe as much with your left legge ; and leaving to molest him on either side untill he understands your meaning , thus with a little exercise , so soone as he shall feele you stay your bridle hand , and touch him with your legge or spurres , on the contrary side he will goe side wayes , so much , or so little as you will have him . likewise to make him keepe his head alwayes towards the enemie , being in fight at single duell ; you must make him goe sidewayes with his hinde part onely , and his fore part stand party steady , to performe this you must turne your bridle hand somewhat on that side you touch him , likewise you must helpe him with your rod , by striking him therewith on the contrary flanke behinde . further take notice the carriage of your horses head is a matter of no small consequence ; his forehead being the strongest part of his head ; his snought or mussell the weakest and tendrest ; the more he thrusteth out his mussell , the more he distendeth his backe , and beareth the lesse force in his actions ; and it is impossible hee should ever make good manage , observe time , keepe order , or continue in breath , any space of time together ; whereas by bringing in his mussell and extending his forehead , he uniteth his force together , and gathereth his strength in his backe , whereby he becommeth more nimble in his actions . secondly , he shall see his way the better , and be in lesse danger of falling in running ; and if he should chance to fall he is the abler to rise speedily . thirdly , in his performances against an enemie , he shall be able to execute , or suffer more with his forehead , than can be expected from his mussell , being the tendrest part of him . fourthly he cannot be so apt to be urged right forwards upon a sudden , as otherwise he might doe . lastly the horse that raynes well , and bringeth in his head shall alwayes bee better stayed , both of head and necke , and have a better mouth than otherwise . wherefore if your horse will not bring in his head at any time when you stop him with your bridle hand , then holding your hand still at that stay , correct him sometimes with your right spurre , and sometime with your left , and sometimes with both your spurres at once ; and at the selfe same instant thrust him with your right hand upon the necke towards his eares ; to force him to bring in his head , but if he will not yeeld with that , then by pulling your bridle towards you , cause him to goe backe , some three paces , and then to returne faire and softly to his first place ; this being put in action divers times together ; and every time he thrusteth out his nose correct him as before is shewed . moreover if your horse by wresty , so as he cannot be put forwards ; then let one take a cat tyed by the tayle to a long pole , and when he goes backewards thrust the cat towards his stones , where she may claw him , and forget not to threaten your horse with a terrible noyse : or otherwise take a hedgehog and tye him streight by one of his feete to the inside of the horses tayle , so that he may squeake and pricke him . likewise if your horse be fearefull and shie , so that he is afrayd of every thing he sees , you must take heede that in no wise you correct him for it , least he should take the thing he beholdeth and shunneth , to be the cause of his chastisements , and so become more fearefull than before , but rather stay a while and doe not force him forwards , but by gentle meanes make him by little and little aproach neere the thing he feares , which if he performes , cherish him with your speech and hand , and you shall set by standing still sometimes to looke on it , and sometimes by going towards the object he feares , he will be so acquainted therewith as he will not feare it , and when he commeth at it , let him gaze and smell on it a good while , to the intent he may be more assured thereof . further to embolden your horse to make him hardy in the warres , you must use to incounter upon a soft pace or trot , with another horse man face to face , in one path , but beware they dos●e not one the other , but rather let the adverse horse bee compelled backe a few steps which will harty the other , or if you please you may incounter one with the other , riding in two sundry pathes , the one comming cheeke by cheeke within a foote of the other , the pathes being both of a just length ; each of them containing about tenne paces , to the intent in managing your horse too and fro upon a trot , you comming one towards another , from two contrary ends , may both meete right in the midst of your course passing one by another , which you cannot chuse but doe if you keepe true time , as well in their trotting as in their ●urning , also not forgetting , upon what hand soever the one turneth , the other must doe the same , and in the selfe same instant . moreover when you trot the ring , you may embolden your horse , by entring both together into the right ring , then turning your horse tayle to tayle , follow you the right hand , and let him follow the left in the same ring , the ring path being so inlarged , that at your meeting in ryding it about you may not touch one the other . having ridden thus about twise , you may enter the left ring , and doe as before was shewed . chap. cvi. how to make a horse endure pike , sword , gunshot , drumme and the like . in this chapter we are to deale with the difficultest matter of all ; and that is now to make a horse abide pike , gunshot , sword , drumme , and the clattering of armour , or to runne upon any hazard , to performe this you must acquaint him throughly with the rod or truntion , so as he may not feare it ; sometimes coying him therewith upon the necke , and by holding the point right forth by his eye , or betwixt his eares , so as it may bee alwayes in his sight , and being throughly assured of the rod , then appoint a foote man , having a staffe in his hand or pike , to stand in your way as you should passe , and as you aproach , let the footeman by little and little make signes , seeming to strike your horse upon the head , then encourage your horse to goe on towards the footeman , who at the same instant must retreate backe as if he would flee , in doing this you shall much imbolden him . likewise to make him abide the sword , a footeman must performe it in the same manner as he did with the pike , but be ware he strikes him not . after this , cause half a dozen footemen or more to stand in his way , making a gre●t shouting and noyse , threatning him with their loude voyces , against whom you must incourage him to goe forwards ; first with a soft pace , secondly with a trot , thirdly with a gallop ; at which time let the footemen retreate , fayning to runne away , also let them threaten them with their staves , pikes or swords . to make him dure gunshot , drumme , or clattering of armour ; or any hideous noyse whatsoever ; let your horse goe hard by another horse , or rather betwixt two other horses , that are accustomed to the like noyse , and are not afrayd , and as you ride together cause three or foure pistols to be discharged , first a good distance off , then neerer hand , according as your horse beginneth to abide them ; during which time forget not to make much of him . likewise every morning before he is drest discharge a musket or two , and sound a trumpet , and beate a charge with your drumme , and then when he is patient feede him and cherish him , the groome may sometime dresse him in bright armour , hee may be used to eate his oates from off the drumme head , you may ride him against an armour , plac't upon a stake , that he may overthrow it , and trample it under his feete : every horseman that doth not observe these briefe observations , and fit himselfe and his horse in all respects before hee come to be trayned , they will prove both unfit for service ; neither would i wish any captaine to approve either of man or horse , that in some reasonable manner , hath not attained to this perfection ; for an oxe well managed may in possibility doe better service than an ill ridden wresty horse ; neither can any security or reputation bee expected by any service they shall undertake if the officers be not diligent to see their troopes well ordered and demeaned . thus premising every horseman is or will be in this nature qualified , wee will proceede to the exercising of private troopes , and breefely shew all their postures , and how they ought to be imbattelled ; but first it is necessary to give a touch about the severall kinde of arming both of curassiers , harquebuzires , carabines , and dragoones , as followeth . chap. cvii . how the horse troopes ought to be devided and distinguished by their severall armes , apt and fit for divers services , and what proportion of cavalry ought to be joyned with the infantry . we are to understand how our generalls of late ages have divided their horse troopes into foure severall kindes , proper for divers services , and accordingly , their armings are sutable to their offices ; as the arming of the c●irassier . harquebuzier . carbine . dragoone . is chiefely defensive . offensive . offensive and defensive . the light armed which are the harquebuziers , carabines and dragoones are imployed to begin a charge against the infantry , upon flanke and reare at once , ( the front is dangerous if the two armies of foote be ready to joyne ) then the heavie armed ( viz. ) the cuirassiers shall take the advantage of such disorders as are procured by the light armed ; for their compleate arming is efficatious to defend their bodies from the push of pikes ; the better to thrust in amongst them : the light armed are also more apt and fit to be sent upon services that require expedition , which the heavie armed are unfit to performe ; for the cuirassier is to be compleately armed , capapè , with a good buffe coate , to preserve his body from the pinching of his pondrous armour ; his horse is to be fifteene hand high and upwards ; he is also to have his bedee nagge , and a boy to carry his armes and snapsacke , and to get him forrage for his horses ; his saddle and bitte must be strong and good , whereunto must be fixed upon each side of it a case of good firelocke pistolles , the barrell being full eighteene inches long , and the bore of twenty or twenty foure bullets in the pound , with his spanner and flaske boxes a good sword and a scarffe over his armes to distinguish him from the enemie . his service in the warres is chiefely defensive . as for the proportion which the horse should beare to the foote , there are divers of sundry opinions , but the prince of orange used to allow three to tenne , or twelve at most ( viz. ) . horse to . or . foote , and every troope consisting of five score horse , which are ordered twenty in ranke , and five deepe in file ; the which custome they use the rather , because of the scarsitie of their horse ; and againe they are opiniated that in regard each horse man hath two pistolles , they may perfect their fight , as well as a troope of musquetiers that are tenne deepe in ●yle , having but one musquet apeece : but from this hath proceeded many inconveniences , as captaine beumount hath observed : wherefore his advice was to have the horse troopes consist of sixe score ; so they may be ranked twenty in breast , and sixe deepe in file , they being then more apt , and proper to double their rankes ; whereby their front may be extended ; or if ( being in skirmish with the enemy ) any shot should be drawne out to give fire upon them in the reare ; then the two hindmost rankes of a horse , may peckiere about and put them to retreate ▪ and the foure foremost rankes in the front may be the better able to prosecute their fight ; wherefore my discourse shall be to shew you how the troopes consisting of . horse ranked , twentie in brest , and sixe deepe in file shall be exercised and fitted for the warres , and leave it to the judicious commander to take his choyse . chap. cviii . how the harquebuziers and the carbines ought to demeane themselves . these kinde of horse men are to be armed with an open caske , gorget , backe and brest more than pistoll proofe , with good buffe coate to preserve their bodies from bruising : their harquebuzes are to be two foote and a halfe in length , their bores of seventeene bullets to the pound ; about their neckes a strong leather belt , with a swivell to hang the ring of their peeces upon a flaske and touch boxe and pistolls like to the cuirassiers : their horses ought not to be under the size of fifteene hands in height ; when they passe by the generall , or troope through the streetes of a towne , they place the but end upon their right thigh , and their right hand grasping the barrell towards the middest of it , the locke towards their bodies ; otherwise in their march , if the enemy be not neere , they hang downe by their sides . likewise the carbine requires a smaller horse , a faire buffe coate ; his carabine twentie seven inches long , the bore of twentie foure bullets to the pound ; and he is to demeane himselfe upon all points like the harquebuze having his sword in a strong belt ; flaske and touch boxe . chap. cix . how the dragoones ought to arme and demeane themselves . the dragoones are no lesse than a foote company , consisting of pikes and muskets , only for their quicker expedition they are mounted upon horses they are of great use for the guarding of passages and fordes , in regard of their swiftnesse they may prevent the enemies foote , and gaine places of advantage to hinder their passage . their pikes are to have thongs of leather about the middle of them , for the easier carriage of them . the muskets are to have a broad strong belt fastened to the stocke of them , well neere from one end to the other , whereby he hangs it upon his backe when hee rideth , holding his match and bridle in his left hand : any horse if he be swif● will performe this service , in regard they alight and doe their service a foote ; so that when tenne men alight , the eleventh holdeth their horses ; so that to everytroope of . there is . men allowed . chap. cx . how a single troope of horse ought to be drawne into ranke and file . now it remaynes wee should make entrance into the discourse of exercising a single troope ; therefore supposing our troope to consist of one hundred and twenty horse , wee must first order them into rankes and files . rankes are a number uncertaine , and hapens according to the quantitie of souldiers , be they more or lesse . a file is a number certaine consisting of sixe persons ( viz ) a leader , two middle men , a bringer up , a follower betweene the leader , and the middleman to the reare ; and a follower betweene the middleman to the front , and the bringer up , which is the last man in the file called the reare . a file differs from a ranke , because they stand face to backe , and never above sixe deepe . a ranke differs from a file , in regard they stand even a breast , shoulder to shoulder , and have no certaine extent . the order of a file you shall see in this discription following . leader . follower . middleman to the reare . middleman to the front. follower . bringer up . the description of a ranke you shall understand by this demonstation following ; where you shall suppose twenty in ranke , and sixe deepe in file . sixe in file . reare . chap. cxi . what orders and distances a horse troope should observe in exercise . now let us take notice what orders or distances these files and rankes are to observe ; in exercising , where note , that in horse troopes , there are but two sorts of distances or orders , either in ranke or file , ( viz. ) close order , and open order . close order in files is knee to knee . open order in files is sixe foote , which is accounted a horses length . likewise close order in rankes , is to the horses crooper ; so that little or no distance remaines betweene the head of the follower and the crooper of the leader . likewise open order in rankes is sixe foote , above which they must never open . caap. cxii . the motions which the cavalrie are to observe in their exercise . the motions of the cavallrie are of foure kindes , as namely , first , facings ; secondly , doublings ; thirdly , counter-marches ; fourthly , wheelings . the use of facing is to make the company perfect , to be suddenly prepared for a charge ; on either of the flankes or the reare . doubling of rankes ; or doubling by halfe files , or bringers up , is used upon occasion of strengthening the front. doubling of files , or doubling by halfe rankes , serveth to strengthen the flankes . counter-marches , serve either to reduce the file-leaders , into the place of the bringers up ; and so to have the best men ready to receive the charge of an enemy in the reare ; or to bring one flanke into the place of the other : or front , and reere , or either flanke into the middle of the body . the use of wheeling , is to bring the front , ( which ) is all wayes supposed to consist of the ablest men to be ready to receive the charge of the enemy ; on either flanke , or reere . chap. cxiii . the manner how a commander over . horse , besides officers , should troope with them into the field to be exercised . now wee are to suppose this troope of . horsemen are to be ordered in ranke and file ; fit to draw into the field for exercise ; where note they are five in ranke , and sixe deepe in file , and every officer marching in his due place , as appeares by this subsequent demonstration . captaine . trumpet . cornet . eld. corporall . second corporall . yongest corporall . livetenant . trumpet . chap. cxiv . how a commander should draw this troope of horse into a body in manner of battalia standing at their open order or distance of sixe foote . your troope of horse being drawne into the field , before you can exercise them ; you must draw up the dimissions into an even body , in manner of battallia ; ( viz. ) the first devision , led by the captaine , being come to a convenient place of exercise , is to stand firme . then the cornet is to leade up the second division upon the left side of the former , fronting even , and keeping even destances both in ranke and file . thirdly , the eldest corporall is to leade up his devision upon the left side of the cornets , fronting them even with the former . lastly , the second corporall brings up his last division upon the left hand of the eldest corporall , observing their due orders and proportions both in rankes and files . and being thus drawne in battallia there shall be consequently be in the front ; the captaine whose place is to stand upon the right hand before the front of the first division . the eldest trumpet and cornet before the front of the second devisions the eldest corporall before the front of the third division . the second corporall before the front of the fourth division . and in the reare , the lievetenant , the youngest corporall , and youngest trumpet . trumpet . second corporall . eldest corporall . cornet . captaine . front. reare . livetenant . trumpet . corporall . chap. cxv . how souldiers are to be made to understand their commanders intention in time of skirmish . before wee can proceede to the exercising of this troope of horse ; wee must take notice how and by what meanes the souldiers should understand their commanders 〈◊〉 , that accordingly they may immediatly act and put in execution , such things as are commanded : and this is to be performed by the commander three severall wayes . first , by the immediate command of the captaine , either so that every souldier heares the word of command distinctly himselfe , or by tradition from inferiour officers , whose office is to eccho such commands throughout the troope , and this is termed vocall . secondly , when the captaine commands the trumpet to sound such points of warre as are generally knowne to every particular souldier ; this is termed semivocall . the first point of warre the trumpet sounds , is ( butte sella ) this is the warning to clappe on the saddles . the second is ( mountè cavallo ) that is the warning for the souldiers to mount upon horse backe . the third is ( tucquet ) that is the warning for a march. the fourth is ( carga , carga ) that is a command for to charge the enemy . the fift is ( al● stand●rdo ) that is a command for to retreate to the colours . the sixt and last is ( auquet ) that is a command for the souldiers to repaire to their watch or guards , or for the discharging of the watch or guards . in the third place when the commander shall make such perfect signes pregnant to the sight ; as by charging with his trun●ion , or pistoll , or by holding up the colours ; whereby the souldiers take notice by the first to charge on ; and by the second to make a stand ; and this is termed mute ; wherefore you may perceive it is a thing of great consequence to accustome your souldiers to these things , without which a world of inconveniences , and confusion must of necessitie betide you in times of skirmishing . further , in regard the exercising a troope of horse is tedious and painefull for a captaine to performe ; it shall prove very convenient to take some extraordinary paines in making every file-leaders most perfect in their postures and motions , and then every particular file-leader shall teach and instruct the residue of his file in the same manner ; from whence will arise such an emulation betweene each file , who shall be most expert , and make the best performances , that in a short space they will transcend in their millitary discipline . these things being thus performed , and the troope drawne in battallia , as befor● is deciphered ; then the commander at his ease and pleasure may exercise them in grosse , in this subsequent forme . chap. cxvi . the description of the postures for the cavalry , which every officer is to teach his souldiers before they can be fit for service . formerly i have shewed you how to backe your horse , to use his raines , to ride him in the best and aprovedst way for service , now it remaines before you exercise them in their motions , to shew them first their postures : and premising that a horseman cannot fit himselfe for exercise ; or to execute any service , unlesse he be first mounted on horsebacke , compleately armed as formerly is taught , therefore i will omit those things ; and begin with the first posture according to the netherlandish rules , the words of command follow ▪ viz. . vncap your pistols . this posture is performed by turning downe the caps of the pistoll cases with your right hand . . draw forth your pistoll . you are to draw your pistoll out of the case , with your right hand ; the left pistoll first , in regard it is most trouble some for the right hand to draw , and at first there is most time to performe it , being drawne , mount the muzzell of it . . order your pistoll . you are to sinke your pistoll into your bridle hand , and instantly remove your right hand towards the midst of it , and then rest the but end upon the right thigh . . span your pistoll . this is performed by sinking the pistoll into his bridle hand , and taking the spanner in his right hand , to put it upon the axeltree , and winding about the wheele till it sticke , and then to returne the spanner to his place , which most usually'st hanges about their neckes in a silken string , or plac't in the case . . prime your pan. your pistoll being held in your bridle hand , not farre above the locke , you are to take your priming boxe in your right hand , ( and pressing the spring with your fore finger to open the boxe ) to put powder into the pan. shut your pan. you are to presse in your pan pin , with your right thumbe whereby it will easily close . . cast about your pistoll . you are to assume the pistoll in your bridle hand , and casting it about against the left side , erecting the mouth of it . . gage your flaske . you are to take the flaske into your right hand , and with your fore finger pull backe the spring , and turning the mouth of the flaske downeward , you are to let goe the spring . . lade your pistoll . having gaged your flaske ( as in the former posture ) you are to presse downe the spring , which openeth the flaske with your fore finger , then placing the mouth of it in your pistoll , give it a shogge to cause the powder to proceed . . draw out your rammer . you are to draw out your gunsticke with your right hand turned , and to shorten the great end of it against your brest , whereby you may the easier put it to the mouth of your peece for to ramme it . . lade with bullet and ramme home . holding your rammer head in your right hand ( as before ) you are to take the bullet out of your mouth with your thumbe and fore finger ; and so put it into the mouth of the pistoll , and immediately ramme it home . . returne your rammer . you are to draw forth your rammer with your right hand turned ( and shortning it against your brest as before ) returne it to it's place . . pull downe your cocke . you are to bring backe the pistoll with your bridle hand , towards your right side ; and placing the butt end , upon your right thigh you may pull downe the cocke . . recover your pistoll . you are to take your pistoll in his due place , with your right hand bearing up the muzzell . . present , and give fire . having your pistoll in your right hand , with your finger upon the tricker , you are to incline the muzzell ( with a steady eye ) towards the marke , not suddenly but by degrees , according to the distance you ride , before a necessity of discharging shall be , you are not to give fire directly forwards the horses head , but in a diameter line , by his right side , turning his right hand so as the locke of the pistoll may bee upward , and having a true view of the marke , draw the tricker and let flye . . returne your pistoll . you are to returne the pistoll into the case , and speedily draw out your other pistoll , ( if occasion commands ) making the same performances as before . . bend your cocke . now in regard our english pistolls differ from the firelocke pistoll , i will briefely touch two or three postures that are heterogen●all to the former . and as before is taught , the holding of your pistoll in your bridle hand ; now to performe this posture you are to place your two fore fingers of your right hand upon the vice pin that sk●ues in the stone , and by it to draw up the cocke . . guard your cocke . with your right hand you are to pull downe the backe locke , and then be carefull in securing the cocke , from striking downe . . order your hammer . you are gently to draw downe your ste●ele upon the pan with your right hand ; provided alwayes there be a good flint , and that it be evenly measured , least it under or over reacheth , which may hazard the firing . . free your cocke . you are to thrust backe your backe locke with your thumbe and fore finger of your right hand , so as the cocke may be let downe without danger of staying it from giving fire . chap. cxvii . of the exercising of the harquebuz and carabine with the postures to them belonging , and diuers breefe rules appertaining to the use of them as also to cuirassiers . having discourst of the managing of the pistoll , in his severall postures ; it will seeme convenient here by the way to observe some briefe notes , concerning the use and managing both of pistols , harquebuzes , and carabines ; and then onely name the postures belonging to the harquebuz , and carabine , that goe with snaphanes . the quickest and most compendious way of charging either the pistols belonging to the cuirassiers ; or other peeces of what kinde soever , is by using of cazrouches , which are made of white paper after this manner following . first you are to have a former of wood of the just widenesse of your pistols bore , about this you are to winde a paper , which shall containe the true charge of powder and bullet , the ends must be tyed with a thred and in the midst betwixt the powder and the bullet , when you are to use them , you are to bite of the end of the paper close to the powder and so put it into the barrell of your pistoll ramming it downe close so as the powder may take at the touch-hole by this meanes a souldier shall be farre readier in his postures , you are also to observe that the armes of the cuirassiers are pistoll proofe ; wherefore that souldier that incounters against them must bee sure not to shot untill he be within three or foure paces : the hollanders use to discharge their pistols at the enemies eare , as a place most certaine to speede them ; others at the lower part of the belly , or his arme pits or about the necke or throate ; a cuirassiere usually giveth this charge upon the trot , and very seldome upon the gallop , if you misse the speeding of the man , then you are to direct your next charge against the horse , where you shall be sure to speed him either upon the head or brest ; the sword is to be managed after you have done your indeavours with the pistoll ; and the principall thing required is to disable your adversary by hacking a two the raynes of his bridle , or the buckles of his pouldrons , whereby he shall be disabled from making any resistance . the cuirassire , in fight is to strive to gaine the right side of his enemie being most proper to discharge his pistols against him . the harquebuziers and carabines , must contrarily strive to get the left side of of their enemies , because that in presenting hee is to rest his carabine upon his bridle hand , placing the butt end upon the right side of his brest neere his shoulder . our moderne generalls thinke it best to order the cuirassiers in grosse bodies , by which meanes they are more powerfull and strong , against the shocke of the enemie , they are for the most part reserved to second the light armed ; so that when they are broken they may have shelter , and time to reu●ite themselves behinde the cuirassiers . note that in a pitcht battell if the enemies ordnance be planted upon some hill so advantagious that they may annoy the horse troops ; then the horse are to be drawn into some place of security , or into the reare of your battell of the infantery ; untill such time as their ordnance be intercepted by certaine disbanded troopes both of horse and foote , sent for that purpose ; as for the postures of the harquebuz and carabine , they may receive their instruction from the cuirassiers ; yet in regard most of our peeces goe with english lockes , which differ from firelockes , you shall finde here underneath the order of handling them with the words of command . the postures belonging to the snaphane carabine ut sequit . . order your carabine . . sinke your carabine into your bridle hand . . bend your cocke . . guard your cocke . . prime . . shut your pan. . cast about your carabine . . gage your flaske . . lade your carabine . . draw your rammer . . shorten your rammer . . lude with bullet and ramme 〈◊〉 ▪ . withdraw your rammer . . shorten your rammer . . returne your rammer . . recover your carabine . . order your hammer . . free your cocke . . present . . give fire . chap. cxviii . of the excellent service which may be performed by the dragoones here in our island of england . as for the dragoones , their service and use of armes doth so neerly corespond with the postures of the infantry , to which postures i altogether referre them . they were invented for speciall services , to assist both the cavalry and infantry , for there are many exploits which cannot be effected by the cavalry alone . the musquetei●es are to exercise themselves to give fire on horsebacke , in the same fashion as the harquebuzirs ought to doe . being come to guarde a passage or to doe any other the like service ; they are to alight and demeane themselves as infantry , as in diverse places in this booke you may read , onely here by the way i will shew how necessary it were , to breede and traine up certaine companies of them in this our kingdome , which being an island , and the chiefest of our land forces farre remote from the maritime places , where an enemie may possibly land , which will be troublesome , and require much time to march to our coast side with our foote troopes , and when wee are arived ; with the strength of our land thinking to encounter with them ; the enemy may easily delude us by the advantage of a darke night or mistie day which may so favour them , that by rebarking themselves , and setting sayle , by the next night they may be landed on the other side of the kingdome , which were a thing impossible to march to them with our army to oppose them ; but these dragoones may easily crosse the kingdome , and may suddenly arive in any place thereof to assist such forces , as that coast shall be able to rayse . and although we should admit of that noble gentlemans advice , which was to divide the forces of certaine adjacent counties , into three divisions ; making an entire armie of the one halfe of them : intrenching them neere the place suspected for greatest danger for conveniencie of landing them ; as he exemplifies it by fulke-stone in kent , where he would have lodged . men , then upon the right wing twelve miles distant from this body , being the point of nesse , he would have . men lodged , and upon the left wing . miles distant , being the towne of margate , he would have . more lodged ; and so accordingly to inguirt the whole island , by this they should mutually give helpe one to another : so that if the body of this army being . men , should be distrest , then the two wings were speedily to repaire to their succour ; or if any of the wings then the body of the army were to march speedily to their ayde : questionlesse this is a singular project , and no reason can contradict it , if we have men sufficient to inguirt the island round ; but that cannot be expected , in regard that his majestie must of necessitie have a standing armie in the heart of the kingdome , composed of the principall gentry and yeomandry , to be in readinesse if the enemie should give a repulse , and overthrow those maritime forces , or if any domesticke enemie should trecherously draw a head to side wit● them ; this standing armie will dishearten them , and bee a meanes to corroberate our owne men which otherwise would be much dejected , and happily many of them so base ( being overwhelmed with the present disasters ) that they would turne to the enemie and compound their owne safeties , as was well seene at the landing of william the conquerour , after he had discomfited the armie of king herrald , which was but a handfull of the forces which might have beene afterwards raysed to have given the enemie a second battell , or otherwise have defended the land by delaying the enemie : but feare had so wonderfully surprised the natives , that immediately they compounded their owne safeties , which had there beene a powerfull armie in the heart of the kingdome , to have kept them in obedience , that they might have strengthned their dejected conceits , upon their hope of victory which might possibly have beene gained by this armie , the lords spirituall and temperall would never have yeelded themselves with the citty of london to the mercy of the conquerour , but this is onely by the way . now these troopes of dragoones being well exercised and practised as they ought , let any sensible man judge if they shall not prove in time of neede most usefull in regard of their speedy march. chap. cxix . the order of exercising a horse troope in their motions being drawne in battalia . to pretermit all further circumstances ; ( presupposing that every souldier is perfect in his postures ) it is now high time to draw out in battalia ; ( as before is demonstrated ) that they may the better be exercised in grose , and the more commodiously taught their motions which every souldier ( using silence ) is to performe according as he shal be commanded , as this following figure doth demonstrate ; where note there are ● . horse drawne in battalia ready to be exercised and standing at their open order of sixe foote , being the space of ground allowed betweene horse and horse . front. * h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h right flanke . reare . * as you were . ▪ to the left hand , as you were . front. h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h reare . to the left hand a-bout . to the right hand about as you were . h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h rankes to the right hand double . rankes as you were . hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o rankes to the left hand double . rankes as you were . hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o files to the right hand double . files to the left hand , as you were . ó h ó h ó h ó h ó h ó h ó h ó h ó h ó h h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h files to the left hand double . files as you were , or rankes to the right hand double . h ● h ● h ● h ● h ● h ● h ● h ● h ● h ● h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o h o halfe files to the right hand , double your front. halfe files as you were , hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o halfe files to the left hand , double your front. hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o bringers up to the right hand , double your front. bringers up as you were . hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o files to the left hand counter-march . hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhh h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o files close to the right and left to your close order . ooooohhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhooooo ooooohhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhooooo ooooohhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhooooo ooooohhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhooooo ooooohhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhooooo ooooohhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhooooo rankes close forwards to your close order . h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o to the left hand wheele . h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h h chap. cxx . the fashion of horse battels discourst of , and first of the rhombe , the wedge , and the square . in regard we shall not have the opportunitie to discourse , and demonstrate every kinde of battell , that at this time is in use when wee shall come to intreate of the embattelling of the infantry with the cavalry ; therefore i thinke it most convenient to discourse of some formes of embattelling the cavalry which are of greatest use . and the rather because the cavalry for the most part are employed upon peculiar services in the absence of the infantry . those that have formerly written of this subject , have not fully exprest their owne conceits . therefore to make all things cleere ; i shall indeavour to set downe the severall figures of each severall kinde . the thessalians were the first inventers of the rhombe , and conceived it to be an absolute forme ; in regard they were ready to turne their faces every way with speede , and not easily to be surprised , in flanke or in the reare ; because the best men are plac'd in the fanke , and the commanders in the angles . ( viz. ) the captaine in the front , and in the right , and left angles of the flankes the two ablest corporalls , and the livetenant in the reare angle . of these kinde of battells called the rhombes , there are foure sorts severally distinguished ; the first kinde files and rankes . the second forme , neither file nor ranke ; the third forme files but ranke not ; the fourth ranke , but file not : the first kind of rhombe that doth both file and ranke , is ordered as followeth ( viz. ) you are to make the greatest ranke being the middle most of an uneven number , as of a . or . or . or . to which you are to joyne other rankes before and behind , every one containing two lesse than the former ; as if the greatest ranke consisted of . the next rankes on either side are to have but . the next on either side of those , but and so every one two lesse , untill at last you come to one , as you may perceive by the next figure following ; the longest ranke consists of . the next of , &c. and so the whole rhombe hath horse in battalia : of these i intend to shew you the order of framing them , although not much used in these late warres : afterwards i shall discourse of sundry formes of embattelling in a discourse by it selfe . the rhombe of horse . the front. left flanke right flanke the reare . chap. cxxi . the manner and forme how the second kinde of rhombe is ordered in battalia . the next kind of rhombe , which neither files nor ranks was by the antient generalls , thought very proper for service , in regard the turnings and other motions , were to be performed very easily , having nothing to hinder them before , behinde , or in flancke . for the ordering of this forme of battell , you must first place the leader , then one a● his right , and an other at his left hand , and in such a distance , that their horses heads reach up to his horses shoulders , as in the formall battell . the first row you must also make of an uneven number , as . the leader of the troope standing in the midst , and . other being laid to him backwards on either side ; so that this ranke containeth two sides of the rhombe , like to this a. then the reare commander is placed directly behinde the leader ; and to him are other joyned forwardly on either side , like to this figure v. and the number of the following rankes ; after the first , there are to be two lesse than the former , and therefore nine must be added on either side of the reare commander ; so that the number of the second ranke hath tenne ; this ranke makes two sides parrallell to the two former sides of the rhombe , as the figure shewes : the third must be . and so forwards to one , the whole battell hath in it . horse with the officers ; the figure followeth . front. reare . chap. cxxii . the manner and forme of imbattelling the third kinde of rhombe consisting of files but not of rankes . the third kinde of rhombe , which files but rankes not , you are to order your troope after this manner following . first you must make a file of any number , the captaine of the troope being file-leader , and the reare commander the last of the file . to both the flankes of this file , you are to lay two other files either of them one lesse in number than the first , these you must begin to place even with the middest of the distances of the first file on both sides ; as suppose . in the first file , the next file on either side must have . a peece , and the next after them . a peece , and still one the lesse in all the rest after plac't files , and so it shall prove to file but not ranke . this forme is advantagious and profitable for turning of faces , when neede shall require , from one point of the rhombe to another : turning to the right hand is called turning to the staffe : turning to the le●● is called turning to the raynes , but in these our moderne warres we use to command them to face to the right , or to the left hand , as occasion shall offer , the figure of this discourse followeth the troope of horse consisting of . with the officers . the front. reare . chap. cxxiii . the manner of imbattelling the fourth kinde of rhombe which rankes and files not . this last kinde of rhombe whose property is to ranke and not to file , is made by a con●rary way to the former . the presedent rhombe which shewed to file but not to ranke , began at the front point , and reare point , and proceeded to the flankes . this beginneth at the flanke points and proceedth to the front and reare . first therefore a ranke is to be layed of what number you please to the distances of this ranke you must lay two rankes more , one on either side , whose number must be one lesse a peece , than the former ranke , thus continue laying of rankes towards the front , and reare , and in every paire of rankes diminish one a peece , untill you come to the points , either of which have but one , namely the captaine and lievetenant ; by this meanes the rhombe will ranke but not file , the figure followeth . front. reare . chap. cxxiiii . the manner of framing the battell called the wedge , or halfe rhombe , used by the macedonians . the forme of this battell called the wedge , plainely appeares in the rhombe , which both rankes and files , for the halfe of that rhombe is a wedge . wherefore first you must beginne with a ranke of an uneven number as suppose . horse before that ranke , you must place another ranke of . having two lesse than the former , and so you are to proceede untill you end with one , which is the place of the captaine ; this was the invention of king philip of macedon , who placed his best men before , that by them the weaker might be held in and inabled to charge . elian giveth reasons why the wedge was in those times accounted better than a square forme , which we now have in use , in regard it is apt and proper , artificially to breake the enemies square battels , for he compares a square battle to an axe , for although it be sharper than a wedge , yet having the edge drawne out in length it cannot possibly , by strength be driven farre into the wood , but by redoubling of strokes . the wedge being once entred , insinuateth it selfe , the point being narrow , and it holdeth what it getteth , untill at last it divides the square forme in sunder , although never so tough . polybius reports lib . . that the thessalians being imhatteled in this kinde of forme , they could not be resisted by the gracians and persian squares . moreover the wedge is of greater strength than the rhombes , because it bringeth more hands to fight , for the hinder part of the rhombe is of no use but to avoyde surprises , for it avayleth nothing in charging , whereas all parts of the wedge are effectuall , viz. the point to enter , and the sides even to the flanke corners , where the reare endeth doth dispart and dissever , and utterly disorder the enemie , whereby victory is gained . and questionlesse this forme of a wedge , were of excellent use in our warres especially when an enemie is charged in flanke and reare , or front and flanke , then this battell in forme of a wedge to come full upon the point of the enemies battalia , where they shall finde an easie place for entrance , in regard the foote troopes are constrained to make a double resistance , both to front and flanke , so that there will be a space open for entrance ; and then the sides of this wedge battell will give such a valley upon the point , that of necessity they cannot be able to withstand it . the cornet ( in this wedge forme of imbattelling ) is to take his place right before the lievetenant in the second ranke from the reare , the figure followeth : this troope consists of . horse . front. the leivetenant . chap. cxxv . the reason why we retaine the custome of ranking five deepe in file . wee have learned from generalls in former ages the framing of square battels , in regard they were oppinionated that forme was the easiest to be framed , and best for motion , besides the ablest men were plac't in front , and had all the principall commanders , to lead them on , to give the enemie a charge , the weapons which the horsemen used were speares , of such a wonderfull length to to match their enemies pikes , which as leo reports chap. . that they were . cubtis in length , that is . foote ; and livy verifies the same that their pikes were very unwildy in regard of their bignesse and length , and then they for the most part did order their horse troopes eight deepe in file , as polybius speaketh plainely ; who was generall of the horse of the achaeans ; besides leo in his seventh chapter writeth after this manner ▪ if there be many horse ( saith he ) ( viz. ) above twelve thousand , then let them be ordred tenne deepe in file ; if but few , then let it be no more than five ; further he saith , too much shallownesse maketh a battalia weake , and ready to be broken ; by this we may conjecture that the filing of troopes five deepe was not a thing inforc't of necessitie , untill such times as they found the inconvenience of their over-long speares ; so that the macedonians caused their speares to be but . or . foote in length , and then five horse in depth was rather at the most , ( then otherwise ) to make use of those short weapons to offend the enemy in their charge . they further aimed to order their battells , so that the battalias might seeme square , ( viz. ) as deepe in flanke , as broad in front , so that thereby , the enemy might be deluded ; and therefore sometimes they would order eight horse in front , and but . in flanke , which seemed as a square , by reason a horse taketh up twice as much space in his length as in breadth ; whereupon finding the inconveniences of those kinde of squares , they bethought them of a more perfect square , lesse than which they durst not venture , and more they could not ; for want of horse , in regard their pollicie was to discourage the enemy by making their troopes shew more than indeede they were ; wherefore they framed their troopes of . horse , and ordered them tenne in ranke , and five in file ; which forme represents a square , in regard the five horse take up as much ground in their length , as the tenne doe in breadth , and this proportion they held best , for had there beene sixe , seven , or eight horse in a file , they could not have done any good in regard of the shortnesse of their squares , as leo after confessed . but our manner of charging the enemy differs from theirs ; for wee are to give fire upon the enemy by rankes , and so fall off into the reare , so that all the rankes shall come up and give fire by degrees upon the enemy , whereas their troopes gave a firme close charge , and wheeled off together ; this was the use both of their archers and spearemen . now our moderne captaines , although they have abandoned the use of their speares , yet they have detained their forme of ordering their troopes , five deepe in file ; and because each horseman hath two pistolls , therefore they suppose that they may charge and discharge as well as the foote troopes that are tenne deepe ( with one musquet for their armes ) but let the ablest horseman of them all say what he please ; he shall finde it another businesse , especially if both sides stand to their tackling , untill all the rankes have given fire ; for the small distance of time , and the ordering of their unruly horses , will make them fall short of their expectations : but indeede our horse troopes , seldome stand so long in competition for the victory ; but that one side either retreates , or doe worse ; for if they should , it should be easily seene that that troope whose files were ordered sixe in deepth , would soone weare through the adverse part , whose extent is but five . wherefore i could wish that all our troopes might be so ordered , in regard it is a number so proper and apt , either to be divided , or to be doubled , or to be drawne into any forme of embattelling , wherefore more than sixe are unprofitable , and lesse than sixe are not so serviceable . in former ages they were driven to their inconvenience , in regard they were scanted of horse ; and so to make their fronts equall with the enemies ; they in pollicie framed their battalias but of five deepe ; whereas their enemies were compounded of many more , as . . or . many times ; but after they had found out their pollicy ( which ) was only to make the fronts of their battells equall with theirs , being constrained in regard of their thinnesse to line them with shot , and to have stands of pikes to rescue them to make them abler to resist their enemies streng phalange ; they likewise ordered their troopes after the same manner , whereby they delated their fronts farre witer than before , and so over winged them , whereby many times they gained victory . our kingdome ( blessed be god ) shall not neede to be driven to that exegint to make such simple shifts , in regard we have or may have more than sufficient to oppose the potentest enemy that shall dare venture , or indeede possibly can conveigh so many troopes over , but that we shall be , not onely his equall , but exceede him ; wherefore i have framed each troope of . horse , and the same to be divided into foure corporallships ( viz. ) thirtie in each ; each corporallship to march sixe in brest and sixe in depth , and so i leave it to your best considerations . chap. cxxvi . how the chavalry are to order and demeane themselves in proportionable battells , fit to be joyned with the infantry with their due order of fighting against the enemies foote troopes ; likewise how they are to give or receive a charge of the enemies cavalry in grose , as also in single combats and assaults . as in ordering of the infantry ; so in disposing of the cavalry in battalia , for the well fighting of a pitch'd battell against the enemy , these circumstances are to be considered , first , there are to be drawne out of sundry troopes of carabines , a certaine number of horse ; which are to be joyned with a proportionable number of foote : these are speedily ( without keeping any order or distances ) to runne upon the enemies ordnance ; and either to surprise them , or to hold those of the enemie that gaurd them in combustion ; so that their ordnance shall be hindred from annoying your troopes of horse , who are farre more subject and liable to receive harme from the ordnance ( in regard they are mounted high ) then the infantry can possibly be , wherefore the cavallry many times have beene constrained to retire themselves into some place of advantage , as a vally , or in the reare of the foote troopes to hide and secure themselves from the great shot , untill such time as the armies were drawne neare together ; so as they could not discharge for indamaging their owne troopes . in the next place , there are certaine horse to be commanded out of divers troopes of carabines to assist and guard the forlorne hopes of the infantry ; and these are to towle out the enemy to beginne light skirmishes ; the better to animate the maine battell against they shall be ready to charge ; by seeing their valours ; and many times they have beene a meanes of disordering the enemies grand battalias . the maine battell of the cavalry is divided into there distinct divisions ; ( viz. ) the vanguard , the battell , and the rearegaurd ; these three make one intire front , and are to be ordered at three foote distance , when they are ready to charge : this principle battell is to stand in an even front with the infantry ( viz ) either upon the right or left wing , or upon both when there is no naturall strength , as rivers , quagmires , hedges , or the like , to secure one of the wings , you are to place your cavalry wide off the empalement of the flankes of the battell of the infantry a hundred paces at the least for feare of anoying your foote troopes : likewise there must be the space of ▪ paces of ground in distance left betweene every company , and . paces betwixt each regiment . the winges of the horse battell next adjoyning to the flankes of the foote , are to be of cuirassiers , in regard they are rather to secure the flanks of the infantry by sustaining a charge , then for to advance forwards to give the enemie a charge ; unlesse upon some great occasion , the residue of this maine battell may be compounded harquebuziers and carabines as the generall shall thinke best . there must likewise be two other grand battells ordered ; the first is to be plac'd a hundred paces before the front of the maine battell , but not so forwards as the forlorne hopes , by little more than halfe the distance , these are to consist of harquebuzires and carabines , and are to be ordered in competent battalias ; which shall be neither too great nor too small , but so as they may charge in sundry bodies , the better to releeve one the other : betweene each battallia , there must be certaine files of musquetiers , drawne up in an even front with them , who shall give fire upon the enemies horse to disorder their rankes , as they shall approach to charge your troopes ; these shotiupon occasion may retreate , and fall in betwixt the distances of the maine battell , which are to advance forward to re scue the former troopes being over charged . the third battell , which is called the battell of sucker , is to be plac'd a good distance behinde the maine battell , and these ought to be all ( or the greatest part of them ) cuirassiers , and ordered in great battalias then the harquebuziers , they are to be marshalled , and disposed into divers compertments or divisions ; so that the battalias of the maine battell may retreate betwixt them , or being routed they may shelter themselves behinde them , and reunite themselves againe , and joyne with them in a desperate charge ; for this is the last refuge , unlesse you draw out certaine pikes to relieve them ; and unlesse your strength in horse doe much exceede the enemies , it will be to your disadvantage , to strive to charge the enemies foote troopes ( unlesse there should be an unexpected advantage offered ) untill such time as you have either routed the enemies horse , or put them to flight ; and then you are to bend your full strength to assault them upon all quarters with your harquebuziers and carabines first ; and then seconded by your cuirassires ; who are to presse in amongst the enemy , and breake their rankes ; but in the meane time they must leave a sleeve of horse upon each flanke of the wings of the foote troopes to defend them from the enemies charge , who will adventure to doe it when they see them left naked . if your cavalry are by some accident to fight onely against some certaine foote troopes of the enemies you must make choise of plaine fieldings , as a place most advantagious for that purpose . likewise you must use all celerity and diligence to charge them before they can order themselves , in battell , and upon these advantages you may venture , although they should be farre more potent than your selfe . but being drawne into battell , expecting your assault , and your forces being equall in power ; then you must command out certaine troopes of harquebuziers , or dragoones , if you have any ; and with these you must charge them upon the front , flankes and reares ; these are to be seconded by certaine small battalias of cuirassiers who shall take the opportunity to fall upon such disorders as the harquebuziers have caused . if the enemy have possest themselves in some place of advantage ; then the cavalry are not to charge them , although your forces were superiour in strength to them . if it should so happen that one company of cuirassirs should be to fight against another , if the enemy doth charge you in full carriere , your safest way is to devide your troope by halfe rankes , opening a large distance to the right and left hand , so as the enemy may passe through : then facing your troope inwards , you are to charge them upon the flankes ; you are to performe the like if you have a battalia made of two troopes ; and being charged by the enemy , they are to divide themselves as before , but keepe each troope whole and entire ; or you may cause three or foure files of each of your wings to advance forward on the sudden , and to charge the enemie upon the flankes ; and to equall your enemies front , you may cause the halfe files of your body to double your front to the right and left hand by divisions . note the harpuebuziers are to give fire by rankes ; the first ranke having given fire , is to wheele off to the left hand ( unlesse the ground will not permit it , ( but that of necessity you must performe it to the right ) making ready and falling into the reare : the second ranke is to give fire upon the wheeling away of the first , and so the rest successively . the advantages which the cavalry may take against the enemy when hee shall thinke himselfe secure in his quarters , in regard of his potencie , and the undervalluing of his adversaries disability may be very great , for many times weake forces have atchieved great victories . wherefore there must first be gained true intelligence how the enemy hath disposed his troopes ; and also certaine knowledge of the situation of the country , place , or village , they are quartered in ; and how , and in what places hee hath plac'd his guards , and set out his sentinells . an enemies quarters for the most part are ever strongest and best watch kept upon those passages which leades towards a suspected enemy . in this case you are to make use of the night , fetching a compasse about by some by-wayes , so that you may charge them in the reare or flankes of their quarters before they be aware of you , where you shall be most sure to finde them most negligent in those parts . every horsman is to take up behinde him a musquetire , whose service will be excellent either to place behinde , upon some passage of advantage , to rescue your troopes if they should be put to a retreate , or to assist the horse in their discharge against the enemy in his quarters , as i shall afterwards specifie . now let us presuppose that your troopes are arrived neere the enemies quarters , every man having the watch-word given him , and also some distinction , or marke of white , whereby they my be knowne from the enemy in the darke night , and having laid a sufficient guard of musquetires to make your retreate safe : the next thing to be considered of , is how you may best hinder the enemy from uniting their troopes into a body , wherefore some few musquetires or firelocks are to be sent some by-way , where secretly they must get betwixt the guard and the sentinells to cut off their retreate ; the residue of the musquetires are to creepe to the allarme place , and there to place themselves neere the passage where the enemy is to enter with his troopes ; and having the advantage of some hedges , bankes , or pales , for to hide and secure them from the horse , these shot shall give fire upon the enemy as they come scattering into the alarme place . in the meane time one of your troypes of harquebuziers or carabines shall advance secretly and without noise towards the sentinell , and suddenly surprise him by the helpe of the shot that lies behinde him : then speedily they are to fall upon the guard and surprise them , before they shall have time to mount themselves , from thence this troope is to march forwards into the chiefe streetes of the village with a certaine number of musquetiers following them close at the heeles , and there they are to make their stand : the shot shall then ranke themselves before the horse ; the first ranke upon their knees ; the second are somewhat to stoope , the third ranke is to stand upright , and so to give a whole volley upon the enemy at once , and then they are to fall off and march downe by the flankes of the horse into the reare of them , and there they are to order themselves as before in a readinesse to give fire upon the enemy that shall seeke to charge them in the reare ; in the meane time the horse are to advance forwards and charge the enemy . the rest of your troopes if there be foure or five of them , are to be imployed in foure or five severall places , viz. one troope is to follow the first troope to assist them ; where if they they finde no resistance they shall possesse the allarme place , and assist the musqueteirs that are layed in ambush , likewise there must bee certaine horse appointed to scoure the streetes continually , whereby the enemie shall be hindred from gathering together . your third troope is to come marching fairely unto the allarme place . the fourth troope is to follow softly after , and where they heare any broyles or stirrings , they are to repaire to that place to assault them ; or enter into their houses and cut them off , thus suddaine and unexpected aproached , will so pussell the enemie , that they will seeke to save themselves by flight , through by-pathes and back sides , wherefore you must cause your first troope to be drawne about the quarters ; to intercept those that shall seeke to save themselves by flight . if at any time any of your horse troopes should meete , the enemie in their march ; if they bee equall in strength , you must resolve to fight , if not you must endeavour to save your men by a faire retreate ; wherefore to gaine true intelligence of their forces ; besides your scoutes you must send out a corporall with . or . souldiers ; who must pretend to be of the enemies forces if that place doe favour the enemie , and from them they shall all have true information ; and if you be farre from your owne quarters , and neere to the enemies when you meete with them , then you must be forc'd to fight , though your forces should bee inferiour to theirs , but if you be neere to your owne , then you must fairely retreate , leaving a lievetenant in the reare ; with some of the best mounted souldiers , your retreate must be by the same way you went in the day time , but in the night you must take some other way , though further about to your garrison or quarter . if you intend to lay any ambuscadoes , to defeate the enemies forces first you must be certaine of what number the enemies forces are of , if he hath fewer horse than you , then you may imploy all yours , attempting to toule out all his and route them , or else you may imploy some small number , by which you may at severall times make some good booty , the enemie not daring to issue out of his quarters ; but if the enemie exceede you in horse , it will be dangerous for you to make ambuscadoes , unlesse it be with some few horse , for with your small number you may easily retreate , but being a grosse it might be entertained by part of the enemies cavalry presently issuing , and those seconded by more , whereby you should be hardly able to retreate without disorder and losse . the ambuscadoes must not by layed much before breake of day , because otherwise you cannot discover the aproach of the enemie , but at hand , and so the ambuscado shall have no time to come forth and put themselves in order , whereby they may be taken in their owne ambush : the troopes must be plac'd a good distance one from another , that they may not hinder one another in time of fight , the sentinells are to be plac't out on every side , and some upon trees , but very closely that they may not be discovered , your ambush must be plast in some covert place upon the side of a plaine or champion ground . in making your ambuscado with many troopes of horse , some number of infantry must be layd in ambush , about the midde way to releeve and sustaine the cavalry , in their retreate , if need should be , or otherwise to assist them upon occasion . now you are to dispose of your cavalry in this manner following , suppose you have . horse , consisting of . troopes , three troopes must bee sent before towards the enemie ; giving notice to the commanders of them , where the ambush shall bee , of these three troopes three must be . cuirassiers , and . harquebuziers , the cuirassiers are to be commanded by their captaine and leivetenant , but the harquebuziers are to have their leivetenant onely . of these harquebuziers , . shall advance before , with their corporall attempting to take some booty or prisoners ; in view of these harquebuziers at the distance of a cannon shot , there must be . cuirassiers plac'd , under the command of their leivetenant , to receive those . harquebuziers when they returne ; the captaine with the other . cuirassiers , and . harquebuziers is to stay behinde halfe a league off ; the harqueburies are to be plac'd nearest the enemie , to succour the . horse● which are charged by the enemies guards , and then they are all to retreate to the cuirassiers , these foure small troops must still retreate , keeping a convenient distance one from another ▪ and holding the enemie in fight , unlesse the enemie so chargeth them that they are forc'd to flye in disorder . the other . horse which are to consist of . cuirassiers , and . harquebuzeirs , shall enter the ambuscado about halfe an houre riding off from the other . horse , which when they shall see returne and charged , they shall issue out , the . harquebuziers first giving charge ranke after ranke , then the cuirassiers , leaving . horse in the reare to make their retreate . the horse are to bee in ambush about an houres march behinde the sayd . horse , and seeing them to returne charged shall suffer them to passe , and the enemie also , that so they may charge them upon the reare . likewise a certaine number of shot ( as suppose . musquetiers and . pikes ) must be layd in ambush about a league behinde the . horse , on the way by which the . horse shall returne charged : and when the enemie is come up to them , they are to fall out and give them a valley to disorder them , upon this the . shall sallie out and charge the enemie upon the reare and flankes ; and then the sayd . horse are to face about and sustaine the charge , which cannot but be to the enemies confusion . in great ambushes you must make your number seeme as small as may be , but in small ones you are to make shew of a greater number than you have ; wherefore your number being small all your horse must not sally out of the ambushcado at once , but some . or . must remaine in the wood at the furthest part of it , to favour the retreate of the rest , and by their noyse to cause the enemie to thinke there are a greater number behinde in the wood. if the enemy should retreate for his better safetie , meeting your troopes upon your march in the day time ; you must first send a troope of harquebuziers to charge him on the reare , ( viz. ) the lievetenant shall first assault them with . horse , charging the enemy upon a full trot or gallop ; him shall the captaine follow with the rest of the troope : these are to be seconded by a company of cuirassiers , being most proper to sustaine the enemy if he resist ; but if the wa● be narrow , the said cuirassiers shall follow immediatly after the first . harquebuziers ; your other troopes shall second these , observing alwayes one hundred paces distance betwixt every company . if a single troope should meete a troope of the enemy of equall number ; if the enemie retreate , send your leivetenant with . horses to charge him in the reare , following him with fifty to the same effect , closed as firme as may bee , the residue of your troope must follow at a good distance under a good corporall , who shall not engage himselfe to fight ( though the enemie turne head ) unlesse he see his officers in great danger , but then he must charge them valiantly , so that his captaine may reunite his men againe . other circumstances belonging to the cavalry , you shall finde them discourst of either in the discourse of the marching of the infantry , or else in the discourse of incamping an army , i will here conclude with a demonstrative figure , to shew how the shot should line the horse troopes , and how you should order your battalias to succour one the other , where note this represents one wing of the horse , that is to flanker the infantry ; and you must further observe so soone as the enemie hath put the shot to retreate , those horse battalias behinde , are to advance up into their places , the shot are but . in a troope , the harquebuziers . and the cuirassiers . by this proportion you may make as great battalias as you please , view the figure onely of the maine battell without the battell of succour . the horse troopes being drawne in battalia , there must be . paces distance left betweene every company , and . at the least betweene every regiment . the end of the . section . a discovrse of politiqve stratagems . sect . xiii . chap. cxxvii . a perfect demonstration of such politicke stratagems as have beene plotted , and practised , both by ancient and moderne commanders . seeing that politicke stratagems have been the immediate means next under the providence of god , to gaine victories enervating and weakning an enemy ; i have thought it most fit to collect out of the best authors , the most subtillest and most eminent ; as also my owne observations which i have gathered in the time i followed the wars , which may prove of much worth to bee taken notice of , in two respects ; first in seeking to evade them , or prevent them ; when an enemy shall make use of them or ( finding a conveniency ; and fit occasion ) to make use of them our selves by putting them in practice against our enemies : and although it bee not in the power of man , to reade the thoughts and designes of a polictike enemy ; yet when a commander knowes the nature of all stratagems , hee may happily ghesse by an enemies carriage , demeanour , and actions what hee intends : and first because no generall can ●●rry his designes so in the ayre , but by some privy intelligence , an enemy is informed of it , and so being fore-warned is fore-armed , it is wisedome for a generall privately , to give out some speech of a designe in hand , which he intends not to execute , and in the interim to put in action some other project , which may be prevalent in regard it is novelties to the enemy ; by this many countries , cities , and garrison townes have beene taken , before the enemy could provide for to defend it , as in the next chapter you shall see . chap. cxxviii . how the prince of orange tooke in grolle in gelderland , by pretending his army should march before the towne of gelders , that wise and politique generall prince maurice knowing the strength of grolle in regard of the scituation of it , especially if it were well manned , and victualled ; he having laine with his army once in former times before i● and was constrained to raise his siege ; wherefore the second time he practised by policie to gaine that , which formerly was denied to his strength ; wherefore hee countenanced his designe , and fitted his army , giving it out for another towne called gelders , not farr in distance from the other ; the enemy for the better securing of the towne sent what forces and amunition ; they could spare out of other townes to strengthen it , but most especially from this towne of grolle , which they thought secure , whereby it was left destitute of any meanes for a long siege ; this opportunity being suddenly taken by the prince , he drew his army before it , and beleaguered it round , so that in a short time it yeelded , which without this advantage would have beene impregnable . chap. cxxix . a policie to deferre time when a towne is beleaguered , that reliefe may be gained , or by it to get from an enemy . in a towne besieged , it is policie for the governour to parly upon some agreements , in what kind hee shall surrender up the same , and so make a truce for certaine dayes ; in this kind of practice may be two advantages gained , as namely , first reliefe if it bee expected , which without this plot happily cannot hold out untill it comes ; this was practised in ost-end , the governour understanding by a prisoner which was taken , that the enemy did intend to assault his workes generally upon all sides , and in all places the next morne ; he thought it wisedome ( considering the weaknesse of the towne ) to spend some time in a parley , untill his succours were arrived , or at least to set those men in order , and provide such necessaries for defence as could bee got , whereupon hostages being sent upon either side , and articles being discust upon , but none agreed upon ; the releefe did arrive in the towne , and they were fitted for the assault . moreover , these kind of parleys makes an enemy confident , that meere distresse drives them unto it ; this causeth an enemy to be negligent in all his performances , whereby great advantage may bee taken , either in building or repairing workes , which otherwise could not be done ; by this devise silla that famous commander being in a straight tooke advantage of the enemies negligence in time of the truce , and suddenly beate thorow the enemy and delivered himselfe , the like did asdruball being beleaguered in his running campe by claudius n●ro , escaped him , which otherwise must have yeelded upon base tearmes , or have perisht by the sword. chap. cxxx . how zophirus by a politique stratagem delivered a whole army into his generals hands . zophirus one of darius captaines mangled his body , and disfigured his face , by cutting off his nose and eares , fled to the babilonians , complaining of the tyranie of his king , they crediting his words , and knowing his prowesse , committed the charge of the whole army unto him , as a man to whom such barbarous usage had made him irreconciliable , and deeming hee would have studied and used all his best indeavours to have beene revenged , but hee taking his best opportunity , delivered his army into the hands of his soveraigne with all the townes , and forts in his possession . ch●p . cxxxi . how philip macedon , and divers others by their policie have gained kingdomes by affording their aydes to distressea princes . foraigne ayd is a surfet most uncurable ; for there is no kingdome but by such a politique advantage hath beene conquered ; as appears by the example of philip macedon assisting the thebanes in greece against the phocians ; by taking his advantage brought the country under his own command ; also the romanes assisting the sicilians against the carthagenians possest themselves of the iland ; likewise the brittaines being ayded by the saxons , were by them thrust out of all : the same cup tasted the irish , they requesting the ayd of the english , were by them dispossessed : wherefore there is no confidence to bee put in forraigne assistance ; for they will not ingage themselves , nor venter their lives when danger approcheth , as by the example of francis sforza assisting the millanois , he revolted to the florentines in expectation of higher preferment : likewise gucapo picinino assisting the king of naples , left him in his extremity of battell ; the switzers did the like to the french. it is a thing most easie for a forreigne ayde ( if they be more potent ) to keepe possession in a kingdome , and by drawing in more forces to them , to drive out the natives ; or if they be lesse in power , to side with the enemy , and so share the kingdome betwixt them , as the burgundians did ayding the romanes in galacia against the frankes ; and joyning with them overthrew the romanes : these brittle helpes makes the remedie worse then the disease ; so that they are least to be trusted , and last to be tryed . a politique nation are ready to assist in three causes : as first when some man in high authoritie upon discontent or desire of revenge openeth a way for them , as count iulian did , drawing the saracens into spaine to be revenged of don roderigo who had ravish'd his daughter . secondly , when a weaker faction maketh way for them to overthrow , or at least counterpoise a stronger ; as the burgundians oppressed by the faction of the orleans , made way for henry the fift to passe into france : likewise our english barons , being likely to have beene vanquish'd by king iohn , sent for prince lewis into england to assist them . thirdly , when a kingdome is over-burthened by a forraine foe , whom he is neither able to repell nor resist ; he is constrained to make use of a forraine friend ; in this ease as one wisely saith , plus a medico est , quam a morbo mali . chap. cxxxii . a policie to preserve townes from revolting with a covert-way to banish such men as are held in suspition . it was maxime of state amonst the romans not to suffer great men in authoritie , whose birth was from great and noble families , because their revolt might indanger a country : or if a generall were a conqueror in a strange land ; and yet having some few townes standing in great suspition of revolt , and divers men of note in them not to be trusted , whereby a conquest is unperfect ; it is his best policie to command them to beate downe the walles of their townes , and banish some of their citizens whom most doubt is to be made of ; and this must be so carried that no towne so commanded might thinke that this charge concernes any other then themselves particularly : in practising whereof , the command must be given to all the townes at one instant , to the intent they might all immediately obey ; and have no respit to consult one with the other ; and as for those that are held in suspition for revolting , the fairest way is to give them some commission to negotiate certaine affaires a-far off in such a place that they can worke to means of mischiefe : this will stand in stead of a covert banishment . chap. cxxxiii . a politique way to prevent an enemie from stopping the march of part of an armie . if a generall should be constrained to send part of his forces upon some speciall and speedy service , he ought not to diminish the huttes , not lessen the bounds of his camp ; only for his securitie fortifie strongly within the old workes , because those forces left are too weake to maintaine the old : the same fires are likewise to be kept and the same guards throughout the campe that was before ; by which meanes an enemy cannot take notice nor advantage either to prevent the passage of those troopes march'd away , or to adventure to assault the campe : claudius nero put this in practice . likewise if new forces should come to assist an army , the way to prevent an enemie from knowing it , is , neither to inlarge the guards nor the workes about the campe ; this policie is to be performed when it is knowne the enemie hath a purpose to assault your trenches because of the weaknesse of your forces . the keeping of designes secret hath alwayes beene most prevalent ; this made metellus say ( being with his army in hispania ) to one which asked him what he would do the next day , made answer , that if his shirt knew thereof he would burne it . chap. cxxxiv . a politique way for an armie that is fallen into danger to escape it , by securing the one halfe by the hazarding the other . if an army bee in distresse ; either being beleaguered or coopt up in some place of disadvantage ; then the generall is of two evils to make choyce of the least : wherefore if his troopes bee farre inferiour to the enemies , his best policie is to divide his troopes , and with one part of them assault the enemie , who being busie in making resistance , the other part may escape safe : this is onely to be practised when no other project can helpe , so that iminent ruine is like to ensue unlesse such a course be taken ; otherwise , it were better to imitate haniball , who caused a strange accident to happen that did dismay and distract his enemy ; hee being disclosed by fabius maximus , tooke the opportunitie of the night season to tie drie kisks and bavins betweene the hornes of many oxen , which being fired , drove them with such fury that fabius being astonished at the strangenesse of the same sight , suffered him to passe without opposition . chap. cxxxv . a policie whereby scanderbeg in a battell against the great turke overthrew his troopes of horses . scanderbeg in a battell against the great turke , being over-matched both with horse and foot ; caused those few troopes of horse which he had , to bee lined with certaine foote , who being charged by the turke , those foote with a mighty shout brake out upon the enemies troopes of horse with such fury , that they not onely rescued their owne , but also brake and chased the enemies cavallry , and contrary to all expectation won the field . chap. cxxxvi . a policie which the duke de alva used to fortifie his army against the prince of orange his horse . the duke of alva , in the late flemish warres against the prince of orange , most pollitiquely fortified himselfe , with his carts , and carriages chayned together , casting up a small trench of earth beyond them , did safeguard his army being all foot , against the prince of orange , who suddainly invaded him with a great power of horse , whereby he was never able to give him battell ; and in the conclusion , for want of forrage and victuals hee was driven to retire . chap. cxxxvii . a policie to prevent rebellion of such in high authority as are discontented , or of a proud and haughty spirit . many times treacheries and deceits are practised against generalls ; and happily by their owne disdainefull proud carriages to their inferiours . for prevention thereof , it is best to immitate lewis the eleventh , king of france ; who propounded to himselfe divers wayes to winde out of such troubles ▪ and to gaine the love and applause of his people ; wherefore he studyed to carry himselfe very loving and affable , ready to heare complaints , and to redresse them without delayes : if he feared the fidelity of any one , he would insinuate into him with milde and faire speeches , free to them in gifts according to their degrees , alwayes holding them in hopes of preferment and honour , and freely tendring it , as occasion offered : he was loving to men of meane estate , especially where any worth was cressant , if by any mistake he had offered any injury he would in a fair way shew himselfe greeved , and seeke to recover the parties love by large benefits . chap. cxxxviii . how a generall ought to demeane himselfe politiquely , both in giving of battell , and in refusing it . if a generall understand that his enemy have new ayde and supply of men a comming unto him , then ought he to seeke by all meanes to give him battell , before both his powers joyne ; or if his victuals or pay begin to faile , then a generall should never refuse battell if any opportunity be offered . likewise , on the contrary , if a generall expects a supply , or if he understands his enemies victuals , or moneys faile , or that sicknesse increaseth amongst them , then it behoveth him in policie to stand strongly upon his guard , and by no meanes joyne battell , so long as he can conveniently avoyd it ; as the french did lately at the isle of ree , onely dogging our english at the heeles , and delaying to fight , untill they saw a confusion in the army by imbarking their men . the like also in the flemish warres , betweene the estates and do● john de austria ▪ who understanding of the comming of duke cassimere , with horse and foot , offered the army of the states battell at rymenant where they lay incamped and expected duke cassimers comming ; but count bossute then generall of the states armie , being of sufficient strength to have fought with him would not , but gave command that none of his troopes should salley forth their trenches , but onely some squadrons to guard passages ; so that don john finding himselfe and his expectations deceived , and that he could not traine them forth to battell , was driven to march away ; and this temperance in the count bossute , was no lesse souldier-like , than the couragious attempt of don john to seeke battell , both being done with reason . chap. cxxxix . a politique observation of a generall , how he should intreat about a peace . when an army of one side is driven to a streight , so that conditions of peace are to be intreated of , a generall must be curious , and circumspect in making choise of discreet , wise , able men which understand themselves , and the weightie service they are imployed in , lest they should conclude some dishonourable treaty , or put the generall in feare of their truth and fidelitie . chap. cxl . a policie to prevent the assistance of a forraigne frieud . lewis king of france being distasted against the duke of normandy and brittaine , drawes his army into the dukes territories , the duke understanding his proceedings , obtaines assistance from the duke of burgundie ; the king presently conceived this policie in his head , to indite a letter as if it had come from the duke of normandy , and sends it by a herald to the duke of burgundy , the contents thereof were , that whereas the king of france had offered him an annuall summe of money , to the value of franks , which he had accepted , and considering divers circumstances , and desiring not to hazard the event , he had according to the kings propositions surrendred to him the dukedome of normandie , and the assessation of armes was concluded upon ; the duke of burgundy being sensible of this , and of the danger that might accrue to himselfe by their falling off , yet hee was jealous that those letters were counterfeited ▪ untill certaine other letters were likewise invented , as sent from other friends to certifie him the truth , which did confirme the former : by this devise the king caused the dukes army to be disolved ; and according to his wished desires obtained a firme league . chap. cxli . how to gaine fortunate successe to an army . the best meanes a generall can use to bring fortunate successe to an army ; is to get true and frequent intelligence from the enemy ; which must be obtained from them , by a trusty and secret friend there resident , or by some plaine wise country man that vents victualls to an army , or by the drummes that are sent for prisoners ; or by some prisoners taken : likewise , some have used to send ambassadours ; and with them in servants apparell , most expert men in warre ; who having taken occasion to view the strength of the enemies workes ; and of his forces , have by this meanes taken a sufficient opportunity to overcome them . chap. cxlii . a policie used by mar●i●● , to try the fidelity of the french , which inhabited lombardy . marri●s in the warres managed against the cimbrie , made use of a policie to try the fidelity of the french , which inhabited lombardy ; hee sent them certaine letters open , and sealed , and in the open hee wrote , that they should not open the letters sealed untill a certaine time prefixed ; but before that time , hee demanded of them to see those letters againe , wherehee found them opened , by this hee knew their faith was not to bee trusted . chap. cxliii . a policie to compell an enemy out of a land without hazarding an army in battell with them . a kingdome being invaded by an enemy , if the townes thereof be of any sufficient strength and ability , to withstand the brunt of warre , the best way is not for an army to goe meet them , and give them battell , but for to enter the enemies dominions , ransacking , pillaging , and spoyling it , whereby hee must be constrained to returne for to defend the safety of his owne countrey ; this project hath taken many times good effect , for that those souldiers beginning to fill themselves with bootyes and confidence to overcome , shall soone make the enemies souldiers to be afraid , when they supposing themselves conquerours shall understand to become losers . chap. cxliiii . how a generall should use policie in letting an enemie to passe without fight . it is a thing most dangerous to stay an enemy , if be have an intent to flee , either by cutting off his passages , or by cooping him up , for every coward will fight , when they are bereft of all hopes of safety ; as by the example of our blacke prince in france , who with a handfull of men overthrew a mighty army ; but a wise generall should rather make the enemy a bridge of gold to passe over , then to indeavour to stay him ; themistocles would not suffer the grecians to breake downe the bridge made over the hellespont by xerxes lest the persians should have beene compelled to fight ; charles the sixth of france lost his army by intercepting henry the fifth of england in his march to callice . chap. cxlv . a policie to make souldiers fight in a pitch● battell , and to prevent their running away . charles martill in a wonderfull fight with the sara●e●s , placed in the reare of his army certaine troopes of his horse , commanding to kill all such as offered to flie , hereby to informe his souldiers that there was no safetie , but what they purchased by valour ; likewise william duke of normandy , after the landing of his men upon our english confines , caused all his vessels to be burned , that no releefe might be expected , which bred a resolution in his souldiers to gaine a conquest ; aso caesar did the like at his first approach against england , that his souldiers should not expect any safety by flight , but to purchase their freedomes by the dint of the sword. chap. cxlvi . a policie of a genoys , used to the negotiator , of lodwick sforza to cause him to know the nature of oppression . lodwick sforza having trenched too farre upon the patience of the people of genoa ; his negotiator that collected his masses of money was by a genoys invited to dinner , and walking in his garden , hee shewed the ambassadour the hearbe basill , he gently stroking it smelt it very sweet , but squizing it hard as unsavoury a smell ; whereon this genoys inferred ; if our lord duke lodwick will gently stroke the hand of his puisance over this city , it will afford him a sweet savour of obedience , but if hee oppresse it , it may chance to prove as unsavoury by rebellion . chap. cxlvii . a policie to bee used by a generall to incourage souldiers to worke in time of necessitie . when the capitoll of rome was last built , the emperour vespatian carried the first basket of earth to the making of the walls ; after him his nobilitie did the like ; this did wonderfully incourage the people to be more forward in that service , and that made them undergoe the taske without grumbling . chap. cxlviii . a politique way for a generall to gaine a difficult passage with his army . ferand king of naples understanding that charles king of france approached neere his territories ; hee to prevent his approaches ; and to make his safest and strongest resistance , drew his army to a certaine straight , not farre from naples , having hills , and unpassable places on each side ; the french perceiving their defence was not to bee repelled , divided his army by night , and sent halfe of them farre about to come by stealth upon the reare of the neapolitans , they holding themselves secure in regard the french had intrencht themselves before their campe ; and thus holding them in suspence untill the other part of their army were arrived at the place hee desired ; they suddenly ( taking the opportunitie to assault on both sides ) routed the neapolitans , and in defeating their army tooke their whole countrey . chap. cxlix . a policie to be used by a generall , to further the assault made against a towne . the prince of orange drawing his army before gertrudenberge , they lay intrencht upon land , and strong by shipping upon the water ; by chance taking of a prisoner belonging to the enemie , they understood by him that the states and gouernour of the towne once aday went privately up the steeple to view the hollanders trenches , if that any advantage might bee gained by sallyes or otherwise ; the prince immediatly contrivrs with a gentleman to runne to the enemy , under a pretence hee had killed a man , and that hee fled for the safety of his life , who by a private signe , playing upon a pipe , discovered their being upon the steeple ; the hollanders ordnance being ready planted upon a battery , they made a shotte at the steeple , and beate it quite downe , killing the governour with the rest , then presently assaulting the towne , tooke it . chap. cl. a politique stratagem used by the hollanders to take in the towne of breda , by cutting off their guards , breda a strong towne in brabant , was once by the hollander surprized , by a stratagem of a boate laden with turffe , in whose keele was imbarqued very closely divers valiant gentlemen ; the boate being brought before the towne according to its usuall wont , and the boates-man well knowne of the souldiers , was suffered to come upon the guard , where hee usually made them sport and bestowed drinke upon them , untill hee had made drunke both corporall and sentinell , and the rest of the guard ; then seeing his fit time , he conveyes these gentlemen into the towne , who killed the sentinels , and cut off the guards ; and having first obtained the watchword , they gave a privy signe by casting up a ball of wilde-fire , whereby certaine forres of the estates lying in ambush not farre off , made their speedy approaches , and blowing open the ports entred the towne , and tooke possession of the ordnance , before any allarme was given ; likewise by carts laded with corne , and hay , having souldiers layed in a hollow place the like projects have beene done ; for prevention of these things they are gaged with iron spits made for that purpose , before they are suffered to enter the ports , fearing lest treachery should be in them . chap. cli . a policy which the citie of cassiline used , to make haniball raise his siege . the city of cassiline being besieged by hamball , after they indured a long siege and hard brunt ; they tooke occasion to plow up all their waste grounds within the walls , and to digge for corne and rootes ; haniball perceiving they were sowing their seedes , was verily perswaded , they had sustenance sufficient to last them untill their seedes came to maturity , which made him presently raise his siege , when indeed they could not have held the towne one weeke longer for famishing . chap. clii. caesars policie in letting the dutch men flee that he might vanquish them . caesar having coopt up the dutchmen , that they could not flee , he thought better to open them a way to runne , than to hazard the fight ; by which he overthrew them in their disorderly flight . chap. cliii . how by a stratagem the guard of the skonse at zutphen was cut off ; and the skonse taken , and immediately after the towne . at zutphen in gelderland , the enemy had raised a strong skonse by the river issell , which they potently managed , in regard it did command the towne ; whereby the states of holland were not able to besiege the towne , without that skonce was first taken : wherefore they procured a dozen english and flemish yong feminine faced gentlemen ; who were apparelled in country maides clothing , some having butter , others poultry , and the rest egges , which they brought by the skonce feigning to sell it ; the souldiers begun to cheapen their commodities , at length grew to toy with them , and finding them somewhat tractable , they pulled them into the fort ; every souldier being busie in drinking , and some courting of these supposed maides , they tooke opportunity with a short skeane which hung by the inside of their coates , every maid to stab the souldier that was next her , whereby they cut off the whole guard , then by a private signe certaine troopes of the estates ( which lay close by in ambush to attend the designe ) came and maintained the worke ; by which meanes in few dayes they got the towne of zupthen also . chap. cliv. a policie used by the romanes to relieve such townes as had rivers running by or thorow them . the romanes used to relieve their besieged townes when any river came thorow it , or neere unto it , by putting corne and munition in small barrels , which were so evenly ballanc'd that they might onely swim , and bee kept from sinking ; these were conveyed downe the streame in a darke night , so as the enemy could not discover them ; also dryed nuts they threw downe the streame which the souldiers ( knowing the time of their comming downe ) fisht out of the water , and relieved their necessities ; when the enemy hath admired how the garrison should possibly have beene relieved . chap. clv . how the governour of bergen-up-zone had like to have rowted spinola's army at his first besieging it . when marquesse spinola drew his army before bergen-up-zone , the governour invented a politique stratagem to have discomfited his army as they stood in battalia , before they had intrencht themselves ; first , he caused all his best troopes to be in a readinesse to salley out , likewise all his horse-troopes were to assist them . he also provided all the bedees and iades , and all kinde of horses of no service , that he could possibly get , and having furnisht them with old furniture and pistols and carbines fashioned of wood ; these were to come softly on the reare of the enemy , and the foot and the other horse were to charge them in the front , to the intent the enemy seeing such a great and unexpected strength of horse , might be dismayed ; which thing indeed had taken effect , had those supposed harquebusiers come up as they were commanded , but they fetcht so great a compasse about , that they came too late , for the enemy had beaten backe the other troopes to the ports ( before they came in view ) and had spent all their ammnnition ; for no sooner did the enemy perceive those false troopes , but they disorderly retreated into those trenches they had then made , and had the states souldiers then had powder and shot to have pursued a charge in their disorder , they had questionlesse rowted them . chap. clvi . a policie used by mennon of rhodes , to draw his enemy out of his trenches to give him battell . mennon of rhodes finding no possible meanes to draw his enemy out of his trenches ( wherein he lay strongly incamp'd ) to give him battell on the plaines ; sent unto his enemies campe one of his houshold servants , under the colour of a fugitive , who gave them to understand , that the souldiers of the said mennon were in a mutinie , and together by the eares , and for that cause the greatest part of the army went away at that instant ; and to the intent the greater credit might be given to his words , there were sent away certaine bands whom they saw to depart from the campe , and so understood there was a great tumult , and being further opportun'd by the said fugitive to take this advantage , they might easily in the time of this disorder ruine mennons campe ; to this the enemy condiscended , and straightwayes fallyed out of their strong trenches , to assaile those , who ( by this project ) overthrew them for their too much credulity . chap. clvii . how marcellus by a politique stratagem , cut off hanibals forces , which came to assault the towne of nola. one bantius a commander in the siege of cane , being fore wounded by haniball , and by him also taken prisoner , he used him very nobly with guifts and faire promises , suffering him to passe quietly to the besieged towne of nola , thinking to have made use of him in betraying the towne to haniball ; but marcellus being generall of the forces in the towne , perceived by the strange carriage of bantius , that haniball had infected him , whereupon marcellus closed with him by faire speeches , with great guifts , and mightie protestations of preferments and honours , whereby he wonne his love , and discovered unto him , that haniball intended to scale the walles at such a time , which accordingly he did ; but marcellus having made ready for resistance , had prepared certaine troopes in a readinesse to salley out of the towne to take the advantage of the enemies disorders , who falling upon them in severall places unexpectedly , vanquish'd them : thus by making use of a traytour , a victory was obtained . chap. clviii . a policie which scipio used , to weaken and dishearten the army of asdruball , before he would give him battell , whereby he gained the victorie . scipio being encamped in a plaine against asdruball , dayly they drew themselves into battell , yet not attempting to charge eyther the other , wherupon they firmly cōcluded , that at what time soever they should fight , their battels should be drawn in the same figure , as they before had practised ; but scipio being politique , victualled both his horse and men in the night , and drawing out certaine of his men by peepe of day , to give an alarme to asdrubals campe , to cause him to draw his army out of the trenches , and to expect a present fight ; scipio now presently altered his forme of imbattelling , and being drawne out of his trenches earlier than formerly he was wont , yet he protracted the execution of battell , onely using light skirmishes , to keepe them from feeding either man or beast , untill at length he thought they would be ready to faint for lacke of rest and food ; about noone he advanced his wings forward a good pace , leaving his maine battell a good space behinde , marching leisurely after , also he drew out a division , which wheeled about and charged asdrubals wings in the flanke , and his owne wings being in the front , whereby the enemy was overcharged ; yet asdrubals battell durst not stirre to assist , fearing scipio's battell , and had they march'd forwards to have charged scipio's battell , they had beene inclosed , and so charged on every side : by this stratagem scipio got the victorie . chap. clix. a politique stratagem which titus didus made use of , to prevent his enemie from encountring with his fresh supplies , that were comming to assist him . titus didus having divers forces marching towards his campe to strengthen his army , whereof his enemy being informed , prepared to encounter them upon the way , and to cut them off ; whereupon titus didus having certaine prisoners of the enemy , he gave out in their presence , that every man should be in a readinesse to give battell the next morning to the enemy ; and withall , tooke an occasion to let the prisoners goe to their quarters , who declared that didus had given order for a battell the next morne , whereupon the enemy was afraid to diminish their forces , and durst not goe to encounter the souldiers of titus ; by this policie they arrived at his campe in safetie , which otherwise could not possibly have beene without the losse of most of them . chap. clx . a policie of haniball , to bring the romans into jealousie of their generall fabius maximus , that thereby he might worke his owne ends . haniball having pillaged and burned all the fields about rome , he only caused to bee reserved safe the fields and goods of fabius maximus , to cause a jealousie to arise , that there was some frienship betwixt the enemy and him , by this meanes fabius was not be trusted . also , metellus to having an army against iugurth , all the ambassadours that iugurth sent him , were required by metellus give unto him their generall prisoner , and after to the very same men hee wrote letters to the same effect , which wrought them such discredit , that in short time iugurth had all his councellours in suspition , and put them to death . the like was practised by the romans upon haniball when he fled to antiochus , their orators wrote to him so frequently and familiarly , that antiochus suspected him , and would not put confidence in his councells . chap. clxi . a politique stratagem whereby an army hath beene disheartened in time of battell , which hath caused their overthrow . at muscleborough-field there was a policie used , to cause a rumour to bee spread in the enemyes battell , that their generall was slaine , and some part of the troopes defeated and put to flight ; at this the enemy was so amazed in the middest of their fight , that they gave way , and brake their rankes . titus quintus did practice the like , but this must be acted in that part of the army where the generall is not to bee seene . chap. clxii . a politique stratagem used by labienus in france , whereby hee vanquished his enemies army marching over a river . labienus in france , seeing his enemy desirous to passe a river to present him battell , he counterfeited that he feared their pote●●cy , and feigned to march away , yet leaving secret ambushes , which gave labienus intelligence , that a good part of the enemies army was past over the river ; hee suddenly returned , and defeated them before the residue could get over to their rescue . chap. clxiii . a policie whereby an army may passe over a river in safety , when the enemy attends the advantage to ruine them . qvintus lutatius in his warres against cimbry , was close pursued , even to the side of a river , where either hee must passe , or receive battell , wherefore hee setled his army downe by the rivers side and intrencht himselfe , setting up some tents , and sending abroad for fortage , as though hee meant indeed to stay by it ; the enemy beleeving the same , did in like manner incampe his army , and sent out his souldiers likewise for provision ; lutatius making use of the cimbryes negligence , the night insuing , suddenly passed the river with his army before the enemy could dis●odge , and drew his men in order to give them battell . chap. clxiiii . an excellent policie for a generall to put off a people that hee is in league withall , and desires his assistance . the athenians and lacedemonians desired assistance of gelon the son of dinomenes , he being generall over the siracusians against xerxes , who had past the hellespont with his mighty army ; unto which gelon consented , and under a colour of his willingnesse levied thirty thousand souldiers , and two hundred shippes to doe them service , conditionally that they should make him generall of one of their armies , either by sea or land , which they refused to doe ; but afterwards upon better consideration they yeelded to his proposition , and to that purpose sent their ambassadours , to whom he returned this answer , that may was past , and the spring withered . chap. clxv . the policie of vigetius to convey foot-troopes over a river that is passable , so that the streame shall not offend them . vigetius hath a rule in passing a river that is wadeable , if the streame bee violent and swift , to cause certaine horse-men to crosse the river in two places , leaving a lane betweene them for the souldiers to passe ; the one ranke of horse are to breake the strength of the water , and the other ranke below are to sustaine the souldiers . chap. clxvi . how by a politique device , the hollanders obtained a convenient peece of ground from their enemy , upon which they built the skonce called skinkes , which could not bee gained by force of armes . th● hollanders having sound a certaine peece of ground very convenient , to raise a fort in it , which might be made impregnable : it being a point of ground lying betweene two mighty rivers , the wale and the leck ; they knowing not how to obtaine it , in regard divers of the enemies strong holds bordered upon it , which would have beaten them off , had they presumed to have entred it ; and besides , they were loth the enemy should take notice that the place was so convenient for that purpose , as they knew it to bee , for it cut off all releefe by water , that all the adjacent townes were accommodated with , wherefore they plotted with a countrey fellow named skincke , to hire that peece of land to feed colts in it ▪ and for to keepe them from straying out hee was to raise a wall with a great ditch from one river to another , which was about rodde ▪ this being finisht , the hollanders came sayling up the river by night with certaine troopes , which they landed there , and by the strength of that ditch and rampart , they beate off the enemy ; ( for they had no other passage but thereby ) untill they had built the skonce , which is now called by the name skinkes skonce , so samous for the late siege . chap. clxvii . hanibals politique observations , in placing his battels upon advantages . haniball against the romans in the battell of cannas had gotten the advantage from the enemy both of sunne and wind , and had imbattelled his army upon the higher ground : these three things are to be principally considered as coadjutors in a victorious skirmish : the like did m●●rius against the cimbrians ; by which he obtained an honourable conquest . chap. clxviii . a policie used by pyrrhus , whereby he deluded the lacedemonians , that his designe for the conquest of the towne of sparta might take effect . the mighty generall pyrrhus having secretly levied an army , and had given out that his designe was against antigonus ; he having conquered almost all the countrey of macedon by a fortunate battell not long before ; whereupon they began to suspect their towne of sparta : but pirrhus in policie caused them to understand , that he honoured the towne so much for the noble discipline and good learning , that he intended to send his two sonnes thither to be educated , thus deluding them by this colourable way , hee sodainly tooke his opportunitie to enter with his army upon laconia ; where he presently demean'd himselfe an open enemy , conquering at his pleasure . chap. clxix . how demetrius by a politique stratagem , overthrew the army of ptolomy ; which not long before had vanquishd him . cilles , lievtenant generall to king ptolomie , was sent with an army against demetrius sonne to antigonus , who not long before was overthrowne in battell by ptolomie : cilles rather thinking to find demetrius fleeing , then to hazard another battell , marched very indiscreetly and without all order , as not fearing any to oppose him : demetrius understanding the order of his troopes , drew out certaine of his light armed men , and marchd a whole night to meet him in his campe , where he found his troopes lying confusedly and scattering ; not having any guards or resistance placed to secure the army ▪ whereupon he tooke his opportunity to fall into his campe , where he routed and put to flight cilles souldiers ; and tooke him likewise prisoner , and overthrew his whole army . chap. clxx . a politique way to weaken an enemies armie . the ancient worthies in policy would oftentimes suffer an enemy to take certaine of their meanest townes : to the intent that the enemie should ( by degrees ) more and more weaken his army , by putting into them strong garrisons : when afterwards ( assaulting the much impaired residue of the army ) have by this politique way at the length , made meanes to overcome the adverse partie . chap. clxxi. a politique stratagem used by fulvius , whereby he cut off the sallyes of the cimbrians . fvlvius used this policie against the cimbrians , caused his horsemen to assault their campe divers times : the cimbrians sallying out , repeld them ; wherfore he set an ambush behind the camp of the cimbrians , and causing their campe to be againe assaulted by his horse , they issuing out of their campe , as formerly they had done to close them ; fulvius his soldiers lying in ambush got betweene them and home , whereby they entred the fort and sak'd it . chap. clxxii . a policie whereby alexander deceived the illyrians , by counterfeiting the enemies colours , did overthrow them . if an army lies neere encamp'd to the enemies ; it is great policie for the generall to send part of his men with the enemies coulours a pillaging , and to burne the countrey ; whereby the enemy may think they are men come to ayd them , as alexander did against the illyrians ; and le●tenus against the carthagenians ; alexanders souldiers having counterfeited the illyrians colours , and burning his owne countrey , made them faithfully beleeve that they were certaine of their own forces , sent to assist them : whereupon divers of the enemies souldiers did run to meet them disorderly : alexanders men taking this opportunity , fell upon the disordred troupes , and overthrew them . chap. clxxiii . a policie used by tamirus and tiberius gracchus , whereby they overthrew their enemies whole armie at once , without losse or hazard to themselves . tamirus in his warres against cyrus and tiberius gracchus against the spaniards , faigning themselves to be afeard of the enemy , having sodainly abandoned their campes , and left them furnished with store of wines and good cheere ; to the intent their enemies might take their fills and wallow in their pleasures : then sodainly they have returned with their armies , and assaulting them have found them like sots not fit to make a resistance , whereby they have beene all destroyed : some have practised to poyson their wines and beere , with their victuals , by which their enemies have dyed like rats . chap. clxxiv . a politique stratagem used by eumenes , to cause his soldiers to follow him upon a dangerous attempt ; and how he stopt antigonus proceedings , and overcame him . evmenes , perceiving that his souldiers were much daunted at the sodaine newes of antigonus his approach to assault his campe ; and fearing the fidelitie of his souldiers , he being but newly chosen their vindex , thought it more safe to make use of some politique way to prevent antigonus his comming ; wherefore he used good and beseeming speeches to his souldiers , desiring them to prepare immediately to follow him ; for his owne part be would undertake to stay antigenus in his march : whereupon hee hasted with certaine of his friends to the top of divers hilles making sundry great fires , that were seene into antigonus his campe ; who thinking that a very great army was there in a readines , and fearing his designe was discovered , caused him to make a pause , and to bethinke himselfe of his owne safety . eumenes souldiers seeing this take good effect , came all flocking unto him , and there strongly fortified themselves ; so that antigonus could not force him from his workes : but eumenes having laid an ambush of horse at the foote of the hill , charged antigonus his forces in the reare as they came to assault the campe , and overthrew them . chap. clxxv . a policie to gaine a towne whose fidelitie is doubtfull . pompey perceiving the cattenensians were falling off from him , and tha● if he should offer to stirre , they would stand upon their owne defence ; he in policie sent unto them to desire them they would be content to receive certaine sicke men of his , to which they condescended ; but pompey under the habite of sicke persons , sent most able valiant men , who taking a fit opportunity , let pompeyes army into the towne . chap. clxxvi . a policie used by alexander magnus to secure thracia , ( which he had newly conquered ) from rebellion . alexander magnus , desiring to assure himselfe of the countrey of thracia , in regard he was to make warres in asia , he thought it best to take with him all the principall men of thrace , and he set over the common people men of meane birth , and low degree , to governe them untill his returne ; so giving those princes ( he took with him ) places of great command in his army , with extraordinary pay , he held them secure and quiet ; which had they beene left behinde , they would soone have rebelled : the like course did philip king of spaine use to be secured of england when he went to saint quinti●s . chap. clxxvii . a policie to beguile an enemie from opposing an army that would march over a river . if an army be opposed by the enemy , from passing over a river ( without great disadvantage unto him ) after a few dayes march by the rivers side , if the enemy followes on the other side to hinder them , then the best way is to draw out of every company certaine souldiers , who must secretly be conveyed unto the next wood , directing them , that the next day after the army is departed , they should come to the river and lay over their bridges and strongly fortifie it ; the enemy seeing the full number of troopes and colours will not mistrust any thing , but will march on to prevent their going over as before they were accustomed , those in ambush seeing the coast cleere , having finished their workes , the army hath stolne backe againe , and marched over without danger or resistance . chap. clxxviii . a politique stratagem used by the duke bernhard of saxon-weymar , whereby he surprised the strong towne of manheim in the pallatinate . dvke bernhard of saxon-weymar by a stratagem surprized the towne of manheim , being the strongest in all the pallatinate seated upon the river rhine , where the river nekar flowes into it , he marches towards the towne with five hundred men , ordering his men so , that he might reach the towne the next morne an houre or two before day ; so soone as he approached , sent word to the governour , that he was a commander of a towne of their side , and named his name accordingly ; and that having beene out upon a partee that night , was by the enemy beaten in thither for his refuge , and that the swedes were ready to fall upon the reare of his troopes ; hee earnestly desired to be let in with all expedition : the governor giving ●redence to his feigned tale , opened the ports , and gave him free passage into the towne , whereby he tooke occasion to cut off the guards , and slew three hundred of the garrison , and tooke maravelli the governour , and his lieutenant prisoners , and injoyed the towne ; which by force could not have beene taken without a long siege . chap. clxxix . a politique stratagem used by alexander , whereby he forced his enemy from a passage , which by strength he could not have ganed . alexander in the warres against darius was prevented by bessius , who had gotten the advantage of a streight passage over a high rocke , which constrained alexander to make use of a stratagem ; he having the opportunity of a mighty windy day , stackt upon a heape a huge pile or wood and brush fagots , and setting it on fire , the winde carried the coles , flame , and smoke , so strongly in the face of the enemy , that they were glad to quit the place ; which otherwise would have beene impossible for his army to have done , in regard of the disadvantage of the place . chap. clxxx . how scipio by his justice and chaste carriage towards a faire lady which he had taken prisoner , wonne the hearts of his enemies . ivstice and chastitie winnes the heart of an enemy , more than any policie else that may be devised , as by the example of scipio in spaine ; where he rendred a young lady very beautifull to her father and husband , without offering her any discourtesie ; which made him winne more cities and townes in spaine , than formerly he could doe with his potent army . likewise , caesar in his warres in france , caused the timber and such necessaries to bee payed for , which he used to make the lists about his army , whereby he got such a name of iustice , that the conquest of that province was obtained with ease . chap. clxxxi . a politique answer of alexander the great unto certaine malicious enemies , and his wise devise to gaine their love . alexander the great was solicited to take a strict revenge of arcadian and nicanor , who had used evill speeches of philip of macedon , father in law to alexander , and that they conceived them for those affronts , to be highly worthy of death ; to whom alexander most politiquely and wisely answered , that first it was to be considered , whether the fault lay in them that used the abusive language , or in king philip ; secondly , that it lyes in the power of every man to be well spoken of , if he will indeavour it : which indeed proved so , for after king philip releeved their necessities , there were none in the kingdome did him more honour and truer service than they did , in all the time of his warres . chap. clxxxii . a politique course used by tamberlaine in his warres , whereby hee gained speedy conquests . tamberlaine the great , in all his warres , used his enemies to three banners ; the first day hee set up a white flagge , signifying favour and mercy , if they yeelded immediatly ; the second day a red banner , betokening bloud and losse of lives ; the third day a blacke banner , in token of the utter subversion of cities or townes , burning them to as●es ; by this policy hee made the world tremble , to withstand his first summons , for hee never granted pardon after the first refusall , whereby hee conquered with small paines , or effu●ion of bloud . chap. clxxxiii . a policie used by king edward the fourth to suppresse his rebels , which otherwise had hazarded the ruine of his kingdome . the earle of warwicke by the instigations of the duke of clarence , ( who was brother to king edward the fourth of england ) plotted a rebellion in the north. the king perceiving the eminent danger that hee was like to hazard , thought it great wisedome to grant his gracious pardon to bee proclaimed unto all such as would lay downe their armes and come in , whereupon the rebells considering the present danger they were in , made the greatest part of them bethinke themselves , that the safest course was , to accept of this gracious offer , and not to runne a double hazard , whereupon they came in , and acknowledged their hainous offences , desiring to have his majesties favour renewed . chap. clxxxiiii . a politique devise used by william rufus to get moneyes . king williaw rufus had long wars in france , which had much impoverished him , and being brought into a great straite for lacke of moneys , he devised a politique way to helpe himselfe by levying twenty thousand souldiers ( being men of good ranke and fashion ) to be conducted into normandy to ayde him against france , who being in their march towards the coasts side , and ready to bee imbarqued , it was signified unto them from the king , that as well for their particular safeties , as also for not disfurnishing the realme of strength , whosoever would pay ten shillings , towards the levying of souldiers in normandy , hee might be excused , and stay at home ; the which favour they generally imbraced , and willingly paid every man his stipend , by this devise he gained pounds . chap. clxxxv . a politique course to keepe a new conquered people from innovations and rebellions . _●here a conquest hath newly beene either in a kingdome , city , or towne , the best way to prevent the people from inventing rebellions and innovations , is to impoverish them , so as they shall have no leisure no● meanes , to put any mischiefe in practise , for busying themselves in getting their livelyhood . chap. clxxxvi . a politique way to stay mutines in an army , and to cut off the chiefe author without running a hazard . when mutines are a broaching , a generall must bee wise , and circumspect in applying himselfe to appeale them , and first to sever the confederates , in dividing them , and breaking their faction whereby to defeat it ; for if the authors of it bee of any great command , or men of quality ; and that the originall proceeds from discontents , and that they have drawne a strong party to side with them , whereby the lawes of the field cannot take place without running a hazard to the whole army ; then the best way is to deale mildly with them , using faire tearmes and promises , willingly condescending to such requests as shall bee by them desired , dealing privately with some particular men ▪ and sometimes with many together ; and eft-soone filling them with promises and hopes , using pensive , yet vehement words , which may induce them to beleeve , that they proceed not from any dissembling intents ; and so by degrees prevaile to cut off the principall heads , and then the rest of the body will soone fall off of it selfe . chap. clxxxvii . a policy used by king william , to malcolme king of scotland , who had invaded this land , thinking to gaine his peace , hee would have yeelded to any conditions . king william the second , having weakened his army , by his great wars in france , malcolme king of scotland perceiving what broyles and contentions this poore king was hemmed in withall , tooke his opportunity to make use of it , and with his army invades england , ( considering the premisses ) he thought to bring king william to what tearmes of peace he should desire , and that in regard of his great losses , hee would be very moderate in demanding any articles from the king of scotland ; this project being brought to the upshot , king william shewed himselfe more resolute then ever ●efore in his prosperity , affirming in high tearmes , that hee scorned to yeeld to any difficulties ; whereupon malcolme conjecturing that such a high confidence could not bee without good grounds ; he consented to any condition that king william did desire . chap. clxxxviii . politique observations in a confederate warre . that army which intends to invade an enemy , the strength whereof consists of divers confederates ▪ the service which is to be expected , must be speedily done , for in a short time such an army will fall into divers inconveniences ; as either a dissipation and dissolvement , or else fall into a confusion , in regard of great difficulties that will arise , and straites that they must bee exposed unto , especially being farre remote from succour and releefe , or hardly to be releeved ; whereas the enemy being in his owne land , at hand may have speedy supplyes , both of men and amunition ; as by the example of robert duke of normandy , eldest brother to king william , who with divers other princes of europe had surprized ierusalem , and divers other cities , yet soone ●ell at oddes , and were dissipated . chap. clxxxix . a policie used by the governour of croizon to make his cowardly soldiers fight . croyzon being besieged by generall norrice ; the governour of the fort seeing his souldiers faint in the defence thereof : wherfore ( to prevent it ) all that did play the cowards , or that did speake of yeelding ; hee caused to bee chained to a post set in some breach , with his weapons in his hand to defend himselfe and it . by this device the rest of their fellow souldiers would rather venture their persons honourably , then to be compelled with a greater danger dishonourably . chap. cxc . a policie used by generals to beguile hunger in a straight besieged towne . the people of lydia were the first that invented games , as dice , cardes , chesse , and the like , necessity and hunger forcing them unto it ; according to that of persius , artis magister ingenijque largitor venter . for being sorely vext with famine in the time of atis one of the progenitors of omphale , they used every second day ( by playing at these games ) to beguile their hungry bellies : thus for yeares , they continued playing and eating by turnes . chap. cxc . a politique stratagem practised by the governour of berghen , against the prince of parma's forces , by which he destroyed divers of them , and preserved the towne from surprizing . the prince of parma bringing a mighty army before berghen-opzome ; the governour made choyce of two english men , ( who in former time had beene the dukes prisoners ) to steale to the dukes campe , to let him understand that the strength of the towne was most english , and that for divers discontents they were ready to mutinie ; and that ( if it pleased him ) hee could infect some chiefe captaines that should command the principall guards to give way for his entrance into the towne ; and ( that the governour should not mistrust any treachery ) they would onely shoot pouder at them in their ordnance and musquets without bullets ; and that at such a night hee should not faile of his enterprise ; and for the better assurance , one of those english-men was to be left in hostage to be slaine if they did not really effect it : whereupon the prince gave them large gifts , with great promises of future preferment . the signe being given that the duke should come with his army , the english hostage was bound hand and foot , and ( for their better security ) was carried in the front of the army ; that if any treason should be , he might be the first should suffer : so ( finding the ports open , and the pieces discharged onely with powder ) made them come flocking upon the bridge ; but so soone as the formost was entred with the english gentleman that was their hostage ; the lord willoughby let downe the port-cullisses ; and ( being ready with the whole strength of the towne ) gave them such a volley both of great and small shot , that they slew and drowned many hundreds . this project caused parma to raise his siege from before berghen . chap. cxcii . a politique observation for a generall , if he feares the strength of his enemies battell , to march from him by night . ovr famous generals used this observation in their warres : si pauci necessario cum multitudine pugnare cogantur , consilium est noctis tempore bellifort●●●●tentare . chap. cxciii . a politique stratagem whereby the king of naples regained the possession of a city and castle formerly lost to the king of france . ferand king of naples , having lost his kingdome to the king of france , he understood the king of france had fought a great battell with the venetians and milla●●ys at fernon ; conjectured with himselfe how by a wile to repossesse himselfe of the castle in the city of naples , to which end ( having got some few troopes in armes ) march'd towards the citie , and sent a nuntio to the governour , to let him understand , that their king was slaine , and the army discomfited , and if they would yeild up the possession of the castle , they should have good quarter , but if they did withstand this faire pro●●er , they should expect nothing but utter confusion ; whereupon they being at a stand , and hearing of a truth that such a battell was fought but no certaine newes of the event , made them give credit to the king of naples his report , and fearing the worst , yeelded the city and castle , which occasioned the losse of the realme . chap. cxciv . a politike stratagem used by nauplius the father of palamedes , whereby he destroyed of the graecians ships , as they came for the island of euboea . in the island of euboea , nauplius the father of palamedes understanding that his sonne was slaine by the hands of paris , wherefore he conceived such displeasure against the whole hoste of the graecians , that hee intended their generall destruction ; to this end hee caused fires to bee made upon the top of the most dangerous and unaccessible rockes in this whole island , and had removed all the booyes and sea-markes into dangerous shelves , the greekes taking this ( according to the custome of the times ) to have beene the markes of some safe haven made thitherwards , where they were miserably cast away , there perishing ships , and many thousand men . chap. cxcv. an excell●nt policie used by mahomet bassa to conceale the death of solimon one of the ottoman emperours from his souldiers at the siege of sigeth in hungary fearing lest they should mutinie . solimon one of the ottoman emperours , dying at the siege of sigeth in hungary , which was cunningly concealed by mahomet bassa , the space of twenty dayes , before the ianizaries knew of it ; who when any did inquire for him , he would shew them divers times the emperour ●itting in his horse-litter , as being troubled with the gout , causing his physitians to go too and fro with their phisicke as if they had him in cure ; but after the souldiers suspected ill dealing , they began to be mutinous , whereupon he promised they should see him the next day ; wherefore they apparelled the corpes in royall large robes , and placed it in a chaire at the end of a long gallery , and a little boy cunningly placed behinde him , to move the kings hand to his head , as if he should stroake his beard , ( as his manner it seemes was ) which signe of life and strength , the souldiers seeing were contented ; and so was his death concealed forty one dayes more , untill the siege was ended and a new emperour establisht . chap. cxcvi. a politique stratagem used by simon sonne of miltiades being captaine of the athenians , whereby he overthrew the sea and land-forces of the persians in one day . simon the sonne of miltiades captain generall of the athenians , overthrew the sea and land-forces of the persians in one day , he tooke and sunke no fewer than forty ships , and three hundred gallies , in the sea fight ; which ended , he furnished and mann'd the persian ships with his owne best souldiers attyred in the persians habilaments , and waving the colours of the persians ; upon their approach the campe was opened , where every man prepared to welcome their victorious countrey-men ( as they thought . ) but the greekes no sooner entred , but suddenly put them all to the sword , and tooke twenty thousand of them prisoners . chap. cxcvii . a policie of the duke of burbon to cause his fleeing souldiers to stand a charge . at the battell of agincourt , lewis of burbon having suffered a defeat in his left wing , weighing the dishonour , gathered some scattered troops of horse that stood doubtfull of the event ; proclaiming the english had the worst , and if they would shew their valours , he warranted them the victory ; the french being then all ready to flee , he procures a souldier to runne through the army to crave supply , protesting the english were yeilding , for that king henry the fifth had offered to yeeld his troops , and to flee for refuge . this device did wonderfully hearten the french to abide the other charge , who would otherwise before have fled . chap. cxcviii. a policie used by king henry the fifth , being overcharged with prisoners , if fresh supplies should have assailed him . at the same battell of agincourt , after the french were fled , a world of prisoners being taken in the pursuit ; in the interim , certaine french fugitives seised upon the kings te●ts , an alarme being made by the sutlers and those that guarded the baggage ; the king fearing fresh supplies presently commands every souldier to kill his prisoner , that they might make the safer resistance , and not be hindred by them , which in skirmish might have done them treble damage . chap. cxcix . a stratagem whereby the town of fast-castle in scotland was taken from the english. in edward the sixths dayes , our english generall having taken in divers towne in scotland , this towne of fast-castle being one , the governour thereof commands the neighbouring hines to bring in their contribution corne ; the enemy making use of this opportunity , sends divers souldiers habited like the scottish peasants , with private armes about them upon the day appointed , with sackes of corne upon horse-backe ; they being arrived at the ports alighted , and every man brought his sacke in upon his shoulder ; no sooner were they entred , but they fell upon the guard and cut them off , making them masters of the ports , untill divers troops that waited the opportunity , came and succoured them , and gained the towne . chap. cc. anotable stratagem whereby the island of sarke was taken from the french , it being a place of it selfe impregnable . sir walter raleigh in his history of the world , relateth an excellent stratagem , which a gentleman of the netherlands made use of for the regaining of the island of sarke which joynes to gernesey , from the french , it being a place of it selfe impregnable , having sufficient to sustaine themselves there growing , and being every way inaccessible ; this gentleman anchored in the road with one ship of small burthen , pretending the death of his merchant , he besought the french to bury him in hallowed ground , offering them for a gratuity such things as they had aboord ; the french condescended to their requests , upon condition they should come all disarmed ; whereupon they brought their coffin upon land , filled with all kinde of weapons and ammunition ; in the meane time , part of the french went to the ship to view their penniworths , where they were detained ; the coffin being brought into the church , and the doores shut close , they armed themselves , and fell upon the guard and slew them ; by this device they obtained the island , which otherwise had beene impossible to have been entred . chap. cci. a politique device used by iugurth , to helpe his armie in case it were overthrowne . ivgurth being invaded by the romans , deferred the fight in the day of battell , untill a good part of the day was spent , knowing that if the enemy did prevaile , yet the night comming on them , they should not be so able to pursue the victory , and that they being in their owne country , and acquainted with all passages and places of strength , being protected by the darknesse of the night might the better escape , and make head againe upon the romans ; and contrariwise , if the invaders should be broken , the night would be a meanes to cause their utter confusion , they not knowing how to finde any place of refuge , but must fall into the hands of the natives . this device stood jugurth in great stead . chap. ccii. a politique stratagem used by count pietro navarese to beate his enemies from a breach , whereby he rowted their campe. count pietro navarese being besieged in a towne where the enemy had made a breach in the walles , for his safety to repell them he caused certaine counter-trenches , and secret mines to be made , wherein he layed divers firkings of powder , and other murthering fire-balles ; hee upon the assault given retyred himselfe , suffering the enemy in great number to enter , onely maintaining the inward workes ; seeing his opportunity , he gave fire to the mines , and made a mighty slaughter of the enemy , sallying out upon them in their disordered routes , put them to flight , and rai●ed their siege . this was practised also at mastriche the last siege but one . chap. cciii . a policie used by the prince of orange to drowne the enemy out of his trenches , and then to releeve the towne by boates. the prince of orange hath taken the opportunity to cut thorow certaine bankes , letting in the sea , which hath forced the enemy to break up his siege , and for his safety retyre to such hills as were neere ; and in the meane time he hath releeved the towne by boats , with men and munition , which otherwise must have yeelded to the enemies mercy . chap. cciiii . a policie used by the spaniards against the french , to prevent the power of their horses against their foote . the spaniards in a battell against the french at lyrignola , finding themselves too weake in horse-men , thought it wisedome for them to retire themselves for their better safety among the vines , groves , and such like uneven ground , whereby they prevented the execution of the horse , which otherwise would have freedome ; by this for the foote in plaine grounds , where they might have used their beene too hard devise they got the better of the french ; some have made secret trenches covering them with hurdles and greene swardy turfe . chap. ccv . a politique stratagem whereby the lord poynings gained a castle at samerduboys in france , there being no accesse to it with ordaance . the lord poynings at samerduboys in france , having summoned a castle strongly scituated upon a hill environed with marish ground in such sort , that it was thought impossible for to bring the cannon to batter it , and therefore the captaine of the castle refused to yeeld untill hee saw the cannon , wherefore the lord poynings caused secretly a cannon to be made of wood artificially and coloured over , placing hurdles on the marish with divers horses to draw the carriages , as though with great difficulty they had drawne a cānon indeed , then threatning that if he caused him to shoot ( according to the law of armes ) they should all be put to the sword ; whereupon the captaine abused by this policie , delivered up the castle by composition , which otherwise could not have beene gained ; ever since no fort is to yeeld upon composition , unlesse the cannon discharges twice or thrice . chap. ccvi. a policie used by monsieur lautreck in the warres at naples , to make his forraine assistance to fight . monsieur lautreck in the warres at naples , having his army composed of sundry nations , thought it wisedome to order every nation separately into sundry battalions , placing in the front of the battell those forraine aydes , and in the time of fight hee caused it to be given out , that such a nation had the victory , whereby the rest inflamed did most valiantly fight , and by this devise was victorious , which otherwise happily would have left him in the suddes . chap. ccvii. how scipio by his policie defeated the carthaginians of their designe . scipio drew his army to tunis , being within the prospect of carthage , the carthaginians made out a great fleete to incounter with scipio in the haven ; scipio tooke his shippes and hulkes , and fastned them together with the tackling belonging to them , causing the maste● to serve for rafters to fasten them together ; whereupon hee placed his souldiers to maintaine the bridge : hee left certaine places open ▪ where small 〈◊〉 might swiftly sayle out and in , to fight at pleasure , by this device their enterprise was impeached . chap. ccviii . a politique stratagem used by philopoemen against nabis , whereby hee cut off divers of his souldiers , and after tooke his campe , and by a second stratagem destroyed all his men . philopoemen generall of the athenian army , being incountred with a mighty army , under the conduct of nabis , and fearing his owne strength , tooke the advantage of a forde , where nabis forces were to march over , to make their approches against his campe ; philopoemen layed privily an ambush neere the water ; who taking the advantage of their disordered passage , s●ue many of the assaylants , and losing no opportunity , hee presently caused one of his souldiers to runne to nabis campe ( who lay strongly intrencht ) as a fugitive , and told him that the athenians had a purpose to get betweene him and lacedemon , whereby they would hinder his retreite into the city , and also that he had a sure plot to stirre up the citizens to rebell , whereby they might regaine their freedome . nabis beleeving this marched secretly away in the darke , only leaving a few companies behind to shew themselves upon the ramp●●s , making great lights in their quarters , the better to conceale his march ; but philopoemen assaulted the campe , and chased nabis into the woods , where he expected the favour of the night ; philopoemen dreaming they would steale into lacedemon in the darke , drew certaine of his fresh souldiers , laying them in ambuscado upon two of the principall passages that conducted to the city , and causing in his owne campe store of great lights to be made , whereby they thought all at rest they ventured to creepe home by small troopes , where most of them were slaine by philopoemens souldiers . chap. ccix. a politique stratagem to prevent an enemy from entring , the ports being blowne open . the duke of burgundy comming before bevis in france , had blowne open the ports ; yet being discovered , the souldiers of the towne made a valiant resistance , the whilst others above upon the wall , threw downe many fiery fagots that burnt downe the bridge , whereupon hee speedily retreated . chap. ccx . a politique stratagem used by maximilian king of the romans , whereby he tooke in the towne of arras . maximilian king of the romans , having promised henry king of england to assist him in the warres of france , meeting at bulloigne , a peace was concluded with the french by king henry , whereby maximilian lost his journey , yet thinking to get something for his penny , he came to the speech of a smith , that had a poore house built upon the wall of the towne called arras , and by gifts and large promises , made him agree to liquor the souldiers upon the guard ; and as for the governour , he was no afternoone-man , this project was cleanly performed , and in their drunken security the towne was surprized . chap. ccxi. a policie to prevent mischiefe when two great princes 〈◊〉 to discourse . if great princes should capitulate upon any articles of peace , it might prove very dangerous to hazard their persons , unlesse in wisedome they make choyce of some river betweene them and their two armies , where a bridge is to bee made over with a grated gate on the midst to keepe them a sunder , and yet may discourse thorow it : also on either side a certaine company of men to view the carriages , that no treason be put in action : as the like was performed betweene the king of england and the king of france ; the king of englands men went through the wicket of the grate to guard the king of france , and the king of frances men came to guard the king of england , on either side there were locks and boults , and but . men a piece to guard them . by this meanes it could not possible be that any mischiefe could ensue . chap. ccxii. a policie to conduct troopes of horse over bogges , mores or deepe snowes . xenophon in his ascent of cyrus , being troubled in his march with wonderfull deepe snowes , mores and bogges ; hee was taught by the comarch or guide to binde bagges of straw about their horses foot-locks , which would preserve them from danger of sinking : without which necessary and experienced practise , divers of them have beene proved ( with farre greater prejudice ) to sinke even up to the bellies . chap. ccxiii. a policie used by the citizens of priennia , by which meanes they deluded their enemie by a colour of plenty , which caused him to leave his siege . the city of priennia ( being besieged by aliattes ) made use of this stratagem : when their towne could not hold out any longer ; their victuals being spent they turned out of their citie divers fat cattell , as horses and mules into the enemies campe : the enemy ( perceiving this ) sends 〈◊〉 a spie into the towne to see whether they were so well provided as they made ●hew of : bias the governour ( having intelligence of this spie ) caused divers heapes of sand to be piled up together in the streetes and market-place ; and to be strewed over with corne ; as wheat , rie , pease and other graine , which made a wonderfull shew of plenty ; this messenger being suffered to have recourse about the city , did take a particular view of all things , and returned into the campe with this answer , that he saw infinite plenty both of corne and victuals which made aliates presently removed his siege . had not this policy taken effect , the city could not have subsisted a weeke longer . the like policy gracchus caused the citizens of cassilinum to use , whereby haniball was deluded ; the citizens sowing parsnip-seeds in the fields about the towne , and defending it from the enemies spoiling it ; made haniball thinke that there was store of plenty ; and that it was no policy for him to stay his siege untill those roots were growne ; wherefore he presently removed . chap. ccxiv. a politique stratagem , whereby young scipio brought haniball into a mighty suspition with antiochus . young scipio being sent by the roman senate to antiochus , who had ( by the instigation of haniball , ) prepared an army against the romans ; which should have beene conducted by that crafty enemy haniball ; for prevention he thus practised : hee would often frequent the company of haniball , falling into friendly conference , about the battels betwixt them fought before in italy and affrica , feeding and pleasing the humour of haniball , lest he should leese his company and so faile of his intended purposes , which was to bring antiochus into a mistrust and iealousie of the fidelitie of haniball ; so that the conduction of the moyetie of this army might not be granted him ; which tooke effect , for his secret comming to scipio● lodging ; yet so , that some of antiochus friends might take notice of it : also in the day ( having conference together ) if any approch'd neere , scipio would suddenly be silent , and winde away from his company , which actions of his wrought his desires : for antiochus durst not trust him , fearing there was some plotted treachery betwixt them . chap. ccxv . politique devises used by archelaus mithridates to cause his souldiers to fight when they were both unwilling and fearefull . archelaus mithridates lievtenant at pir●a , perceiving his souldiers had small courage to fight , he so wearied them with continuall labour , that they were glad to desire him to fight that the warres might be ended : the same did cyrus king of persia in the warres against astyages king the medes , minding to stirre up the valour of his dejected souldiers fiercely to give battell to their enemy , he wearied them all one day with hewing downe of wood , and on the morrow after hee made a plenteous feast for them , demanding in the feast time which day liked them best ; they allowing of the pastime of that day present : to whom he replyed , this pleasure must be obtained by the other dayes paines ; for except yee first overcome the medes , yee can never live at freedome or in pleasure ; by this they tooke great courage to fight . after the same manner epaminondas being ready to give battell to the lacedemonians ; hee ( perceiving his souldiers hearts to faint ) frames a short oration to instigate them to fight , telling them how that the lacedemonians had determined if they got the victory to slay all their men , to make all their wives and children bond-slaues for ever ; and to beat downe the city of thebes flat to the ground , with these words the thebans were so grieved and moved , that at the first brunt they overcame their enemies . agesilaus had pitcht not farre from orchomeno , a city that was in league with him ; hee ( perceiving that the chiefest part of his army had their treasure in the campe ) commanded the townes-men to receive nothing into the towne belonging to the army ; to the intent his souldiers might fight the more furiously , knowing they should fight both for their lives and goods . also gelon king of syracuse , entring warre against the persians , to make his souldiers disdaine and undervalue the enemy , causeth divers of the poorest and most uncomliest weake persons of the enemie to be stript starke naked , and led them before all the divisions of the army , to perswade them that the enemy was but silly poore wretches , and scarse worth the fighting withall . all these projects have taken good effect in the ancient warres . chap. ccxiv. a politique stratagem used by flavius to bring gracchus into an ambush , whereby he and his romans were s●aine . titus gracchus being in the country of the lucans , who were then divided , divers townes being rendred up to haniball , and certaine abode under the romans jurisdiction , of the which sort the chiefe ruler that yeare was one flavius a lucan , this flavius on a suddain turned to haniball , and sending to mago to speake with him , he conspired to deliver gracchus the roman generall unto him , so as the lucans might be received into amitie ; which being condescended unto , he brought mago to a great covert of wood , willing him to hide himselfe with a great company of men of armes , appointing him the time when he would bring the roman captaine into his hands : returning to gracchus , he gave him to understand , that he had begun a great enterprise , and that he must be the instrument to effect it ; which was , that he had moved and perswaded all the princes of the lucans that were gone to the amity of haniball , to returne againe to the obedience of rome ; i did further declare to them ( sayes he ) the potencie of the roman power , how it dayly increased , with the imbecility of the carthagenians , further not to mistrust the roman gentlenesse , whose nature was ever meeke to those that submitted unto them ; with these perswasions i found them all contented to be reconciled , so they may heare you speake and confirme my words , touching their hands in pledge of your faith , and indeed i have undertaken you shall doe it , and i have appointed them a secret place well out of the way from our campe , for feare of espies , yet not farre from your owne campe ; few words will dispatch this businesse , and by this meanes all the lucans will come wholly under your jurisdiction . gracchus nothing mistrusting deceit and treason to lye under those sugred words , tooke a guard with him ( all unarmed ) and rode to the place appointed , flavius was his guide ; being arrived , mago with his armed men invaded them suddainly , flavius the traytor turnes to the carthagenians , who furiously darted their weapons at gracchus , and slew him and his romans , not being able to make resistance . this should teach generals not to be over-credulous , but to walke upon sure grounds , for had gracchus sent spies to view the lucans , in what conditions they presented thewselves in , or had he taken a sufficient guard with him , he might have eschewed this hellish treachery . latet sub melle venena . chap. ccxvii . a policie whereby haniball had like to have caused the romans to have fled . haniball comming to the succour of capua which was beleaguered by two roman consuls , and being not able to releeve the city , he craftily sent divers of his men forth , that could speake the latin tongue , into divers parts of the host of the romans , which should in the consuls behalfe declare , that the roman campes were taken and spoyled ; wherefore hee willed every man to save himselfe by flight to the next mountaines : since by longer tarrying the greater would be their losse , this crafty deceit amazed divers of them , and had like to have taken effect , which might have beene the ruine of the roman army : let this teach souldiers to give no credit to any report in time of battell ; least they be ruined by it . chap. ccxviii . a politique stratagem used by marcius generall of the romans , to make use of the carthagenians securitie , whereby he overcame two campes , and put them to the sword. marcius being made generall of the romans , was sensible of the potency of the three carthagenian armies , two of them lying neare encamped one to the other , and thinking themselves secure in regard of the precedent overthrow they had given to the two scipio's ; marcius makes a politique use of this , and by a well-delivered oration , perswades his men to take the opportunity of that night to invade the enemies campes , his reason telling him , it could not but take good effect ; wherefore all things being fitted and prepared , about three a clocke in the morne they set forwards to asdrubals campe , the other campe of the carthagenians was seven miles beyond , betweene which was a hollow-valley , and by it a wood , in this wood marcius had plac'd an ambush of roman horses , to cut off such as fled from the first campe to escape to the other ; in the interim , hee with his troopes went to the first campe , where finding little or no watch or resistance , they entred their quarters , where suddenly sounding their trumpets , and beating their drummes , and making an infinite shout , some firing the tents , others slaying all that stood in opposition , others lying in ambush at the ports of the campe , to murther those that fled out ; thus with suddaine noise , fire , and slaughter , the other were so amased , that they fled to the ports and were slaine ; others got over the workes to the second campe , and were taken by the roman ambushment , so that none could possibly escape to carry newes to the next campe. this being finisht , the romans made all possible haste to the second campe , where they arrived by breake of day , finding that more easie to enter than the first ; for some were fetching wood , others forrage , some walking , others at victuals , and none ready to make a defence , these they cut off ; others arming in the meane time made resistance , but when they saw the fresh blood besmeared upon their swords and shields ; their hearts fainted , they then knowing the other campe was taken , and their friends slaine . thus in one night , were two armies overthrowne , slaine , and prisoners taken . chap. ccxix. a politique stratagem whereby asdruball in the warres of spaine delivered his army out of a great strait from nero , who was ready to have rowted them . asdruball in the warres of spaine , being in a great strait so as he could not stirre his army , but nero would have taken the advantage to have rowted him ; wherefore he thought it pollicy to delude nero by faire promises : which was , that if nero would suffer him and his army to march forth the straites , without battell , hee would leave spaine without delay , and leave it wholly unto the romans , this offer was acceptable unto nero ; the next day following was appointed for conference , about the conditions of redelivering the castles and fortresses in their possessions , and what day should be appointed for the carthagenian garrisons to depart with their baggage . nero thinking himselfe secure , was remisse in guarding the straites so strictly as before ; asdruball taking the advantage , all the night sent away many of his host with all his grosse and heavie carriage through the straites , ever foreseeing that not over-many departed at once , to the intent that the smallnesse of the number , by making small noyse , might with silence deceive their enemies ; the next day they held their communications , and writings were drawne ( triviall things ) untill night approacht , agreeing to meet the next morne to finish all matters ; the same night he conveyed away more of his baggage ; the next meeting was also in vaine , the time being spent in devices of communication ; in the night hee sent his footmen and stuffe out of danger ( divers dayes being employed in debating ) so that most of his stuffe was conveyed away ; asdrubal began to bee more ridged and stiffe in the agreement , insomuch that hee dis●ented from divers articles , hee de●ming himselfe partly secured . the morrow following there arose a wonderfull mist , so that both hills and valleyes were obfuscated , which joyed asdruball being for his purpose ; he sent to nero , letting him understand that it was a high holy-day , which hee alwayes kept holy , and all the people of the carthaginians , so that hee durst not negotiate any businesse on it , desiring him to deferre the further communication untill the morrow . nero all this time dreaming of no fraud in this message condescended unto it ; in the meane time asdruball issued out of the straights with the residue of his army very silently , and was past danger before the day was cleere ; then too late they espyed the campe voyde , and that they were grossely deluded ; by this policie hee saved his army and his honour . what vigilancy and circumspection should this teach a generall to eschew the like deceite , for although an enemies countenance be never so faire , yet his heart is treacherous : contrarily , how should it animate a commander to set his wits abroch , when hee is in straights to wind out of them with safety and honour . chap. ccxx . how haniball by using of a politique stratagem in parting of his horse-troopes , the one part falling upon the reare of the romans , the other into their campe , gained a victory from fulvius . in the warres of spaine , betwixt haniball and cn. fulvius the proconsull , whose army lay before herdonia ; hanibal having intelligence useth scelerity , and with his horsemen , and light-footmen , had made his approaches neere the towne , before the fame of his comming was knowne ; and to put the romans in more feare , hee appeared in good array of battell , most suddenly with his colours displayed ; fulvius prepares to oppose him in like manner , and joyned battell with him ; hanibal setting his policies abroach , commanded his horsemen that after a signe or token to them made , whilst the romans were busie in battell against the foot-men of haniball , and every mans eye was occupied busily , that that they should secretly coast the field , and a part of them set upon the backe of his enemies , the other part of them to invade the enemies campe and tents , with a great noyse and slaughter , proclayming that they did not question to vanquish this fulvius , as they had done one of his name not long before : so soone as the horse-men assailed the reare of the romans ( which caused a great feare and slaughter ) immediately from the campe was heard a mighty cry and uprore , which so terrified the romans , that some fled , and many more were slaine ; among which the said fulvius and twelve tribunes with romans , and their campe and stuffe taken . this teacheth generalls to make use of sceleritie the wings of conquests , and likewise it teacheth souldiers not to be daunted by any stratagem , nor to take notice of uprores , which will betray their valours , but rather to stand firme to their tackling , and fight manfully for their freedome ; for so long as a flocke of sheepe keepe intyre , the wolfe feares to seize on them , but once severed by flight , every bawling curre will destroy them . chap. ccxxi . how by the wisedome of crispinus the politique stratagem of haniball , was prevented , and a like stratagem returned upon him , by which the towne of salopia was freed , and his owne men slaine . marcellus with divers of his souldiers being slaine by hanibals ambushes , hee findes marcellus ring with his signet ; by this hee thought to put some exploit in action ; whereupon he causeth divers letters to bee counterfeited in marcellus name , and sealed with his signet ; the contents were , that the night following marcellus would privily come to the citie of salopia , wherefore hee commanded the captaines and souldiers to bee in a readinesse against his comming , to know his further pleasure what was to bee done ; this letter posted speedily to the governour of salopia . but in the meane time crispinns mistrusting this deceit , sent post to all the townes adjoyning , that marcellus was slaine , and haniball had his signet , for otherwise this project had taken effect ; whereupon those of salopia made use of the intelligence , returning the messenger with a gentle answer ; but in the meane time the salopians provided for his comming upon the night prefixed , keeping an extraordinary strong watch , they made no question but to pay haniball with his owne coyne ; not long before breake of day comes haniball with his troupes close to the ports , hee having appointed sixe hundred romans which were fled to him , and could speake the language well , to call to the porter , and to enter the gates first . the watch opening the ports , and drawing up the portcullis , the said romans entred as fast as they might , but being entred , the guard let fall the port●ullis with a great noyse ; the salopians●●ue ●●ue them that were entred with small dificulty ; for they entred without feare , bare their armes hanging upon their shoulders , dreaming of no such banquet ; those without the ports were likewise chased away ; thus was haniball taken in his owne trappe . this may informe commanders in the first place , when they have a fit opportunity to set a project afoot , to make use of scelerity ; for had haniball put this immediatly in execution before crispinus had given them intelligence it had taken effect . secondly , they must use all indeavours to prevent intelligence , for had haniball belayed the passages , hee could not have mist of this nuntio whereby hee might have beene the more confident , that his designe would have taken effect . in the next place , a commander must make use of intelligence , and accordingly to regulate his actions , so that an enemy may be wounded with his owne weapons . this may be tearmed a golden stratagem , to extract from an enemies pollicie his utter confusion . chap. ccxxii . a policie whereby scipio had romans armed and instructed , without the charge of the generall . scipio having obtained an army to make warres in africa , many of the young men of armes of sicilia grudged to undertake this journey with him , wherefore to secure himselfe hee spake thus ; if there bee any man here unwilling to venture his person in these honourable warres , let him now speake , and i will gladly heare , for i had rather you should now confesse your unwillingnesse , then you should be drawne forth against your wills , and become unprofitable souldiers unto me , and to the common-wealth ; whereunto answer was made by some particular souldiers , that if it might bee in their choyce , they would not venture themselves in those warres ; scipio replyed , since you have plainly without dissimulation declared your mindes , i will appoint others in your places , to whom you shall deliver your horses ; harnesse , and other necessary instruments of warre ; whom you shall take home with you to your houses , and there instruct , teach , and exercise them in the feates of warre untill i send for them ; the young gallants , were glad and joyfull delivering them their armes . by this device hee trained up . willing souldiers without his charge . chap. ccxxiii. a politique stratagem used by the french , whereby they vanquish'd lucius posthumus and all his army as they marched through a wood. lvcius post-humus having wars with the french , and they being to march through the passage of a wide wood called littana ; the french provided against their comming , cutting all their timber-trees on both sides of the way ; so that being not moved , they would stand firme , but being moved , they would presently fall all together . post-humus had . in his troopes ; the french-men had bestowed their troopes round about the circumference of the wood : and when the army of the romans was well entred the wood , they cast downe the furthest part of the trees growing on the borders of the wood , which being once moved fell one upon another through the wood , having no stay , throwing downe and s●aying the romans both foot and horses as they passed , so that scarsly ten men escaped ; for those the trees spared were so amazed at the sudden accident that the french vanquish'd them imediately , and slew their generall post-humus . chap. ccxxiv. the policie of cyrus how to gaine valiant and loyall commanders in his service . it is reported of cyrus by xenophon how infinitely hee would publikely confesse he loved and honoured meritorious souldiers ; and when hee saw men willingly offer themselves to danger , he prefer'd them to places of command and dignity , and honoured them besides with other guifts , whereby it appeared that valiant men were happiest , and cowards accounted as their slaves . by this devise many thrust themselves into eminent dangers ; especially if they thought or imagined that cyrus should have notice thereof : by this meanes he purchast both loyall and valiant commanders daring to present their bodies against most eminent perils and most difficult attempts . chap. ccxxv. a policie to stirre up emulation amongst souldiers , to make them enter the greatest difficulties , and gaine impregnable things . vbius , a captaine of the company of the pelignes ; being commanded upon a difficult peece of service by flavius flaccus the roman consull ; his men being beaten from the carthaginian trenches by hanno ; he straight tooke his banner in his hand , and with force threw it over the ditch into the campe of the carthaginians , speaking with a loud voyce , evill might i fare and my company if my enemies shall enjoy my banner : then by great force he lightly went over the ditch and scaled the walls of the campe of his enemy , whom his company boldly followed , they being in fight with the carthagenians ; another part cryed , valerius flaccus what sluggish cowards are wee now growne ? shall the pelignes win the honour of taking the campe of our enemies before us romanes ? whereuppon titus pedamius tooke his colours from his ensigne , saying , this will i beare into the field of my enemies : follow mee brave souldiers as many as would be loth of the losse thereof : they presently being stirred with a valiant emulation , obtained the campe , slaying sixe thousand , and taking as many prisoners : this policy to stirre up emulation was the onely meanes to obtaine this impregnable campe , from whence they had beene formerly repuls'd divers times . chap. ccxxvi . a policie to be used at the entring of an enemies towne to free the souldiers from being anoyed with stones , or peeces , from the battlements of houses , as also to prevent an enemies fury in pursuing , or retreate in a fort or towne . xenophon in his first book of the ascent of cyrus , relates how the droylans having betaken themselves to their chiefe fort , to defend themselves against his potent army , at last through much difficulty having scaled the walls , his men were forely wounded from the battlements of the houses ; and likewise there being a citadell strongly made within the fort , they made a fierce salley out upon him that was irresistable ; by accident a house falling on fire upon one side of the way , caused those that threw downe stones , and weapons , from the battlements to vanish away . xenophon perceiving this , caused the house upon the other side to bee fired , which wrought his souldiers much safety . those from the citadell charged his men so furiously , that there was no retreating without a manifest losse and confusion ; wherefore he commanded every souldier as hee was to come up , to present his weapons and shotte against the enemy , to bring with him a quantity of seare-wood , and to place it betweene the enemy and themselves , and then to set fire on it : by this policie he stayed the enemies pursuite in their retreite , and busied them in quenching their fires . chap. ccxxvii . a politique stratagem , whereby fabius the consull tooke the towne of arpos , by the helpe of a violent storme of thunder , wind , and raine . classius aitinius repairing to young fabius , about the betraying of arpos , fabius being arrived within a mile of the towne about three a clocke in the morne , hee appointed six hundred active souldiers to beare scaling-ladders , and so first to assay the scaling of the walls ; which done , then on the inner part to breake open the gates , and ( being masters of part of the towne ) by the sound of a horne to give him knowledge ; whereby he , with the rest of the troopes , might approch to their succours ; as this was discussing there happened a wonderfull storme , of wind , raine , and thunder , whose vehemencie drove the sentinells and watchmen from the walls into their guards , where abiding a good season , not dreaming the enemie would make his approches in such a stormy season , they fell asleepe ; in the meane time the romans making use of these stormes , had quietly scalled the walls , and were quietly passing the streetes to the ports , where they broke them open , whose noyse was not heard by the watch , so violent was the storme ; then blowing their hornes , the consull made his approches about breake of day , and entred the towne . chap. ccxxvi . a politique stratagem of scipio , in counterfeiting an intrenchment , which amazed the carthaginians , and puzzled them to scale them . scipio in the warres of spaine , being set upon with three armies , as hee lay upon a great hill , devised how to make some intrenchment to defend his campe , which could not be performed , in regard the ground was so stony ; neither could hee get bushes nor wood to make a defence about it , wherefore hee made a show of a defence , laying his packs and packsaddles , and other grosse carriages one upon another round the campe , whereby he raised the walles of his campe of a good height ; the carthaginians being come , they were astonished at this , and found it very difficult to enter , onely their infinite number gained the conquest from scipio : this should put all commanders in minde , of impaling their army , although it be but with a hedge , or hurdles , for it is a great safetie ; as may be instanced by captaine swa●●e , who after st●●ley , and yorke , had treacherously given up deventer to the enemy , his company having got forth the towne , was to march over amers-forth heath to a garrison there , and being set upon by a troope of horse of the enemies , with certaine foot with them , he betooke his company to a sheep-fold made of hurdles , whereby hee protected his company , and beate the horse with their foot-men , causing them to retreit . chap. ccxxix . a strange politique stratagem , whereby haniball gained a towne of great consequence , by the helpe of nico and philomenes , under the pretence of bringing in a wilde bore . nico and philomenes being great hunters , and used to goe out the citie of tarrent by night a hunting , they went towards the army of haniball , to declare to him their intents , and being brought before him by the watch , haniball being sensible of the plot , wisht them to drive back divers cattell , as if they had gotten them as a prey from the enemies ; this course they often used , so that it was thought marvaile that they so often enterprised such feates , and ever escaped unslaine ; the porter and mayor of the city they used very kindly , giving unto them part of their prey for their courtesie and paines , being so forward and vigilant to open the ports for their going out and in ; the residue , they bestowed upon the governour for his love and leave ; the porter was so accustomed , that at their first whistle at all times of the night , the gates were opened unto them , all things being brought to a good passe for the accomplishing of their project . hanibals army lying within foure dayes journey from the towne , he feigned himselfe very sicke , and that it was the onely reason he stayed there so long , this was bruited abroad , the night being appointed haniball made choise of ten thousand horse and foot , of the lightest armed , and removed from his campe in the night , making speed untill he came within fifteene miles of the city of tarrent , where he secretly abode , charging his men in no wise to breake their array and order , but to be ready to performe what was commanded ; wherefore he first set forth to palliate his removing , and to the intent that none of the country should descrie his army , he sent fourescore numidian horsemen to go before him , commanding them to over-run the country , by which his army should passe , and those they overtooke to bring back , and if they met with any they should kill them ; to the intent they should be taken by the inhabitants , for robbers and theeves , and not men of warre ; the fame of these robbers , came to the eares of the governour of tarrent , who smally regarded it , because he thought haniball was sick , and his army so farre a distance from the town . he intended the next morne to send forth some men of armes to drive back those robbers ; the same night removed haniball his army to tarrent , having philomenes with him for his guide , being arrived neere the towne it was appointed that philomenes according to his custome should enter the towne with a number of armed men ; he having awaked the porter , telling him hee had brought a mighty bore which hee had slaine ; at the first call hee opened the gates , and two young men of his companions first went in , then entred hee and other his servants , plucking in the great bore ; the porter being glaring at his greatnesse , philomenes slue him with his bore-speare , and incontinent let in thirty other souldiers armed , who slue the other watchmen at the same port , and without noyse let in the rest of the army , and secretly brought them into the market-place , where they abode without noyse ; in the meane time haniball with a sufficient strength arrived at another port ; and first having made a great fire afarre off , which was the signe betwixt him and nico , who abode with other his accomplices ready within the towne looking for his comming ; which so soone as nico perceived , hee answered him with another fire ; notice being taken on both sides , the fire was put out , and haniball approacht to the gates ; nico also within the citie came to the ports guard , and slue all the watch , and opened the ports , so as haniball with his army entred , his horse were commanded to remaine in batalia without ; hee being arrived in the market-place with philomenes , and his other company ; then had hee two thousand french-men , which hee divided into three parts , and sent them to divers parts of the city ; the residue he commanded to keepe the most accustomed streetes of the towne , and to slay the roman souldiers ; the alarme being given , they saw there was no way but death or yeelding ; wherefore the greatest number fled to a castle in the towne , which was of great strength , and upon all advantages they might , sallyed out into the towne ; wherefore haniball had another project at his fingers ends , he caused his men to raise a wall to hemme them in , and dreaming they would issue out of the castle to hinder the worke , hee placed an ambush in a secret and convenient place , which should cut them off , and disable them from anoying the towne ; and accordingly it hapned , for the worke-folkes gave suddenly back at their approch , which heartened them to go on the further , so as the ambushment surprized the greatest part of them : but suddenly there came ships of warre from metapontus , and entred the haven , and relieved the castle ; and kept all provision from the towne , so as the towne was like to indure want before their enemies , hee presently summoned a councell , it was found there was no way to hinder those shippes , but by a greater force of shipping , and that no shipping could enter the mouth of the haven , because they had fortified against them ; whereupon hee devised to hale their shippes out of a creeke , and by engines and wheeles to draw them thorow the spacious streetes , and so convey them into the haven ; which hee performed , and made gimselfe master both of towne and castle ; i have beene the more tedious in relating this project , because in it there is nothing but is of great consequence to be observed by a souldier . chap. ccxxx . the policie of xenophon in electing of hostages . seuthes having taken divers hostages of the thynes which were old , and unserviceable men , not respected of them ; which caused the thynes not to regard their promise nor hostages , but layed a camizado to take seuthes and xenophon , and to destroy the army ; the thynes d●●ming those hostages would have made seuthes army secure ; wherefore they tooke opportunity of the night to fall upon their guards , and to fire their quarters ; but being manfully repulsed , they besought afterwards to bee taken into favour againe ; sayes xenophon , i would counsell the seuthes hereafter in taking hostages , to take of the principallest , and those that were ablest , to doe you most harme , and to leave the old men at home , lest you be gulled in the like kind . chap. ccxxxi . a policie used by xenophon , whereby he deluded his enemy with his small army , causing them to thinke his army to bee of a mighty strength , which made them to leave their siege , and steale away by night . the arcadians being besieged by the thracians , xenophon intending to releeve them ; his army being very weake , hee commanded his horsemen to disperse themselves , and to set fire upon all things that were combustible as they went forwards ; that by the multiplying of flames , the enemy might thinke their army was of great strength . the foot performed the like upon every hill that might bee descryed to the enemies quarters , so that the whole countrey seemed on a light fire , and the army to bee of a wonderfull extent and potencie ; these fires were in the evening commanded to be put out , this did so amaze the thracians , that they verily thought , the lights being out , that xenophon and his army , did march towards them , and would suddenly fall upon their quarters ; this feare made them leave their siege , and abandon the place , so they stole away in the night out of their quarters , without the losse of any man to the grecians . chap. ccxxxii . a policie used by the prince of orange to delude an enemie from succouring a towne . the prince of orange , when hee intended to invade any province , or to beleaguer any towne , he would plot his designe so , as the enemy should take it in a contrary sense , as once hee intended to take in zutphen in gelderland , hee drew his men quite contrary before gertrudenberge , who so soone as the enemy was stirring to releeve it , hee reimbarqued his men , and suddenly intrencht himselfe before zutphen , where hee found them secure , and unprovided for such an assault , whereby hee gained the towne ; and indeed such stratagems may easily bee effected , where an army may bee transported by water ; for an enemy may expect them in one place over night , and happily hee may bee fourty miles another way by next morne , at the place which the enemy never dreamt of . chap. ccxxxiii . an imposture used by sertorius , whereby he confirmed his souldiers valour . sertorius the roman chiefetaine used an imposture to helpe himselfe , by meanes of a white hinde to stay his souldiers from revolting ; this hinde being made tame , and used to be fed by sertorius in a private place ; his souldiers being weary of the warres , and ready to compose their peace with their enemy ; hee wisht them to be content , untill he had drawne the army in to battalia , and every man should pray to their gods , that they would be propitious to them , and miraculously send them his pleasure , how they should demeane themselves : sertorius having written in golden letters , how the army should be disposed , hung it about the hindes necke , which was secretly conveyed into his tent , and being put out shee came with the revelation to sertorius , which being read , that they should bee conquerours , &c. confirmed the souldiers valours , and caused them to be victorious . chap. ccxxxiv . how a scottis● king by an imposture caused his souldiers to bee valiant , whereby he obtained a victory . hector boetius in his annals of scotland , makes mention of a certaine scottish king , having lost a battell against the pictes , found his people so discouraged , that they were all out of love with the warres ; the king being much grieved therewith , did suborne certaine persons , who being apparelled with bright shining scales and seales skins , and having in their hands truncheons of rotten shining wood , which is commonly found in the body of old ashes , which will shine very gloriously in the darke , these did appeare unto the princes , and chiefe officers of the army ( being in their dead sleepe ) and awaking them , did admonish them to fight afresh against the pictes , and that they should not feare to assaile them , for they were sent from god to tell them that they should undoubtedly obtaine the victory . this did so confirme the opinions of the chiefetaines , they having seene an angell from heaven , that god himselfe would fight for them , and in this imagination they charged the pictes with such magnanimity , as they vanquisht them , and drove them forth of their countrey . chap. ccxxxv . a politique imposture used by boniface , whereby he disposest the pope ; and gained the papacie himselfe . it is reported that boniface the eight did climbe up unto the papacie by an imposture , hee having intonniled his voyce in a long cane or trunke in a darke night , putting it thorow a hole of the wall , into the chamber of celestine , a simple holy man that was invested in the sea ; boniface fained himselfe that hee was an angell sent from above , to let him know the pleasure of the almighty , which was , that the great god of heaven had things of importance to execute upon earth , whereof he had made choyce of boniface to bee pope , to put them in execution ; and that celestine should either presently resigne , or else hee was to fetch his soule ere long ; this politique imposture prevailed . this imposture hath beene used in divers countreyes by the enemies complices , to turne the mind of a generall from his intended purpose : as also to breed feare amongst chiefe officers , foretelling some sad events should ensue to dishearten an army , or to make them disloyall . chap. ccxxxvi . a politique imposture whereby wonderfull things have beene atcheived . homer makes mention in his hymno mercurii , that by the crawling of a tortoice , with a candles end fixed with waxe unto his back , divers have been deluded , thinking it to be the spirit of some persons lately buried ; this thing having walked divers times in the church-yard , so that many have taken notice of it ; then they were next to agree with a subtill fellow to lye in a coffin , that should secretly be placed in a grave , and having a pipe from it , reaching to the top of the earth , so that hee might draw breath , and be heard speake thorow it : these things being thus performed ( if a generall have any businesse of consequence , to settle upon his army , or to resolve it of any doubts , or to establish any lawes ) then were the chiefe officers brought to this place in the darke with common souldiers , where the spirit hath spoken to them . chap. ccxxxvii . a politique imposture used by king minos the law-maker of candy , to bring in and esta●lish his lawes . king minos the law-maker of candy , at such times as hee had a purpose to bring in and establish lawes in his realme , fained that iupiter did daily speake unto him face to face , and that hee was ( as homer saith ) his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is his familiar , and one with whom hee had private speciall conference ; this gained him such speciall favour with the people , that his name growing thereupon to bee famous ; hee gave such a countenance to his lawes with so high authority , that they were kept and observed longer then were any other amongst the greekes . aristotle writeth the same of licurgus , that hee did helpe himselfe by this device , for the establishing of those lawes which hee made in his common-wealth ; numa pompilius king of the romans did likewise fayne , that the nymph egeria had familiarity and acquaitance with him , and did informe him of those lawes , which hee prescribed unto the people of rome , a nation at that time very unapt to bee instructed , and could very hardly by reason of their fiercenesse , and martiall courage be tamed and brought to civility , hadit not beene by the only meanes and colour of religion . chap. ccxl . a politique imposture used at the interments of emperours , to make the people believe they were highly honoured of god ; so that their lawes might be the better observed after their deaths . at the interment of the roman emperours , they used this imposture ; the corpes of the said emperours being laid in a tabernacle framed of wood wherein were three partitions one above the other , in the lower was the wood layd , in the next above the corps sumptuously apparrelled ; and in the uppermost was a live eagle plac'd , the fire being burning , a window was secretly opened out of which this eagle soared away in the ayre ; this they reported to be the soule of the deceased emperour fled to heaven ( as herodian witnesseth ) and iustin martyr affirmeth that there was alwayes one deputed and ordained by the successor of the dead emperor , who should upon his oath averre , that hee had seene the soule of the emperour ; ( which was said to be deified ) to issue out from the pile of fire ; and to flee directly up into heaven : the same doth dion write , who saith , that livia the wife of augustus did give ten thousand crownes unto numerus atticus pretor , to have an affidavid made , that he saw caesar augustus mount up into heaven . chap. ccxli. a politique imposture able to seduce multitudes by walking upon the water . cardan in lib. de varietate rerum , reports how that by subtilty and artificiall skill men have walked upon the top of waters without sinking , by meanes of corke and bladders tyed to the soles of their feete : likewise lucian writeth what strange terror he was put in by the sight of those phillopodes , or corke-footed persons , that walked upon the waves of the sea : what could not such an imposture perswade men unto ; or disswade them from ; the strangenesse of the thing would make men beleeve they were divine . chap. ccxlii. illusions , whereby divers learned judicious men have beene deceived , through the faigned voyces of men expert in that qualitie . there have beene some men naturally disposed so subtill and ingenious ; that they were able to delude and deceive even the best advised ; their voyce hath beene so subtile and so divers , that they would imitate the voyce of all living creatures ; likewise the organs of their voyce and their throats were so fine and small , that being very neere to a man they will call him by his name , or use other discourse ; yet it will seeme to the party called to bee some strange angelicall voyce ; and that it is farre remote from him : in the french history of peter de loir , hee relates a story of a merchant of lyons , who was exceeding rich both in banque , and in other goods and possessions ; and being noted for a notable vsurer , hee went one day walking into the countrey ; onely accompanied with his servant ; and as they were entred into a great champion field , the servant began his illusions , speaking unto him , and telling him that hee was an angell which came unto him purposely from god , to tell him , that he should give and distribute part of his goods ill gotten unto the poore ; and that hee should liberally recompence his servant that had of a long time served him without any reward or preferment at all received from him : the merchant being astonished and abused at the voyce , demanded of his servant if he heard nothing , repeating unto him the strange voice himselfe had heard ; the servant ( counterfeiting a kinde of wonder and astonishment ) denyed that he heard any thing ; and immediately ( with a voice farre more stronger and subtill then the former ) hee repeated the same words againe , and that with such admiration of the merchant , that he was brought into a full beliefe that it was an angell from heaven that spake unto him ; insomuch , that being arrived in his lodging , he gave unto his servant a good and large recompence ▪ after the death of the merchant , this servant discovered the imposture . likewise monsieur de la cazedin having invited divers learned men , ( the most excellent spirits then in paris ) to a banquet in the meane time a merry fellow that was his crafts-master in these kind of illusions , was caused to bee there present by the said monsieur for to provoke mirth at this feast in imitation of that of xenophon ; or of the emperour iulian , wherein there was a silenus that kept company with the gods , etc. this fellow called one of the company by name ; a man well knowne for doctrine and eloquence : this party hearing his name called arose imediately from the table , supposing some one without the doores had called him ; albeit it was no other but that same pleasant companion that was set at table by him . by these few instances we may learne what good or hurt may bee done to an army , they ( being deluded with these or the like impostures ) may either bee animated to observe any lawes ; or undertake any difficult atchievements ; or by the helpe of some trusty complices in an enemies armie that are their crafts-masters in this art , how they may dishearten the army , or divert the generall from some intended designe , which may be the occasion of their overthrow . chap. ccxliii . how marquesse spinola at the siege of breda ( by the helpe of a wittie peasant ) gained intilligence of all the proceedings both in the prince of oranges campe , and in the towne of breda , by the discovering of their owne letters . marquesse spinola made use of a countrey peasant who was expert of all places and passages there about : and being forward to accomplish any thing he was commanded , for a reward did undertake to carry butter , tobacco , and cheese to the besieged towne , making shew of having narrowly , and with great danger escaped the enemies sentinels and guards : and being arrived hee was to offer his service to the governour to carry letters from him to the prince of orange , he being there arrived was much welcomed to the hungry souldiers , in regard of the provision hee brought , and the governour desirous to know particulars , examined him about spinola's campe , about the passage hee found into the towne , and what was the received opinion abroad of the state of their affaires : the fellow ( being subtill ) related many true things , and feigned as many of his owne head , which begat a great beliefe in them of his honestie and trust ; at last being demanded whether he durst carry any letters by that passage by which he escaped into the towne ; hee shewed himselfe at first fearfull and doubtfull what to answer ; suffered them by promises to worke him to that , to which of all things ( under pretence of backwardnesse ) hee desired to bee perswaded . the governour therefore trusted him with his letters to the prince of orange , promising him great rewards , if he brought him an answer : hee promised to doe his best ; but in his returne he brought the letter to spinola to peruse ; spinola ( having perused the letters ) sealed them up againe fairely , and dispatched this subtill fellow away with them to the prince of orange , promising him a double reward if hee could bring an answere from the prince : the prince of orange ( beleeving that hee might confidently repose his trust in this fellow , who had beene so carefull to bring him the letters ) returned his answere by this peasant , giving him a large reward : this craftie fellow brought the letters to spinola , and was liberally rewarded by him also for his paines ; afterwards the prince of orange dying , and his brother count henricke being in his place , spinola could gaine no newes of his proceedings ; wherefore he bethought him of his nimble-witted peasant , but he being not so well knowne to this prince as he was to his brother , he contrived his acquaintance by this device ; he having laine secret in spinola's campe many dayes together , hee perswaded his wife to goe to the prince of orange , and complaine of a sicknesse her husband had caught in carrying his brothers letters to breda , through the waters in the winter season , and she earnestly besought him to pay the remainder of the reward promised her husband ; the prince taking hold of this occasion , being over-joyed in finding out this trusty messenger , did undertake to pay him what was owing him , with much more , if he would now once againe adventure to carry one of his letters to the towne , as he had convayed many of his brothers heretofore ; the woman knowing her lesson , objected the danger of the passage , and the disease of her husband , but in conclusion , she suffered her selfe to be wonne to it , and with a feigned unwillingnesse undertooke to perswade her husband , whereupon she departed to fetch her husband to the prince , who returned with her counterfeiting a lamenesse , as if his feet had beene frozen by the frost in the winter , the prince agreed a price with him , and rewarded him ; delivering his letters of secret importance to him , to be conveyed to the governour of breda ; the fellow came directly to spinola with it , whereby hee understood all their designes : for this spinola gave him a yeerely pension for ever . chap. ccxxxiv . a stratagem whereby the prince of orange had like to have gained antwerpe castle . the prince of orange lying neere breda , which spinola had besieged , had a designe to take in antwerpe castle , upon an onslaught , to which purpose he kept the passages of his campe very close , and also the garrisons out of which he was to draw his souldiers out , that no intelligence might be given to the enemy , to frustrate his designe ; the charge of his expedition , was given to brochem drossard of bergen-up-zome , who had foot , and horse , the souldiers themselves knew nothing whether they were to march , but to contrary places : command was given that they should take off their orange-tawny scarffes , and put on red , which was the king of spaines colours , and they were to give out that they were the king of spaines men , and that they marched to antwerpe for provision of victuals : ( for indeed it was reported spinola's men were at that time to goe to antwerpe for the same purpose ) their waggo●s were also covered with canvasse ; and marked with the burgundian crosse as spinolaes were , these things furthered their project ▪ and confirmed the peasants in their beleefe , that they were their owne men ; so that they arrived under the walles of antwerpe castle , being protected by the extremity of a darke night , they had made themselves a passage to the bridge , and were ready to beate open the ports ; but by the vigilancie of one andreas cea , an old souldier that stood sentinell ; they were discovered and put to retreit . a description of engines , and warlike instrvments . sect . xiiii . chap. ccxliii . the description of such engines , and warlike instruments , as are prevalent in the warres ; with the manner of using them , and how to make them . in regard the managing of warlike affaires cannot bee well performed without the knowledge , and true use of all kind of instruments that are , or may be invented , it is therefore very necessary to describe the fashion , and operation of such as have beene formerly , and now are at this present day invented , and also invent some that have not formerly beene knowne ; by these a commander in chiefe may defend his army , and offend his enemy ; for by the use of such stratagemicall instruments , many times a victory or conquest hath beene easily obtained : and upon more certainer tearmes , then to trust only to the valour and potencie of an army . for the nature of policie , and politique instruments , are to accomplish such things , that strength cannot performe ; their operation being in a double respect , as the commander that makes use of them shall order and dispose ; so accordingly is their operation ( viz. ) making all difficulties easie ; and againe contrarily making all things easie difficult : and by this twofold vertue , the wisedome and ingenuity of an enemie is often foyled . i have formerly spoken of the use of all kind of artillery , as being the principall engine . here i will onely speake of the nature and condition of the petard , by the force of which , all substantiall massie bodyes are dissolved and fittered in peeces ; this engine is of the fashion of a leatherne bucket , usually made of brasse , the verges even , that it may lye patte upon the port you intend to blow-open . if the port be accessible , then it is to be hung up by a ring upon a peece of iron skrewed into the port with a forke , to stay it close , and to keepe it from reversing ; the manner of charging it , and the use of it , is more largely discoursed of in the treatise of artillerie , page . . but if the port bee inaccessible , then it must be placed upon an engine which will conduct it to the port , as by the next figure following you may see at c , the fashion of the petard at the letter a. the forke at the letter b. chap. ccxliiii . the use of the granadoes how they are made , and charged with powder , and how they are to be discharged out of a morter , or throwne by the hand . agrando is one of the necessariest engines belonging to the warres , in regard it anoyes and spoyles the enemie , when no other weapon nor engine can ; there are two sorts of them , one to shoote in a morter-peece ; the other sort is to bee cast by the hand amongst the enemies over their walls and workes . those that are to bee shotte out of morter-peeces are to be cast in brasse for the principall service , or made of glasse or earth ; and these are to batter downe walls and roofes of houses , and to breake amongst the enemies horse or foot-troopes ; there is another sort made of canvas , and that is used properly to set fire upon houses and townes ; of these i will discourse in particular , and demonstrate them by figure . those of brasse ought to bee of a foote-diameter made somewhat long-wayes ; in thicknesse an inch , one end thereof is to have a snowt like a bottle ; and at the other end a hole , at the which it is to be charged , and the said hole is to bee skrewed ; then there is a strong skrew-tappe to be made , to fill the skrew-hole , and that is hollow , wherein is put slow-burning-powder , made of cannon-powder beaten fine , and moystned with the oyle of peeter mingled with some charcole ; then it is corded over with cord halfe an inch in distance one from th' other every way acrosse to keepe it from splitting or breaking in the discharging it ; the manner how to charge them is shewed in the discourse of the use of artillery ; this figure following in the meane time will give you some light for your better understanding . in this precedent figure , you see the parts of the granado , and how it is to bee charged at a. the skrew-faucet which is to bee filled with a composition of slack-burning-powder is at b. the manner of twilting the granado is at c. you must likewise bee very circumspect , whether the priming-powder burnes quicke or slow , lest it should fire before it comes at the place assigned ; those granadoes that are made of glasse or earth , are to be used after the same manner as the former is , not forgetting to anoint them all over with tallow for feare of flawes and crackes . now for those granadoes which are to be throwne by the hand , the substance they are made of is brasse three parts , and tinne one ; which being cast in a mould are made hollow , and about halfe an inch thicke ; the brasse must bee melted before the tinne be put in ; the fashion is of a pomgranat : the concavitie is to bee filled halfe full of fine corne-powder , and the other halfe next the vent , is to be filled with serpentine-powder , mingled with rosin beaten to powder , so that for three parts of serpentine-powder , you take one of rosin ; then putting into the snowt or hole of it a little fine powder , which makes it fire the sooner : being held in the right-hand ready to cast from you ( at the same instant fire being given to it with a match ) it is tost over into the enemies workes , where it breakes in divers peeces , destroying all neere it ; the fashion of them you may behold in the next figure following . there is no way to prevent the force of these , but by extinguishing them with raw hides , or tumbling them into water to choke the powder before the priming-powder bee burnt to the corne-powder ; wherefore divers souldiers are to bee appointed with skoopes , and others with hides to quench them in the water , or to choake them for want of vent . there are some granadoes made without a snowte very round , only a vent-hole whereby it is filled with powder , as you see at the figure b , this being filled with fine powder , is to bee put into an earthen-pot ; so farre bigger , that it may hold it , and a quantity of powder besides ; then divers threds of cotton being folded together , and boyled in salt-peeter and brimstone to make it apt to hold fire , the said pot being covered at the mouth with a skinne close tyed , then crossing the pot with a peece of wyer , as you perceive at the figure d , divers peeces of this match is tyed about it being well lighted ; so that when the pot is throwne and breakes with the fall , the match fires the powder , whereby the granado is also fired ; and this is the securest way to throw them : note if the granado be of glasse , then the skrew-tappe that is to goe into the vent-hole to carry the priming-powder must be of wood , for the glasse will breake so soone as the fire toucheth it ; view the figure . chap. ccxlv . the use of the fire-ball , to fire houses , bridges or ports , with the manner of framing them . the use of the wild-fire ball ; is to bee shot out of a morter-piece or canon , to fire houses , ports or bridges ; they are framed after this manner . first , there must be had three or foure pieces of iron of equall length , sharp-pointed like an adders tongue ; they are to be rivited one into the other just in the middest , so as the one may crosse the other justly ; then take goose-grease or swines-grease one part , of tarre halfe a quarter as much , of pitch two parts , of aqua-vitae halfe a quarter part , of lin-seede oyle one part , of verdigrease a quarter part , of waxe halfe a quarter part , of groome a quarter part , of salt-peeter meale one part ; these being mixed together over a slow fire ; and in the liquid mixture dippe a good quantity of tow and linnen raggs ; then rub the same well in bruised powder , the which being rowled hard about the afore-said irons , and bound about very straight with wyer or pack-threed , not forgetting to bore two holes quite a-crosse the said composition , which must be filled with good bruised powder ; they are to be put downe into the piece next the powder , that the priming holes may take fire ; and being shot out , wheresoever they sticke they will fire it suddenly : the like balls may be made without iron to throw with the hand against the enemy ; view the figures following . chap. ccxlvi . the use of lanthornes and hollow plates filled with pibble stones and musquet bullets for the defending of breaches . for the defending of a breach and disabling the enemy from making his forcible entry , it is necessary to have in store and readinesse divers hollow round plates , like halfe bullets , the one is to shut over the other , like a boxe lid , this is to be filled with pibble stones or musquet bullets , or square peeces of iron , called dice-shot ; this being discharged out of a murthering peece , will doe much hurt : also , your lanthornes are made of soft wood , after the fashion of our ordinary lanthornes , these beeing filled with stones , and shot out of a peece , will breake in peeces , and the stones will doe wonderfull execution against those that shall enter a breach , a bridge , or port ; view the figures following . chap. ccxlvii. how to make a certaine stone to burne in the water , or to kindle fire in the greatest storme of raine , being very usefull in the warres . there is a certaine stone to be made , which will kindle eyther by laying water on it , or by spitting upon it ; it is very usefull in the warres , in time of tempestuous raine , when souldiers matches are out , or for the firing of any houses or bridges , when other kinde of fires will not burne , the composition is this . take unslak'd lime one part , tutia alexandrina unprepared one part , salt-peeter well refined one part , all these must bee well beaten and fifted , and bound hard together with a peece of new linnen cloth , then put it into a couple of earthen cups , such as goldsmiths use to melt their mettals in ; the mouthes of the which must bee joyned together , and fast bound with iron wyre , and dawbed over with siment that it breathes not out , then dryed a while in the stone , it must be put into a furnace where bricke is burning , or other earthen vessels , there to remaine untill they bee burnt , then taking it out , it will seeme like to a bricke stone , and when any water toucheth it , it will burne immediately . otherwise , if you please to make a fire-ball to burn in the water , you must take powder bruised ten parts , peeter in meale two parts , peeter roch one part , sulphure meale three parts , turpentine one part , linseed oyle one part , camphire a quarter part , arsenick a quarter part , verdi-grease a quarter part , bole armoniacke a quarter part , corns of bay salt / ●● part , filings of iron ⅕ part , quick silver / ●● part , these things being well blended and mingled together with the hand , in some woodden vessell . then taking a peece of canvasse , and cut out a round peece as big as you please , which being sowed together and filled with this receit , then strongly bound with pack-thread , and coted with moulten pitch , making therein but one vent of an inch deep ; wherein must be put fine powder ( to prime it ) bruised very small , this being fired with a match , after it hath burnt awhile ding it into any water , it will rise and burne furiously upon the top ; this is very proper to set fire upon the enemies floates or galleries that are built upon the water , there shall need no figure to demonstrate this . chap. ccxlviii . of certaine earthen bottels filled with a kinde of mixture to be fired , which are thrown amongst the enemie . there are certaine earthen bottels to be made of a round fashion , being not halfe burnt are best for this use ; they are invented to disorder the enemies rankes , or to astonish them , being whirld out of the souldiers hands amongst the enemies will soone make them give ground , the device is this ; having got as many of these bottels as shall be thought requisite , these must bee filled halfe full of serpentine powder , or somewhat more , there is to be mixt with it a quantity of hogges grease , oyle of stone , brimstone , saltpeeter twice refined , aqua vitae , pitch , these being stirred together over a soft fire in some earthen vessell ; this composition being put into the bottell , with fine powder bruised to cause it to fire , suddainly the bottell is to have a cord to throw it by ; this hath wrought strange effects . also there is a kinde of composition which is besmeared about ropes ends and hoopes , which are to be throwne from a wall upon the enemy , which will burne and disorder them wonderfully , especially at the scaling of a wall. the composition is this ; take sulphre in meale sixe parts , of rozin in meale three parts ; these being melted in a pan , over a slow fire , then taking stone-pitch one part , hard waxe one part , of towe halfe a quarter part , of aqua vitae halfe a quarter part , of camphire ⅛ parts , these being also melted together , there must bee stirred into it saltpeeter-meale two parts , and when it is taken off the fire , there must be foure parts of bruised powder mixt with it ; these being oynted upon hoopes and ropes and set on fire , wheresoever they light they cannot be quenched , but will burne the enemy to death . view the figures following . chap. ccxlix . how a frame of musquets are to be made and ord●red for the defence of a breach , or for the flanking of a battalia of pikes . the use of this frame of musquets is very excellent both in the defence of breaches , bridges , ports , or to be plac'd before the divisions of pikes , or flanking the pikes in battell , whereby the enemie will be wonderfully shaken , and by the helpe of a few men which are to remove them too and fro , and to give fire to the traines , strange exploits may be performed : the manner of it is thus ; a frame is made of boordes or planke three stories high , one story halfe a foot above the other , and a foot or more behinde one the other , the lowermost tyre is to lye about three foot from the ground , the next halfe a foot above that , and so the third : there are certain quilles or small spouts of brasse to goe from one touch-hole to the other , so that the traine being fired , they shall one discharge after another , beginning first with the uppermost tyre , as the enemy enters the breach , then the second , and the lowermost last ; there is also a broad plate which shall be plac'd over the breeches of the musquets , that no sparkles may fall downe into the pans of the second , nor the lowermost tyre , each tyre is to hold twelve musquets a breast , one being plac'd a foot distance from the other ; there are certaine ringles on each side to remove it by : there is one in germany that hath onely twelve musquets , which may be discharged eight and forty times , according to the french new invention for pistols : this was practised at ostend when duke albert made his potent assault , by which he was wonderfully repuls'd . view the figure . chap. ccl . an instrument called a flaile , used in the defending of a breach , or scaling of a wall , or when the enemy is at handy blowes . this instrument is used in the warres to defend breaches , or when the enemy is entered the streets of a towne and are at close fight , then these are the onely weapons for dispatch , there being no defence for it ; it is made much after the fashion of a flayle , onely the swingill is short and very thicke , having divers iron pikes in it upon all parts of it , that which way soever it falles it destroyes ; divers souldiers are appointed to attend the enemies assaulting the breach , some standing at one end of the breach , the residue at the other , and when the enemy is come up at push of pike , so close that the pikemen can make no use of their pikes , then these flayles makes way through their head-peeces and armour . view the figure . chap. ccli . the use of the turne-pike , and how it is framed , and of the excellent defence it makes , both against horse and foote upon all straights and passages . this instrument is of great use to bee cast into straites , breaches , passages , or high-wayes ; for which way soever it is rowled , there bee sharpe pikes towards the enemy to hinder his approches ; the manner of framing of it is after this manner ; first there is a round beame of light wood , as firre or sallow about twelve inches in circumference , and ten or twelve foot long ; at every halfe-footes length , or under , there must bee holes bored thorow every way a-crosse ; then there must bee staves fitted for those holes of good seasoned ash , about a yard and a halfe long , somewhat tapering towards each end ; the ends of these staves must bee armed with iron pikes cheeked downe a good way , that they may not bee hackt off with their swords , then being droven into the foresaid holes just halfe way of the staffe , it will bee defensive which way soever it bee turned ; the beame is to be so made , that one may be fastned to the other by hookes at each end , so that if need bee halfe a score of them may bee coupled together , or otherwise as the breach or passage is in breadth ; the musque●iers may shoot over them , and the pikes may defend them so , that the enemy shall not have the advantage to pull them asunder ; and so long as they lye , neither horse nor foot can passe for them ; when they are to be transported by waggon , then the staves are to be knockt out , that they may lye in closer roome ; view the figure following . chap. cclii . the use of the pallizadoes to prevent both horse and foote , from any sudden assault , and how they are framed . his excellency the prince of orange had alwayes these instruments carryed in his army , either by water , or by land , for wheresoever hee did incampe his army for any time , especially if the enemy were quartered neere , he alwayes gave directions to have these pallizadoes pitcht into the ground round the quarters ; and upon all passages and bridges the turne-pikes were placed with a sufficient guard to defend them ; the manner of framing them is after this fashion , they take furre-poles about twelve inches in circumference , and foure foote and and a halfe , and some five foot long ▪ and upwards , these are sharpe at the nether end with a peece of iron , that they may enter the gravell or stones , and some are not ; within a handfull of the upper end there is two iron pikes of five or sixe inches long driven in side-wayes one crossing the other , then in the middest betwixt both is the third pike placed right-forwards , these being driven into the earth about a foote and a halfe , and in distance a foote , or thereabouts asunder , the pikes will so answer one to the other , that nothing can passe but must receive hurt , when they intend to raise a parapet of earth , then as they finish the worke , they pull up the pallizados ; there is another kind of palizado made of peeces of oake-heart sharpt at one end , the other end is layed into the earth three quarters of a yard deepe neere the top of a breast-worke , either of skonce or redout ; view the figure of the former palizado . chap. ccliii . the use of the calthrop , and of the spiked planke to anoy both horse and foote . the calthrop is an instrument very offensive to the enemies horse , and by the use of them a few souldiers may make an able resistance , either in the streetes of a towne , or upon any passage , or in a pitcht battell ; the lightnesse of it being such , that every souldier may carry two or three of them at his girdle , and as they advance towards the enemy , throwing them downe , they will indanger any thing that shall tread upon them ; they are framed in this wise ; first they take a tough peece of sallow , and making it round about the bignesse of an apple , there is iron pikes driven thorow , which points every way , so that which way soever it falls a pike will be upwards to runne into the feet , either of horse or man ; there is another fashion made of a peece of bord as broad as a trencher , which is driven full of nayles , and lyned with another thin bord , to keepe the nayles from slipping backe ; these are very good to bee throwne upon passages in the night-time , when a feare of the enemies approch is at hand . also at the siege of ost-end the arch-duke invented a device to defend himselfe against sudden sallyes out of the towne , wherefore hee cansed to bee layed at the neerest retrenchments long plankes driven full of long sharpe spikes , the sharpe points lying upwards to runne into their feet that should assayle him ; this is good to lay crosse streetes in a towne in the night-time , when an enemy hath entred the ports ; view the figures following . chap. ccliv . the use of the bome or baricado to crosse a passage or high-way to prevent the enemies horse in their speedy approches . this kinde of instrument is used very frequently about all the frontier townes in the netherlands ; it is to bee plac'd upon some straight passage in the road or high-way , a flight-shot from each port or neerer , to prevent the enemies sudden assault with his horse-troopes : the forme and fashion is after this manner . the beame which crosseth the way is of oake-hart , and a foot square of timber at the least ; then upon one side of the way is pitch'd downe a strong able post , the top of it being fitted to enter into a hole of the beame about the third part of it , from the fore end , then there comes divers braces downe from the beame which are mortic'd into a circular piece of timber , framed purposely to winde about the middest of the standing post , the post being there made with a regall ; these braces stayes up the beame from sinking downe at the fore end ; and it also hinders the raising of it up from the standing post : upon the other side of the way is another able post for the end of the beame to shut against ; the said end of the beame hath a very strong spring-locke , which at the first pulling too locks into the post : there is alwayes a sentinell to garde at this bome , to open and shut it to passengers ; if there bee any voyd place betwixt the postes and the hedges , it must bee strongly railed : the figure followes , which happily may better informe you . chap. cclv. of a second kinde of bome or baricado to lay over rivers to prevent the comming up of boates , whereby the enemy may surprize a towne . this second kinde of bome was invented by the netherlanders to prevent the enemies designes , who had many times deceived them by rowing up their boates the rivers , and unexpectedly have entred their townes : the manner of framing it is after this fashion . in the narrowest place of the river or haven they spile both the sides next the bankes with long able spiles , mortissing the top of them into an over-way or beame of sound timber , onely in the middest of the streame they leave a passage for such vessels or boates to passe , as are requisite : then they take a peece of timber , or some mast of a ship , which being fitted in due length for the place , the one end of this bome hath a staple of strong iron which is joyned by a ringle to a second staple that is droven into the inmost spile ; likewise upon the spile of the other side is a strong staple , whereunto the fore-nd of the bome is to bee fastened either by a mortice plated with iron , or some chaine fastened unto it , and this is strongly lockt : upon the top of this bome , goes a thick barre of iron from end to end , which hath large strong pikes rivited into it three or foure inches one from the other . lastly , the iron plate or barre is rivited to the bome , so that it cannot possibly be cut in sunder , neyther can they have their boates over it by reason of the pikes ; this they may open and shut at pleasure ; many times they use iron chaines , but they are more chargeable and not so good , in regard a boat will runne over it . view the figure . chap. cclvi. duke alberts invention for the staying of the hollanders shippes at ostend , that his batteries might the easier discharge upon them . in the siege of ostend , duke albertus had planted divers block-houses with ordnance to impeach the hollanders shipping which releeved the towne : yet with a quicke tyde and faire winde , they entred in despight of his ordnance without any dammage ; wherefore he bethought him to draw a mighty cable over the channell where the shippes did usually passe safely by the favour of the darke night : to divers parts of this cable , he fastned divers empty caske , as pipes and hogsheads to beare it up straite and even ; also , there were certaine anchors to stay the pipes and cable from floating away ; hee having prepared his batteries in readinesse for the same purpose on eyther side of the shore , no sooner were the shippes stayed , but the ordnance played upon them to their great detriment , many of them being suncke , and the rest battered . some haue caused a massie chaine to be conveyed over a heaven , or channell , also long peeces of timber linck'd together , hath beene a meanes to hinder shipping , for otherwise it is a difficult thing to offend the passage of shipping , or boates , especially by night , as was probable at the same siege ; there being as grimstone recordeth , shot made at one fleet in that channell , yet not one of them suncke , nor damnified . view the figure . chap. cclvii . the manner of making a battery to floate upon the water , that the ordnance may shoot the leveller , invented at ostend by duke albertus . this floate was invented at ostend , to plant their ordnance on it , that they might strike the vessels betweene wind and water , as they came into the heaven ; the manner of framing it , was on this wise : first , there were divers strong large pipes or hogsheads made purposely , upon the which divers beames or rafters were strongly fastned , crossing every way to hold the pipes together ; then there were divers plankes fastned upon the toppe of the rafters , after the fashion of a floore of a house , round the sides were wooll-packes , fixed to shelter the enemies shot ; this floate lying thus levell with the water , gave the ordnance fit opportunity to shoot at a better certainty ; upon eyther side of the heaven was one of these floates planted , not one right against the other , but a certain distance wide , so that if one mist his shoot , the other should indeavour to hit . the figure of it followes . chap. cclviii. the manner of framing the engine called the saulciffe , which is to be used against a beleaguered towne to shelter both horse and foote . this instrument was invented at ost-end , for the safegard both of horse and foote ; the manner of framing of it was after this manner ; they tooke divers bords or plankes of deale-wood , and framed them in manner of a hogshead or pipe , but so great that a horseman might ride behinde it , and not be discovered ; the concavitie of it was filled with dunge and sand , it was hooped with broad iron hoopes , it was twenty foot long ; there were fiftie or sixtie men to rowel it : this did the arch-duke wonderfull service in preserving his souldiers , both from the cannon and musquet , it being alwayes rowled before those that went to intrench themselves , or to releeve such guards as were dangerous , and within shotte of the walls of the towne ; by this devise they could goe as neere to the enemies workes as they listed : the figure follow●● . chap. cclix . how to stop up the passage of vessels , and boates in a channell , or to mend a breach in an arme of the sea. the best and presentest way to stop , and damne up a channell , or a breach , is to fill the hulke of old cast ships , hoighes , and boates with earth , and so conveying them to the fittest place where the water is narrowest and shallowest , and there to sinke them ; likewise by filling old sackes full of earth or sand , and casting them into the water , will damme up a small haven , and will hinder the passage of all kind of vessels from releeving a besieged towne ; and by this the breach of an arme of the sea may bee stopped , but first it must be well pyled to stay the vessells and earth from being washed away ; wherefore they must take the opportunity of a low-water to worke in , and have sufficient helpe to lay the foundation sure , for feare of blowing up ; moreover , if you feare the water will decay some weake place of the banke , then there must be a stancke made to shelve off the force of the water ; also if there be any skonees or other workes that the water beates against the wall , and decayes it by dashing against it ; then for the preventing of it , there must bee mattes made of sedge and bulrushes , which must be staked downe before the earth , and hurdles made with oysiers . also for the landing up of some shallow place , where the water runneth but in winter time , or in great stormes , the best way is to set it thicke of oysiers , which will speedily grow , and keepe up the sand and rubbish from washing away , so that in a short time it will be landed up ; view the figure following . chap. cclx . the manner how to make a bridge with cord to convey souldiers over a moate or river , by meanes whereof they may speedily scale the walls of a towne . this kind of bridge is used upon all surprises of townes and forts , which are to be taken in upon the sudden , it being so light , that two or three men may bring it twelve or fiveteene miles in an evening , and place it over any narrow water , so that their souldiers may march over abreast : the manner of framing it , is after this fashion ; first , there are two woodden rowles , made of strong light wood , either of them being twelve foot long ; one of these rowles have at each end a winch , which may be taken off and on like to a grindstones ; this is to wind and strayten the ropes that they may lye tyte , at each end , and in the middest of the rowles are to be holes bored thorow , wherein must be fastned foure strong ropes , but if there be more ropes it will be the stronger , at every footes end there may be one , if the bridge be twelve or ten foot broad , then it is but boring so many holes , and drawing so many ropes thorow : then you are to take cord , and knit it with mashes , like the mashes of a flue , so that a mans foot cannot slip thorow ; this cord being knit all the way fast to the cordes , one end of this bridge is to be transported , either by one or two that can swimme , or in a leatherne boate made for that purpose ; the ends of the rowles are to bee staked downe strongly , either with iron stakes made for that purpose , or with woodden ; next it is to be straitned out straite with winches , and made fast , you are to note that over these ropes and mashes , there is canvasse stitched downe to make the bridge firme , that they may not faulter with their feet in passing over ; view the figure following . chap. cclxi . how to make a firme bridge both for horse and men to march over and to transport their ordnance , over any river , although as broad as the thames . earle charolois in the warres of france , termed the holy league , being to passe over the great river of seine , he caused divers casks to be made of very strong bord or clampall strongly hooped , and of a great bignesse , upon which he fastned rafters , and plancherd it over , placing divers strong anchors to stay the bridge from the force of the streame : over this bridge ( as commines reports ) marched a hundred thousand men , with all their provision and ordnance : the states of the netherlands have a kinde of an open flat boat which they terme punts ; these they convey by water to any place they intend to march over ; but if they march to some remote place , so that they cannot passe by water , then they are transported upon carriages , and drawne by horses , which doth them great service to stow in them powder , match , ammunition , bread and such like ; they are made like to horse-boatee flat-bottom'd the ends open and rising , so that when they are joyned together , the rising ends meeting it is like an arch , thorow which the water hath passage , foure men may march a brest over them ; and they are twenty or thirty foot long a peece ; they are fastned together with iron hookes ; and their masts and tacklings are fixed to the sides of them , to strengthen them ; the rising ends of these punts have ledges nayled halfe a foot distance one from the other , to prevent the feet both of men and horse from sliding ; they are stayed with cables and anchors from falling downe with the streame . these are the surest and best bridges that ever yet were invented ; and very easie to bee conveyed either by land or by water ; besides many things belonging to the warres may bee carryed in them . the prince of orange many times made bridges with small vessels , as hoighs or the like ; they were stayed by anchors ; their beake heads pointing against the streame , there were rafters plac'd from one vessell to another and plancher'd over . the figures of these severall bridgesfollow . a bridge laid upon caske . the tressels which the king of sweden made his bridge upon to passe over the lech into bavaria , the feet of the tressels had weights upon their ledges to hold them downe in the water . there was likewise another bridge framed at the siege of ostend called pompey's chariot , it was framed of foure wheeles , and a peece of timber of a hundred and fiftie foot long lay upon the wheeles , upon which was framed a slight bridge , this was to be drawne in a darke night to the motes side , and so thrust over by the force of men ; the manner of framing of it , you may more plainely see by the figure following , onely observe the wheeles were fifteene foot in height . chap. cclxii . the use of the leathren boate , and how to make it . this kinde of boate was invented for the lightnesse of it , and to bee used to convey souldiers over motes and rivers , whereby some suddaine and unexpected exploit may be done before the enemy is aware of it : for a souldier may carry one of these under his arme twenty miles , without any great trouble : the manner of framing them , is after this manner ; there must be the two sides or bellies of an oxe hide well tanned , beaten out and made concave ; this being cut fashionable to the keele of a boate , the two sides are to bee sowne strongly together , so that no water may soake through , then taking a couple of strong staves to pend the sides and the ends of the leather from bending in , when the souldiers are in it . the hollanders carry their skutes and boates upon carriages , and in them they put their ammunition and other necessaries , being well covered over with tilts , or sometimes one boate covers the other ; these boates they can speedily take off from the carriages , and upon all occasions suddainly make use of them . view the figures of them . chap. cclxiii . an easie and quicke way to cast water with great scoopes . many times when fortifications are a raising , springs will arise and hinder the workemen from digging ; so that men must continually cast it out , or else their workes are presently drowned . for the better and easier effecting of it , the hollanders have invented a speedy way , the manner of doing it is thus ; they pitch certaine poles a crosse ; the crosses are to stand in distance asunder , according to the quantity of persons that are to worke betweene them ; upon the top of these crosses , lyes another pole over-thwart , unto this pole are divers cordes fastned , and to the lower end of the cord , is the handle of the scoopes tyed within a foot of the scoope , this cord beares the weight both of the scoope and of the water , the man is onely to guide the scoope out , pulling it too and fro , these scoopes may be very great ones ; many times they nayle on steales unto great trayes , having a peece of leather fastned over the end of the tray by the steale , to keepe the water from flying backwards ; by this devise a man may cast more water at ease in one houre , than otherwise they can doe in three ; besides , they wet not themselves halfe so much . view the figure following . chap. cclxiv . how to make a skrew to winde up water , with the use of it . this engine called the skrew , was invented by the hollanders to empty pondes and motes , it being a thing very usefull in the warres , it is framed after this manner ; first , there is a rafter some twenty foot long , and sixteene inches about , this is hewen round , onely a foot and halfe at the upper end it is foure square , whereon a trundle wheele is to be fixed , and to be turned about by a cogge wheele , at each end of this rafter of wheele-tree is a gudgion of iron as the wheele-tree of a mill hath , for the engine to turne upon ; then within three quarters of a foot of the lower end , there is a regall to be made in this wheele-tree , which must be made halfe an inch deepe , and so carried in manner of a skrew , within the foot of a trundle wheele , at the upper end ; next you must take deale boordes of eighteene inches long , the one end of them is to be fitted cleverly into the regall , and joyned so close that no water may get out , it will seem to be after the fashion of a winding stare-case , this is to be covered over with deale boordes , and likewise to be reagold into them , that the ends of the short boordes may be fastened into them , and hooped over with flat iron hoopes , so that it will seene round like a pype , or a great long barrell . next there is a cogge-wheele to bee made to turne this engine round ; it is formed like a cogge-wheele of a horse-mill , only the cogges are to stand downwards , and it is drawne about with two or three horses , plankes being placed for them to goe on ; this engine being placed in the water : the nether gudgeon running in a peece of timber placed for that purpose in the water , the engine lying side-wayes ; the upper gudgeon is likewise placed in another peece of timber very tryly , so that the cogge-wheele may turne about the engine ; at the upper end of the barrell of this engine must be placed a troffe to receive the water , and convey it away into some ditch ; this engine will screw up water as fast as it runnes out of an overshot-mill , whereby in a short time an infinite deale of water may be drawne . view the figure . chap. cclxv. the description of an engine whereby water may be drawne out of any place or depth , or mount any river : water to bee conveyed to any place within three or foure miles distance . svppose a. b. c d. to be a deepe moate , river , well , or pond , and ef to be a strong peece of timber fastened overthwart the same a good distance in the water , in this planke let there bee fastened a peece of timber , with a strong wheele in it as g and h. having strong iron spikes drove athwart the wheele within the crevice , and strongly rivited on each side , let them be three or foure inches distance from each other : let there bee likewise made in the said planke two holes , in which set two hollow posts that may reach the toppe of the wheele , or so much higher , as you desire to mount the water ; let them bee made fast that they stirre not ; in the bottome of one of these posts there must be fastened a barrel● of brasse , as g. h made very smooth within , and betwixt these two posts at the toppe , let there be fastened unto them both another peece of strong timber to hold them fast , lest they start asunder , and in the middest of that make a mortice , and in it fasten a strong peece of timber , with a wheele like to the former ; the pin thereof ought to be made fast to the wheele , and have a crooked handle to turne about , that by turning it , you turne the wheele also ; then provide a strong iron chaine of length sufficient , having on every third or fourth linke , a peece of horne that will easily passe thorow the brasse barrell , and a leather on each side of it , but somewhat broader then the horne ; put this chaine under the lower wheele in the well upon both the lower posts , draw it over the upper wheele , and linke it fast and straite , then by turning the handle round , the chaine will also turne , whose leathers comming up the brasse barrells will force up the waters before them . or after the same manner you may take two plankes eighteene or twenty inches broad a-peece , and twenty or thirty foot long , or more ; at the lower edges of these plankes there is a bottome planke of the same length and thicknesse closely joyned and fastened ; also downe the middest is another joyned and fixed , these are to bee nine inches broad , and being thus framed , it makes a square boxe , as is usually for clocke-leads to goe downe in , the upper side is open like a troffe ; then there are divers square peeces of bordes fitted justly to goe up and downe the said concavities ; these bordes have foure flat irons goes thorow them , to each corner goes one , these are keyed together , so as they may play to and fro ; these square peeces being thus chained together , drives up the water thorow the hollow of the said plankes ; at the two ends of this engine is a wheele as the former hath , only they differ in fashion , for they are made like a millers trundles , the uppermost hath a double sweake , so that eight or tenne men may turne at it ; the nether end of this engine is placed in the water , the upper end is stayed with crutchets or other provision ; the open side lyes upwards , and in turning the wheele , those square bordes comes downe the open side , and runnes up the boxe , and forceth the water out . chap. cclxvi. the description of an engine to force water up to a high place very usefull to quench fire amongst buildings in townes and garrisons , or huttes in campes or leaguers . this engine hath a brasse barrell marked a. having two suckers in the bottome of it marked b. also a large pipe going upon one side of it marked c. with a sucker nigh unto the top of it ; and above all a hollow round ball d. with a pipe at the top of it made to skrew another pipe upon it to direct the water to any place : then fit a forcer unto the barrell with a handle fastned unto the top , at the upper end of this forcer drive a stong screw ; and at the lower end a skrew-nut ; at the bottome of the barrell fasten a screw , and at the barre that goeth crosse the top barrell let there be another skrew-nut : put them all in order , and fasten the whole to a good strong frame marked f. that it may stand steady : when you use it ; either you must place it in the water , or in the channell of the streete ; and drive the water up to it with broomes ; and by moving the handle too , and fro , it will cast the water up with mighty force to any place you shall direct it : note , there is no engine for water-workes of what sort soever ( whether for service or pleasure ) can bee made without the helpe of suckers , forcers or clacks : a sucker is a boxe made of brasse having no bottome ; in the midst of which there is a small barre goeth crosse the same , having a hole in the middest of it ; this boxe hath a lid so exactly fitted unto it , that being put unto it , no ayre nor water can passe betweene the crevisses ; this cover hath a little button on the top , and a seame that goeth into the boxe , and so thorow the hole of the aforesaid crosse barre ; and afterwards it hath a little button rivited on it , so that it may with ease clap up and downe , but not be taken , or slip quite out , as this figure in the margent demonstrates . a forcer is a plug of wood exactly turned and leathered about the end that goeth into the barrell , is semi-circularly concave , as this second figure opposite sheweth . a clacke , is a piece of leather nailed over any hole of a pumpe , &c. having a peece of lead to make it lye close , so that no ayre nor water may passe thereby , as the third figure sheweth . chap. cclxvii . the description of another kinde of engine to cast up water with violence . there must bee prepared a strong table of planke three or foure inches thicke ; with an iron sweepe fastened at the one end thereof to lift up and downe ; unto the end of the sweepe let there be linked a piece of iron having two rods of length sufficient ; let there bee made a hole quite through the middest of this table , whose diameter let be above five or sixe inches ; then provide two peeces of brasse in forme of hattes ; but let the brim of the uppermost be but one inch broad ; and have divers little holes through it round about : also in the crowne of this must bee placed a large sucker , and over it a halfe globe ; from top of which must proceed a hollow trunke , about a yard long , and of a good and wide bore : then take good liquored leather two or three times double , and put betweene the bordes and the brims of this , and with divers little skrewes ( put through the holes of the brim ) skrew it fast unto the top of the table . note , the table must bee leathered also underneath the compasse of the brim of the lower brasse ; also the lower brasse must bee of equall diameter in hollownesse unto the other ; but it must bee more spirall towards the end or bottome ; and must have either a large clocke or sucker fastened in it : also the brim of this must bee larger then that of the uppermost , and have two holes made about the middest on each side one ; bore then two holes in the table on each side of the brasse , one answerable unto the holes of the brim of the lower brasse ; through which holes put the two rods of the iron hanged to the sweepe , and rivet them strongly into the holes of the lower brasse : place this engine in water , and by moving the sweepe up and downe , it will with great vigor cast the water on high . chap. cclxviii . how to make water at the foot of a mountaine , to ascend to the top of it , and so to descend on the other side , for the furnishing of garrisons . to this there must be a pipe of leade , which may come from the fountaine a , to the top of the mountaine b , and so to descend on the other side a little lower than the fountaine as at c , then make a hole in the pipe at the top of the mountaine b , and stoppe the end of the pipe at a , and c , and fill this pipe at b with water , and close it very carefully at b , that no ayre get in at the hole b , then unstop the end at a , and at c , then will the water runne perpetually up the hill , and descend on the otherside ; this is of great consequence to furnish villages . chap. cclxix . how to make a scaling ladder of cords , which may be carried in a souldiers pocket , by which a wall , castle , or towne may be scaled . this engine is of excellent use in the warres , for the speedy surprising of townes ; you must first take two pulleyes a and d , unto that of a there must be fastened a strong hooke or crampe of iron as b , and at d let there be fastened a staffe of a foot and a halfe long as f , then at the pulley a , place a hand of iron as e , to which tye a cord of halfe an inch thicke ( eyther of silke or pure hempe ) then strive to make fast the pulley a , by the helpe of the crampe-iron b , to the place that you intend to scale , and the staffe f being fastened at the pulley d , put it betweene your legges as if you would sit upon it , then holding the cord g in your hand , you may guide your selfe to the place required . chap. cclxx. of scaling-ladders framed of wood , and how they are to be used in the warres . this instrument for the scaling of a wall , is to be made of light wood , and about nine or ten foot long , scaled like a ladder , the upper end of the sides , have hookes fastned unto them , to hang somewhat shelving , that the souldiers may the easier ascend , if the wall be higher , then there may be two of these ladders hooked together , some are made with joynts to open longer or shorter , as occasion shall be ; but for the most part , the scaling-ladders are made according to the height of the walles that are to bee scaled ; these are carried by wagon or by water , and are to be hung upon the walles or ports very secretly , for feare of discovery . view the figure . chap. cclxxi. the use of gabions and baskets , for the defence of the cannoniers and musquetiers . these kind of instruments were invented for the securitie both of the cannoniers , and also of the musquetiers , the manner of framing them is common to all basket-makers ; the gabion or great basket is some foure foot diameter , and made of course ro●●es of osiers or water sallowes , and foure or five foot high : they are to be first placed where they should be used as a barricado against the great shot , and then they must be filled with good earth well rammed ; there is many times three or foure set one before the other to bury the shot of the cannon ; and likewise one a●●op of another to shelter , both the men and artillery . the same small baskets are likewise made of rods , and two foot , or two foot and a halfe diameter , and about the same height ; these are to be filled with good earth , and to bee placed upon the partapets and ●rest workes one close by another for the musquetiers to discharge betweene them , and to shelter them from the enemies bullets , these are likewise many times set double ; there must be a care no stones be amongst the earth ; if baskets should be wanting , then there must be sacks filled , as before is shewed . view the figures . chap. cclxxii . the use of cru-wagons and small carts , with the fashion of them . these instruments were invented to convey earth out of moats , and to carry it upon workes ; those wheele-barrowes that are to be driven up by the strength of one man , are made very small and light ; they are used chiefly in the foundation of a worke , before it growes too steepe for the horse to clyme up : there are shelving places left for the wagons to bee drivven up , and bordes layd to keepe the wheeles from sinking into the eath . the figure followes . chap. cclxxiii . the use of the powder-pots in a pitcht battell , to mischiefe and breake the enemies rankes , with the description of the forme of them . these engines are of use to discomfit an enemy in a pitcht battell , the manner of framing them , is according to this following description : there must bee 〈…〉 prepared , either of earth , or of timed lattin , the mouths of them are to be foure inches diameter , and the height of them sixe , on either side of these is a hollow quill formed of earth or sodred of lattin , about the bignesse of a tobacco-pipe ; these are to goe from the toppe of these pottes just to the bottome to convey the the traine of powder to the touch-hole at the bottome ; vpon the toppe of this quill is a round knob to bee plac'd hollow , about the bignesse of the halfe shell of a walnut ; this is to put the end of a reed , or pipe made of tinne , to convey the traines of powder from one pot to the other . further , a certaine number of these pots , are to have upon all foure sides , pipes , as before is shewed ; these are to be placed both at each end of the stratagem , and in two or three places in the middest , from these the fire is immediatly to be given , that the fire may more speedily be spread to every ranke of these pots ; and indeed if they were all made after this manner to convey fire from all foure parts , it would bee more speedier and better , onely the traines would bee a little the more trouble to lay from one to the other . these pots are to be set sixe foot asunder every way square , or further as occasion shall offer . these pots being filled halfe full of powder , there is a peece of thinne borde to bee fitted to the diameter of the pot , and put downe close to the powder ; upon this borde are pible-stones to be placed , to fill up the rest of the pot , and then to bee covered to keepe them in . in the next place there are divers wimbles to be made of a just bignesse to the pottes , these are to bore the holes in the earth to place the pots in ; note the holes are to bee bored somewhat aslent , that the stones may flie side-wayes to disorder the rankes ; if it be swardy ground , then only the top of the sward is to be laid to cover the pots , and the residue of the earth is to be cast quite away towards your owne troopes to avoide suspition ; then there are regals cut from pot to pot , to lay the pipes which are to convey the traines of powder ; these are also to be covered as the former : there may be also long traines made , both from the two ends , and also from some other places about the middest , these traines are to bee likewise conveyed in pipes tenne or twenty rodde towards your owne bataliaes , and when the enemy is marcht full upon them , then those appointed to attend these traynes are to give fire unto them ; note if the earth should bee wet , then the pots and pipes that convay the traines , must bee closed with pitch or yallow to prevent the moystning of the powder . view the figure following of all the parts of the stratagem , which happily may cause you better to understand it . cclxxiv . how to make torches and candles to burne in any weather : being a thing most necessary in the warres . these kinde of torches are invented to keepe fire either in windie or raynie weather ; they are made of this composition following : sulphur , salt-peeter , rosin , calxvine , quick peal , lin-seed oyle , and common lamp-oyle : pitch , tarre , camfire , waxe , tutia , arsnicke , quick-silver and aqua-vitae : of this composition , may bee torches , candles , or balls of wild-fire made that will burne in the water without extinguishing . chap. cclxxv . how to arme pikes with wild-fire and pistols for to with-stand a breach , and defend it against the enemie . this kind of arming of pikes at the speares end with wild-fire was invented for the defence of a breach , port or bridge ; and it hath beene approved that an enemy hath beene more feared with it then with any other kinde of weapon : the manner of framing these weapons is after this fashion . first , there must be powder bruised , eight parts ; peeter in roch , one part ; peeter in meale , one part ; sulphur in meale , two parts ; rosin-roch , three parts ; turpentine , one part ; lin-seed oyle , one part ; verdigrease , halfe a part ; bole-armoniack / part : these ingredients must bee put in a bagge made of strong canvas , which first must be put upon the pikes end , and the lower end of it being tyed fast to the pike , and the bagge filled up with this composition , the other end thereof must also bee fast tyed to the end of the speare ; the whole bagge must be soundly woulded with a small cord : this being done , then there must bee 〈◊〉 in a pan , pitch , foure parts ; lin-seed oyle , one part ; turpentine , one part ; tarre , / part ; tallow , one part : these being mixt together must be daubed all over the canvas a good thicknes : then being cold , two holes must be bored into the bagge two inches deepe with a sharp square iron , filling the same with fine bruised powder ; to this may be made fast divers pistoll-barrels charged with bullets : this instrument will performe excellent service in a throng of people . view the figure . chap. cclxxvi . a device to make a musquet sh●ot with the same quantity of powder halfe as farre againe , as her usuall shot is . this invention the king of sweden did make tryall of , and it is a thing highly to be prized in the warres : for many times it happens , that the wings of shot in a pitch'd battell are drawn out to skirmish with an enemie before they be within the true distance of the musquets commanding shot ; or being discharged by the enemie out of some fort many times when they are out of distance , whereby much powder and shot is spent to no purpose ; now to remedie this there is an approved device which will cause a musquet or canon to shoot halfe as farre againe with the same quantity of powder : and this is effected by taking of white case-pepper of the soundest cornes , and steepe them houres in the strongest aqua-vitae ; then being taken out and dryed in the sunne , so that they may not danke the powder ; then charging the peece with the usuall charge of powder ; you must take so many of these pepper cornes as will cover the circumference of the bore , and being put downe close with the sticke to the powder ; then putting next to the pepper the bullet ; this being tryed at any marke , it shall be sensibly found to convey the bullet with such a violence farre beyond the accustomed shooting , and being charged without this ingredient , the bullet shall not come little more then halfe the way . chap. cclxxvii . of the bow-pike , and how it is best to be used in the warres . this invention of joyning a bowe to the pike , may bee of excellent use in the warres , to impale the flankes of an army , for when the horse shall charge eyther in flanke or reare those arrowes will gaule them : they are very good to be drawne out to safegard some small troopes of shot , that shall bee sent out to discharge upon the horse ; but for the placing of these in the front of the maine battalia's , i hold it not so good , unlesse it be onely the two first rankes ; for it will bee very troublesome when the troopes snall joyne at push of pike ; besides , the pikes heads will soone out their bow-strings in sunder , and make them of no validitie : and questionlesse in the time of stormie wet weather , these bowes would doe great service , when the musquet cannot be discharged for wet ; but were it so , that a pike were made of such an indifferent bignesse towards the but end , that there might be disposed in it three petronell barrels , made of a very light substance , as there is a new invention found out in that kinde ; there is a light locke to be plac'd a yard from the but end , this shall at once pulling up , strike fire twice , having a double pan , and that part of the pike the petronell is plac'd in , is to be turned round , so that the touch-holes of these barrels may turne to the locke one after another , without removing either of hand or foot ; this would worke some effect against the enemies pikes , it going with that force , that it would enter their corslets ; which the force of an arrow could not performe . view the figures . chap. cclxxviii . the description of an engine , whereby the diversitie of the strength of powder may be truely knowne . to know which are the strongest sortes of gunpowder ; according as this figure demonstrates , you must prepare a boxe as a b , beeing foure inches high , and two inches wide , having a lid joyned unto it ; the boxe ought to be made of iron , brasse , or copper , and to be fastened to a good thicke planke , and to have a touch-hole at the bottome as o , and that end of the boxe where the hinge of the lid is , there must stand up from the boxe , a peece of iron or brasse , in length answerable unto the lid of the boxe , this peece of iron must have a hole quite through it towards the top , and a spring as ag , must be skrewed or rivited , so that the one end may cover the said hole ; on the top of all this iron or brasse that stands up from the boxe , there must be jointed a peece of iron ( made as you see in the figure ) the hinder-part of which , is bent downeward and entreth the hole that the spring covereth ; the other part resteth upon the lid of the boxe , open this boxe lid , and put in a quantity of powder , then shut the lid downe , and put fire to the touch-hole at the bottome , the powder being fired , will blow the bo●e lid up the notches , more or lesse , according to the strength of the powder ; thus by firing the same quantity of divers kindes , at severall times , you may know which is strongest . chap. cclxxix . of a bridge made without boates or barrels , cordage or timber-worke which transported men at once , ouer a great river . in the ascent of cyrus , the third booke , pag the . the army being in great distresse invironed on one fide with high mountaines , and deepe broad rivers on the otherside , a rhodian presented himselfe to the generall , and did undertake to transport at once , over those rivers , without boates or barrels ( whereof indeed they were defective ) wherefore he provided all the raw hides that he could possibly get , and sowing them up very close , blew them full of winde , then hee made use of such cords and ropes as the army could affoord , and tyed them together , having stones upon them which went downe like anchors , these being plac'd upon the waters , he threw rice upon them , and then earth , which kept them from tottering , making them lye stable , every bouget was able to convey two men ; by this meanes the army was convayed well . chap. clxxx . how caesar made a bridge upon the river rhine and carried his army over into germanie . caesar holding scorne to transport his army over the river rhine by boates into germany , he bethought himselfe to try what hee could doe to make an artificiall bridge , which should stand more for his honour , and the terrour of his enemies ; they conceiving it impossible to frame a bridge over a water so deepe , broad , and swift , wherefore he caused great store of timber to be brought , and at two foot distance , he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square , sharpened at the lower end , and cut answerable to the depth of the river ; these he let downe into the water with engines , and drove them in with commanders ; not perpendicularly , after the fashion of a pile , but g●blewise and bending with the force of the water ; opposite unto these , he placed two other trees , joyned together after the same fashion , being foot distant from the former by the demension betweene their lower parts in the bottome of the water , and reclining against the recourse of the river ; these two paire of couples thus placed , he joyned together with a beame of two foot-square , equall to the distance betweene the said couples , and fastned them at each end on eyther side of the couples , with braces and pins , whereby the strength of the worke and the nature of the frame was such , that the greater the violence of the streame was , and the faster it fell upon the timber , worke , the stronger the bridge was united together in the couplings and joynts ; in like manner he proceeded with couples and beames , untill the worke was brought unto the other side of the river , then he layed straight plankes from beame to beame , and covered them with hurdles , and so hee made a floore to the bridge moreover , on the lower side of the bridge , he drove supporters , which being fastened to the timber-worke , did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water , and at the upper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance , he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boates , or what else the enemy might cast downe to damme up the water , whereby the bridge might have beene borne downe by the violence of the streame ; this worke was begun and finisht in ten dayes . chap. cclxxxi . the description of an instrument , invented by king henry the fifth , at the battell of agincourt , and since used by the king of sweden , and by him called a swines-pike . this instrument was first invented by king henry the fifth , at the battell of agincourt , and did infinite service there ; and now of late dayes was used by that famous generall , the king of sweden : the manner of it is thus ; first , the instrument is made of a strong peece of ash , about foure foot in length ; biggest in the middest , and shaved taper-wise towards each end ; upon each end is fastened on an iron pike of an indifferent length , with cheekes downe a pretty way the staffe to strengthen it ; this instrument every masquetier carried one of them at his girdle , & when they were upon service , as they advanc'd to give fire upon the enemie , they stucke down one of these somewhat sloping , to the intent if the enemies horse should charge them , these instruments would prevent them ; for they could not possibly shift them , but they would pierce their horses breasts : by this they were able to maintaine a skirmish , against the potency of the horse . view the figures of it . chap. cclxxxiii . how a case of tinne is to be made , to carry light matches in , that the enemy may not discover them . the prince of orange when he intended to assault a towne by night , upon an on-slaught , he invented an instrument to carry the light matches in , so that the sparkes of them might not be discovered from the walles by the enemies sentinels , the manner of forming them wa● thus ; the●● was a peece of tinne or lattin , made like an elder pipe about a foot long , the hollownesse of it was of sufficient bignesse to hold the match within it ; it had also divers holes on eyther side , like the holes of a flute , to let in the ayre to keepe the match from extinguishing ; the match being drawn in a good way into the pipe , it cannot be discovered , for the winde can have no power to make the sparkles flye . view the figure . chap. cclxxxiii . how the venetians did order their powder , after their arsnall was burnt . the venetians had their magazine blowne up with gun-powder , two or three severall times , and for a future prevention they sate in counsell a long time , how they might prevent this danger , which might come either by accident or treachery , but they could in no wise contrive a way to their liking ; a poore man in venice hearing of it , had presently a device in his brains how to order the matter , so that no damage might ensue eyther by fire to consume it , or by any other meanes to decay the strength of the powder ; whereupon being brought before the estates , he wisht them not to compound the three ingredients ( that powder is made of ) together , but to lay in one roome the salt-peeter , in another roome the brimstone , and in the third the charcoale , and so to compound it , as they used it , for none of these three being severall , could easily be fired , and if they were , it could do no great harme before it should be discovered ; neither would it waste nor consume in the strength of it ; but being made into powder , it would blow all up of a suddaine ; he being rewarded for his advice , they made use of his counsell and doe observe it to this present day . finis . anima'dversions of vvarre . the second booke . by robert ward gentleman , and commander . i d princeps svbditorvm incolvmitatem procvrans . london , printed by iohn dawson . . the office of a generall , vvith his accomplishments . l ib . ii. sect . xv. chap. i. the character of a generall , with such excellent properties , both of body and mind , which he ought to be indued withall , declared ; and also the chiefest circumstances belonging to his high and weighty office. a generall over an army , must be ever trusty , faithfull , and dutifull to his prince ; indued with excellent judgement , reason , and resolution ; well studied in the liberall arts ; of a fierce disposition , yet qualified with justice , and clemency ; not rash in undertaking , yet as free from cowardise , as cruelty ; talke little , and bragge lesse , in speech ready , and eloquent , faithfull of his word , constant and strong in the prosecution of his purposes , bountifull and honouring due deserts ; of a good ability of body ; in his countenance a stately terror , yet in private affable and pleasant ; naturally disposed to abhorre vice ; of a naturall strength and hardinesse to undergoe all extremities , either in travell , or want ; in armes expert and adventurous ; his invention subtill , full of inward bravery and fiercenesse , in his execution resolute ; alwayes forward , but never dismayed ; in counsell sudden and wise , of a piercing insight to foresee dangers , ingenious , decent , and in performance a man ; or as sr. r. dallington specifies in his aphorismes , to be five things required in a generall ; knowledge , valour , foresight , authority , and fortune ; he that is not renowned for all or most of these vertues , is not to be reputed fit for this charge ; nor can this glory be purchast , but onely by practice and proofe ; for the greatest fencer , is not alwayes the best fighter , nor the fairest tilter , the ablest souldier , nor the greatest favourite in court , the fittest commander in a campe : that prince therefore is ill advised that conferres this charge upon his minion , either for his courtship , or what other respects , neglecting those more requisite and more noble parts . wherefore a generall ought to be excellently qualified in the reall knowledge of his office , and every circumstance belonging unto it , before he shall adventure to take so weighty a charge upon him ; and farre be it from any man to undertake this honourable burthen , having the speculative and practick part of his office to learne , when occasion calles for performance ; for many armyes hath beene subdued by this onething ; for he that will be fortunate and desires to atchieve to honour , must consider it hath a dangerous birth , and that in like manner it must be nourished and fed with great circumspection and care ; he must be infinitely chary , lest he be seduc'd by the traines of time ; and the preservation of his honour must be his chiefest aime , next the love and feare he owes to god , having an especiall care that the christian religion be had in due reverence in his army , causing such ministers of gods word , as shall follow to instruct the army , to retaine their dignities , and to be reverenc'd of his souldiers ; by this meanes an army shall be kept in marveilous obedience and order , and the almighty lord of hostes will be ever assisting to worke him honourable victories , causing his divine providence to attend him , as he did to gideon , who had a miraculous signe of a conquest by the strange effects of the fleece . hezechiah had the like by the sunnes retrograding tenne degrees . also in history we read of alexander , how he dreamed that he sported with satyrs , as he marcht to the siedge of troy ; whereupon his diviners perceived some divine revelation in it , and found the anagram of it to be tua tyrus , and so it hapned . likewise constantine marching towards maxentius and licinius , to give them battell , being sad and pensive casting up his eyes , perceived a lightsome pillar in forme of a crosse , wherein he read ingraven these words , in hoc vince ; the night following our saviour appeared in a vision unto him , commanding him to weare that embleme in his banner , and he should be victorious ; this command he observed , and was victorious , and turned a faithfull christian ; so that questionlesse , where god loves and favours , before he will see destruction to incompasse his chosen army , his destroying angell shall devoure the enemy : and never was generall yet chosen to governe an army , which god did so favour , but he gave him another heart , as he did to saul , and fitted him with vertues fit to execute the place . chap. ii. the things which a generall is to give order for , unto his sub-officers , to be in a readinesse against he marcheth ; with all manner of circumstances belonging to this office ; as namely rules and precepts , whereby the ablest generalls in former ages have steered their warlike course . the things necessary to be thought upon by a generall after his army is leavied , is provision necessary for the same ; as ( formerly hath been shewed ) namely victualls , monies , powder , shot , artillery , engines , armes , spades , mattocks , &c. with the safest transporting of these either by land or water , and how in time of want to be speedily relieved with these materials , which war consists of ; the army being composed of a competency both of horse and foot , as the consequence of the designe shall be thought to require , for the managing of this war , there must be a convenient navy if the service requires , either to conduct or assist , or both . his care is to provide , and declare , good and wholsome lawes , that souldiers may be governed by , indeavouring to winne favour , using justice with clemency , and curtesie towards all ; taking away all occasions , that may provoke his officers , or souldiers to transgresse before punishment be inflicted ; he must be very vigilant and carefull , how and where hee lands his men , strongly fortifying neere the shore , that recourse may be had too and fro from their shippes : he is seldome or never to re-imbarke his army in the same place he landed them , especiall if the enemy be at hand , where he will have infinite advantage upon the disorderly re-imbarking , if some fortification be not raised to defend them from the enemies assault . he must be frugall of the blood and slaughter of his souldiers ; only in dangers not to be eschewed , or upon absolute advantages , in such a case he is both to adventure his honour and his souldiers lives , to the hazard of the mercilesse sword ; alwayes remembring that upon unadvisednesse , and yeelding unto dishonourable termes , though at first 〈◊〉 fares like a greene sore , yet afterwards he shall finde paine enough ; for dishonour frecs to the bone . also there is great knowledge , by reading , and practice , required in him , whereby he may give advice for the sundry sorts of imbattelling , encamping , fortifying , and to use or prevent all kind of stratagems ; for by the reading of history a man may learne , and conceive more in a yeere then he possibly can see practised in his life time ; by reason whereof the worthies of ancient times , were portraited with a booke in one hand , and a sword in the other . and because there is no generall , but is limited by his prince in his commission , he is therfore to observe literally every tittle of it , & not to exceed the limits of it , although a victory might be attained ; in the like kinde , all inferiour officers are bound to obey their generall in all things he shall please to command ; which obedience and observancy made king philip of spaine protest , that the true observing of his commission by his generall the count de medina in . was farre more pleasing to him , than the losse of his invincible navy caused griefe . generalls must be very circumspect in making choice of their officers , not electing them for their outward shew , but for their vertuous conditions and approved experience ; for favour may be prejudiciall in these affaires , and greatnesse of birth is not to be expected as the sole thing to qualifie a man , and to beget in him the habit of a souldier . also a generall is not to be unmindfull to honour and reward the vertuous and valiant , as well as to be severe in punishing the vitious and imbellick persons ; for he that correcteth the offender , and rewardeth not the well deserver , will soone be disesteemed of . hythlodaeus in his vtopia bitterly invayeth against such kinde of proceedings ; he holdeth it very unfitting for commanders to make the sentence of death the guerdon for theft and mischiefe , and doth not rather first carefully provide to prevent the occasions ; cum multò potius providendum fuerit , uti aliquis esset proventus vitae ; ne cuipiam sit tamen dira fur andi primùm , deinde pereundi necessitas . also deserts of right ought to be gratified with gifts and advancements ; for it is the surest tie to knit a man to his superiour , which being not performed , breedes impatience , discontents , and heart-burnings , and for the most part apt to breake forth into dangerous attemps , milites ditate , reliquos omnes spernite . a generall ought to be very circumspect in marching his army in difficult wayes , especially if the enemy be at hand ; for an enemy will waite his occasion , and take the best opportunity to fall on ; for prevention whereof the horse-troopes are to march before ; which will discover the enemy and hold them play , untill all the foote divisions are drawne into battalia ; also in marching over plaines or heathes , at every stand the companies must draw up into severall divisions , which are as so many limmes ready to frame the body of the army upon a sudden . the danger of being pestered and troubled with carriages and luggage , is very great , and to be avoyded ; for it hath been the confusion of dive●s armies ; as first of malchome king of scots ; likewise sebastian king of portugall in his warres against abde●●elec king of morocco . likewise a generall is upon all occasions , to call to counsell his chiefe officers to debate of all affaires and designes , taking every mans opinion at large , onely reserving his resolution to himselfe in all secrefie , that none or very few should be made partakers before the execution . a generall ought to know the situation of every countrey by his insight in the use of maps , and take a true survey of all such parts as his army is to march thorow , whether they be plaines or champions , or woody and full of waters ; whether or not furnished with strong townes and forts ; so that accordingly he may proportion his horse and foot ; for in champion countries horses are of greatest use ; if situated upon straights and strong forts , the army must consist most of footmen . he is also to gaine perfect intelligence , how his enemy is appointed ; how , and in what kinde his army is demeaned ; for it is no pollicy to follow a light-footed enemy with an heavy army . also a generall must take notice if any matter of feare or muttering be in the army , upon the rumor of giving battell : exercitum terrore plenum dux ad pugnam non ducat ; also a further principle in warre must be observed . si duces necessa●● cum multitudine pugnare cogantur , consilium ect noctis tempore belli fortunam tentare . a generall ought also , not onely to have expert enginers and men of exquisite knowledge in the arte of fortification , both of forts , campes , conducting of mynes , planting of batteries , and disposing of all kind of trenches ; but also to have therein himselfe absolute judgement and knowledge ; otherwise he may be wondrous misled , frustrating his designes , which will redound to his great dishonour . he is also to have a speciall consideration of the place he meaneth to incampe and continue his army in ; first respecting the healthfulnesse of the ayre , then the drynesse of the ground , the conveniency of wood and water ; and that the enemy may have no advantage to intercept the releefe and provision that is to be conveyed to the campe , either by water or land ; that no hills be neere to annoy the campe , and that no waters be cut out to drowne it . a generall must cause his souldiers to take good rest and competent food , before he presumes to give battell ; for it is a principle in warre , in pugna milites validius resistunt , si cibo potuque referti fuerint ; nam fames intrinsecus mag●● pugnat qu●● ferrum exteri●● : souldiers doe better stand to it in fight , if they have their bellye 's full of meat and drinke ; for hunger within fights more eagerly , than steele without . also he is to stirre up their drooping spirits with some brave heroick oration , that shall inflame their spirits , that like lightning they may consume where they goe . a generall is to command his officers daily to exercise their companies , which will inable their bodies , and preserve their healths ; and although the enemy should be far remote , yet duly to observe watches , guards , and setting forth their sentinells as carefully , as if the enemy were neere at hand ; this will breed an habit and custome to their bodies , so that it will not seeme grievous to them , when as they shall performe those duties in earnest . a generall must be very circumspect in giving an expresse command to his officers , that no abusive drinking be used amongst his officers , nor souldiers ; par vinonolentiam crudelitas sequitur ; for it is commonly seene that quarrels , mutines , and horrible abuses arise by drunkennesse , besides the neglect of their duties , whereby an enemy takes his advantage to destroy a whole campe. a generall is to have speciall care , that there be no quarrels or heart-burnings betweene his officers , but speedily to reconcile them , before they goe upon any service , lest a greater mischiefe insue , as did upon the like difference betwixt hanno and bomilcar , two famous captaines of carthage , who being in fight against agathocles , and furiously charged by his troopes , bomilcar withdrew his divisions , suffering haenno and his souldiers to be hewen to peices . if a captaine or souldier transgresseth twice by his cowardlinesse , or through negligence , a generall ought not to forgive ; as hannibal a commander in the first punick warres lost his head , for being through his cowardise vanquisht twice ; non est bis in bello peccare . a generall must avoid mutinies , disorders , and abuses in his army , by commanding every regiment to be drawn in parrado , and before the head of the troops ; some officer to reade such lawes and edicts as are provided for the army to be governed by , wherby may not plead ignorance , and if any dares offend wilfully against any of the articles , immediately to have the punishment inflicted without respect of persons . he is to command divers false allarmes to be made , whereby he shall see in what a readinesse his army will be in if necessity required , and if any base cowardlinesse should be found in any souldier , that should not dare to answer the allarm with speed , he should be brought before the head of the troops , and his armes broken , and banisht the army . if a generall perceives that the enemy stops his releefe of victualls and ammunition , that without hazard they cannot arrive ; then he must take notice what townes , or forts intercept the passage of reliefe , and give order for the taking of them in , or strong convoyes prepared to conduct the carriages ; for it is very dangerous to have an enemy in the reare of an army to hold any strong townes or forts ; for thereby they have advantage to stay and surprise all releefe , that should sustaine the campe. he must be truly informed by intelligencers , and guides ( whose informations he must compare with the map of that countrey , to see that no false wood be used ) how farre the enemies townes lye from his army ; he must not be ignorant of the hills , vallyes , wayes , straights , passages , lakes , rivers , and bridges ; their number ; quality , distance , with every particular circumstance ; whereby he may know how the enemy may annoy him , and the better he may know how to place his fortifications , and guards , for to prevent him . the prince of orange was well seene in these affaires ; he knowing the situation of the seventeene provinces in the netherlands so exactly , that he was able at one time to give directions , how sundry parts and passages , should be guarded , what straights fortifyed , what levells drowned , either by sea or fresh water , whereby hee avoyded present and eminent dangers . before a generall intends to march with his army , the wayes are to be skowred by certaine horsemen , for feare the enemy should lay any ambuskadoes ; and also to give notice of the conveniency of the wayes for the souldiers and artillery to passe ; and also he is to have provided able sufficient guides to conduct them , the best and safest way . a generall is to see every regiment as they march , take their places according to their antiquities in the field ; but when companies are in garrison , that company which first enters the towne hath the priority during the time they stay ; also in a march the eldest regiment is not continually to have the vaward , but the regiment that marcht the first day in the van , the next day must march in the reare ; and so proportionably every regiment must take his turne if the march continues ; and in the morning before they dislodge , a peece of ordnance is to be discharged first , whereby the army takes notice they are to march ; at the second report of the ordnance , every company is in armes ready to march ; and at the third report of the cannon , the first regiment marcheth . if divers nations should be in an army , every particular nation is to be quartered in a division by themselves , and not to mixe companies to avoyd quarrells : moreover if the number be great of the mercenary nations , it is best to divide them , both in marching and imbattelling , lest they should be treacherous , or cowardly ; for there is no confidence nor trust can be reposed in them , unlesse they be conveniently placed in the battell , so as they may be yoaked in and tyed to performe their best indeavours . if an enemy should keepe a straight to hinder the marching of the army ; a generall must draw out both horse and foote to charge them in either flancke , and then the residue to fight out their way in the front of them . also a generall must be very expert in distinguishing the severall seates of the drum , which is his voyce in the time of warre ; the souldiers are also to be taught the understanding of the same , that they may accordingly demeane themselves as the beate of the drumme commands . a generall is to give to the serjeant-major-generall of the army the watchword , which is privately to be kept and returned to all inferiour officers ; by which word , they may passe the whole army through ; this watchword is to be altered every night . a generall is to cause lots or billets to be made , with the names of every particular guarde written in them , those are to be rowled up , and put into a hat by the major , and so every inferiour officer drawes his guard ; by this meanes disputes are prevented , and the enemy cannot corrupt an officer to give over a guard , because it is uncertaine who shall have that watch ; also to give order to the inferiour officers , for the due and orderly releeving of the watch , morning and evening . a generall is to draw his whole army into battallia and to see them exercised in grosse , changing them into divers formes of battell ; the footemen are to be ordered in divers small battallions , whereof are framed the right wing , the battell , and the left wing ; the battell is to consist of as many more men as either of the winges doth ; the horsemen are to bee devided into divers battallia's , so as they may one releeve the other ; the one halfe of the horse , are to be plac'd on the right wing of the army , the other on the left , unlesse one of the wings , and the reare of the battell may be secured by rivers , bogges , or rockie ground , so that the enemy may not take advantage with his horse ; then they are to be ranged only upon one wing , they are to be plac'd a sufficient distance from the foote , lest by their disorderly retreate they annoy their owne foot-troopes ; divers foote and horse are to be ranged a good distance before the army , which are termed the forlorne hopes , in regard they are first to charge the enemy ; these troopes being thus ordered are to be taught how to advance and retreat , performing all actions , as ample as if the enemy were encountring with them . this kind of exercise will make them ready , and orderly in their performances , otherwise it may prove dangerous to bring them to the encounter . a generall is to animate his souldiers in time of need to take paines ; as the valiant emperour vespasian who was the first man that carried a basket of earth to the fortification , that his souldiers might not thinke scorne to imitate him ; it is the sober obedient minde , and the hard painefull body , that makes the noble souldier . a generall must take away all hope of refuge from his souldiers in time of battell , as william the conquerour and julius caesar did send away their shipping that there souldiers should hope for nothing but either victory , or a grave ; and in many battells troopes of horses have been placed in the reare of the army , to put to the sword all such as turne head to looke for refuge . it is not sufficient for a generall to get a victory , but also to know how to use it , for many times security and negligence , after a conquest hath bred utter ruine , as appeared by the history of bayan chinsan , who was generall to the tartarian emperour , after he had vanquisht his enemy at cinguinguy , by their carelesnesse , disorders , and drunkennesse , were set upon in the night by the remnant remaining , who put them all to the sword . it is very dangerous for a generall to present battell to an enemy in such a difficult place , that he is devoyd of all refuge , or possibility to escape , whereby urgent necessity may make an enemy desperate . if a generall sees his horse-troopes too weak to encounter with the enemies , then he must give order for divers shot to march up in file with the horse ; then seeing their advantage , to breake out from them , and gall the enemy ; these shot would be often exercised with the horse to make them apt to give an assault , and also upon occasion to reunite themselves into a body to make a defence . if a generall drawes out any winges of shot , ( to charge and skirmish with the enemy ) any farre distance before the body of the army ; then they ought to be backed with a guard of pikes , which are to rescue them from the charge of horse , as also to aide them if they should joyne pell mell with the enemies forlorne hope ; but this is to be performed long before the bodyes of either armyes can meet , which kind of skirmishes are for divers good ends ; as first , to discover , and winne some ground of advantage , or to give the souldiers courage , by seeing how those loose bands doe valiantly foyle those of the enemy , in which skirmishes some politicke stratageme is to be used , to skare and affright the enemy ; for any unexpected accident , will seeme strange to an army , although it be never so small , and will be ready to disorder them ; he that commands these troopes must be very wise and circumspect , left hee falles into the enemies stratagems , which may discourage the armie . also a generall is not to trust to a seeming victory ; for many times good successe at the first , in a battell , occasioneth the overthrow of many great actions , as we have the example of theoderick , generall of the germans ; his army being very potent , had gotten the best of william earle of flanders at the first encounter , which made the germans confident , and the rather secure , in regard their strength exceeded the flemmings ; but the flemmings being rather desperate than resolute ; and by the valour of the earle they had so reunited their broken troopes , and with a furious charge did so shake and disorder the germans , that many of them were slaine , and the rest put to flight . if a generall or some other great commander , or if any part of the army should be cut off by the enemy , it is best to keep it from the knowledge of the rest of the army , lest it dishearten them . if an army bee to march in the darke ; to avoyd confusion , command must bee given that every souldier shall carry the end of his leaders pike or weapons from making any noise : and by that means they shall keep right in their ranks . a generall in time of battell must be very wise and discreet , to give order when the skirmishers of the loose-banded maniples shall make their recreat , and to what place ; also when the horse shall charge , and what part of the enemies divisions they shall assault ; and to give order what foot-men shall be drawne out to succour them if occasion be ; also what battalia's shall advance forwards , and when to retreat ; likewise when the whole body of the army shall charge , and what divisions shall pursue the victory ; alwayes remembring to keep the maine battell stedfast , and not to move in pursuit after the vanquisht enemy ; also to have officers in the time of fight , to gather together such stragling souldiers as shall bee disrank't and in disorder , and so make a body of them in the reare of the army . there are sundry opinions about the place of a generall in the time of giving battell : but questionlesse , the best and securest place is before the battell of succour ; but at the first he may stand in the front of the maine battell , untill such time as the forlorne hopes are beaten in : he is to ride upon a small palfrey , having a guard of able gentlemen in like sort attending him , the which he may send to and fro upon all occasions to give officers intelligence of his pleasure . if a generall shall perceive fresh aids are approaching , then let him use his best endeavours to give the enemy battell before they arrive ; and also to draw out a convenient force to meet those aids , and give them battell in some place of greatest advantage . if a generals victuals , amunition or pay begins to faile , then let him endeavour to give his enemy battell , if he suspect supplies : but if he knowes his enemy is in want either of victuals , amunition , &c. or that sicknesse , mutinies or the like are in his army , so that any hope be that his army may of it selfe dissolve , then a generall must stand strongly upon his guard , and by all meanes avoid joyning battell , as was practised by the prince of orange about fourteene yeares since , when grave hendrick vandenberg marcht over the river ysell in a great frost , by the towne of duesburgh into the vello , with ten thousand men ; where his excellency and the states of holland might have given him battell with a great deale of conveniency , but he rather suffered him to pillage the dorpes and burne where he pleased , because hee knew hee could not stay long , nor march far from the river , lest the frost should have broke , and he disappointed of his returne . if a generall hath had victory triumphed on his side , a little perswasion will serve to cause the souldiers to encounter a second time ; for as the proverbe saith , victoria victoriam parat , animumque victoribus anget , & adversariis anfert : for questionlesse one victory begets another , and puts great courage into those that have already had the better ; and it beats the edge of courage and spirit from those that have beene beaten : wherefore a generall must be very wise and carefull how hee brings on his men to fight after an overthrow once received , unlesse it bee upon great advantages and firme hopes of a conquest . when a generall intends to make a retreat from his enemy , hee must bee very circumspect & careful in his carriage , and demeaning of his actions for his better safety and strengthning , for feare his souldiers perceive any cause of feare should constraine him , in regard of the nearnesse or potency of the enemies army ; but hee is to let his souldiers understand that his retreat is to draw the enemy after him to bee surprized in some ambushkado ; or rather , if it may bee with conveniency , for his better advantage to give the enemy battell : for there are divers inconveniences attend a retrait , if the enemie be in view : for although a generall may ayme at some place of better advantage , yet unhappily there may bee divers ill passages and streights to hinder their quick passage : besides , these kinde of retraits breede a jealousie both in souldiers and their officers ; for they know that hee that forsakes the field feares some danger : so that the safest way is either to recreat before an enemy be at hand , or being neare at hand , secretly in the night ; for it is a maxime to be observed , rather to retreat in the darke than be beaten in the light : si certamen quandoque dubium videatur , tacitam miles arripiat fugam ; fuga enim aliquando lauda●da ( saith a learned generall ) . but indeed of all motions in the warre , a safe retrait is the most difficult , but that danger will ever attend , as monluc high marshall of france once said , je ne trove poynt nul fait des armes choses si difficille qu ●ne retraite : a generall must have a jealous eye over an enemy that is revolted from his king , and beware what confidence hee reposeth in him ; for divers respects ; as namely , first , they are not to be used in any great enterprizes , neither are they to be trusted in any frontier towne or fort of any consequence ; for they may redeeme their reputations , liberties and estates lost , by surrendring up those forts : the french had experience of this when don pedro de navarro ( being banisht spaine ) was trusted with fonterable , and to gaine his former freedome , he surrendred up this towne , anno . a generall may make use of a treason , but let him never trust the traitor . a generall must take this for a maxime ; if a commander of any high authority hath wilfully transgrest , either not to strike at all , or else to strike home ; for he shall be sure afterwards to be rewarded to purpose . a delinquent regaining liberty , may endanger the estate of an army and the life of a generall : for high spirits will seeke revenge , as by our late wofull experience of that treacherous felton , who spightfully murthered our noble generall , the duke of buckingham : therefore there is but three wayes for a generall to deale with such wilfull transgressors , whose spirits cannot be subjected : namely , first to put them to present execution ; although it be a solemne thing , yet it must be allowed where it cannot be helped ; but where with safety it may be helped it is to be disallowed . the second is to keepe a delinquent close prisoner , or confine him to the custody of some man in trust , and in this there is a great caution to be used ; for our histories report of morton bishop of ely , who was committed to the custody of buckingham by king richard the third ; he by his policie not onely gained his owne freedome , but wrought the duke to his owne faction . the third and last is the more noble and gentile , and in most cases surest ; and that is a free and gracious pardon both of life and for liberty ; which , although of it selfe , it may seem partly unsafe , yet if the delinquent be of a noble disposition , and have any spark of worth in him , there is no better way to endeare him to his superiour , than by promising him promotions and honours , or advancing him to some place of gaine or trust : this was practised by oth● , who not onely pardoned marius celsus , the chiefe man of galba's faction , but put him in a place of great command and honour in the wars against vtelius : he yeelding this reason for it , ne hostis metum reconciliationis adhiberet : a pardoned enemy is jealous of the breach making up . the chiefest meanes whereby a souldier will bee drawne to love and honour his generall , is by receiving courteous carriage , and carefull provision for those that are wounded and maymed in the warres , and by a strict command that the officers do not wrongfully abuse them : if any souldier should be taken prisoner , order is presently to be taken for his ransome . this will encourage souldiers to venture themselves upon all perilous dangers . a generall ought to be very carefull to prevent discontents , and to appease mutinies , which for the most part grow from the neglect of the due and well paying of the souldiers their weekly pay , which drawes infinite dangers after it : for usually they take the advantage to rebell , when the most present and urgent occasion of service is to be performed ; as appeared at the siege of ostend , where duke albertus his forces would not be entreated to goe upon the service intended , without they had first their present pay , which he , not being able to performe , nor having the art to insinuate into their affection to gaine their patience and loves , but rather trusting to his power to reduce them to his service by force of armes , caused two thousand of his army to revolt to the enemy , which might have been the ruine of his designe . in such a desperate case , there is no better way to prevent them , than by making loving protestations and large promises , and to satisfie so farre as ability will extend . they that are the chiefest in the faction , in a fit time and season are to bee privately apprehended and punished , whereby the whole faction will be enervated and weakned by degrees , and the inferiours seeing the chiefest in the rebellion to bee surprized , will yeeld quietly of themselves , so that they shall be brought under obedience without any hazzarding of the generals person . a generall must conceive , that advice may be given and taken to a mans owne destruction : for it may as well bee the wise mans fall , as the fooles advancement ; and is oftnest most dangerous in wounding , when it stroakes with a silken hand : for a base polititian is indeed a devouring furie in the shape of friendship , to advantage his deceit the more . that generall that is not truely wise and valiant , soone loseth his command , and growes contemptible , and by his owne folly or feares , infects his troopes with cowardize . it is reported of caesar , ( by cicero ) that in all his command in war , there was not found an it● , but a veni ; taking it as a great dishonour to himselfe to be any thing but the forwardest leader in all his designes . if any discontents and quarrels should arise in a generalls campe , between officers of great authority and command , it is not safe for a generall to take part of any side , but rather to mediate peace betweene them ; for the contrary side that sees he is despised or neglected , will study a revenge ; as by the example of the earle of warwick and the duke of somerset , who falling out in henry the fourth his court , somersets part was chiefly taken ; whereupon warwick rebelled , and deadly warres continued twenty nine yeares , untill there was a generall confusion of both houses : so that the safest way , if peace cannot be mediated , is to confine them both , untill they be glad to desire friendship of themselves . a generall ought in some kindes to participate in the wants and distresses of his souldiers , which makes them the more willing to undergoe it ; as alexander did , who marching with his army through a dry barren countrey , where the armie was almost famisht , a souldier brought him an helmet of water , who courteously rewarded him , and told him hee durst not drinke it unlesse there were sufficient for all his souldiers , and so cast it upon the ground ; testifying , that he desired to fate no better than his souldiers . also a generall ought to take notice , that his honour and all his actions are much subject to be dimmed and disgraced ; especially , if hee seekes not to be beloved and honoured of his army : besides , it is the policie of a subtill enemy to study and labour how to undervalue and disgrace commanders , so , that their souldiers may have a base and poore opinion of their worths , whereby all enterprizes or designes , taking no effect , shall be censured and ambiguously construed . nihil est quod malè narrando non possit depravari . a generall is to consider , that in all treaties of peace and friendship , these circumstances are first to be cosidered , : in the first place , either betweene the victor and the vanquished : secondly , betweene those , that having warred together , are upon equall termes of advantage : thirdly , betweene those that have lived alwayes in good agreement without any quarrell . unto the victor the vanquished must yeeld , and patiently endure the imposition of some strict covenants , which otherwise might seeme unreasonable . where warre is made , and no advantage gotten , there it is usuall to demand and make restitution of things and places claimed , gotten or lost , according as both parties can best agree : but betweene such nations as never fell out , there ought no conditions of establishing friendship to bee propounded , since it seemes reasonable , that each party should hold their owne , and neither carry themselves as superiours unto other in prescribing ought that may be troublesome . thus do i conclude this discourse with divers aphorismes ( very proper and fit to be annexed to this subject ) which i have collected out of s. r. dallington , and fitted them for this purpose : and moreover i would not that any man should thinke that i goe about to teach any officer his dutie , much lesse this high officer , whose perfections ought to be beyond my capacity to conceive of ; but these collections i have taken paines to gather from the best authours , as things of consequence to be taken notice of by a generall . aphorisme i. example is of greater validity then precept ; therefore a generall must principally bee an absolute souldier , and likewise a good director ; that by his presence and personall performance his souldiers may strive to imitate , and be encouraged to undergoe any paines , or meete with any danger : for upon his noble performance depends the successe of the service ; according to the greek proverb , that an armie of sheep led by a lyon was better than an armie of lyons led by a sheep . aphorisme ii. the keenest rasor will turne edge at a more solid substance , but the tough and dull axe is able to encounter the hard and sturdie oke , and over-power him : so experience teacheth , that hot and fierie spirits are apter to get a purchase , than to keepe it . hee therefore that hath the fortune to get the victory , but not the judgement to make use thereof , stands upon slipperie yee , and is subject to fall on either band . aphorisme iii. a generall is to command and advise , but souldiers are to execute with their swords what is commanded ; in this , but one mans life is in danger ; but in that , the hazzard of all . wherefore a commander in chiefe ought to be covered with the seven-fold shield of ajax , and never expose his person to apparant perill , but in case of a generall overthrow and manifest defeat . aphorisme iv. vertue is a gemme of such excellencie , that even her shadow , if it bee in a great commander , doth much good to particular officers by imitation , and to the publike armie by participation . wherefore , though simulation of what is good , and dissimulation of what is evill , are accounted vices in a private man ; yet in a publike person , they are necessary evils ; for if hee bee overt in expressing his nature , or prodigall in venting his purposes , it breeds dangerous consequences ; for it harmes himselfe , and armes his enemie with prevention . aphorisme v. hide not from those of thy best and most private councell the true state of thy cause , and discover not to thy armie or enemie thy wants or feares : for it encourageth the one , and quite dismayeth the other : but if confusion were at hand so eminent , as if heaven and earth had conspired thy overthrow , yet comfort thy selfe and souldiers with hopefull words of assurance of some plottes and advantages thou hast against them ( though thy heart apprehends truely the danger as it is ) whereby thou maist make thy resistance the stronger , or procure thy peace upon better termes . aphorisme vi. a will to doe hurt is more dangerous in the close , than a prosessed enemy , because he that suspecteth least , is soonest and easiest overthrown : like the unskilfull fencer , who , while he wardeth the head , is hit at the heart , which lay out of guard . aphorisme vii . in the schoole of art , doubt begetteth knowledge ; so in the school of policie , shee is the mother of good successe : for he that feareth the worst , preventeth it soonest . man naturally interprets things according as he would have them , and so doubts lesse than he should ; but hee that doubts most treads the safest path . aphorisme viii . a businesse well begunne is halfe ended : wherefore it much imports to the happie or disastrous issue of any affaires , what manner of entrance and beginning he makes , especially in that of war ; for good successe in the first encounter greatly advances the maine of his businesse , & takes away both courage and reputation , yea , and resolution from the losing side : herein therefore consists the maine care of a generall . aphorisme ix . worth is valued by the qualitie , not the greatnesse of a thing ; as the goodnesse of a fortresse consisteth rather in the conformity of the parts , and the answerable distances , than in the unproportionable greatnesse : so the strength of an army stands more in the valour and good order of the combatants , than in the number ; against which number , are these two principall advantages , great ordnance , and good ordnanc● . aphorisme x. it is unwarrantable to runne an extreme hazzard , saveonely when extreme necessity commands : therefore a wise generall ought never to venture his fortunes upon one daies tryall , or doubtfull chance of battell , when he foresees by militarie inductions that he may obtaine his purposes without blowes . aphorisme xi . who undertakes a long voyage by sea , and at a great charge , must resolve to hold on his course against all accidents that may offer to oppose him : so a generall being engaged in a great action , must wrastle with all difficulties rather than quit the enterprize ; better it were to foresee the dangers at first and prevent them , or desist : but if once set forwards , hee must take up this resolution , to goe on with the sword , or fall on the sword : for in this he puts his fortunes upon tryall , but in retrograding hee purchaseth shame and losse . aphorisme xii . as the oratour placeth his strongest arguments in the entrance of his plea , to perswade and confirme the auditorie : so should a generall bend all his best forces upon the first peece he attempteth , to animate and encourage his souldiers , and to give reputation to the action he intendeth ; for first actions make deepest impressions either of feare or courage . hee is therefore so much to tender his reputation at the first onset , as to leave nothing behinde him unbroken but that which bendeth . aphorisme xiii . mischiefe enters at the open gate of securitie . as the indian rat shuts himselfe into the belly of the crocodile that sleepes gaping , and gnawes his guts asunder : so selfe-conceited confidence in our owne strength , and overweening credulity of an enemies insufficiencie , begets this supine negligence ; but a watchfull providence prevents an eminent danger . aphorisme xiv . wee perceive it easier to oppose ( in the schooles of art ) than answer ; so by proofe wee finde the same in the art of warre : for it is safer to obviat and meet danger in the way , than to tarry till it comes home to our doors . for there is ever more courage in the assailer , and commonly better successe . aphorisme xv. in the active part of military service , the generals greatest vertue is to apprehend a present occasion of advantage , and to take it . so on the passive side , the evasion from a sudden and imminent danger is much more noble than a fore-thought of prevention : for in this is only matter of judgement , but in that is the life of action and execution . aphorisme xvi . to speak that which a man thinks not , is reproveable , being taken in strict morall sense ; but necessity gives a larger latitude to the managing of greater affaires . for nothing is more expedient to a generall , than that the enemy knows nothing of his deliberations till they bee put in action , nor of his preparations till they bee on foot . it is therefore an usefull policie to pretend one service , and intend another . aphorisme xvii . plinie reports of a getulian captive that escaped the danger of devouring by many lyons through her humble gesture and faire language ; hee being the noblest beast of the forrest never commits violence but where he finds resistance : so is the true souldier the most honourable of all professions , who holds it as great glory to releeve the oppressed captive , as to conquer the enemy . aphorisme xviii . in the honour of great atchievements , inferiour officers and souldiers partake with the generall , according to the measure of their place and merit : but the well or ill ordering of things atchieved , redounds wholly to his own proper glory , or shame : it behooves him therefore to have a speciall care to the safety of his army , that every thing may be regulated according to rule and order ; for it is greater honour to come off with judgement , than to goe on with courage ; to use victory wisely , than to get it happily ; and more glory to retain that which is wonne victoriously , than to obtaine it . aphorisme xix . nothing is more necessary in a generall than the perfect exploration of the courses his enemy takes , and a true estimate of the forces hee ●ingeth ; for by the ignorance of the first , and the misprision of this other , hee makes his preparations , and builds his actions upon supposals and slippery grounds , bereaving himselfe of many faire advantages . aphorisme xx. despaire taketh arms when all hope of escape is absent , for necessity makes the most imbellick cowards valiant ; wherefore it is wisdome to leave thy enemie a port open to flie , and rather build him a bridge of gold to passe over , than coup him in a place , that either hee must fight , or perish . aphorisme xxi . no actions of men are more subject to suddain and unexpected events than those of war ; and in warre , nothing so soon snatcheth victorie out of our hands , as untimely falling to the spoil : upon such disorder fortune alwaies turneth her wheel , and maketh victors of them which before were vanquished . aphorisme xxii . as in nature , so in warre ; where the cause faileth , there the effect also dyeth ; for where men are couragious , not out of a true resolution , but out of some conceit of the enemies weaknesse or wants ; when they find things contrary to those former impressions , then they lose their spirits and animosity . aphorisme xxiii . there is nothing so glorious or sweet in the fruition , that is not difficult and painfull in the acquisition ; nor can wee tast the kernell of pleasure , unlesse we crack the hard shell of danger : such are the craggie and untrodden paths to honour , where though the first entrance bee hard and many times disastrous , yet overcome by true resolution and perseverance , it after turns to a mans great glory . aphorisme xxiv . from the collection of circumstances every action takes his warrant , and amongst these , that of time is of greatest moment . for a souldier not to adventure when he should , is cowardize , not prudence ; and to dare when he should not , is rashnesse , not valour . a wise generall therefore must form his counsels , and frame his actions upon the mould of necessary circumstances . aphorisme xxv . above all other actions , fortune is said to have the greatest stroke in warre ; yet the f●ult cannot bee so transferred upon her , but the greatest blame will rest upon the generall ; for her two only advocates ( blindnesse and ignorance ) which plead her innocencie , will bee your chiefest accusers , and prove you guilty of your owne ruine . it behoves therefore every commander to open the one eye of his providence upon the danger , and fix the other of his knowledge upon the remedie . aphorisme xxvi . the law of armes tolerates a professed enemie to attempt that by stratagem , fraud or suborned treacherie , which cannot bee atchieved by force , without long endevouring , uttermost danger and excessive charge . but it is dangerous for a generall to treate in such a practice , and bee of the party , if hee bee to ingage his person and trust his life in the hands of the suborned traytors ; lest whilst he seeks to buy other mens lives for money , he sells his owne for nought . aphorisme xxvii . these which by our means , and for our cause are brought in case not to help themselves , by us ought carefully to bee tendered . it is therefore a shamefull thing in a generall to give hostages for keeping of articles capitulated , and after by wilfull breaking of them , to leave the lives of those pledges at the enemies mercy . aphorisme xxviii . bloud flesh and bones are the least strengthning to the arme , unlesse there bee sinewes to stretch out and pull in for the defence of the bodie : so an armie consisting of many valiant men , and furnished with all other warlike habilements , is but lame and uselesse , and unable to move it selfe without money the sinewes of warre . aphorisme xxix . in unresistable tempests , where shipwrack is threatned , they disburden the ship , lest themselves and all should perish : so it must fare with a wise generall in the tempestuous stormes of warre ; hee must adapt his consultations and actions to the necessitie of the times , and not expose the main to a manifest losse , by seeking to save the bye : wisedome therefore is more requisite in a chiefe than valour . aphorisme xxx . in humane actions , small actions work great effects , and especially in those of war ; for one word of command mis-understood , many times overthrowes both the action and the actors . wherefore a wise generall should accustome his souldiers to the perfection of discipline , never to take all arme , or apprehension of suddain danger from what others doe , or say ; but from his own immediate officers , or them in place about him . aphorisme xxxi the greatest glory of a commander is to drive out the nail of his enemies practice with a stronger of his own , and to blow him up in his own mine . policie against force deserveth much , and prevaileth often : but by stratagem to prevail against policie is most excellent . aphorisme xxxii . the chiefest weapon to gain victory , is good discipline ; for if souldiers have not this true temper , they lose their edge in their tryall , and turn the point into their own bowels that use them . wherefore nothing is more necessary in a martiall government than obedience , both for the generall good of their affaires , and safety of the souldiers . aphorisme xxxiii . in the government of a prudent commander rests the safety of the army ; and the greatest weakning thereof is by disorder and want of discipline . from want of pay springs up disorder : money comforts more than aqua vitae ; but want is such an aqua fortis as will eat up the steel coat of discipline : for hunger and penury will rout a well composed army sooner than an over-potent enemy . aphorisme xxxiv . two things are most requisite for a generall to possesse , and that is a sufficient treasure to discharge his troops , and an high reputation , which begets a majestie in him , and an awfull obedience in his souldiers towards him : by these hee shall preserve in health and safety the body of his army . if reputation bee lost , neither his maturity of judgement to undertake , nor his alacritie of spirit to execute , will availe in the perfecting of his intended enterprize : for where there is no powerfull majestie to command , there is no awfull readinesse in officers nor souldiers to act what is commanded . aphorisme xxxv . the two famous souldiers of rome and greece which shot like two thunderbolts into the west and east , filling the whole world with the fame of their victories , were renouwned for nothing more than their celeritie in doing , and preventing the very report of their comming . for there is nothing so excellent in a chiefe as prevention ; it blesseth the action with successe , and crowneth the actor with glory . hee therefore that will arrive at the ports of victory , and by her gates enter the town of fame , must steer his course this way . aphorisme xxxvi . it is hard for a generall so warily to walk in any condition of charge or service as that hee dash not his foot against the stone of offence : hee being chiefe in command , must use his authority sparingly , if he intends to keep it long . wherefore that generall which binds not himselfe within the limits of his commission , nor useth the advice of his councell of warre , shall never want secret enemies amongst those bee hath neglected , to urge his transgression , and work his confusion . aphorisme xxxvii . shafts being bound together are not easily bowed , but taken one by one , may easily bee broken ; so fareth it with the forces of an armie , whose safety chiefly depends upon the unity and mutuall conjunction of the inferiours with the superiours , and of these one with another . wherefore nothing is more dangerous in the service of warre than discord and faction amongst the chiefe officers of the armie . aphorisme xxxviii . as seconds in single fight bee very circumspect that there bee no ods in the combatants weapons , but see them meet upon indifferent termes ; the like care should every generall all have that the arms and armour of his souldiers should be every way sufficient : for many times this prevailes both against number and valour of the enemy : for in a battell where the fight is in a firme station , and a greater desire is had of offending and killing others than of defending and saving themselves , ods of the weapon is most advantagious . aphorisme xxxix . in the prosecution of warre , there are often advantages met with-all by accident , which reason and judgement could not possibly fore-think of , much lesse direct ; for things give better counsell to men , than men to the things : therefore the rigour of punishment due for transgressing a commandement in warre is not so strictly to be forced , if good successe approves it . but he that hath once transgressed the limits of his commission , and thereby hath fair occasion offered to make an honourable amends , and in ample sort to justifie his first transgression , and wipe out the forfeit , that man makes a double fault not to take it . aphorisme xl. the crocodile is slain by the dolphins policie striking him in his soft and tender belly being unarmed with scales . experience should teach men more than nature can the creature ; for a generall must strike the enemy where he may be most hurt ; and such things as reason deems impossible are not to be attempted , for prudence is of force where force cannot prevaile . therefore direction is left to the commander , execution to the souldier , who is not to question why , but to performe what is given him in charge . aphorisme xli . in moralitie it is a greater vice to commit a wickednesse , than to omit the doing of a vertuous act : so in martiall government it is worse for the souldier to doe what he is forbidden in his own camp , than not to doe what he is commanded upon the enemy ; for this onely bereaves him of some fair advantage , but that laies himselfe open to all ambush and defeit . aphorisme xlii . those dangers are least avoyded which are unknown or unexpected , and those counsels are best carried which the enemies sees in execution before he hears them by relation . none in the army must know to what service scipio leads his troops , but only c. laelius ; nor is it fit things determined in councell should bee communicated but to those without whom they cannot be effected : for as expedition is the life of action ; so is secrecie of deliberation . aphorisme xliii . the furious cursour breaketh his wind in the midst of his carrer , whereas the snail comes to the top of the hill in her due time as well as the eagle ; wherefore hee that will doe a thing well , must have patience to tarrie till it may bee well done : for it hurteth as much to anticipate the occasion as to foreslow it being offered . men of hot spirits erre in the first , for scarce doe they perceive the shadow of her , but they run to catch at it , and thinking to take hold on the solid substance , imbrace nothing but the empty aire ; whereas the wary and well advised commander , holds it safer to weary and weare out the enemy by cunctation and delay , than to put all to hazard by hast ; in this is danger , in that is a fabian vertue . aphorisme xliv . a generall is not to stay his provision for warre , although he be constrained to seeke for peace ; because otherwise he seekes to beg or buy his peace , and cannot purchase it but at a deare rate ; wherefore peace is never to be treated with our enemy , our armour being of , or sword sheathed ; neither can it be easily concluded but under a buckler . aphorisme xlv . of all bad ingredients into the heart of man , there is none poysons it so much with the venome of treasonable thoughts as that of disdaine . that generall that sees this mischievous seed planted and grown amongst his captaines in time of their imployments , and seeks not to roote it up with a quick and sharp hand , is in the high road to his owne ruine . aphorisme xlvi . it is a hinderance to the generalls service , and a furtherance to the generalls destruction , to give any of his chiefe officers any manifest cause of discontent , and yet after imploy him in any place of great charge ; for neither can he be assured of his fidelity when he is used , nor he of his generalls favour being accused . aphorisme xlvii . vpon certaine notice of some treasonable plot or practise in an army , the generall must first assure the place , and then more fully search into the treason , and punish the traitors , either all for the offence , or the ringleaders for example . severity in this case is but justice , lenity puts all in hazzard ; wherefore against such intestine ambush , we must first take up the buckler of safety , and then produce the sword of iustice . aphorisme xlviii . if a generall be forced to abandon any hold or place of strength ; if he ever hopes to returne when times are more propitious , let him raze all such workes and forts before his departure as may hinder his reaching , whereby he shall finde his returne and restitution more easie . aphorisme xlix . some advantages in battell are personall , as better men , and horse , or more number of both ; some are reall , as more money , or better armes ; some are formall , as better discipline in governing , and better order in fight ; and some are accidentall , as the sunne , the winde , and the place . now amongst all these the two last ( of better order in fight , and better ground to fight on ) are not the least meanes of obtaining the victory . aphorisme . l. adversity may bend , but never breake a noble and undaunted courage : he abandons not himself though all his forces seemes to forsake him , but hopes when fortune is come to the height or brumall solstice of her frowning , she will be retrograde and shine againe upon him with the beames of better successe : a generall therefore plunged into the lowest deep of disasters , must beware he sinke not to the nethermost hell of despaire , from whence is no redemption ; but let him reserve himselfe for better fortunes . thus have i collected and joyned together the principall and worthiest observations , which the best and famousest generalls both ancient and moderne have left behind them for , the guides to posterity ; whereby they may learne how to steere their course in a short time by the helpe of speculative knowledge , which hath confirmed many thousand yeeres , and destroyed millions of people to purchase the experience , which here is offered to your view ; and i question not the gratefull acceptance , unlesse it be some vaine glorious fellow , whose feather is greater than his wit : or experience may cast some silly aspersion upon this discourse ; but let such an imbellick fellow know , that his depraving it doth not touch me or my reputation ; but it must be transferr'd upon those noble commanders , whose experience purchast these observations . in the next place i am to discourse about the marching of an army , and quartering it for one night , wherein i shall be as breefe as may be . rvles to be observed by a generall in marching his army . sect . xvi . chap. iii. divers rules and observations to be used both in marching and retreating from the enenemy , whereby confusion may be avoyded . before we can come to treat of the nature of battells , wee must first call into our best considerations the absolutest forme and surest way which possibly may be devised for an army to march in . for without due observations , and judicious care , an army may be overthrown before they can come to order themselves in battalia : for prevention thereof , i have collected divers rules out of sundry of our best authours , worthy the taking notice of . wherefore in the first place , before wee adventure to march , we must be given to understand , whether the way we intend to passe , bee narrow and straight lanes , or broad plain heaths or commons . secondly , whether the enemy be quartered neer or afar off , and accordingly wee are to order our troops . in a march , if the enemies quarters are before us , then the troops of horse are to march before the foot , and before them certain spies to discover , for fear of the enemies ambushes . if marching from an enemy , the horse-troops are to follow in the rear of the army , to charge the enemy if he offers to pursue . an army marching through straight lanes , must order their men into so many files as may well march a brest . an army being to march over heaths or plains , then they must march by divisions , as namely , three or four companies a brest , that they may the readier and more suddenly be drawn into battalia . an army is commonly divided into three divisions , viz. the vant-guard , battell , and rear-guard ; every colonell ought to march according to his antiquitie , one before another ; after like manner , every captain of every colonels regiment is to doe the same . that regiment which marcheth in the vant-guard the first day , ought to come to their quarters very timely , then the battell must march forwards , and be quartered beyond them ; then the rear-ward is to march up beyond the battell , and there to bee quartered : so that the next morne it may bee ready at the discharging of the warning peece to march . note , that regiment which marcheth the first day in the van , the day following is to march in the rear ; and they are daily thus to take their turns , if the march continues long . we are further to observe , whether we are to march in the day time or in the night , and accordingly we are to demean our selves . if by day , the manner now in use is to send out before the army ( by a sufficient trusty guide , which knows wel the passages of the countrey ) certain fire-locks , dragones and musketires to discover the enemy ; and the horse are to represse the enemies incursions : these are likewise to surprize straight waies , bridges and foords ▪ next after these are the pioners to march , with a good guard to mend the waies , and to cut through passages , so as the ordnance may be drawn safe , and the army march the best and neerest way . the foot of the vant-guard or right wing , is in the next place to follow , every battalia thereof in their due order ; the one halfe of the horse of the army before them , and all their baggage or carriage behind them in the rear . the battalions of the battell are in the next place to follow in the same equipage the former did ; viz. with all their baggage and carriage in the rear . lastly , the battalions of the rearward , or left wing are to follow in march , with all their baggage and carriage behind them also ; and every one of these battalions are to have their shot before and behind , and the residue of the horse are to bring up the reare . the ordnance are to be distributed as the carriage is , viz. both behind the vantguard , the battell , and the rear-ward , the better to secure against all attempts . but this kind of ordering the horse , the ordnance , and the baggage , is most commonly used when the enemy is not at hand . as for the marching of an army by night , all the baggage and carriages are to bee sent before the armie with a sufficient guard ; next after them your pike-men , then the musketires , and all the horse in the rear : so that by break of day they may come all together to their rendevou . this way an army in the night is best and easilyest kept together , and is soonest espied if it faulters : but this is also to bee used when the enemy is not neer . wee are to observe , that in a march , both colonels , captains and other inferiour officers are called from the leading of their own regiments and companies to command in another regiment or company . , which many times happens in regard the generall will have the eldest colonels by him , to discourse and advise of things materiall about the warres . so that a lieutenant colonell commands a regiment , and the eldest captain the colonels company ; also a lieutenant to command a private company : and these are thus ordered and disposed as it shall please the serjeant-major to give commandement . an army being thus orderly marcht to the place of their inquartering , the generall his field-martiall and serjeant-major generall are to be very wise and circumspect in placing the horse-guards outermost of all , upon speciall passages where they must set out their horse-sentinels a good distance from the guard , that they may the better discover and give warning of the enemies approaches , by making an alarme by the discharge of their pistols , so that the whole army may presently bee in armes . the foot-sentinels are to stand upon some passages neerer to the quarters than the horse are . upon alarme given , all the companies of the army are speedily to march into some convenient place appointed by the generall over night , where every company is to be drawn into battalia fit to charge the enemy . and as before i have said how the foot should march in divisions over a heath or plain ; after the same proportion the horse-troops also are to march in divisions , viz. two , four or six cornets in a division ; neither divisions of horse nor foot are to march in far distance one from the other , but so as the whole army suddainly may joyn in battell , if the enemy should approach . at every stand the army makes upon a heath or plain , every single division is to march up and front with the next division before it , upon the left hand of the same ; and if the stay bee long , and the place dangerous , then successively all the divisions are to bee drawne into a compleat battell . after this very manner the army must be demeaned in marching off from a heath or plaine ; if the enemy chaseth them in the reare , thinking to take an advantage when the army shall be drawne out by companies to march through some narrow passages , lanes , or high-wayes ; the horse are to be drawne in battalia in the reare of these troopes , to receive the charge of the enemy , untill such time as all the foot troopes are marcht through those straights ; where having convenient ground , they are to re-imbattell themselves , to entertaine the enemies charge , if he dares adventure to follow . but the safest way is ( if an army cannot eschue , but must breake his aray ) to march from an enemy through a straight , he being ready to take his advantage to charge them ; then to give them battell , if your army be equivalent in strength , is the safest way ; if not , then to intrench the army securely , waiting an opportunity , and making use of some pollicy to get safely from them . if an army be weaker in horse than the enemies army is , it is very dangerous to march over the plaines , but rather take some hilly rockie way whereby the enemies horse shall be unprofitable . the enemy being neere at hand , the best way is to have the artillery and baggage to march on the contrary side from the enemy in all straights , and in champions to be plac'd in the midst of the army . in extremity of hot weather , the sutlers belonging to every company may march with their waggons between the companies , whereby they may the sooner be relieved with meat and drink , which otherwise they cannot come unto but once a day : but this must be when there is no fear of the enemy . it is requisite to have good guides for direction of the best and safest way : likewise those horse-men that are commanded to bee vant-currers for the discovering of the enemy , their dutie is also to view the passages , and to take notice of the breadth of every straight way ; the quarter-masters are to doe the same , and to give intelligence , that the army may march accordingly . as for example , suppose the way bee eighteene foote broad ; the armie must bee commanded to march six men in rank or brest ; because every foot-man will have three foot in breadth between file and file , and six foot at the least between rank and rank : so that twentie foure foot in breadth , and foure miles in length , will but containe an army marching of three or foure and twenty thousand . when an army is constrained to march thus in length , the straight passages hindring from marching in divisions may prove very dangerous , if extraordinary intelligence bee not hourely had of the enemies proceedings ; for should an enemy watch his opportunity to fall on the front , flank , or rear of the armie , there could bee very little help expected ; for the front were not able to succour the rear , no more than the reare could the front ; and being charged upon the flank , there could bee but a poor resistance made . but the best and safest way in such an unexpected danger , is either to draw as many companies as may possibly bee gotten , into such closes of ground as shall bee strongly fenced , and there order them in battalia ; where they shall bee able to make a good resistance untill the residue of the army provides for its safety . or otherwise , if the enemy chargeth upon any of the sides , then it is best to file all the musketires upon that flank the enemy strives to charge ; so that every souldier shall give fire over the hedge as hee marches , and so passe along . but if an enemy should chance to break into the high-way with their horses , bee it in the front or reare of the army , there is no way but to barricado up the way with waggons , or fell trees crosse the way , or by fyring a great quantitie of feare-wood to hinder the enemies execution untill the army be drawn out of the way into the fields , where they may so order themselves that the enemy cannot possibly rout them : if a few troops should bee assaulted by the enemies horse in their march , the dimond battell or the crosse battell is of greatest strength : otherwise , if an army opposeth another army upon the plaines , then a battell so framed that most hands may be brought to fight , and succours to releeve them , is best , alwayes having the advantage of winde and sunne , with woods , rocks , rivers , ponds or great ditches , either on flanck , or reare , or both . it is a thing unsufferable for souldiers to ramble from their colours , to laze or pillage , but to march orderly in their rancks ; for the provost-marshall by his commission and authority ought to hang up such fellowes the next bough they come at , for the whole army to see , and be warned by as they shall passe by them in their march ; for the inconveniences are many and dangerous to an army . the enemy by taking them gaineth intelligence of the state of the army , besides the mischiefe which such fellowes doe commit in robbing , and pilfering , whereby a friend-people will bee incenst , and ready to be treache rous to an army , seeing themselves abused and bereft of their goods . it is policy , if an army marches in an enemies countrey , to ruine , destroy , and burne whatsoever may be advantagious to the enemies livelyhood ; providing alwayes sufficiently for your owne army . if there should be any suspition that the enemy strives to gaine some places of advantage to hinder the march , it is convenientest to send speedily certaine horse-troopes ; likewise shot and pikes upon bedees in manner of dragons , or tenne or twelve men in a waggon ; hurry them speedily to prevent the enemy from fortifying themselves in such places of advantage . the lord montpezat in his march from fossar was put to a dangerous plunge , he being constrained to take his way through the valley pratgella , the entrance into which was most difficult , in regard the hilles and mountaines were held and possest with the enemy , whereby hee lost divers of his men ; wherefore hee sent certaine forces under the conduct of monsieur dambres , to get the higher ground , and force his enemy to a retreat , which they did excellently performe ; by which policy hee marcht safe without the losse of a man. the wedge-battell is the absolutest forme to enter a straight , for the shot comes so fluent and peircing , that the enemy cannot possibly resist unlesse the passage be barricadoed up . if any enemy be farre stronger both in foote and horse then thy army is ; provide that he assaults thee not on every side , but be sure of some place of safeguard , as woods , bogges , or rivers ; for if the enemy be not three times as strong as thy army is , he shall shew himselfe of very poore judgement to divide his army , and weaken it , for to assault thee in divers places ; which may purchase his owne overthrow . machiavill in his art of warre , adviseth generalls to accustome their souldiers to march , and in marching to joyne in battalia ready for fight , and so draw out into a march againe ; then to face about into the reare , and draw up into battalia againe , the like also to performe on either flanck ; so that upon all occasions suddenly they might understand to order themselves , and range themselves into any forme of battell ; but where there is no place of safeguard or advantage , the quadrate forme of imbatttelling is safest ; for he durst not devide his forces to charge that kinde of forme upon all sides . it were very commendable , and very advantagious to the strengthning of our kingdome , if every lord lieutenant might draw all the forces of the shire together , unto some convenient place in the midst of it ; taking a convenient time of the yeere , that neither hay-time nor harvest may hinder , wheresuch troops may be drawn into all formes of battell , and learne to understand all advantages in march . if an army marches through the enemies land , or farre from the water , so that provision may not be conveyed by shipping ; the best way is to drive after the army herdes of beeves and sheepe , which being alive cannot much cumber the army ; all other provision is to be conveyed by waggon . a generall must be very vigilant and circumspect in his march to discover all ambushes , by which he may two wayes incurre danger , ( viz. ) either by marching into them , or through the enemies policy trained into them unawares . for the avoyding of the first perill , as before is sayd , it is necessary to send before the army certaine troopes to discover , which may be of strength to resist if occasion be ; and in this they must be very inquisitive of the country people ; whether they have seene any of the enemies troopes lately , and how and which way they ordered their march : likewise the more woody and hilly the country is , the willinger the enemy will lay his ambushes , which being discovered , they cannot be hurtfull ; but if not foreseen , whereby the army falls suddenly amongst them , tenne to one but they ruine them . it is easie to perceive where an enemy marcheth by the dust they raise , and by the wondring of fowles and birds which will flye about and not light , which is a great signe that an ambush lyes there . concerning the second case of the enemies trayning an army into danger , there must be great wisedome , not suddenly to beleeve such things as in mans sense seeme not reasonable to be indeed as they shew for ; for under the bait lies the hook ; as for example , if many of the enemies troopes be put to flight by a few of thy own men , or if a few of the enemies troopes assaile a number of thine , or by making a sudden flight without a charge ; in these cases there can nothing but deceit be expected ; for we are to note , that to march through an enemies countrey is more dangerous then to fight a pitcht battell ; wherefore in these cases a generall must have a secret inward cautelousnesse and feare of surprizing ; which his souldiers must not take notice of , lest they should be discouraged . likewise in the same predicament a generall must use lofty scornefull words , in way of undervaluing his enemy , which will animate his souldiers to fall on ; therefore for the better and safer conduct of an army , it is most necessary to have an exact mappe of the countrey you intend to march through , in which may be discovered all places of difficulty and danger , that so they may bee the easilyer prevented ; also those guides which are chosen for the conducting of the army , ought severally to be questioned withall , whether there knowledge be good ; and compare their relation with the mappes , whereby the errors may be discovered ; and above all things secrefie is to be commended . if in your march you light upon deepe and unpassible rivers , and having no means to make bridges to waft over the army , you are to march further to the heads of the rivers , where you may passe at ease ; if the current be over big so that the army cannot wade over , you must cut out the same river in divers places , and turne it into the land , whereby you may the easier passe over . every officer must cause his souldiers to march according to the beate of the drumme ; for if one part of the army should march too fast , and the other part too slow , it may breed confusion . we are further to observe , if it should happen in a march that the enemy opposeth , and seeke to give you battell , and you finding your selfe too weak for to joyne in battell ; a principle point then is , how to get safely off from the enemy without blowes ; of all the points of warre this is most dangerous to be practised , by reason it hath a shew of undervaluing your owne potency ; and your enemy is puft up with a selfe conceit of transcendent worth , and thereby is animated to stretch his valour to the uttermost period ; whereas the courages of your owne men fall away being surprised with feare , which will make them tumble into confusion . therefore as formerly hath beene said , a generall must set a faire glosse , causing his souldiers to beleeve that such retreates are for other advantages , and to accomplish some other designe of further consequence , and not that you retreat to avoyd the combate ; wherefore some reasons that favour of likely-hood must bee used to the souldiers . sir walter rawlyes advice was to dislodge in the dead of the night , in such a quiet still manner that the enemy should not perceive it . marquesse spinola made use of this when he broke up his leaguer before bergen-up-zone , when his excellencies army lay at rossandell ready to have assaulted his trenches . but the safest way of all is to retreat before the enemy be too neere ; for if the enemy be in view , although you should march forwards to gaine some place of more security , yet unhappily there may be some ill passages and straights to hinder your quicke passage whereby the enemy may take his advantage to rout you ; for it is farre greater honour to retreate in the darke than to bee beaten in the light . and as monsieur bellay adviseth such as retreat by day , must place there horsemen upon two sides like unto hedges leaving a way betwixt them , through the which the footmē are to retreat , by which meanes the enemy shall not perceive them , they being shaddowed by the horse ; and as every particular battalia is passed the principall place of danger , then they are immediately to intrench themselves , or otherwise one battalia is to stay for another , they being past danger and the enemies sight , untill they are all stolne away in safety ; but this must be understood that it must be performed in some plaines or covert places , where the enemy hath not the advantage of a hill to discover them : but those that intend to retreat in the night , first send strong guards to defend the passages , fearing the enemy should prevent them , and then leaving sufficient fires in the quarters , hanging out light matches , and stuffing old cloathes with straw , and setting them in the place of the sentinells , leaving dogges howling , beastes lowing , horses neying , cockes crowing in the quarters , so that the enemy may not suspect your departure ; if your ordnance cannot conveniently be drawne away , it is best to dismount it from the carriages , and bury them secretly in the earth ; further ( saith he ) when an army is reduc'd to this exigent of extremity , it is much better for to be carefull in saving the men ( albeit that the ordnance , baggage , and other moveables should bee lost ) than to hazard men for a thing that may so easily afterwards bee regained . if an army be pollitickly stolne out from their quarters , they are to make no stay , but to continue the march , resting as little as may be ; but if it be so that of necessity they are constrained to stay upon the way , then let them make choice of some place that is naturally fortified , alwayes remembring to have certaine fleete horses to stay behind the army to discover a farre of from some hills whether the enemy pursues ; which if he doth , the surest way for prevention is to barricado up the passages with trees . it is likewise safe to quarter your army in some wood , felling the trees one over another round about it , which will be an excellent safeguard both from the enemies horse and foote . likewise a generall may lay ambushes upon places convenient , which must be such souldiers as are best horst , or those that are nimblest of foote , so that they may the safer retire upon all occasions ; moreover they must not stay over long behind the army , but so as they may soone recover it ; for otherwise they will be cut off by the enemy . if a retreat be wisely carried , the enemy that shall follow may receive more dammage then they that retreat . but on the contrary side if you perceive the enemy doth provide to steale from you , it is wisedome to anticipate such passages as they must passe thorow , sending secretly certaine troopes to fortifie at the entrance of them ; likewise to barricado up the way with trees , and to have your army alwayes in a readinesse to set out after them , following them at the heeles ; but in this case the army must keepe a very strict order in their battallia's , and march up close together , commanding your horse to charge the enemy in the reare , which will bee a meanes to stay the hindermost part of the army ; and then the vantguard of your enemies army being come to the passages that are blockt up , it will so discourage the enemy , that your army marching up to them in battell aray , they will bee easily overthrowne , as there hath beene divers examples to verifie this . the lightest ordnance are the best to pursue the enemy withall ; for which purpose grave maurice the prince van nasaw had fifty or sixty small field peeces cast , which hee used to place between his battallions , which were of great service in the time of fight ; for two or three men could weild one of them as they pleased , both in advancing it forwards and drawing backe as occasion served ; and it were very fit and of excellent use to have such small peeces cast here in england for his majesties service , which may bee imployed many waies ; i have observed the hollanders how they made use of these small ordnances , to place them in little vessels which they provided to safeguard their great rivers , as the river issel , and the rhine ; one of these had thirty or forty souldiers to man her , and eight or tenne of these peeces , whereby they prevented the enemy from marching over the said rivers ; likewise they were safeguards to the army , when they were convayed by boates up those rivers , or when they lay intrencht neere any great river , they safeguarded the reare of the qnarters from treachery ; also they safe conducted such boates as brought victuals and ammunition to the army . if occasion should bee in our land ( which god forbid it should be ) they could not doe us lesse service than by experience they have done them ; besides such small vessels being made for service , were of more worth to offend an enemy that should dare saile up in any of our great rivers , than the greatest ship of burden ; for it were impossible for our great ships to make a fight in the river thames , but they will be more ready to hurt themselves than the enemy , whereas these small vessels will lye under the shot , and glide up and downe by the great vessels sides and gall them . in the next place it remaines how an army should march neere an enemies battery to secure themselves from the shot ; in this you must observe the situation of their batteries , how they are flancked , by which you may come to perceive in what direct li●e e●ch peece of ordnance shall make her true shot ; and so accordingly either to open the files and ranckes for the passage of the shot , or else to fetch a circumference in your march , so as the shot shall not touch the files , but only a ranke ; but the securest way is to march secretly by the most obscurest places , so as the ordnance may not discover you . lastly for conclusion , if the enemy should assault your troopes in in some narrow passages or high wayes , you are to demeane your selfe as followeth : first , you are to fill the passage or high way with your pikes ; if the breadth of your troopes be not sufficient to performe it , then double your rancks , whereby the wings will extend themselves to the filling up of the passage ; these then charging your enemies hande or foote , your musketiers being in the reare ; the battell being thus ordered , let the first ranke of musketiers ( which are those next the pikes face to the right hand and march forth file-wise ) close up by the right flanke of the pikes , untill he that is leader of the said file be even with the front of the pikes ; then he is to face to the right hand and lead them quite crosse the front of the pikes , untill he hath attained the further part of the front to the left hand ; which being performed , they are to make a stand , and couch under the pikes , and give fire upon their knees so as the pikes may not be hindred to charge ; then are they to march downe by the left flancke , and place themselves in the reare of the shot ; and the next files in order are to advance into the front after the same manner , and performe the same service ; by this meanes continuall fire shall be given upon the enemy whilst this skirmish is in action . let there be drawne out certaine pikes and musketiers , into the best inclosed fields either on one or both sides of the way , where they may secure themselves from the enemies horse , and there charge the enemy on the flancks , or at least keepe them from charging your owne troopes that are in skirmish to maintaine the passage ; view the figure following in the next page . the figure of the battell . front left flancke right flanke reare in this figure the character p shewes how the pikes are plac't , their fronts being doubled ; the other represents the musketiers , as you may perceive them marching up the right flancke , and so plac't under the pikes in the front ready to give fire upon the enemy ; you may likewise perceive certaine shot drawne out into two closes upon each side of the high way , whose duty is to give fire upon the enemies flancks as they are charching the front of the battell ; or if the enemy should draw out any forces to charge your flancks ; then these shot having pikes to joyne with them , shall be able to encounter with them and prevent them . thus i hope , i have collected sufficient instructions which may give any reasonable man satisfaction concerning the ordering of their march ; only if you please i will referre you to divers modern● authors which have write of this subject ; viz. ierosme cattamo pag. . machiavill pag. . bellay pag. . barrit pag. . edmonds pag. . garrits arte of warre . pag. . in the next place we are to discourse of the incamping of an army , and how to order the guards and the intrenchments . thus ends the sixteenth section . rvles to be observed in qvartering or incamping an army . sect . xvii . chap. iiii. how a generall is to quarter his army , with the election of places of greatest security ; what redoubts are to be raised upon the passages , and how the out-guardes are to be plac't , with divers other observations thereunto belonging . having formerly discourst of such rules , and observations , as are most requisite , and pertinent , for the marching of an army ; in this chapter i finde it convenient that we should shew such rules , and observations as are most usefull for the secure incamping of an army , wherein there is great wisedome and circumspection to be used , in the well managing of the same ; wherefore first there are two things offered to our consideration , ( viz. ) whether an army is to be quartered but for a night ; or for to be incamped for a long season ? and from these two questions there is a third produc'd , ( viz. ) whether the army of your enemy be at hand , or farre remote ? now in regard in the former discourse of marching ; i have toucht briefely the manner of quartering an army , for a night or two upon a march ; where most usually no enemy is neere , it being then a matter of no such consequence , as it is when an army must pitch downe his quarters or entrenchments for a long season , and perchance in the face of the enemy ; therefore i will bee sparing in the first , and also be as briefe as the subject will permit in the second ; ( viz. ) the incamping an army for some long time , wherein also , there are two things considerable ; ( viz. ) the strength of the enemies forces , and the neerenesse of his camp ; for wee must observe that slight intrenchments , are of sufficiency to safeguard an army , where the enemy is weake , and his camp farre remote . in the next place we are to have a due respect to the situation , and commodiousnesse of water , wood , forrage for the horses , and a safe and convenient recourse for to convay victualls and necessaries to the camp , which must bee either by land , or water : these things being duely considered , the army being drawne to the place of incampment , standing in battalia ; the quarter-master generall being directed by the lord generall of the army , is to lot out the stations of ground for every regiment to be quartered in ; then the quarter-master of each particular regiment , is to line out every particular companies station in the regiment , beginning with the eldest regiments , and in every regiment the eldest company , which are to be plac't at the right hand , and so successively , every company according to his antiquitie , and every regiment according to theirs . in the meane time the earle marshall , the serjeant majors , scout-masters are to take notice what passages and places of accesse are , whereby the enemy may approach to this campe , and in the convenientest places of them they are to command double guards , both of horse and foote , to be plac't for the securing of the army whilst the intrenchments are making . before the principall workes of the campe are to bee raised , there must bee redouts speedily made upon all such passages , to lodge those out-guards in , and for the same purpose the pioners and souldiers are to make what speed possibly may bee : these redouts are to bee made in greatnesse , as the place requires number of souldiers to defend it : viz. upon a small passage , where the enemy is not to bee expected , there a triangular redout , sufficient to containe thirty or forty men , is requisite ; if the passage bee more dangerous , then a foure-square redout , which may hold eighty or an hundred men ; but upon the chiefest passage of all , either a sconce is to bee built , or otherwise two redouts , which may bee either foure-square or triangular , one being raised upon one side of the way , the other somewhat wide upon the other side of the way , with the point or corner of the worke towards the enemies approaches , by reason more hands may bee brought to give fire upon them , from the two sides which make the angle or point . in the meane time , whilst this is in agitation , the front of the army is to bee pallizado'd with such stakes as is described in the discourse of warlike instruments , which are to bee driven one within a foote of another ; these shall keepe off both the horse and the foote , if they should breake through the guards : then as soone as conveniently may be , the works are to be raised of the quarters , and as they finish , the pallizadoes are to bee pulled up againe , as hereafter in this discourse wee shall speake more plainely of . the prince of orange used also many times to place redouts more inward within musket-shot one of another , to secure the campe : the horse guards are within the outmost redouts , but their horse-sentinels are set out perdue beyond the furthest works , and also beyond the foot-sentinels , which are alwaies plac't a good distance from the works upon the passages , that they may give the alarme upon all occasions , and so to retreat into the worke . no souldier , during the time of his watch , in any of these redouts , is to have his bandilires off from about him , nor any pike-man his gorget from about his necke ; their peeces must be likewise loaded with powder and shot in a continuall readinesse , and a sentinell standing duly upon the brest-worke to discover the enemies approaches ; at which time , the officer which commands the worke is to place betwixt each two musketires a pike-man to make the better defence . those officers that guard in such redouts , seldome or never carry their colours with them , but leave them in their quarters with a guard passing upon them . both the captain and the ensigne are to march with their company with each of them a pike . these redouts are to bee releeved every night before sunne-set with fresh companies from the main campe ; where no souldier is to pull off his armour , or set downe his pike or musket untill they bee all entred the worke , and the sentinels set out in their due places . every severall redout hath a particular name to distinguish one from the other , and the officers must draw billets who shall have the guard in them , so that no officer shall aforehand know his guard , to avoyd trecherie . these redouts may bee pallizado'd to make the defence more strong against the enemy , which is performed after this manner : when the worke is raised neere the toppe , then lay in some sharpe stakes of hard wood a yard into the ground , and as much out of the ground , three quarters of a foot asunder ; but these kind of workes are seldome pallizado'd , unlesse they be very great , and set in dangerous places for assaulting . now wee are to shew how the maine quarters are to be fortified , wherein wee are to dispose the forme of it according as the situation shall direct us : but by the way , wee must make sure , that no hilly ground bee neere the quarters , fearing left the enemy take it for his advantage , and so annoy the campe with his ordnance ; if such a place should bee , either it must bee levelled , or else a worke raised upon it to defend it . if an army may have such an advantage to be quartered neere some great river , that may bee of defence sufficient to protect the reare of the said quarters , then the intrenchment will bee soone finisht , and much the stronger , in regard the whole power of the army is but to make resistance one way . but if an army should happen to bee incamped upon a plaine , so as the enemy may approach upon any side of it , the forme of it must be far otherwise , and the strength of it the greater . when an enemy can gaine no advantage , but to come upon the face of the quarters onely , then a small ditch of eight or nine foote broad , and six or seven foote deepe , the rampier or breast-worke accordingly , will serve ; for there shall need no better defence but to keepe off their horse and to damp their bullets : your forces being more than sufficient to defend the workes from scaling , the highest part of ground in the campe is most fit to plant the ordnance upon , to scoure the plaines before the trenches . divers have fortified their campe by lodging their army in a wood neer some great river , and in stead of intrenching of it , they have cut downe the timber trees , and made a barricado both against horse and foote , being a very speedie and cheape way , and wonderfull secure . but in regard all places cannot possibly be found to have such advantages of naturall strength , wee must learne to secure our quarters by art , as the ancient romans used : for they regarded not so much the strength of the place by nature , so as they could conveniently fortifie it by art ; and for the most part they used one kind of intrenchment : but in these moderne times wee use any forme , as the situation of the place will permit ; viz , sometimes crooked , as his excellencie did betwixt cleave and skinken-sco●ce ; other times triangular , as he did by rayes ; sometimes round , and sometimes square : but these kind of intrenchments are not so good , especially , when wee are constrained to regulate our selves according to the situation or extent of the place ; for we shall faile in the uniformity that is requisite to be observed in the quarters , whereby the campe will bee ordered so absurdly and grosly , that almost nothing will have his due proportion : for as a fortresse serves to defend men against the assaults of their enemies ; so the well-ordering of a campe within , serves to distribute and place them , so that every particular company may know what place is proper and particular for them to defend , without which order there had need bee bulwarkes and large intrenchments about a campe : for indeed , it were better to want this fortification than the proper defence that the souldiers may make within it , who being duely ordered as they ought to be , may for a need secure themselves with little or no defence , their quarters being alwaies so situated , and placed in such an orderly ready way to resist all assaults . but this is not the onely care that is to bee taken about the well disposing of a campe ; but it is very requisite we should proceede further , taking a survey how wee may have supplies of amunition , victuals , souldiers , and the like , to have a safe recourse to this campe , that they may not bee hindered or damnified by the enemie ; and ( as in the beginning of this discourse ) it must be either by water or land , and so , as the enemie may not possibly cut off the passage , either for provision comming , or the armie retraiting : for if such an oversight should happen , an army should be just brought into a trap or stratagem for its owne confusion . wherefore the enemy must not bee suffered to have any forts or garrisons behinde you , to hinder you by land , nor any castle or block-houses , to spoile you by water , but of necessity they must be taken in first ; and although the place should be never so commodious to transport ( either by water or land ) necessaries to the campe , yet if the place you intend to encampe in be not very fruitfull , to accommodate you with wood , victuals , forrage for the present necessity both of man and beast , or if the ayre be not healthfull , or if the situation of your campe be so low that it be subject to drowning ( if the enemy should cut out any waters ) you would find your selfe but in an ill taking ; for you shall bee sure to suffer before you can redresse these things . further , a speciall care is to be had how to preserve the souldiers in health , which we may learn from that famous souldier mounsieur bellay , who saith that sicknesse may be avoyded by taking good heed unto the excesse the souldiers use ; and for their better healths , there must be provision made that they may have warme and dry hutes , well thatched with straw , reed , or sedge ; shady trees to defend the heate of summer , or stormes in winter , their victuals sweet and good , well boyled and salted . further , if in the heat of summer any of the troops belonging to the army should bee forc'd to travell , they must take the early and cool morne , so as they may bee returned to their quarters by the chiefe heat of the day . likewise in winter the souldiers ought not to march through waters , or over yce and snow , unlesse the place they goe unto will affoord store of firing to relieve and dry them . neither must they bee suffered to drink ill waters , or to bee ill clad , for these are the originals of great sicknesses ; this care being had , ties and unites the hearts of poor souldiers to their superiour officers more than any other way : for should not this care be had , a double losse of men would ensue ; as namely , to be vanquished by sicknesse , and slaine by the enemy : now since exercise is a principall thing to keep the army in health , therefore duly thrice a week they ought to be exercised in their compleat arms ; this will be a means to keep them from vicious courses , as gaming , drinking , and the like , which of it selfe is able to surfet and destroy an army . the generall is alwaies to have one moneths provision in his campe , especially of bread , cheese , bacon , fish , &c. with all kind of provender for the horse . also there must be good and wholsome laws established and proclaimed , and seen to bee put in execution ; for if justice do not govern in an army , all things goe to ruine in the camp. for in the first place , the unrulinesse of the souldiers will cause victuallers , and the countrey people to refrain the camp , whereby a famine will soon ensue . secondly , if the souldiers bee suffered to pilfer and pillage the people abroad in the countrey neer adjoyning , those people will plot a revenge with the enemy , and seek to betray you : besides the quarrels that will arise amongst themselves , whereby a confusion amongst themselves will be wrought , if justice should not prevent . but now i shall come to that which all this while you have expected , and that is to shew the best manner of incamping , the which i shall endeavour to doe by two severall demonstrations : the first shall be ( as before is spoken of ) when the rear of the camp is secured by some great river or arme of the sea. the second a square incampment upon the champion , where no naturall strength can afford us help . for the first of these two ; when the place affords such naturall strength , that the rear of the army may be secured by some river or arme of the sea , ( provided alwayes that the enemy cannot come with shipping to annoy you ) the front of this camp must be towards the enemy , where a certain brest-work must bee raised four or five foot high , upon the most eminent ground , and about the same breadth ; the ditch about six foot broad , and four foot deep ; this must run , if the ground will give leave , with some nooks and angles , the better to flanker some part of this intrenchment , as by the following figure you may perceive , marked a. from this brest-work inwards into the camp must bee a space left sixty or eighty paces broad , if the conveniency of the ground will give way , for the souldiers to draw into battalia , or to parado in , marked o. in the next place , marked b. every captain and colonell are to have their hutes , or tents stand in an even line ; viz. every colonell before the head of his own company being quartered upon the right hand of his regiment , and each captain successively , according to their antiquities . in the next place there is a space eight paces broad , marked with the letter c. this is for the chief street , and runs in an even line , from one side of the quarter to the other . from this chief street downwards towards the rear of the quarters , are the inferiour officers and souldiers to be quartered , as at the letter d. and in this are divers things to bee considered ; as first , the street which goes down between the hutes , ought to bee ten foot broad , and four hundred foot deep , in regard each hute is to bee eight foot square , and in every hute two souldiers are to bee lodged : so that upon each side of the way there is to bee fiftie hutes built , which are to hold an hundred souldiers upon a side . at the top of the street upon the right hand , is the lieutenants cabbin , who is to bee allowed twelve foot ; and upon the left hand is the ensignes cabbin , of the same bignesse , the serjeants are to have upon each side their cabbins in the rear of the quarters : thus a company of two hundred are conveniently quartered . in the reare of these hutes is another street or space of ground , which runneth from one side of the quarters to the other , marked e. being six paces wide , upon the foremost side of which are the sutlers , butchers and shop-keepers ; behind these is a wast place next the water , for the off all , filth and draffe to be conveyed away , as you may perceive at g. the space or distance of ground which is betwixt regiment and regiment , ought to be twenty or thirty foot broad , as you may see at h. the generall ought to have his tents in the midst of all the quarters , and the colonells , according to their dignity , upon each hand of his pavilions . the passages into the campare to bee plac'd in the most convenient places ; and strong ports made to open and shut at pleasure , as you may perceive at i. also if need requires , there may bee posterne passages made in divers places of the brest-work , for single persons to goe in and out , with a turne-pike to secure it as at k. the ordnance is to bee plac'd in a halfe moon made next the water-side , in the most convenient place of the camp ; the residue may bee plac'd either upon the brest-work , or else before the halfe-moon , as at l. view the figure following : and at m. is the bridge for the army to passe over the river . the other manner of fortifying a camp is now to be discourst of . the lord high marshall having made choice of a place convenient , being attended by the quarter-master generall , and the inferiour quarter-masters : about the midst of the ground where you intend to incamp , set up the generalls standard , and about the same stake out a square place of ground for the generalls pavilion , fourty paces square ▪ directly from this towards the north , runneth one main street fourty paces broad , which divides the horse-camp from the foot-camp ; and on either side of the generalls tents , runneth two other crosse wayes , thirty paces in breadth , which divide the armed souldiers from the pioners and waggons : these two wayes embrace two long squares of ground fourty paces broad , and five hundred and fifty paces long apeece ; these may either of them bee divided into five lodgings , of an hundred paces in length , and fourty in breadth , leaving between them certain passages of ten paces in breadth , so that the souldiers upon every sudden alarme , may the more readily repair to the place of assembly . one of the lodgings next the generalls tent , is appointed for the high marshall and his retinue , and the other on the other side , for the treasurer ; the rest may be assigned at the marshals discretion , to the other officers of the field , and for such noblemen and gentlemen voluntires as follow the warres at their own charge . in the north-east quarter of the camp are the horse-men lodged , in the northwest the foot-men : either of these camps are divided into three parts , by streets running east and west ; these streets are twenty paces in breadth , and five hundred and eighty paces long : in every of these three spaces of the foot-camp are lodged a regiment of . men ; and in the hors-camp , the middlemost of them shall serve for . lances , or curassiers with their beedets , the north space for the harquebuziers ; on the other side of this street are the lodgings assigned for the colonels of every regiment and their officers ; every space being thirty paces broad , and one hundred and seaventy long . by these characters following you may understand the description of this camp the better , as in the figure following : a. stands for the captaines of the harquebuziers , b. for the captaine of the lances or curassiers , and c. for the residue of the carbines and dragones : likewise , d e f. is the place for the leaders of three principall regiments of foot-men , the which are to be distingūished by their antiquities , or by the usuall name of vantguard , battell and rear-ward ; the vantguard lies next to the generalls tent , and answers to the harquebuziers , the battell answers to the curassiers , and the rear-ward to the residue of the carbines and dragones . every of these principall regiments , you may ( if you please ) divide againe into five smaller regiments , by streets of ten paces broad , running north and south : so have you fifteen lesse regiments in the foot-camp , and five apeece in every of the horse-camps , and every of these regiments are one hundred paces broad , and one hundred and seventy paces in length ; and shall contain every of them in foot-men . of curassiers . of harquebuziers . the residue of the carbines and dragones . with their colonels and their officers . the colonels and captains of the cavalliary may be quartered at the head of their regiments , as you may behold in the figure of the camp. those marked g. are for the colonels of the foot ; h. for the captains of the light-horse-men or harquebuziers ; i. for the captain of the curassiers or lances ; k. for the captain of the residue of the carbines and dragones : so there remaines regiments of an hundred paces broad , and one hundred and fifty paces long for the souldiers to bee quartered in ; which may , by small streets of five paces broad , be divided into as many spaces as there are severall bonds in every regiment . these last divisions of bonds are omitted in the figure , because in so small a plot it would breed confusion . this must be observed , that the shot bee lodged towards the outside of the camp , that they may bee in readinesse to answer the alarm ; the which may be done , by dividing the utmost seven regiments into halfe , as you may see in the figure by the pricked lines , leaving the seaven spaces marked with l. for . shot , and the other with m. for . pikes : all the other regiments marked with n. are likewise for pikes and muskets , to the number of . thus you see in the north moytie of this camp , is quartered all the foot and horse ; the other halfe of this camp must serve for the quartering of the unarmed , as pioners , carters , carpenters , smiths , sutlers , butchers , and all sorts of mechanicall artificers , together with a large place of assembly for the souldiers to retire unto , to put themselves in order upon any alarm ; as also to exercise themselves in sundry sorts of activity . you shall therefore from the south side of the generall pavilion , six hundred paces southward , extend out your first main street of fourty paces broad , and crosse it againe with another street , running east and west , three hundred and sixty paces distant from the south side of the generalls pavilion ; this street needs bee but thirty paces in breadth . againe , extend the second narrow street that runs paralell to the first main street untill you come to this crosse street last made ; so have you o. your place of assembly three hundred and thirty paces broad , and five hundred and fourty paces long . p. shall be appointed for the munition and officers attending upon the artilery . q. is the marke-place , and round about this market-place may bee lodged the butchers , bakers , cooks and victuallers of all sorts . about the place of the assembly may be the tents of all such as furnish the camp with things needfull for the souldiers , as armourers , taylors , shoo-makers and the like . there still remains two long squares of earth , either of them . paces long , and . paces broad : here the carts and wagons , with the horse and oxen ; for the carriages themselves must alwaies impale that part of the camp that is not fortified either by nature or art : the pioners likewise may be quartered in this camp. lastly , you shall line out . paces distant from all these regiments and quarters already set down , and there raise the circumference of the intrenchment of the camp , making a good trench eight or ten foot wide , and raise a good parapet or brest-work of five or six foot thick , and as high , with a foot-bank to make the souldiers of height sufficient to give fire over it : your ordnance is to be plac'd on the same . but if the enemy be near , and of greater force than your selfe , then you must make your trenches very large and deep , with a rampart and brest-work of a great height and thicknesse , with a bulwark at each corner , and in the midst of the curtain . view the figure following ; where the line the ordnance is planted upon , demonstrates the sleight trench and brest-work which is to be made , the enemy being a far distance from you . the outmost line with the bulwarks , is the figure of the strongest intrenchment for security when the enemy is at hand . for the guards and manner of watching , i have discoursed of in the beginning of this discourse , and more fully in the latter end of the discourse of fortification . i intend in the next chapter to shew you the manner of the swedes incampings , which i rather affect than this . chap. v. how the king of sweden , in the late emperiall warres , used to incamp his army , with figures to explaine the same . the swedes in their late german warres have been very curious in their incampings , in regard of the potency of their enemies , and the multiplicity of their armies ; and were able by their excellent order , and good discipline , to performe as great atchievements with their army of . souldiers , as their enemie could with . for that famous generall never filed his men above six deep , and never above . in a company ( besides the officers ) , and in a regiment but eight companies ; which he might the better doe , in regard his souldiers were no novices , but admirable apt and pregnant in their exercisings and performances : this was one reason of this his only and peculiar way of imbattelling and incamping . likewise , the fewnesse of men in his companies made the more divisions and cohorts ; and the more officers , which he found by experience , stood him in great stead , and lesse charge to maintain them . his incampments were different both from the ancient romans , and our modern hollanders , as you may see by this discription following , how he used to enquarter his regiments of foot ; as by the sequent figure you may perceive in the head of the quarters nine large square at the upper end of the figure marked with the letter a. all which are the due places for the colonell and captains to pitch their tents upon , where you see the word colonell written , and the captains according to their degrees in seniority and dignity of office , as you may perceive by their hutes or tents marked each on the head of his owne company . the number over the colonells hutes or tents shew it to be . foot broad , viz. twice as broad as any of the captains cabbins , which are marked with . at each end of these rowes of squares you see the number . marked , which shews how many foot long each of these great hutes are . now , whereas the king of swedens discipline was usually to have but eight companies to a regiment , so many hutes you see on the top of the quarter , four on each side the colonels . and the reason why this famous warriour had so few in a regiment as . and consequently so few in a private company as . those . being divided amongst eight captains , was that he might have the more places of preferment , and the more officers to command these few men . this is a greater advantage than our ancestours were aware of : and it were happy if our english companies were reduced into . men in a company , and not to be suffered some to be . and some . and some . which if it must needs bee so , and may not bee altered , then i could wish all companies to be only of the extent of . and . of them to bee pikemen , and . musketires . the rowes of lesse squares marked on each side of the figure with the letter b. are the hutes for the souldiers to lie in , between the front of which and the colonels ground , you see a large void space or distance , which is twenty foot wide marked at each end ; the use of it is for the drawing up of the companies or for the officers to walk in , and for the souldiers to speak with them there : this space is marked in the figure with c. right under the colonels hute , you see another void space as wide as the colonels hute is , and as long as all the quarter of the common souldiers , marked with d. the use of it is for the officers of the regiment , commonly called the officers of the staffe , as the provost-marshall , the quarter-masters of the regiment , and the like . of the quarters of the common souldiers on either side of this long void space , these bee the proportions . all the little squares bee hutes or cabbins in the longer rowes marked with the letter m. on the first hutes are the musketires lodged ; and in the other rowes marked with p. are the pikemen lodged : one row of musketires and one row of pikes makes up one complete bond or company of . men . in the musketires row are twenty four hutes , and in the pikemens but eighteen ; the reason is , because the king by his orders commands that every complete company should have three corporalships of musketires ; foure files or rots ( as the swedes terme them ) make a corporalship of musketires ; but of pikemen three files or rots make a corporalship : so that twelve files of musketires , and nine files of pikes , viz. twenty one files , firemen in depth in each file , is a complete band of . men , besides the officers and serjeants . when his companies were weak , then hee would have but two corporalships of musketires , and the remainder to be pikes . each of these hutes are nine foorsquare , viz. three yards every way ; and whereas one row of musketires and one row of pikes belongs to one company ; these therefore neerer set together than the row of pikes belonging to severall companies are for the pikes and musketires of the same company , are parted with a street but six foot wide , whereas betwixt the pikes of severall companies is a street of eighteen foot wide , and betwixt the musketires of severall companies , a street of twelve foot wide , and so you see the severall proportions marked . the length of the row of pikes is but . foot , as you see it marked betwixt the two first rowes of their hutes . the length of the musketires row is . foot , as is marked in the margent : the distance of breadth being observed , they amount to . foot , or . paces ; so broad is the whole quarter for one intire regiment . below all this , in the rear or lower end of the quarter , you have a voyd space , . foot of ground running all the breadth of the quarter , serving for the freedome of ayr ; this is marked with e. last of all , you may behold another lowance of ground marked with the letter f. which is for the sutlers , chap-men , butchers , &c. of the regiment . add now the distances of length together , and they come to . foot , which is the length of the whole quarter for one intire regiment . now rests the chief point of discipline in the number and order of the placing of the hutes , and the men in them . concerning the number , there be three men to be lodged in one hute , as well pikes as musketires ; so that in . hutes of musketires of one company there bee . men ; and in the . hutes of pike-men of one company there be but . men , which number added together , amounteth to . which is a complete band. these . musketires are again divided into three corporalships , and the . pike-men also into three corporalships . four files or rots of musketires goe to one corporalship , and of pike-men but three files or rots to a corporalship . so that . musketires goe to one corporalship , and of pikes . according to the number of either of their cabbins . furthermore , their order being to march six deep in file , therefore in every two hutes there is one rot or file lodged , which presently know how to put themselves in order . thus hath every corporall of musketires eight hutes to look unto , and every corporall of pikes six hutes under him . this certainty and disposing of the numbers serveth much for private government : this order of quartering , they are opinionated , is prevalent for the ready resisting of the enemy . whereas you see two rows of pikes , and two rows of musketires still together , with their cabbin doors inward one to another ; this is the use of it . suppose the enemy in the night falleth upon the quarters , the alarme being taken and given by those of the outmost guards , out slips the two rows of pikes into the street or alley betwixt them , and presently marching out betwixt the captains hutes , they are instantly in a fair order of battell . the pikes being gone , then the two next rows of musketires joyning together , march also out upon both sides of the pikes , where they are ready instantly to flank them . thus one squadron or halfe-regiment issuing out upon one side of their colonels tent , and the other halfe on the other , presently they draw themselves in complete battalia , and find their colonels and captains in the head of the quarter , ready to conduct them to the brest-work ; thus so soon as the alarm is given in from the outer guards , the souldiers will bee ready to entertain their assault , every man before his own quarter , upon which the enemy falleth before he can possibly ( march hee never so fast ) come neer to doe any execution . if you desire to heare how in that huddle of darknesse they can possibly find their weapons , know that by the order of their standing , every man can at first comming most readily clap his hands upon his owne . to instance in the pikes for example ; the place where they all stand together is upon a thing made after the fashion of a paire of gallowes at the head of the quarter ; the upper overthwart beam is for the pikes to stay against ; then there is another beam lower , for to hang the corslets upon , and to lean the muskets against ; this is to have a defence over it to defend the wet . now when any service or exercise is done abroad , hee that lyeth in the rear of the quarter , by comming in first , setteth down his armes inmost , and he that commeth in last leaveth his outmost , which when hee again goeth first out , hee findeth his formost , and when the last man commeth , he findeth his own left , every man keeping still the same order that was at first appointed ; so that the fore-man , the right-hand man , or the bringer up is the fame ever , and his weapons ever in the same place . thus they lye in battalia being at bed ; in battell array when they rise up , their arms are as ready as themselves : so that upon all alarmes , they are ready in a moment to entertain their enemy to their costs . the figure of this discourse you shall find in the next page : then afterwards we shall describe the figure of the whole camp , with all the fortifications thereunto belonging . a figure shewing how the swedes inquarter a regiment of foot. a figure of perfect strong encampment of a whole armie , used by the king of sweden in his late warres . let me request you to observe , how the former figure of inquartering a particular regiment is explained ; that you may the better understand this figure , which hath the same ground and order as formerly is described , what the spaces , and the fortification about the whole camp means , i shall now explain unto you by the letters following . a. signifies the parradoing place , where the souldiers are daily excercised in the use of their armes . b. the chief quarter for the generall . c. the place of the artillery , and the generall of it . d. the common market-place for the whole army . e. the high marshals quarter . g. the place by him for his guards and servants . h. the major generall of the armie his quarter . k. the place for his men and guards . l. the severall regiments to bee divided , as in the former figure . m. halfe regiments . n. the streets betwixt the severall quarters , each fifty foot wide . o. the space between the front of the quarters and the trench of the camp , being fourty paces wide , serving for the drawing up of the souldiers , and for the alarme place . p. the space between the two innermost lines of the fortification , decyphereth the parapet or breast-work five or six foot high , and six paces thick or broad . q. the wet mote or graffe beyond the parapet , as you may perceive by the pricks . r. the half moons or half redouts . s. the cuttains . t. the passages into the redouts or half-moons . v. the ravelins , with their graffes about them : they are plac'd betwixt the half-moons , somewhat further out : each of these are to be sixty paces one from another , and the extent of the side of these is fifty paces long , and is so situated , that a right line on either side or face , be drawn to fall upon the point where the half redouts and curtains meet , as you may perceive by the lines pricked from the extreme of the curtain to the end of the ravelin . the use of these is to guard the passages out of the camp : the passages are marked with w. also as before is shewed , there are out-guards upon all foords and passages according to the nature of the place , round about this camp. if there should bee any convoyes sent out , or any designe to bee performed against the enemy , the passages of the camp must bee safely guarded , so that no man may passe out to informe the enemy untill such time as the danger be past . and this shall suffice for the describing how an army should be incamped . chap. vi. the oath of all under-officers both of horse and foot , to bee given at the proclaiming of these articles following . i r. w. doe here promise and swear , that unto the high and mighty king c. &c. as also to the crown of england , i will be a true and faithfull servant and souldier , every manner of way performing my best endeavours for his majesties service , and the profit of his kingdome . to my power also shall i hinder all actions prejudiciall unto his crown : and if i have tidings of any thing likely to bee prejudiciall , i shall give his majesty or his generall present notice thereof , or some one or other of his councell . moreover , i will doe my best endeavour to obseve all these his majesties articles of warre . also i shall behave my selfe manfully in battell , skirmishes , and entries of breaches , as well by water as by land , in all times and places , when and where i shall be commanded . i shall also keep watch and ward , and doe all other duties willingly , unto the best profit of his majesty and his kingdome , wheresoever i shall bee commanded by sea or land . also i shall bear my self obediently towards my superiour officers in all that they command me for his majesties service . in like manner , as i shall answer it before god and every honest man , i shall not fly from my colours that i am commanded to follow , so long as i am able to go after them : and i shall bee willing to doe this at all times , and by no means absent my selfe from them at any time . i shall lay down my life and goods for the advancing of his majesties service ; and endure all miseries that can possibly fall out in the warres , fighting manfully to the very last , so farre forth as i am able , or that any valiant true souldier ought to doe . furthermore , if hereafter i be put into any place of charge by his majesty or his generall , i shall doe my best endeavour fairly to discharge my duty therein , so as i ought to doe according to my place . this oath shall i well and truely keep as the lord of hosts shall help my soule at the last judgement . articles and military lavves to be observed in the vvarres . sect . xviii . chap. vii . divers articles and martiall lawes , whereby an army is to bee regulated and governed , both in camp and garrison . inprimis , no commander , nor private souldier whatsoever , shall use any kind of idolatry , witchcraft , or inchanting of armes , whereby god is dishonoured , upon pain of death . . if any shall blaspheme the name of god , either drunk or sober , the thing being proved by two or three witnesses , he shall suffer death without mercy . . if any shall seem to deride or scorne gods word or sacraments , and bee taken in the fact , hee shall forthwith bee convented before the commissioners ecclesiasticall , to be examined , and being found guilty , he shall be condemned by the court of warre to lose his head : but if they were spoken through haste or unadvisedly , for the first offence hee shall bee in yrons fourteen dayes , and for the second , be shot to death . . if any shall swear in his anger by the name of god , being convicted , shall pay halfe a moneths pay unto the poor : or if any bee found drinking , or at any other evill exercise , he shall forfeit half a moneths pay , and at the next assembly of prayer or preaching , he shall be brought upon his knees before the whole assembly , and there crave pardon of almighty god. . to the end that gods word be by no means neglected , our will is , that publike prayers bee said every morning and evening throughout the whole camp , at one time , in every several regiment , they being called thereunto by the sound of the generals or marshals trumpets , and the drums of every private company and regiment . . whatsoever minister shall neglect his time of prayer , except a lawfull occasion hinders him , he shall for every time being absent , pay half a moneths pay . . whatsoever souldier shall neglect the time of prayer , and is thereof advised by his captain , he shall lie in prison . hours , except a lawfull occasion hindered . . if any minister be found drunk or drinking at such time as he should preach , or read prayer , for the first offence he shall be gravely admonisht by the commissioners ecclesiasticall , and for the second fault be banisht the leaguer . . every holy-day and every sabbath-day at least , shall bee kept solemn with preaching , in a place convenient , before and after noon ; this also to bee done twice every week , if the time will permit : if there be any holy-daies to come in the following week , the minister shall after such sermons or prayers publikely bid them : who so shall neglect the time appointed ( unlesse he have some lawfull let or occasion ) shall be punished as aforesaid . . all merchants and sellers of commodities whatsoever , so soon as they hear the token or call to bee given , shall immediately shut up their doors , and so keep them during the said time of prayer and sermon ; they that presume in that season to sell any thing , shall make forfeit of all things so sold , whereof the one half to goe to the generall , and the other halfe to the next hospitall ; over and above which , the offender shall for one whole day be put in prison . . all drinkings and feastings shall in the time of prayer bee given over , upon pain of punishment , as is before mentioned in the seventh article ; if any souldier herein offends , he shall forfeit half his weeks pay to the poor ; and if he be an officer , hee shall forfeit what shall be awarded . . for the explaining of this article formerly exprest : if there bee none to complaine of these abuses , then shall the minister himself give notice thereof unto the colonell or captain , and if he shall suffer such abuses to goe unpunished , then shall he give the generall notice thereof , who shall doe him right . . all priests and ministers that are to be in our camp or leaguer , shall be appointed by the bishop of the same diocesse or land from whence the souldiers come whom he is to be among : no colonell nor captain shall take what minister he shall think good , but shall be content with whom the bishop shall appoint him . . to the intent that all church businesse , as well in the field as otherwhere , may have an orderly proceeding ; we ordain , that there be one ecclesiasticall consistory or commission in our leaguer , the president or chiefe person whereof shall bee our own minister , when we our selves are personally present in the field . in our absence shall the chiefe minister to the generall be the man ; his fellow-commissioners or ordinary assessors shall be the chiefe ministers to every regiment of horse and foot ; unto whom we give full power and authority to be judges in all church affaires , according to the law of god and holy church ; what shall be by them decreed , shall be of as great force and strength , as if it were determined in any other consistorie whatsoever . . no captain shall have liberty to take any minister without the consent of his colonell , and of the consistory . neither again shall he discharge any , but by permission of the consistory , he having there first shewed , that minister not to be worthie of his charge . . if any minister be found ill inclined to drunkennesse or otherwise ; then may his colonell or captain of horse or foot complain of him in the consistory ; and if his fellow-ministers find him guilty , then may they discharge him of his place . in such complaints , shall the whole consistory and the president , severely also reprehend him , that others of the same calling may take example thereby , and be warned of such grosse errors , and give good example unto others . . for that no government can stand firmely , unlesse it be first rightly grounded ; and that the lawes be rightly observed : we the king of , &c. doe hereby make known unto all our souldiers and subjects , as well nobles as others ; that in our presence they presume not to doe any unseemely thing : but that every one give us our due honour , as we ought to receive ; who presumes to doe the contrary , shall be punished at our pleasure . . next shall our officers and souldiers be obedient unto our generall and field-marshal , with other our officers ne●t under them ; in whatsoever they shall command belonging unto our service , upon paine of punishment as followeth . . whosoever behaves not himself obediently unto our great generall , or our ambassador comming in our absence , as well as if we our selves were there in person present , shall be kept in irons or in prison , untill such time as he shall be brought to his answer , before a councell of warre ; where being found guilty , whether it were wilfully done or not , he shall stand to the order of the court , to lay what punishment upon him they shall thinke convenient , according as the person and fact is . . and if any shall offer to discredit these great officers by word of mouth or otherwise , and not be able by proof to make it good , hee shall be put to death without mercy . . whosoever offers to lift up any manner of armes against them , whether hee doth them hurt or not , shall be punished by death . . if any offers to strike them with his hand , whether hee hit or misse , he shall lose his right hand . . if it falls out that our great generall in any feast , drinking , or otherwise , doth offer injury to any knight , gentleman or other , which stands not with their honour to put up ; then may they complain to the commissioners for the councell of warre , where hee shall answer them , and bee censured by them according to the quality and importance of the fact . . as it is here spoken of our generall ; so also it is of all other our great officers , as field-martiall , generall of the ordnance , generall of the horse , serjeant-major generall , quarter-master generall , and muster-master ; all which , if they commit any such offence through envie or other by-respect , they shall answer it before the court of warre , as is before mentioned . . as every officer and souldier ought to be obedient unto our generall and other great officers ; so shall they in the under regiments , be unto their colonell , lieftenant-colonell , serjeant-major , and quarter-master , upon paine of the same punishment before mentioned . . if any souldier or officer serving either on horse-back or foot , shall offer any wrong or abuse unto his superiour officer either by word or deed , or shall refuse any duty commanded him , tending unto our service , he shall be punisht according to the importance of the fact . . if any colonell , lieftenant-colonell , serjeant-major , or quarter-master , shall command any thing not belonging unto our service , he shall answer to the complaint before the court. . in like manner if any inferiour officer , either of horse or foote does challenge any common souldier to be guilty of any dishonest action ; the souldier finding himselfe guiltlesse , may lawfully call the said officer to make proofe of his words before the court as his equall . . if any souldier either of horse or foote shall offer to strike his officer that shall command him any duty for our service , he shall first lose his hand , and be then turned out of the quarter . and if it be done in any fort or place beleagured after the watch is set , he shall lose his life for it . . and if he doth hurt to any of them , whether it be in the field or not , he shall be shot to death . . if any such thing falls out within the compasse of the leaguer or the place of garrison , in any of the souldiers lodgings where many of them meete together , the matter shall be inquired into , by the officers of the regiment , that the beginner of the fray may be punished according to desert . . he who in the presence of our generall shall draw his sword , with purpose to doe mischiefe with it , shall lose his hand for it . . he who shall in anger draw his sword while his colours are flying , either in battell or upon the march , shall be shot to death ; if it be done in any strength or fortifyed place , he shall lose his hand , and be turned out of the quarter . . he who shall presume to draw his sword upon the place where any court of iustice is holden , while it is holden , shall lose his life for it . . he that drawes his sword in any strength or fort to doe mischiefe therewith , after the watch is set , shall lose his life for it . . no man shall hinder the provost marshall generall , his lieftenant or servants , when they are to execute any thing that is for our service ; who does the contrary , shall lose his life . . leave is given unto the provost marshall generall to apprehend all whatsoever that offends against these our articles of warre . all other offenders he may likewise apprehend by his owne authority . . if the provost marshall generall shall apprehend any man by his owne authority ; he may keepe him either in prison or in irons , but by no meanes doe execution upon him after the court of warre is ended , without first giving the generall notice thereof . . the provost marshals of every regiment , have also the same priviledge under their owne regiment and company , that the provost marshall generall hath in the leaguer . . every serjeant major commanding in the whole leaguer what appertaines to his office , shall be obeyed by every man with his best endeavour . . whatsoever is to be published or generally made knowne shall be proclaimed by sound of drumme and trumpet , that no man may pretend ignorance in it ; they who after that shall be found disobedient , shall be punished according to the quality of the fact . . no souldier shall thinke himselfe to good to worke upon any peece of fortification , or other place , where they shall be commanded for our service , upon paine of punishment . . whosoever shall do his majesties businesse slightly or lazily , shall first ride the wooden horse , and lie in prison after that with bread and water , according as the fact shall bee adjudged more or lesse hainous . . all officers shall diligently see that the souldiers plye their worke , when they are commanded so to doe ; he that neglects his duty therein , shall be punished according to the discretion of the court. . all souldiers ought diligently to honour and obey their officers , and especially being by them commanded upon service ; but if at any time they can on the contrary discover , that they are commanded upon a service which is to our prejudice any manner of way ; then shall that souldier not obey him what charge soever he receives from him , but is presently to give notice of it . . no colonell nor captaine shall command his souldiers to doe any unlawfull thing ; which who so does , shall be punished according to the discretion of the judges . also if any colonell or captaine or other officer whatsoever , shall by rigour take any thing away from any common souldier , he shall answer for it before the court. . no man shall goe any other way in any leaguer wheresoever , but the same common way laid out for every man , upon paine of punishment . . no man shall presume to make any alarme in the quarter , or to shoot of his musket in the night time , upon paine of death . . he that when warning is given for the setting of the watch by sound of drumme , fife , or trumpet , shall wilfully absent himselfe without some lawfull excuse ; shall be punisht with the wooden horse , and be put to bread and water , or other pennance , as the matter is of importance . . he that is taken a sleepe upon the watch , either in any strength , trench , or the like , shall be shot to death . . he that comes of his watch where he is commanded to keepe his guard , or drinkes himselfe drunke upon his watch or place of sentinell , shall be shot to death . . he that at the sound of drumme or trumpet repaires not to his colours , shall be clapt in irons . . when any march is to be made , every man that is sworne shall follow his colours ; who ever presumes without leave to stay behind shall be punished . . and if it be upon mutiny that they doe it , be they many or be they few , they shall die for it . . who ever runnes from his colours , be he native or forreiner , and does not defend them to the uttermost of his power so long as they be in danger , shall suffer death for it . . he that runnes from his colours in the field shall dye for it ; and if any of his comrades kill him in the meane time he shall be free . . every man is to keep his own ranck and file upon the march , and not to put others from their orders ; nor shall any man cast himselfe behind , or set himselfe upon any waggon , or horse-back ; the offenders to be punished according to the time and place . . whatever regiment shall first charge the enemy and retire afterwards from them before they come to dint of sword with them , shall answer it before our highest marshals court. . and if the thing be occasioned by any officer , he shall be publikely disgraced for it , and then turned out of the leaguer . . but if both officers and souldiers bee found faulty alike , then shall the officers be punished as aforesaid . if it bee in the souldiers alone , then shall every tenth man be hanged ; the rest shall bee condemned to carry all the filth out of the leaguer , untill such time as they performe some exploit that is worthy to procure their pardon , after which time they shall bee cleer of their former disgrace . but if at the first any man can by the testimony of ten men prove himselfe not guilty of the cowardize , he shall goe free . . when any occasion of service is , hee that first runs away , if any man kill him , hee shall bee free ; and if at that time he escape , and be apprehended afterwards , he shall be proclaimed traitor , and then put out of the quarter ; after which , whosoever killeth him , shall never be called to account for it . . if any occasion be to enter any castle , towne or sconce by assault or breach , he who retires from the place before hee hath been at handy blowes with the enemy , and hath used his sword , so farre as it is possible for him to doe service with it , and before he bee by main strength beaten from it by the enemy , shall be so punished as the court shall censure him . . whatsoever ensigne-bearer shall flye out of any place of battery , sconce or redout , before hee hath endured three assaults , and receive no reliefe , shall be punished as before . . whatsoever regiment , troop or company refuseth to advance forwards to charge the enemy , but out of fear and cowardize stayes behind their fellowes , shall be punished as before . . whatsoever regiment , troop or company is the beginner of any mutiny , shall be punished as is before mentioned ; the first authour to die for it , and the next consenter to bee punished according to the discretion of the court. . if any regiment , troop or company shall flye out of the field or battell , then shall they three severall times ( six weeks being betwixt every time ) answer for it before the court , and if there it can be proved that they have done ill , and have broken their oath , they shall be proclaimed traitors , and all their goods shall bee confiscated , whether they bee present to answer it before the court or not : if they bee absent , they shall bee allotted so many daies as wee shall appoint them for liberty to come in to answer it before the court , where if they cleer themselves , well and good ; if not , they shall have so many daies to retire themselves , after which if they be apprehended , then shall they be punisht according as the court shall doom them . . whatsoever regiment , troop or company shall treat with the enemy , or enter into any conditions with them whatsoever ( without our leave , or our generals , or chief commander in his absence ) whatsoever officer shall doe the same , shall be put to death for it , and all his goods shall bee confiscated ; of the souldiers every tenth man shall be hanged , and the rest punished , as aforesaid . . whosoever presuming to do the same , and shall be taken therewith , shall bee proceeded withall like those that fly out of the field ; their goods also shall be confiscate . . if any that then were in company with such , can free themselves from being partakers in the crime , and can prove that they did their best to resist it , then shall they be rewarded by us according as the matter is of importance . . whoever upon any strength holds discourse with the enemy , more or lesse , without our leave , our generals , or the governour of the place ; shall die for it . . if it bee proved that they have given the enemy any private intelligence by letter or otherwise , without our leave as aforesaid ; shall die for it . . they that give over any strength unto the enemy , unlesse it be for extremity of hunger or want of ammunition ; the governour , with all the officers shall die for it ; all the souldiers shall be lodged without the quarters without any colours , they shall be made to carry out all the filth of the leaguer ; thus to continue untill some noble exploit of them be performed , which shall promerit pardon for their former cowardize . . whatsoever souldiers shall compell any governour to give up any strength , shall lose their life for it : those , either officers or souldiers , that consent unto it , to be thus punished ; the officers to die all , and the souldiers every tenth man to be hanged : but herein their estate shal be considered , if they already have suffered famine and want of necessaries for their life , and bee withall out of hope to bee relieved , and are so pressed by the enemy , that of necessity they must within a short time give up the peece , endangering their lives thereby , without all hope of reliefe : herein shall our generall with his councell of warre either cleer them , or condemne them according to their merit . . if any number of souldiers shall without leave of their captain assemble together for the making of any convention , or taking of any councell amongst themselves ; so many inferiour officers as bee in company with them shall suffer death for it ; and the souldiers be so punished as they that give up any strength . also at no time shall they have liberty to hold any meeting amongst themselves , neither shall any captain permit it unto them ; he that presumeth to suffer them shall answer it before our highest court. . if any being brought in question amongst others , shall call for help of his own nation or of others , with intention rather to bee revenged than to defend himself ; he shall suffer death for it , and they that come in to help him shall bee punished like mutiners . . whosoever giveth advice unto the enemy any manner of way , shall die for it . . and so shall they that give any token signe or item unto the enemy . . every man shall be contented with that quarter that shall be given him either in the town or leaguer ; the contrary doer to be accounted a mutiner . . whoever flings away his armes , either in field or otherwhere , shall be scourged through the quarter , and then be lodged without it , be inforc'd to make the streets clean untill they redeem themselves by some worthy exploit doing . . he that felleth or pawneth his armes or any kind of amunition whatsoever , or any hatchets , spades , shovels , pickaxes , or other the like necessary instruments used in the field , shall be for the first and second time beaten through the quarters , and for the third time punish'd as for other theft : hee also that buieth or taketh them upon pawn , be he souldier or be he victualler , he shall first lose his money , and then bee punished like him that sold them . . hee that wilfully breaketh any of his armes or implements aforesaid , shall again pay for the mending of them , and after that be punish'd with bread and water , or otherwise according to the discretion of the court. . hee that after warning to the contrary , shall either buy or sell , shall first lose all the things so sold or bought , and then be punished for his disobedience , as is aforesaid . . no man that once hath been proclaimed traitor either at home or in the field , or that hath been under the hangmans hands , shall ever bee endured again in any company . . no duell or combat shall bee permitted to bee fought either in the leaguer or place of strength : if any offereth to wrong others , it shall bee decided by the officers of the regiment ; he that challengeth the field of another shall answer it before the marshals court. if any captain , lieutenant , ancient , or other inferiour officer shall either give leave or permission unto any under their command , to enter combat , and doth not rather hinder them , shall be presently casheired from their charges , and serve afterwards as a reformado or common souldier ; but if any harm be done , he shal answer it as deeply as he that did it . . hee that forceth any woman to abuse her , and the matter bee proved , hee shall die for it . . no whore shall be suffered in the leaguer ; but if any will have his own wife with him , he may ; if any unmarried woman bee found , hee that keeps her may have leave lawfully to marry her , or else be forced to put her away . . no man shall presume to set fire on any town or village in our land : if any doe , he shall bee punished according to the importancy of the matter , so as the judges shall sentence him . . no souldier shall set fire upon any town or village in the enemies land , without he be commanded by his captain : neither shall any captain give any such command , unlesse hee hath first received it from us or our generall : who so doth the contrary , he shall answer it in the generals councell of warre according to the importance of the matter ; and if it be proved to bee prejudiciall unto us , and advantagious for the enemy , he shall suffer death for it . . no souldier shall pillage any thing from our subjects upon any march , strength , leaguer or otherwise howsoever , upon pain of death . . he that beats his host or his houshold servants , the first and second time hee shall be put in yrons , and made to fast with bread and water , according as the wrong is that he hath done , if the harme be great , hee shall be punish'd thereafter , according to the discretion of the court. . none shall presume to do wrong to any that brings necessaries to our leaguer , castle or strength whatsoever , or to cast their goods down off their horses , and take away their horses perforce : which whoso doth shall die for it . . they that pillage or steal either in our land or in the enemies , or from any of them that come to furnish our leaguer or strength , without leave , shall bee punish'd as for other theft . . if it so please god that we beat the enemy , either in the field or in his leaguer , then shall every man that is appointed follow the chase of the enemy , and no man give himselfe to fall upon pillage , so long as it is possible to follow the enemy , and untill such time as he be assuredly beaten ; which done , then may their quarters be fallen upon , every man taking what he findeth in his owne quarters ; neither shall any man fall to plunder one in anothers quarters , but rest himselfe contented with that which is assigned him . . if any man give himselfe to fall upon the pillage before leave be given him so to doe , then may any of his officers kill him . moreover , if any misfortune ensue upon their greedinesse after the spoyle , then shall all of them suffer death for it ; and notwithstanding there comes no dammage thereupon , yet shall they lye in irons for one moneth , living all that while upon bread and water , giving all the pillage so gotten unto the next hospitall . he that plunders another quarter , shall also have the same punishment . . when any fort or place of strength is taken in , no man shall fall upon the spoyle , before that all the places in which the enemy is lodged be also taken in , and that the souldiers and burgers have layed downe their armes , and that the quarters be dealt out and assigned to every body ; who so does the contrary shall be punished as before . . no man shall presume to ●illage any church or hospitall , although the strength be taken by assault ; except he be first commanded , or that the souldiers and burgers be fled thereinto and doe harme from thence ; who dares the contrary shall be punished as aforesaid . . no man shall set fire upon any hospitall , church , schoole , or mill , or spoyle them any way , except he be commanded ; neither shall any tyrannize over any church-man , or aged people , men or women , maides or children , unlesse they first take armes against them , under paine of punishment at the discretion of the judges . . no souldiers shall abuse any churches , colledges , schooles , or hospitalls ; or offer any kind of violence to ecclesiasticall persons , nor any way be troublesome with pitching or inquartering upon them , or with exacting of contribution from them : no souldier shall give disturbance or offence to any person , exercising his sacred function or ministery upon paine of death . . let the billet and lodgings in every city be assigned to the souldiers , by the burge-masters or chiefe head-borroughes ; and let no commander presume to meddle with that office ; no commander or common souldier , shall either exact or receive of the townesmen or citizens any thing , besides what the king or his generall in his absence hath appointed to be received . . no citizen nor country man shall be bound to allow unto either souldier or officer , any thing but what is contained in the kings orders , for contributions and enquarterings ; ( viz. ) nothing besides house-roome , fire-wood , candle , vineger , and salt , which is yet to be undestood that the inferiour officers , as serjeants and corparalls and those under them , as also all common souldiers shall make shift with the common fire & candle of the house where they lie , and do their businesse by them . . if so be that colonels and other commanders have any servants or attendants , they shall not be maintained by the citizens or yeomandry , but by their own masters . no commander shall take any house or lodging in his protection , or at his owne pleasure give a ticket of freedome , when such tickets are not expresly desired of him , nor shall he receive any bride or present to mend his owne commons withall under any colour or pretext whatsoever . if any man desire a personall safeguard , let him be contented with that which is appointed in the kings orders . . to commanders and souldiers present , let the usuall allowance be offered by the citizens , but let no care be taken for such as are away . . new-levied souldiers are to have no allowance before they be entertained at the muster . . nothing is to be allowed the souldiers in any house but in the same where he is billited ; if they take any thing otherwhere by force , they are to make it good . . if either officer , souldier , or sutler be to travell through any country , the people are not to furnish them with waggons , post-horse , or victuals but for their ready money , unlesse they bring a warrant either from the king or the generall . . no souldier is to forsake his colours , and to put himself under the entertainment of any other colonell or garrison , or to ramble about the countrey without he hath his colonels passe , or his that is in his stead : who so doth , it shall bee lawfull for any man to apprehend him , and to send him prisoner to the next carrison of the kings , where he shall be examined , and punished accordingly . . whosoever have any lawfull passes , ought by no means to abuse the benefit of them , or practise any cheats under the pretence of them . if any be found with any pilfery , or to have taken any mans cattell or goods ; it shall be lawfull for the countrey-people to lay hands upon them , and to bring them to the next garrison ; speciall care being had , that if the prisoner hath any letters of moment about him , they be speedily and safely delivered . . our carriers or posts , though they have lawfull passes to travell withall , yet shall they not ride their post-horses which they hire , beyond the next stage . and if they shall take away any horse from one or other , to tire out with hard riding , and beyond reason ; they shall be bound to return the horse again , or to make satisfaction for him . the same order shall take place too , when any regiment or troops of ours shall remove from one quarter to another ; namely , when they shall hire postillions or baggage-waggons for the carriage of their valises , armes or amunition . . the houses of the princes or nobility which have no need to borrow our guard to defend them from our enemy , shall not be pressed with souldiers . . moreover , under a great penaltie , it is provided , that neither officers nor souldiers shall make stay of , or arrest the princes commissaries or officers , or any gentlemen , councellors of state , senators or burgers of any cities , or other countrey-people ; nor by any fact of violence shall offend them . . travellers , or other passengers going about their businesse into any garrisons or places of muster , shall by no means bee stayed , injured , or have contribution laid upon them . . our commanders shall defend the countrey-people and plough-men that follow their husbandry , and shall suffer none to hinder them in it . . no commander or common souldier whatsoever , either in town of garrison , or place of muster , shall exact any thing upon passengers , nor shall lay any custome or toll upon any merchandize imported or exported ; nor shall any bee a hindrance to the lord of the place , in receiving his due customes or toll-gathering ; but to further them . . if any of our officers having power of command , shall give the word for any remove or march to some other quarter ; those souldiers either of horse or foot that privily lurk behind their fellows , shall have no power to exact part of the contributions formerly allotted for their maintenance in that place ; but shall severally be punished rather for their lingring behind the army . . whatsoever is not contained in these articles , and is repugnant to military discipline , or whereby the miserable and innocent country may against all right and reason be burdened withall , whatsoever offence finally shall be committed against these orders , that shall the severall commanders make good , or see severally punished , unlesse themselves will stand bound to give further satisfaction for it . . according to these articles , let every man governe his businesse and actions , and learne by them to take heed in comming into lurch or danger . . if any souldier happens to get free-booty in any castle , city , towne , fort , strength , or leaguer ; and moreover , whatsoever ordnance , munition for warre , and victuals is found there , shall be left for our use , the rest shall be the souldiers , only the tenth part thereof shall they give to the sicke and maimed souldiers in the hospitalls . all prisoners shall first be presented to us , amongst which if there bee any man of note , whom we desire to have unto our selves , wee promise in lieu thereof honestly to recompence the taker of him , according to the quality of the person ; other prisoners of inferiour ranke may the takers keep unto themselves , whom by our leave or our generalls they may put to their ransome and take it to themselves , but without leave they may not ransome them upon paine of death . . if any bee found drunken in the enemies leaguer , castle , or towne , before the enemy hath yeelded himselfe wholly up to our mercy , and laid downe his armes ; whosoever shall kill the said drunken souldier , shall be free for it ; alwayes provided that good proofe be brought that hee was drunken ; and if that souldier escape for that time with his life , and that it can appeare that some dammage or hinderance hath come unto our service by his drunkennesse , then wheresoever he be apprehended , he shall die for it ; but if no hurt ensued thereof , yet shall he be put in irons for the space of one moneth , living upon his pittance of bread and water . . all our souldiers shall duely repaire unto the generall musters upon the day and houre appointed ; nor shall any colonell or captaine either of horse or foot , keepe backe his souldiers from being mustered at the time when our muster-masters shall desire to view them ; if any refuse , he shall be taken for a mutiner . . no colonell nor captaine shall lend any of their souldiers one to another upon the muster-dayes for the making up of their numbers compleat ; he that thus makes a false muster , shall answer it at the marshalls court , where being found guilty , he shall be proclaimed traitor ; after which being put out of the quarter , his colours shall flie no more . . if any souldier hires out himselfe for money to runne the * gate-lope three severall times , he shall be beheaded ; and if any captaine shall so permit or counsell his souldier to doe the same , he shall be actually cashierd . . if any horse-man borrowes either horse , armour , pistols , saddle , sword , or harnesse to passe muster withall ; so much as is borrowed shall be escheated , and himselfe after that turned out of the leaguer , as likewise he shall that lent it him ; the one halfe of the armes forfeited shall goe to the captaine , and the other halfe unto the parforce . . if it can bee proved that any horseman hath wilfully spoyled his horse ; hee shall bee made traitor , lose his horse , and bee turned out of the quarter . . all souldiers both of horse and foot , shall be taken on at a free muster , but not by any private captaine ; neither shall their pay goe on before they be mustred by our muster-masters . . no souldier either of horse or foot , shall be cashiered by his colonell , captaine , or other inferiour officer ; nor shall they who being taken on at a free muster , have their men sworne to serve ( if it please god ) untill the next muster , except it be upon a free muster , at which time the muster-masters , and his colonell may freely give him his passe . . if any forreine souldier shall desire his passe in any towne of garrison after the enemy be retired , he may have it ; but by no meanes whilst there is any service to be done against the enemy . . if any souldier or native subject , desires to bee discharged from the warres , he shall give notice thereof unto the muster-masters ; who if they finde him to bee sicke , or maimed , or that hee served twenty yeeres in our warres , or hath beene ten severall times before the enemy , and can bring good witnesse thereof , he shall be discharged . . if any colonell or captaine either of horse or foot does give any passe , otherwise than is before mentioned , he shall be punished as for other fellonies ; and he who hath obtained the same passe , shall lose three moneths pay , and be put in prison for one moneth , upon bread and water . . no colonell or captaine either of horse or foot shall give leave to his souldiers to goe home out of the field , without leave of our generall , or chiefe commander ; whosoever does the contrary , shall lose three moneths pay , and be put in prison for one moneth , upon bread and water . . no captaine either of horse or foot shall presume to goe out of any leaguer or place of strength to demand his pay , without leave of the generall or governour ; who so doth ▪ shall be cashired from his place , and put out of the quarters . . no captaine either of horse or foot shall hold backe any of his souldiers meanes from him ; of which if any complaine , the captaine shall answer it before the court , where being found guilty , he shall be punisht as for other felony ; also if any mischance ensue thereupon , as that the souldiers mutine , be sicke , or endure hunger , or give up any strength ; then shall he answer for all those inconveniences , that hereupon can or may ensue . . if any captaine lends money unto his souldiers , which he desires should be paid againe ; that must be done in the presence of the muster-masters , that our service be no way hindred or neglected . . if upon necessity the case sometimes so falls out in the leaguer , that pay bee not alwayes made at the due time , mentioned in the commissions , yet shall every man in the meane time , be willing to further our service , seeing they have victualls sufficient for the present , and that they shall so soone as may bee receive the rest of their meanes , as is mentioned in their commission . . very requisite it is , that good justice be holden amongst our souldiers , as well as amongst other our subjects . . for the same reason was a king ordained by god to be the soveraigne judge in the field as well as at home . . now therefore in respect of many occasions which may fall out , his single judgement alone may be too weak to discerne every particular circumstance ; therefore it is requisite that in the leaguer , as well as otherwhere , there be some court of justice erected for the deciding of all controversies ; and to be carefull in like manner , that our articles of warre be of all persons observed and obeyed so farre forth as is possible . . we ordaine therefore that there be two courts in our leaguer ; a high court , and a lower court. . the lower court shall be amongst the regiments both of horse and foot , whereof every regiment shall have one among themselves . . in the horse-regiments the colonell shall be president , and in his absence the captaine of our owne life-guards ; with them are three captains to be joyned , three lieutenants , three cornets , and three quarter-masters , that so together with the president they may be to the number of thirteene at the least . . in a regiment of foot the colonell also shall be president , and his lieutenant colonell in his absence ; with them are two captains to be joyned , two lieutenants , two ensignes , foure serjeants , and two quarter-masters ; that together with the president they may be thirteene in number also . . in our highest marshall court , shall our generall be presidēt ; in his absence our field-marshall , when our generall is present , his asseciats shall be our field-marshall first , next him our generall of the ordnance , serjeant-major-generall , generall of the horse , quarter-master-generall ; next to them shall sit our muster-masters and all our colonells , and in their absence their lieutenant-colonells , and these shall sit together when there is any matter of great importance in controversie . . whensoever this highest court is to be holden , they shall observe this order ; our great generall as president , shall sit alone at the head of the table , on his right hand our field-marshall , on his left hand the generall of the ordnance , on the right hand next our serjeant-major-generall , on the left hand againe the generall of the horse , and then the quarter-master-generall on one hand , and the muster-master-generall on the other ; after them shall every colonell sit according to his place , as here followes ; first , the colonell of our life-regiment , or of the guards of our owne person ; then every colonell according to their places of antiquity . if there happen to be any great men in the army of our subjects , that be of good understanding , they shall cause them to sit next these officers ; after these shall sit all the colonells of strange nations , every one according to his antiquity of service . . all these judges both of higher and lower courts , shall under the blue skies thus sweare before almighty god , that they will inviolably keep this following oath unto us : i. r. w. doe here promise before god upon his holy gospell , that i both will & shall judge uprightly in all things according to the lawes of god , of our nation , and these articles of warre , so farre forth as it pleaseth almighty god to give me understand●ng ; neither will i for favour nor for hatred , for good will , feare , ill will , anger , or any gift or bribe whatsoever , judge wrongfully ; but judge him free that ought to be free , and doom him guilty , that i finde guilty ; as the lord of heaven and earth shall help my soule and body at the last day , i shall hold this oath truly . . the judges of our highest court shall take this their oath in the first leaguer , where our campe shall be pitched ; our generall , and the rest appointed to set with him shall repaire to the place where we shall appoint , before his tent , or other where ; where an officer appointed by us , shall first take his oath , and then the others oathes also . . when the president of our lower courts shall heare this foresaid oath read before them , then shall they hold up their hands , and sweare to keep it ; in like manner , so often as any court is to be holden in any regiment , the aforesaid oath shall be read before all them that sit in judgement with him , who shall also hold up their hands and promise to keepe the oath aforesaid . . in our highest court , there shall be one sworne secretary appointed , who shall make a diligent record of all the proceedings that shall fall out , either in any pitcht battell , skirmish , leaguer , or any other peece of service whatsoever ; he shall take the note , both of the day , place , and houre , with all other circumstances that shall happen ; he shall also set his hand unto all sentences signed by our generall ; he shall have also two clerkes or notaries under him , who shall ingrosse all these passages , and keepe a true register of all enterprises , that our generall with his counsell of warre shall give order to have done ; and likewise of what letters be either written or received . . in our highest court there shall be one vice-president , who shall command the serjeant at armes , whose office is to warne in all the judges of the court , that they may there appeare at the time and place appointed , and also to give the same notice both unto the plaintife and defendant . . in all lower courts also , there shall be one sworne clerke or secretary who shall likewise hold the same order that is mentioned in our highest court. . our highest court shall be carefull also to heare and judge all criminall actions , and especially cases of conspiracy or treason practised or plotted against us , or our generall either in word or deed ; secondly , if any gives out dishonourable speeches against our majesty ; thirdly , or consulteth with the enemy to betray our leaguer , castle , towne , souldiers , or fleet any way whatsoever ; fourthly , if any there be partakers of such treason or treachery , and reveale it not ; fifthly , or any that hath held correspondency and intelligence with the enemy ; sixthly , if any hath a spite or malice against us or our country ; seventhly , if any speake disgracefully , either of our owne or our generalls person or indeavours ; eightly , or that intendeth treachery against our generall or his under-officers ; or that speaketh disgracefully of them . . all questions in like manner happening betwixt officers and their souldiers , if they suspect our lower court to be partiall any way , then may they appeale unto our highest court , who shall decide the matter . . if a gentleman or any officer be summoned to appeare before the lower court , for any matter of importance , that may touch his life , or honour ▪ then shall the same be decided by our higher court. . all civill questions that be in controversie in our lower court , if the debt or fine extends unto five hundred dollars , or seventy five pounds or above ; if the party complaines of injustice , they may thence appeale unto the higher court , if so be they can first prove the injustice . . all other occasions that may fall out , be they civill , or be they criminall ; shall first come before the lower court where they shall be heard : and what is there by good evidence proved , shall be recorded . . any criminall action , that is adjudged in our lower court , we command , that the sentence be presented , unto our generall ; we will not have it presently put in execution , untill he gives command for it in our absence . but our selves being in person there present , will first take notice of it , and dispose afterwards of it , as we shall think expedient . . in our higher court , the generall parforce , or his lieutenant , shall be the plaintife , who shall be bound to follow the complaint diligently , to the end he may the better informe our counsellors who are to doe justice : if it be a matter against our selves , then shall our owne advocate defend our action , before our court. . the same power the parforce of every regiment shall have in our lower court , which parforce shall be bound , also to give notice of every breach of those articles of warre , that the infringer may be punished . . whatsoever fine is by the aforesaid judges determined according to our articles of warre , and escheated thereupon , shall be divided into three parts . our owne part of the fine we freely bestow upon the severall captains either of horse or foot , which is forfeited by their officers and souldiers ; & the forfeiture of every captain , we bestow upon their colonell ; and the forfeiture of every colonell we give unto our generall . the other two parts , belonging either to the party to whom it is adjudged , or to the court , those leave we undisposed , the point of treason onely excepted : and this gift of ours unto our officers , is to be understood to indure so long as the army be in the field , upon any strength or worke , and till they come home againe , after which time , they shall come under the law of the land like the other inhabitants . . whensoever our highest court is to sit , i● shal be two houres before proclaimed through the leaguer , that there is such an action criminall to be there tried , which is to be decided under the blue skies ; but if it be an action civill , then may the court be holden within some tent , or otherwhere ; then shall the souldiers come together , about the place where the court is to be holden , no man presuming to come too neere the table where the judges are to sit ; then shall our generall come formost of all , and the other his associats , two and two together , in which order , they all comming out of the generalls tent , shall set themselves down in the court , in the order before appointed ; the secretaries place shall be at the lower end of the table , where he shall take diligent notice in writing of all things declared before the court ; thē shall the general parforce begin to open his complaint before them , and the contrary party shall have liberty to answer for himselfe , untill the judges be throughly informed of the truth of all things . . if the court be to be holden in any house or tent , they shall observe the same order in following the generall in their degrees , where they shall also sit as is afore mentioned . . the matter being throughly opened and considered upon , according to the importance of it , and our whole court agreeing in one opinion ; they shall command their sentence concerning the same action , to be publikely there read in the hearing of all men , alwayes reserving his majesties further will and pleasure . . in our lower court they shall also hold the same order ; saving that the particular court of every regiment , shall be holden in their owne quarters . . in this lower court , they shall alwayes observe this order ; namely , that the president sits at the bords end alone , the captaines , lieutenants , and ensignes on either side ; so many inferiour officers also upon each side , that so they may the better reason upon the matter amongst themselves ; last of all , shall the clerke or secretary sit at the lower end of the table ; the one party standing upon one hand , and the other upon the other . . so soone as the sentence is given , the president shall rise up , and all that sit with him ; but doom being given by our generall , that one of the parties must lose his head , hand , or the like ; then shall they command the parforce to take him away to prison , which done , the parforce shall send unto the minister , to desire him to visit the party , and to give him the communion ; but if the doom be passed in any lower court , it shall be signified up unto the generall in our absence , who shall either pardon the fact , or execute the sentence . . no superiour officer , colonell or captain , either of horse or foot , shall sollicite for any man that is lawfully convicted by the court , either for any crime , or for not observing of these articles of warre ; unlesse it be for his very neere kinsman , for whom nature compells him to intercede ; otherwise the solliciter shall be held as odious as the delinquent , and cashierd from his charge . . whosoever is minded to serve us in these warres , shall be obliged to the keep-in of these articles . if any out of presumption , upon any strength , in any leaguer , in the field , or upon any worke shall doe the contrary , be he native or be he stranger , gentleman or other , processe shall be made out against him for every time , so long as he serves us in these warres in the quality of a souldier . . these articles of warre we have made and ordained for the welfare of our native countrey , and doe command that they be read every moneth publickly before every regiment , to the end that no man shall pretend ignorance . we further will and command all , whatsoever officers higher or lower , and all our common souldiers , and all others that come into our leaguer amongst the souldiers , that none presume to doe the contrary hereof upon paine of rebellion , and the incurring of our highest displeasure ; for the firmer confirmation whereof , we have hereunto set our hand and seale . signed in the leaguer royall . rules and observations to be vsed before battell . sect . xix . chap. viii . divers promotions and observations for a generall to take notice of , before the pitching of a battell . in framing and ordering of battells , there are divers circumstances of great importance to be had in consideration , whereby such warlike actions may be crowned with victory , which being neglected , shall give an advantage to the enemy to rout and ruine your army ; wherefore i will indeavour to draw the particular circumstances to certaine heads ; and there being divers things of great moment to be handled , i must crave your patience to be somewhat the larger in it , and the rather because i intend to insert the best instructions that our ablest generalls both ancient and moderne have left us examples for future ages . our ancient and best experienced commanders found by their practicall experience , that an army consisting of fifty thousand men , was of potency sufficient for any enterprise or designe , and that thirty thousand men was the least army they durst adventure to enter the enemies country withall . i shall give you the formes of divers and severall battells , and of sundry proportions of numbers both of horse and foot as hereafter you shall see . the things observable before the ranging of a battell are these ; first , the strength of your owne , and of your enemies army , both in foote and horse ; with the conditions of souldiers , whether they be old and expert , or young novices . secondly , the situation of the ground , the advantages of strength in it , as hills , dales , rivers , hedges , woods , rocks , mores , or the like . thirdly , the extent of the place , so that there may be convenient distances , and proportionable for the imbattelling of your army . fourthly , according to the advantages , situation , smallnesse or vastnesse of the place ; accordingly you are to proportion and order your forme of imbattelling . fifthly , according as your enemies army shall consist most , either in horse or foot ; the choise of your ground shall be thereafter taken for advantage ; viz. if your owne forces consist more of foote , and lesse in horse , and your enemies strength is chiefly in his cavallary , and weake in his foot-forces , then you must make choice of fields inclosed , or the advantage of hils , ditches , rivers , woods , moorish grounds , and the like , whereby the enemies horse will bee barred from executing their service : otherwise , if the army consisteth chiefly in horse , the plains and large fields are most convenient and proper to further their execution . sixthly , the sun and wind are chiefly to be gained of our sides ; wherefore the battalia's must be ranged at some rising with their backs toward it , and give battell before the sun declines to be in their faces : or if the enemy should have the advantage of the sunne in the morning , then to defer battell untill noon , whereby you gain the advantage of it in the after-noon . but of the two , the wind is principally to be had on your side ; for there is nothing that can trouble the enemy more than the dust and smoke of ordnance and muskets , which blinds and choaks them so as they know not what they do , nor can perceive how their adversary orders himselfe against them : wherefore if you have but a side-wind , bee sure you plant most ordnance upon that side , and make what smokie fires of straw and muck mingled with brimstone and pitch as possibly you can , so that the wind may convey the smoke full into the enemies teeth . finally , if it cannot be eschewed , but that the wind must be against you , then place your own ordnance wide of the flanks of your army , so that the smoke of them may not blind the front of your battell . seventhly , get some convenient hils ▪ either naturall or artificiall , for the planting of ordnance , to flanker the army and annoy the enemy ; the which must be strongly guarded , and intrencht if it possibly may be , for it is the first thing the enemy will seek to surprize , if he possibly may . eighthly , the orderly disposing of the carts , waggons , and carriages , and all the impediments of the army in the rear , so that the battell may be strengthned and impaled with them ; or if there be any naturall strength , as rivers , woods , hedges , ditches , and the like for to defend the rear , then to order and place those carriages and impediments on the flanks , whereby they shall bee impaled and strengthned : but if no commodious place may bee found to safeguard your army , then raise intrenchments upon the flanks and rear , and man them with piks and muskets , or at least impale them with pikes and muskets . ninthly , by dividing the army into divers sundry battalions or divisions , and so ordering them , that one division or battalia may releeve the other , being overcharged with the enemy ; for there is no greater danger can possibly betide an army than to range it so as one division cannot retire between the other divisions for safety and strength . many have used to frame their battels but of one intire front , so that being repulst , they have no refuge , but to be routed and vanquish'd ; but this is to be accounted madnesse : for it is great wisdome and policie to range three severall battels to retreat into , but never to order lesse than two : for if there bee battels of succour for the main battell to retrait into , then the files may be the thinner , as we have formerly instanced the king of sweden , who used to range his battalia's but six men in depth ; so that with ten thousand well-exercised men he could extend the front of his army as broad as the enemy could with fourteen thousand , and make his partie good with them in regard of his sundry retreats , which brings fresh hands to fight and weary out the enemy : as also hee would not misse of places of advantage , environed with water or marish grounds , &c. so that his army should not be assaulted upon all sides . sebastian king of portugal , when he aided mulehamet in the wars of barbary against abdimelec king of morocco , ranged the rear of his battell against the river maraga , which was as a wall to defend them . moreover , a generall must take this for a rule , viz. to enlarge or strengthen the front of his battell according to the number of his souldiers , as also according to the force of his enemies troops ; if the place where you are to imbattell in be narrow , then of necessity you must straighten your ranks ; and if the place be wide and open , you must bee very carefull not to extend the front of your battell too wide , except your army bee of greater potencie than the enemies ; then by extending out the wings of your battell , you may gain advantage by over-winging them , whereby you may charge them both in flank and front at once . but hee that shall adventure to charge an army upon all sides , either must have four times more men than the enemy , or else he must be sure to perish for want of discretion . also there is great discretion to be used in ordering of battels , that they may not bee plac'd in low grounds neer any hill or high banks , or upon the side of a hill , because the lower grounds are subject to the enemies ordnance : if the enemy should have this advantage , the best way to prevent it , is to march out of distance from such places of advantage , to cause them to come down to you . but some fondly have maintained the lower ground to be of greatest advantage , in regard the muskets will doe more service in shooting upwards than downwards . to this i answer , it is but a simple opinion ; for it is double advantage to have the higher ground , in regard both horse and foot will soon find to their costs that it is a double pains ; besides they come upon them with a great deal more power down hill , than they can up hill , and a bullet shot from a side-hill may shoot through two or three ranks , when as that which is shot upwards , cannot shoot past through one ; as for their bullets rowling out , they are simple men that charge them the mean time . but this by the way . tenthly , your battell must bee so ordered and disposed , that the enemy may bee brought into some stratagem , or made to disorder his troops ; which may be done many waies , as by causing your army orderly to retrait , so that the enemy may disorder his ranks in the pursuit , and then to take the occasion to fall on again orderly , and rout them . the ancient generals were very politick in this , for when they knew that their enemies plac'd their greatest strength in any one point or wing of the army , then contrarily they would frame that point or wing weakest which was to encounter with them : their ablest forces they commanded to stand firme , and not seek to repulse the enemy , but to resist them ; and the weakest battalia's they caused to assault the enemy , and then to retrait to their battalia's behind them ; by this means they brought the enemy into two great disorders : the first was , the enemy had his best souldiers inclosed betwixt their adversaries battalia's : the second was , when the enemy thought they had gotten the victory : their bands would disorder themselves by pillaging : as the like hapned at the battell of dreux in france , where the lord of guise stood fast with his battalia , all the rest being fled from him but the valiant switzers , who opposed themselves against all the fury of the enemy . in the mean time the prince of codee's troops being confident of the victory , some of them following the slaughter , and others fell to pillaging , thus being scattered abroad , the lord guise finding his opportunity , with those men he had hee marched up to them with a bold countenance , and overthrew them before they could order themselves in any form to receive their charge . likewise scipio plac'd his weakest forces against asdrubal's best souldiers which hee had plac'd in the midst of the battell ; and upon each flank scipio had plac'd his ablest men . so soon as asdrubal charged scipio's battell , they retraited , only the two flanks of his strongest souldiers stood firme : asdrubal's souldiers pursuing the retrait , before they were aware , were gotten between the two divisions of the flanks of scipio , as if they had been in an half-moon ; they there being charged upon both sides by them , his weakest men being there , were soon vanquish'd , and the rather , because his chiefest forces , being plac'd in the midst of his battell , could not come to fight . eleventhly , you must know how and when to make use of such instruments as may hinder the enemies horse , and disorder and annoy his foot-troops : and for this purpose the king of sweden made use of an instrument which he termed a swines spike , formerly used by one of our kings , whereby he gained a conquest in france : it was a peece of ash four foot long , at each end a speared pike of yron ; his musketires stook this at their girdles , and as they advanc'd forwards to give fire upon their enemy , every man stook down his instrument aslope into the ground ; this hindred the horse from charging them . also many have made use of the caltrop , it being a small peece of round wood with pikes sticking up every way ; each souldier having one or two of these about him , may cast them before the front and flanks of the army : these will much annoy the enemies horse . also your powder-pots being plac'd in the earth , and fire given unto them just as the enemy shall be approaching over them , these will infinitely disorder and kill them . moreover it behooves a generall to be of a very quick apprehension , and to forecast with himself what stratagems will best sute with the condition of the enemy , and the situation of the place , and how and when to put them in execution , that they may work their best effect . in the framing of your battell you must bee mindfull to order the battalia's so as there may be a space left of two paces for the musketires to march down by the sides of the pikes after they have given fire upon the enemy ; for if the distance should bee lesse , as divers would have it , the motion of the battalia's would presently close them up . also the distances between the battels of the forlorn hopes and the front of the main battel ought to be sixtie paces , or according as the place will admit . likewise , the distances between the main battell and the battell of succour ought to be fifteen or twenty paces . the like distance is to bee observed between the battell of succour and the rear-battell . that part of the battell that cannot be secured by rivers , moors , woods , or the like , must be impaled either by intrenchments well man'd , or double or treble pallizado'd , and wel man'd with pikes and muskets ; four ranks of pikes , and three ranks of muskets wil be sufficient to make the impalement : one rank of musketires may be drawn under the pikes to give fire upon their knees ; the other two ranks standing behind the pikes , may give fire over their heads , as they stoop to charge to the horse . these ought not to give fire at random , but just when the troops are come almost within push of pike , and then but every second musketire is to give fire , so that they may without intermission maintain their volley of shot . these new invented bow-pikes are the properest to impale the battel withall ; and it cannot be amisse to have a rank or two of them in the front of the battalia's , where they may do good service . there must be a convenient space between the wings of the battell and the impalements , if in case the formost battalia's should retrait into the battell of succour , &c. there are divers small field-peeces which are to bee plac'd before the divisions of the front , which after once or twice discharging are to be drawn within the divisions of the main battell , and are to bee plac'd before the battell of succour : so that if the formost battell is driven to retrait into the spaces of the battel of succour , then are they ready to give fire upon the enemy at his next approaches ; these field-peeces being there plac'd , may bee drawn upon the flanks , ready to give fire upon the enemy when hee shall charge the flanks either with horse or foot. the forlorn hopes , when they are wearied and beaten back by the enemy are to retrait through the spaces left betwixt the battalions , and there they are to order themselves in a redinesse to issue out at the flanks , and assault the enemy when they are at push of pike , upon one of their flanks . there would bee divers appointed with granado's and fire-pots to cast them amongst the enemy . there may bee divers morter-peeces so plac'd that they may shoot granado's and fire-balls from the space between the main battell and the battell of succour , and convey them over the heads of your formost battell , amongst the enemies that are approaching to charge you . in regard nothing can hinder the enemies ordnance from annoying your battalia's , but either they must be out of distance , or a strong wall betwixt you : it being an evill not to be eschewed , you are to make choice of the best and safest means of prevention ; the first is by ordering of your files thin : the second is to send with all speed a certain convenient number of shot , accompanied with horse , to seize upon the ordnance ; with all celerity they are to performe this service , by which the enemy will be hindred from shooting more than once ; for they being in combustion for the gaining and defending their ordnance , will hinder their execution . those field-peeces , which i have formerly spoken of that they should be placed before the battalia's , may do as good service being plac'd behind those battalia's , if you cause those troops before them to open a distance for the shot , and speedily to fall into their order againe . no army is to be ordered so that those battalia's behind , or in the rear of the battel cānot succour & assist those that fight before , for then the greatest part of the army wil be unprofitable , and if the enemy be potent , it cannot possibly but suffer an overthrow . the front of the battel ought to be entire , only those spaces before spoken of , for they are only to withstand the first brunt of the enemies charge : and there ought in this to be more care taken not to be strucken by the enemy , than it importeth to strike them . the second battell , called the battell of succour , is to receive the divisions of the formost battell upon occasion , and ought therefore to be ordered with convenient spaces or distances for that purpose , and ought alwaies to be of lesse number than the first battell ; for there can be no danger betide them , in regard the enemy cannot come to fight with them , unlesse the formost battell be joyned with them , and then the enemy will find the middle battell far stronger than the formost . the battel in the rear ought to have the widest spaces or distances of all , because if the enemy should be too powerfull for the main battell and the battell of succour , then these distances receive them , and then with one power they assail the enemy with all the whole strength of the army ; and now they must stand close and strongly to their tackling to gain victory : and take this for an observation , that souldiers will inlarge their ranks , and files when fear maketh them think of flight ; and close then when valour and resolution maketh them stand firm to resist . if the enemy forceth the main battell to retrait into the battel of succour , those that impale the flanks ought to keep their ground , if possibly they may , for thereby they shall have advantage to charge the enemy upon the flanks as they follow the retrait of your main battel ; but if they be compell'd to retrait , they may doe it safely , falling back and doubling their own ranks from the midst downwards to the rear ▪ and indeed it were very fitting an army should be exercised in order of battel , to make them perfect . and again no generall ought to use one form of imbattelling alwaies , for fear his enemy should prove too subtill for him , and foil him in his own play . the best way to save an army from smal-shot , that will much annoy you , is to come speedily to the encounter . the officers of every band being drawn into battalia , are to appoint trusty carefull men to fill the souldiers bandilires , and to deliver bullets and march unto them , that there may be no stay nor want , nor any powder miscarry . if your army be compounded of divers nations , so that some of them are not to bee trusted ; those whose loyalties are not to be trusted , must alwaies be plac'd formost next the enemy , and the faithfullest ablest men behind them , next unto them ; so that having the enemy before , and a strong battalia behind them , they must of necessity fight or perish . the romans used to place their assistants or strangers upon the out-wings of the battell . but if your army consists of divers nations that you were confident of their valour and fidelity , the best way were to order them all in one front ; so that the jealousie of one anothers forwardnesse and valour might breed such an emulation in them , that they would doe their best to exceed one the other in prowesse . the king of sweden made use of this policie many times , and it stood him in gread stead ; the same did monsieur de lautrec against the emperors army in the kingdome of naples , his army consisting of divers nations , as italians , switzers , french-men , gaescoins , almaignes ; because none of them should be disparaged , hee plac'd them all in on front ; for he knew of their great emulation , that one nation desired to be thought more valiant than the other . now it remains to speak of the cavialry , how they ought to be plac'd ; and in this a great care and circumspection is to be had : first in ordering them into convenient battalia's , or proportionable divisions , that they bee neither too big nor too small ; these are to be ranged upon each wing of the foot-troops , fifty or sixty paces distant from the flanks of the army , lest by their unrulinesse and disorderly retraiting , they presse upon your own troops , and dis-rank them . many times the horse-troops are divided into six battalia's , viz. three plac'd upon one wing , and three upon the other ; the formost battalia's are to consist of as many more as the second , and the third is to be least of all . as , suppose the number of . horse ; the two formost battels upon each wing are to consist of . the two second battels of . apeece , and the two third and last battels of . in each : there ought to be a good distance betwixt each of these battalia's . if your horse-troops should be too weak for the enemy , you must line their files with shot , and also have in a readinesse certain extraordinary pikes to assist the horse and shot , if they should be overcharged . the horse are to shelter themselves in the rear of the foot-battalia's untill such time as the enemies ordnance are surprized ; for the horse are subject to more danger of the enemies ordnance than the foot possibly can be , in regard they are lower , and a ●annon-shot is subject to mount . the harquebuziers and carbines many times are imployed to assault the enemy not having so much respect in keeping of their ranks . the curassires are to bee ordered next the flank of the battell for the most part , and the harquebuziers and carbines outmost of all ; for the curassiers ought to stirre as little as possibly may be from the wings of the foot-battalia's ; for most properly they are to resist and seldome to assaile . the best and safest way both for horse and foot , is to keep their ground untill the enemy be drawn very near unto your battell , and then to receive their charge . the cavalry being ordered ( as before ) into three severall battels , viz. the main battel , which is to consist of carbines ; the battel of succour is to consist of harquebuziers , and the rear-battell of curassiers ; and many times the troops of the carbines and harquebuziers are next in the formost battel , & are to do the first execution upon the enemies troops , & the curassiers are to finish what they have begun to ruine & disorder . the battell of succour is to be in distance behind the main battel forty or fifty paces , and is to have spaces as the foot hath , for the divisions to retrait into : the like must the rear-battell have ; and it is to be ordered in distance twice as far behind the battell of succour , as the battell of succour is from the main battell , viz. . or . foot , or more or lesse according to the situation of the ground . if the enemy should charge your horses in the rear , in the time of the conflict , then the generall must send the light-armed horse to resist them ; and there must bee alwaies in a readinesse certain maniples both of pikes and shot plac'd in the rear of the battel , to draw out to assist either the horse or foot upon all occasions . lastly , it remains to speak of the waies and means to encourage the souldiers , and to breed spirit in them , making them undervalue their enemies , and to charge them with a boldnesse : and this is to be done by some pithy oration and perswasive speech , which ancient generals have found by experience to bee of great efficacie to induce them to wonderfull performances . the speech may be according as the generall shall please , or as if he should in the head of his troops pronounce these words . right valiant captains and fellow-souldiers , i have here ordered you in forme of battell ready to charge our enemies , and doe require of you in the name of the lord of hosts , two things especially ; namely , the utmost of your valours , and the truth of your loves in obedience . for what man soever doth not use his best indeavours to subdue his enemies , is not only a murtherer of himselfe but of his dear friends ; and by disobedience may bee the means of the armies overthrow ; for which there can be no plea before gods tribunal , but his just sentence of condemnation , besides the in supportable shame and intollerable servitude wee bring our selves that shall survive , with our dear friends , into , which though it may seem as a green wound , only to smart at first , yet at last the reproach and disgrace will gnaw and fret to the bone . wherefore , brave souldiers , let your golden spirits shine , and your steely mettalls hew out a conquest for the glory of our great god , and the honour of our gracious king and beloved countrey . god would have the israelites fight valiantly as well as moses to hold up his hands and pray or else no conquest could be expected : wherefore let us performe both that the great god of hosts may bee propitious unto us , according as hee hath promised to them that seek him . wherefore let us be confident of victory and not seek our ruines by unbeliefe . let us call to mind our ancestors , what noble atchievements their magnanimous spirits by gods assistance , effected , whereby our nation hath been not only the mirrour , but the ●errour to the world . how did they in france at the battell of poyteirs , with an handfull of men confound the mighty army that would have swallowed them up ? the like at agen court , &c. and how gracious was god to us in . to dissipate and destroy our invincible enemie , by his prospering our poor endevours ? wherfore now let us not despair of his help , but with one joynt consent let us furiously assault our proud enemies , that wee may enjoy their riches , and eternize our memories to posterity . for my own part , i am confident , that if wee resist but three of their charges , that they shall not dare to adventure the fourth , but to their utter ruine . wherefore if there be any man timerous or faint-hearted , let him depart weth his brand of infamy , to be rewarded by his king and countrey according to his demerits . but let all heroick spirits ejaculate their petitions to heaven , and say with me , let god arise , and his enemies shall bee scattered . rules and observations to be vsed in time of fight . sect . xx. chap. ix . divers observations which both generall and officers must make use of in the time of fight or skirmish . having collected the best observations that my poor indevours could attain unto , for the fitting of all thing requisite before the time of fight ; now it remains to discourse of such necessary principles as are convenient to be used in the time of fight , so that there may bee nothing omitted which may bee an inducement or furtherance to a victory . wherefore , presupposing that the battell standards are pitcht , and the army ranged accordingly as before is shewed ; the first thing that is to be done , is to draw out a certain company of horse and foot to surprize the enemies ordnance , in which they are not bound to keep any array or order , but to run disbanded , and fall pell mell upon the enemy , whereby his ordnance will be disabled from shooting above once . in the mean time the forlorn hopes , and such disbanded shot are to skirmish with the enemy , partly to see if they can disorder any of their divisions , or gain some prisoners , whereby the generall may learn how they are imbattelled , and what stratagems they intend to use , with the true number both of their horse and foot , so as he may the better fit himself for them ; as also by their first onset to breed courage in his own men , and to make them disdain their enemy . the forlorn hope is duly to bee supplyed with men and munition , either from the wings of the main-battel , or else some maniples appropriated for that purpose ; according as they prevail against the enemy , so they are to be strengthned : if the enemy bee too potent for them , then they are to retrait behind the main-battell , and when the two battels joyn , these are to sally out , and charge the enemies flanks . some stratagem or other ought to bee put in practice at the first encounter ; for a small matter , if it comes unexpectedly , will discourage an enemy . if there be any ambuscado's secretly laid for to charge the enemies in the flanks or rear , let them execute their charge when the two battels joyn in fight , whereby they may be disheartned . if in case the enemy take the charge , and make a retrait , those officers that lead up the forlorn hopes to skirmish , must not pursue the retrait , nor suffer the souldiers to follow the enemy no further , since that this skirmishing is to no other end than to breed a certain impression and good opinion in the minds of your own souldiers . the absolutest way to disorder the enemies troops , is to charge their battalia's either with your horse or foot , both in flank and front * ; and then having certain troops of horse ready formed in manner of a wedge-battell , that shall indevour to enter the point of the battell , and so disorder their ranks . the generall is to cause it to bee given out , in the time of fight , that hee hath a new supply of men comming unto him ; and may make a shew of some matters like a truth that may signifie his succours to be neer at hand . this may take effect to discourage them , so that with little difficulty they may be vanquish'd . sulpitius put all the servants and labourers belonging to the army upon beasts unfit for fight , causing them to bee ranged in such sort , that they seemed afar off to be a great number of horse-men , whom he sent up upon a mountain some what neer unto his enemies army , commanding them to keep themselves close untill the battell was begun , and that then they should shew themselves in many troops like horse-men faining to march down to charge the rear of the enemies army : this put the enemy to flight . but if the countrey be plain , so that no ambush can be laid , then there must be trenches digged , and men laid privily in them , and covered over with green boughs . also such kind of ditches may be digged , and covered over slightly with boughs , and earth laid slightly over , and certain firme places bee left betwixt the trenches , with good marks for to find them , at which places they may retire that are sent to charge the enemy , faining to be afraid in their speedy retrait , to cause the enemy to follow them the faster , and so to fall into the snare . note , that upon the disordering of the enemy , the main-battell is not to follow the pursuit , but certain troops of each wings , both of the horse and foot are to pursue the victory . if any accident should happen unto the generall during the combat , which might dismay his souldiers , it is a point of great wisdome for to cover it , and to make the best of it presently ; as hostilius , who seeing that his assistants , which should have entred battell with him , went their waies without striking stroke ; hee knowing their departure would have greatly dismaid his souldiers , caused it to be given out through all the army , that they went away through his commandement : this did not only appease the people , but did moreover incourage them , that they were victorious . sylla having part of his troop slain , fearing lest his army should be discouraged , hee said , he sent them of purpose to be slain , in regard they conspired against him . in the battell of flanders , when the enemy had cut off the whole regiment of scots , that were sent to guard a passage , one only man brings the newes of it ; his excellency caused him to be slain , lest he should have frighted the army by the report of so sudden an accident . a generals care must ever be to avoid confusion of fight , which is to begin before your time ; which causeth such inconveniences , as are cause oftentimes of losse . therefore in the beginning of your fight , take great heed you invade not , nor fight confusedly , wheras every part of the army hath his ordinary time to fight ; neither suffer any part of your army to fight with your enemy in any other fashion than you appointed them . at your first onset in charging the enemy , the army must give a mighty terrible shout , to dishearten the enemy : and then afterwards keep great silence , that the sounds of the drums and trumpets may be heard , and distinguished , as also such commands as officers shall give . if your horse-men be oppressed with your enemies horse-men , send for succour a supply of musketires , who may scattering and out of order , as occasion shall serve , shoot at the oppressors , and upon occasion retire , and returne very often : to these you may send a guard of pikes for rescue , the better to bring them off safe . but if you invade your enemy with musketires , with your guard of pikes send some horse , so that both may defend them from invasion of the enemies horse-men . likewise , to give the enemie his hands full , follow him with a battalion resolutely , to put all , or one of his battalions to rout ; and having discomfited any one of his battels , send only a small or convenient company to pursue the chase , and with the rest invade quickly some part of his army fighting with any one of your battells ; this must of necessity be done ; for sundry victories have been lost upon this occasion , that when one battell hath overthrown his first encountred enemies battell , it hath immediately followed the chase , and not holpen his own fellowes in danger . likewise , in your first joyning of battell , if your fore-ward gain the victory , joyne other battels immediately whilst comfort is on your side , and your enemies disheartned . this got bucoy the victory at prague . if your foot-men be vehemently oppressed with your enemies foot-men ; send your horse-men to invade the flanks of your enemies , and with them some shot to hold them play : but if you can plant a peece of ordnance against their flanks ; it will gall them shrewdly . if your enemies main battell doe urge very valiantly your fore-ward , and his other battels be not ready to help or rescue ; cause both your other battels , one on the one side , and the other on the other side , freshly to invade your enemies main battel ; and herein you shall do wisely , imitating our brave english at poytirs . when the generall perceiveth he hath a greater army than his enemy , minding to compasse him about before he be aware , let the front of the battell be ranged equall to the front of the enemies , and so soon as the fight is begun , let him make the front by little and little to retire , and the wings to advance a little forwards , and then charge the enemy upon the flanks . by this many armies have been vanquish'd . it hath been a thing of great importance , whilst the fight continueth , to give out the word , that the generall , or some chief commander of the enemies is slain , or that one wing or other of their army is vanquish'd . also the chivalry of the enemies is to be feared with some strange fights , or by some fire-works , by which they may bee made unserviceable . now if the enemy have any peeces of ordnance in the rear of their army , if their battalia's suddenly divide themselves , you are to doe the like , for bee sure , they intend to discharge upon you . if the enemy should endanger the taking of your baggage ; by no means suffer any of your troops , either horse or foot , confusedly to run to relieve the same ; but advisedly send a sufficient strength to perform that service when the enemy shall bee most busie in ransacking the waggons , whereby they may be easily vanquish'd . where the enemy comes most potently and furiously upon any part of your army , be sure there to discharge your ordnance at the thickest of them , and being thereby disperst , let your horse charge them , taking the advantage of their disorder . if the enemies horse charge any of your battalia's in the midst of it , bee ready to give way to them , by making a passage for them ; and as they passe through , charge them upon either flank , by which means they will have the worst of it . lastly , to end with machiavils rules of warre which hee hath set down for maximes to be observed by all commanders , as followeth . the same that helpeth the enemy , hurteth thee ; and the same that helpeth thee , hurteth the enemy . he that shall be in the war most vigilant to observe the devises of the enemy , and shall take most pains to exercise his army , shall incur least perils , and may hope most of the victory . never conduct thy men to fight the field , if first thou hast not confirm'd their minds and knowst them to be without fear , and to be in good order ; for thou oughtst never to enterprize any thing of danger with thy souldiers , but when thou seest they hope to overcome . it is better to conquer the enemy with famine than with yron : in the victory of which , fortune may doe much more than valour . no purpose is better than that which is hid from the enemy until thou hast executed it . to know in the warre how to understand occasion , and to take it ; helpeth more than any other thing . nature breedeth very few strong men ; but industry and exercise maketh many . discipline may doe more in warre than fury . when any depart from the enemies side for to come to serve thee , when they be faithfull they shall be unto thee alwaies great gains , for that the power of the adversaries are more diminished with the losse of them that run away , than of those that are slain , although that the name of a fugitive be to new friends suspected , and to old odious . better it is , in pitching the field , to reserve behind the first front aid enough , than to make the front bigger to disperse the souldiers . hee is difficulty overcome which can know his own power ; and the same of the enemy . the valiantnesse of the souldiers availeth more than the multitude . sometimes the situation helpeth more than the valiantnesse . new and sudden things make armies afraid ; slow and accustomed things bee little regarded of them . therefore make thy army to practise , and to know with small fights a new enemy , before thou come to fight the field with him . he that with disorder followeth the enemy after that his battalia's be broken , will do no other than to become of a conquerour a loser . he that prepareth not necessary victuals to live upon , is overcome without yron . hee that trusteth more in hors-men than in foot-men , or more in foot-men than in horse-men , must accommodate himself with the situation . when thou shalt understand there is a spie from the enemy come into the camp , cause every man to goe to his lodging . change purpose when thou perceivest that the enemy hath fore-seen it . consult with many of those things which thou oughtest to doe ; the same that thou wilt after doe , conferre with few . souldiers , when they abide at home , are maintained with fear and punishment ; after , when they are led to the wars , with hope and reward . good captains come never to fight the field , except necessity constrains them , and occasion calls them . cause , that the enemy know not how thou wilt order thy army to fight , and in whatsoever manner thou ordainest it , make that the first battell may be received of the second , and the second of the third . in the fight , never make use of the battell to any other thing than to the same for which thou hast appointed it , if thou wilt make no disorder . the sudden accidents with difficulty are removed , or remedied ; those that are thought upon , with facility . men , yron , money , and bread be the strength of the warre ; but of these four , the first two bee most necessary : because men and yron find money and bread , but bread and money find not men and yron . the unarmed rich man is a booty to the poor souldier . accustome thy souldiers to despise delicate living , and lascivious apparrell . thus much i thought good to collect concerning this subject , which i hope will give any discreet souldier content . rules and observations to be vsed after fight . sect . xxi . chap. x. divers rules and observations to be used after a battell is either wonne or lost . having in the precedent chapter discourst of such things as are requisite to be done in the time of skirmish ; in this chapter i shal demonstrate what is to be done after a conquest either gained or lost . wherefore the first thing to bee considered , is , how a general shal demean himself , so that the forces which are left may not be quite destroyed , and so the overthrow to redound to his utter confusion . wherfore a general must order his affaires so , that his enemies should not follow his men to overtake them in their flight from the battell : and for this purpose he must use some policy to hinder them , as sertorius practised : metellus having vanquisht his army , and knowing it was to no purpose for him to flie , commanded his officers to retire unto divers places , as scatteringly and disperst as possibly they could , ( knowing that the enemy would not make pursuit after such disbanded persons , but rather such as went by troops ) and having first advertised them where every man should come to his rendevous and meet again ; this was the means of saving most of his men : but if they should be pursued , then every man must cast such treasure as he hath in the way as they flie , that the enemy may stay to get it up . king mithridates made use of this policy to escape from lucullus . likewise frotho king of the danes being landed in england ▪ deceived the natives that pursued him ; they being laded with the danish goods and jewels , and scattered about here and there to gather them up , were set upon again by the danes with some of their forces they had rallyed together , and vanquisht the english at their pleasure . many that have been overthrown in battell , by reason of woods and other secure places , have saved themselves , and being come together , have secretly returned in the night , and charged the enemy who hath thought himselfe secure , and have taken them so disorderly , that they have routed them . if the conquerour have taken many prisoners , and the vanquished should rally his forces againe , thinking to have an advantage to assault the conquerour ; then there is no way , but every souldier must kill his prisoner , lest they should take an opportunity to resist . if a battell should be fought , and neither side be utterly vanquisht , but the darknesse of the night cause them to give over , the best way for him that hath lost most men in the fight , to cause some of his souldiers to steale away the bodies of their owne slaine men , and privately bury them ; so that the enemy shall conceive that he had the worst of the fight , in regard he sees most of his men slaine ; this will make him loth to encounter againe . the victour after he hath discomfited his enemies army , and scattered them about , ought to send a sufficient number of horse and foot , to lye upon some passages , secretly in the night-time , which leads to some town or fort of theirs of greatest strength , and neerest at hand , where they shall bee sure to entrap all such as shall seek by flight to save themselves . likewise when a generall sees there is no way but to be routed , let him send speedily certain troops of horse and foot to the next straight passage , which may so provide for themselves , that they may defend the passage , so as divers of their own souldiers may safely escape ; for an enemy will not divide his army to weaken it , to follow the chase of the subdued enemy , much lesse to seek to gain a passage which is fortified , to hinder their escapes : for he that with disorder followeth the enemy after he is broken , will doe no other , than to become of a conquerour a loser . many things more you may expect should have been here inserted ; but i have been plentifull in setting down divers observations most proper to these discourses , in the office of a generall , and in the discourse of marching and retraiting from an enemy . in the next place i shall endeavour to portray to your view sundry forms of imbattellings , which have been , and now are in use , and some newly invented ; with a demonstration of the manner of framing them and the true use of them . the manner of framing of battels . sect . xxii . chap. xi . an excellent strong forme of imbattelling an army , consisting of twenty six thousand foot , and foure thousand horse . the following figure hath before the front of the battell foure divisions , marked a. which are termed forlorn hopes : viz. one division before the front of the right wing , and the other before the front of the left wing of the main battell . in each of these divisions of forlorn hopes are foure hundred and fiftie souldiers , pikes and musketires . there are also two other divisions of forlorn hopes plac'd in the midst before the front of the main battell , containing likewise four hundred and fifty in each of them : these forlorn hopes are advanc'd before the main battell an hundred paces , or as much more as the generall pleaseth . these are first to make loose skirmishes with the enemy , to draw them within distance of the ordnance ; they are gently and orderly to retrait : the two divisions of forlorn hopes next each flank are to fall back and joyn with the same . the two forlorn hopes in the midst are to fall back into the space in the midst of the main battell . but first the ordnance , after they have performed their duties , are to bee drawn back through this broad distance or space , and are to be plac'd before the front of the battell of succour . the forlorn hopes are to have certain troops of carbines to be flankered twenty two paces or more , side-waies from them , viz. on either wing two hundred and fiftie , marked b. these are to make light skirmishes with the enemies horse , and likewise to view what advantages may be taken by the ill ordering of the enemies array . before the front of the main battell are planted divers field-peeces , marked c. there are two others on each side of the forlorn hopes , marked d. these are to scowre the distances betwixt the divisions . a a. likewise , wide upon each flank are planted divers ordnance marked e. these are to have a sufficient guard both of horse and foot ; and are to command and scowre the plaines within distance of their shot . these are likewise to be drawn back upon the enemies approaching , and to be plac'd at the point of the flank of each wing of the main battell , ten or twelve paces wide . the main battell consists often maniples or battalia's , marked f. viz. five towards the right flank , and five towards the left . in the midst is a broad space or distance of ground containing forty two paces , for the artilery to bee drawn to and fro , as also for the two middle divisions of the forlorne hopes to retrait through for their safety , behind the main battell . likewise through this distance or space divers loose shot may sally out and give fire upon the enemies battalia of pikes . also divers souldiers with fire-works and granado's , are to goe and come , to cast them against the enemies troops , which will be a great annoyance unto them . furthermore , under the front of the pikes are divers fire-locks or musketires to be placed , that shall play upon the enemies pikes , when the enemy shall bee approacht within twenty of forty paces of your main battell ; viz. five hundred shot . the ordnance that before were drawn down from before the main battel , unto the front of the battell of succour , are ( when the enemy is within twenty paces of your foremost battels ) to be levelled right up this broad space or distance , and having given fire in a right line upon the enemy , those of the forlorn hope that retraited into that space , being ordered and ranged . in rank , and ten deep in file , and plac'd behind the battalia , upon the right side , marked p. and . in rank plac'd behind the middle battalia , on the left side , at q. viz. three hundred and seventy even behind the maniple or battalion of the right side of the said space , and three hundred and eighty souldiers behind the battalia of the left side : so soon as the shot is past , the three hundred and seventy souldiers are to face to the left hand , and the three hundred and eighty to the right ; and so advancing forwards into the midst of the space or division to their even distance ; they are again to face towards the front of the main battell , and are speedily to march up and joyn with them , whereby the whole body will be strong and firm to receive the enemies charge . likewise the severall distances betwixt every maniple or battalia of this main battel , is * two paces ; and this is for the shot , after they have given fire , to march down into the rear . behind this main battel is the battell of succour , consisting of six divisions or battalia's marked h. these are ranged , in distance from the rear of the main battel , twenty or thirty paces . the space or distance of these battalia's betwixt flank and flank , from one to the other , is one hundred twenty six paces : and these are thus plac'd , because if it happens the main battell to be overcharged , the battalions thereof may * retrait between these spaces , and so be reinforc'd with fresh men . note , each battalia contains seven hundred men . in the rear-battell are four severall battalia's , twenty or thirty paces distant . behind the battell of succour marked i. the space or distance of ground between these maniples or battalia's are three hundred thirtie six paces : the reason is , because if the enemy should still over-charge the former principall battels , then they are to make their last retrait betwixt these divisions or spaces ; viz. whereas before there retraited into the battell of succour four maniples or battalia's , and the first battalia unto the flank of the right wing , as also the other four battalia's retraited into the spaces upon the left side of the battell of succour , and the fift battalia upon the out-side of the flank of the left wing of the same : so now there must retrait six battalia's into the spaces between the battalia's of the rear-battell , and two battalia's upon the out-side of the battalia of the right wing ; and also the other six battalia's retraiteth into the spaces upon the left side , and two battalia's upon the outside of the battalia of the left wing . likewise the middlemost battalia is to retrait into the space in the midst , so that by this means there shall bee brought two thousand four hundred fresh souldiers more to joyn with the rest to fight . by this means the enemy will bee wearied , and also over-winged , by reason this battell at the last retraiting is as broad again as it was at first . thus it will come to passe that the enemy shall be charged both in front and flank , whereby hee shall surely be routed . the flanks of this battell are to be impaled on either side with four hundred eighty five pikes , & two hundred ninety one musketires ; because the distance from the front of the first battell to the rear of the last , is fifty eight paces , that is ninety seven souldiers in a rank , and five deep in file : the musketires are but three deep in file , and equall to the pikes in rank or brest ; they are to stand behind the pikes ; the pikes charging at the horse , the formost rank is to give fire over the heads of the pikes as they stoop , and then falling back , the ne●t rank is to give fire in their place . these new fashioned pikes with bowes annexed to them are the best for impalement : also they may doe much good to bee plac'd in the first and second ranks of the main-battell , in the front thereof , to gall the enemies horse . this impalement is to bee set a pretty distance from the flanks , that the battalia's upon their retrait may have room to fall in betwixt the flanks and the impalement . the impalement in the rear , is to be made of the carts and carriages , or some intrenchments , if occasion bee . the rear of this battell extends it selfe seven hundred paces wide from the flank of the right wing to the left , and without intrenchments , or carriages , carts and waggons fastned with chaines together ; it would take up a quarter of the army to impale it so strongly as the flanks are . wherefore it were very convenient that the pioners , being they are troubled with nothing but their spade and mattock , and that but seldome , they being most usually carried by water or by waggon ; these pioners should have bowes and arrowes for their armes , which would be but little burthen to them , and these would help to defend the carriages in the rear , with the help of a small quantity of pikes and muskets : so that if there bee two pikes and three musketires to guard the reare , it being . paces broad , they would amount to . souldiers ; so the flankes and the reare would take up . note that when the maine battell retreats into the battell of succour , the impalements of the flankes are to stand firme if they can possibly , and are to charge the enemy on the flankes : but if the two first battells retreat into the reare battell , they must of necessity then fall backe , and halfe of them strengthen the reare , because the front of the battell then will extend it selfe so wide that the impalements of the flanks must give way to the battalia's that shall retreate , and so they will be disjoyned from the impalement in the reare , which places bein not fortified by these souldiers , there will be an advantage for the enemy to breake in upon the reare of the battell with his horse . the residue of the horse troopes are to be imbattelled in severall battalia's downe by the flankes of the wings of the army , and wide in distance from them sixty paces or more : the carbines or harquebuziers are to maintaine skirmish with the enemies troopes , and if it chance they make any breach into any of the foot-battalia's , by charging them in front and flanke , then the curassiers are to second them , and to breake into their ranks . we are to have certaine divisions of pikes upon either flanke of two hundred and fifty a peece , to aide and rescue the horse upon all occasions ; these may be plac'd in a square forme before the points of the wings of the maine battell , as well to secure them from danger of having their rancks broken , as also upon occasion to rescue the horse marked k. there is also eight hundred musketiers to joyne with the harquebuziers ; these are to stand ready by the flanks to take the opportunity to fall upon the enemies ordnance , and are either to gaine them or hinder them from discharging ; these are marked with w. the residue of the souldiers unplac'd are to guard the carriages from the enemies assauls , which are plac'd upon the reare of the army , and to agitate such other services as the generall shall see fit ; also those loose shot or part of them with the pikes of the forlorne hope , after they are retreated , may fall into the reare and joyne with the . souldiers to guard the reare , if need be . the rest of the horse are to be ranged upon the wings of the army in three severall battalia's some eighty paces wide of the flanks , for feare they should commit any disorder by their unruly retreatings ; in the formost battalia is to be eight hundred harquebuziers , and these must stand fifty or sixty paces before the front of the battell , but wide as is said before . next to them is another battell of four hundred and fiftie carbines , standing even with the front of the main-battell , but wide . next is the third battell to bee plac'd fiftie or sixty paces behind the former , which shall containe three hundred curassiers , these are marked with the letter l , as you may see them plac'd upon either side or wing of the battell . the residue of the horse are thus to be disposed of , first to guard the ordnance there is one hundred on either flanke : there is two hundred and fifty horse to flanke the forlorne hopes on either side . lastly , there is a hundred horse to joyne with the shot that is plac'd on either wing to intercept the ordnance from the enemy ; the figure of this discourse followeth . chap. xii . this second figure shewes a very strong forme of imbattelling , and very apt for the drawing an enemy into a stratageme . in this second figure following you may perceive a very strange forme of imbattelling , very apt for the drawing an enemy into a stratageme , whereby of necessity they must be disordered and routed . first , the forlorne hopes consisting of . pikes and musketiers in either grand division marked a , and are advanc'd . paces before the first battell , which is plac'd for their succour ; these are first to skirmish with the enemy , and then orderly to retreat even with the said battell of succour , when the enemies troopes are at push of pike with them , and eagerly pursuing them untill they are come within the distance of the first stratageme ; then fire is to be given to the traines , and upon the disorder they are to advance forwards , and furiously to charge the enemy in the front , and the horse on either flanke . but if the enemies discomfiture be not so great but that they take heart of grace , and stand so firmely to their tackling that they are too prevalent for you , then the forlorne hopes and the battell of succour are to retreat betweene the divisions of the maine battell , the enemy then pressing forwards within the distance of the second stratageme ; then fire being given to the traines , the whole strength of the army will be in a readinesse to take the advantage to charge the enemy in his disorders , as before is specified ; and also then the field-peeces shall have freedome immediately to play upon the enemies troopes . if the maine battell should retreat ( except upon a wonderfull occasion of necessity ) it will be most dangerous ; for if any of the divisions of the two wings or of the body of the battell be overcharged , the divisions of the reare-battell are to advance forwards and joyne with the maine battell ; and then manfully to encounter with the enemy ; or otherwise those battalia's in the reare are to be disposed of according as the wise generall shall see occasion either of assistance , or to charge the enemy upon any place of advantage . but let me request you to observe how either of the forlorne hopes consists of a thousand men marked a , the first battell of succour being foure battallia's marked b , have in each of them . men . the maine battell marked c consists of eight battells , and each of them containes . men . the reare-battell consists of seven battalia's marked d , and in every one of them there is . men . the flanks are impaled with foure rancks of pikes , and three rancks of muskets , on either side is . ( viz ) on both sides is . 〈◊〉 marked e. the impalement of the reare is with the carriages , and there is two rancks of pikes and two rancks of muskets to defend them will amount to . men , in regard the reare is . foot broad , or . paces with the distances betwixt the battallia's . there is also plac'd on either wing pikes and shot to aide the horse , and to joyne with them upon all occasions if the enemy should be to strong for them , so that upon both wings there are . men . there are also . shot which are to joyne with three hundred carbines ; these are to surprize the enemines ordnance as you may see marked at f and g , ( viz. ) . shot on each wing with . horse ; these are to use all celerity and diligence to surprise , or at least to hinder the enemy from shooting with his ordnance against your troopes . there is also . men to guard your owne ordnance , least the enemy surprise them , and two hundred horse to assist them ; ( viz. ) on either wing are . foot and a hundred horse as you see marked h. the powder pots that are to be plac'd in the earth are marked i thus you see a battell consisting of . foot and . horse ordered ready to incounter the enemy ; the figure of this discourse followeth . note the horses are ordered as followeth ; first upon either wing are a thousand devided into three battells ; in the first battell there is . in the second battell there is . and in the last battell there are . upon both the flanks are . there are . horse to guard the ordnance ( viz. ) on each flanke . there is also . horse to flanker the forlorne hopes , ( viz. ) in each . there is . horse to surprize the enemies ordnance , ( viz. ) . on either wing before the forlorne hopes ; thus the . horse are ordered . chap. xiiii . a very strong forme of imbattelling ten thousand foot , and two thousand horse , very proper to be used in the champion , where there is no refuge either naturall or artificiall , the enemy exceeding in strength both in horse and foot. the figure of the battell following is invented for the safe retire of the shot , being over-powred and repulsed by the horsemen of the enemy ; or otherwise , who may at eight severall places retire into these squadrons which stand in the proportion of a fortresse . there are thirty seven maniples of shot orderly plac'd , the distance betwixt each are three paces ; in every maniple are contained . shot , which amounts to in grosse . the residue being . are equally plac'd to attend the ordnance being . at each platforme ; so there is only six remaines to be imployed upon messages , or to guard the powder . these maniples or battalia's of shot , are impaled with the pikes , which are thus ordered ; each flanke hath . also the front and reare takes up . each corner takes up . these amount to . pikes , being ordered ten deep in file . in either corner of this battell are two spaces for the shot to sally out upon the enemy , and to retreate in againe for their safety . the ordnance being discharged upon the enemies troopes are to be drawne in at these spaces , and plac'd within the reare of the pikes ; so that when the enemy chargeth , the pikes may close themselves into one maine square by causing the flanks to march up to the corners of the squares , which as occasion shall offer , may disclose againe , and let out the shot to skirmish with the enemy . the squares of pikes at each corner , doth much strengthen the battell , especially if the enemy chargeth it on front and flanke at once ; it is all in all to strengthen the corners of any battell whatsoever , for in the corners lyes all the weaknesse . moreover if the enemy chargeth upon two sides at once , yet those passages furthest from them may have shot sally out and give fire upon them , and safely retrait in againe . there is no wise generall will adventure to charge such a battell as this is upon all foure sides at once , except his army were foure times stronger in men and horse . if need be , shot may be drawne continually round under the pikes , which may give fire upon the enemy and so fall in againe , and be continually releeved . chap. xv. a fourth figure of imbattelling an army consisting of twenty thousand foot , and two thousand horse . in marshalling this battell , this course is to bee observed ; the pikes consisting of . must be ranged into eight battalia's ; each battalia hath . pikes , ( viz. ) in ranke , and . deep in file , which amounts to in the whole summe . so there remains . pikes of the . which are thus disposed of ; upon the right sleeve in the front is pikes , which are either to guard the ordnance , or to assist the horse , as occasion shall serve ; likewise there is as many on the left sleeve to be imployed as the former ; in the reare are . more plac'd for the guarding of the ordnance , as you may see at each platforme . in the next place the foure thousand shot are thus to bee marshalled ; each flanke of the pikes hath six hundred twenty foure shot ranged eight in depth , and seventy eight in ranke or brest ; that is one thousand two hundred forty eight upon both sleeves ; for from the front of the pikes to the reare is fifty two paces , and the spaces or distances betwixt each battalia is five paces , and the three battalia's occupieth forty two paces of ground , ( viz. ) in each battalia fourteene paces , so that every souldier occupieth seven foot of ground betwixt ranke and ranke , which makes fifty two paces . in the next place there is thirty six squadrons of shot , each squadron containing seventy men ; in the front there are twenty one squadrons , and in the reare fifteene ; the whole number amounts unto two thousand five hundred and twenty shot , so their remaines still three hundred and twenty shot , of which are plac'd on each sleeve or wing , above in the front by the pikes one hundred and twenty ; these are to joyne with those squadrons of pikes that attend the ordnance , and upon all occasions they may be drawne out to assist the horse , if the enemy should over-powre them ; also in the reare each platforme of ordnance hath forty shot to aide the pikes for the securing of the same . the two hundred horse are plac'd upon each flanke in three severall battalia's ; the first battell consists of three hundred , the second being curassiers hath foure hundred , the third being carbines hath as the first had three hundred , so that in all there is two thousand ; the horse are to charge the enemies horse , and being put to retreat by them , those loose shot and pikes are to be in a readinesse to give fire upon them , which being disordered by them the horse are immediatly to recharge them ; if the enemy be still to strong , then let the foure hundred curassiers being fortified on each flanke with the harquebuziers and carbines , charge them all on brest , these horses being sufficiently lined with shot ; and in the meane time the squadrons of shot must disband themselves and give fire upon the enemy , and if need be , those squadrons in the reare may easily releeve them in the front through those passages of the pikes . if all resistance be to no purpose but the shot must retreat into those spaces , and so to order themselves in the void space in the midst of the battalions of the pikes ; then after their retreat the battalia's must close themselves , making a firme front every way ; and the impalement or wings of shot must be drawne round under the pikes , which being so drawne will make just foure rankes ; they must discharge upon their knees and so safeguard themselves . the horse must secure themselves on the flanks or in the reare . so soone as the enemy is driven to retreat , then the pikes are to open their divisions and let out the shot to assaile them , in the same manner as before . this forme of imbattelling hath beene used in former times , and questionlesse it may be very prevalent in two necessities ; as in the night , when a generall knowes not in what kinde or manner the enemy will assaile him ; or if his army should be weake in horse , and his army should be suddenly set upon by them upon some spatious ground , which should be advantagious for the enemies horse to surprise them , then this forme of imbattelling may be very defensive . from this forme of imbattelling , as also from all other , if the generall sees reason , he may alter it into what order he pleaseth ; this very subject deserves a discourse by it selfe , the which if i should here treat of , it would be too tedious ; but any ingenious souldier at the first view , will conceive how to transmute any battell decyphered into any other forme the condition of the battell will best admit ; and thus much for this . chap. xvi . a fifth way of imbattelling an army consisting of twelve thousand foot , and foure thousand horse , the ordnance being plac'd covertly in the midst , and also upon the wings . in this first figure following you may perceive at the letter a , foure hundred shot upon either flank before the maine battell ; these are to surprise the enemies ordnance which is to bee supposed are planted upon a hill ; further you may observe sixteene battalia's , the ordnance being planted in the maine battell betweene the divisions thereof , having foure hundred musketiers ordered before them , and by them obscured ; and as soone as the enemy is approacht within distance , those musketiers are to divide themselves on either hand , so that the shot may have free passage to disorder the enemies troopes , upon which advantage the other battalia's are to advance forwards , and furiously to charge the enemy in his disorders . the horse are oblique-wise plac'd upon either flanck . note before the horse gives their charge , the musketiers at a are to sally forth to surprise the ordnance . likewise the shot before every battalia are to make their passage through the intervalls downe the sides of the battalia's into the reare of all , and from thence to charge upon the enemies flanks , if occasion offers ; otherwise aide their owne men in the skirmish ; all the shot before the battali'as are in number twelve hundred . if according to the king of swedes discipline , these battalia's were ordered but six deepe in file , then there would bee sufficient men spare to impale this battell , whereby it would be of a farre greater strength ; besides there would be a quantity spare to line the horse-troopes , which is a thing of great consequence , and very prevalent , as is formerly shewed ; and by this following figure you may see . chap. xvii . the sixt way of imbattelling an army consisting of twelve thousand foot , and foure thousand horse , with the ordnance planted on the hilles before the battell , as also on the reare and flankes , being fit for all attempts . in this subsequent battell which we are now to describe , you may perceive fifteene battalions of foote ordered in marshall array ; in the right wing or vantguard are three battalions containing in each of them flankt with musketiers ; before every one of which are also ranged ten files of musketiers , three in the right angle , three in the left , and foure in the midst just before them , every file containing ten men in depth ; these shot are to make their way through the spaces of the battalions in the reare of all , and so from thence to charge upon the enemies flanks : in the maine battell are three battalions containing three thousand men , ( viz. ) in each a thousand , these are flankt with musketiers , and have also musketiers before them in the same forme with the rest : in the reare-ward or left wing of the battell , are likewise three battalions containing . men a piece , imbattelled as the rest with musketiers before them ; also behind these battalia's are foure other battalia's plac'd , and have also in each of them . a piece , with musketiers advanc'd before them ; these are for seconds , as you may perceive them martialled just against the intervalles or spaces of their opposite battallions ; these spaces are . foote distance in breadth , so that the said foure battalions may passe through them ; these likewise have shot before them in the same manner the former had . these with the rest may march forth to skirmish with the enemy , or stand firme to second them upon their retreat ; or remaining in the reare , they may sally out and charge the enemy upon the flanks , or if occasion be , they may assist the horse if they be too weake for the enemy . the rest of the battalions are but twelve foote distance one from the other , and at three foot order . the divisions of musketiers are allowed six foot that they may the better fall through having given fire . in the reare of all are two battallions , of a thousand in either of them , standing just behind the three battalia's of the maine battell . about a furlong wide of the flanck of these are . horse marked b , ( viz. ) . in each placed oblique-wise , the better to start forth and inviron the enemy ; in like manner are the horse marshalled in the outmost flanks of therest , but in greater numbers , as by this following figure you may see . by the wings of these two battalia's are two field-peeces plac'd , ready turned and bent to the rear ; these are to discharge upon the enemy , if he should with horse or foot give upon that part : if not , then may these peeces with ease b●e brought to some other place which may be more apt to annoy the enemy . the rest of the ordnance are planted upon two hills opposite against the enemies flanks : these are to break their order , and distresse them ; and for their better security , there are seven hundred musketires to guard them : and if need be , there must be a greater force . there should be a slight trench raised before them , or pallizado'd about , the better to defend them from the enemies horse and foot. these forms of imbattelling i found in the prospective-glasse of warre , and have here inserted them for the benefit of the ingenious souldier . chap. xviii . a seventh forme of imbattelling an army consisting of fifteen thousand foot and five thousand horse , impaled with redouts , and a ditch of combustible stuffe to prevent the horse from assaulting either the flanks or rear . this figure following represents to your view an excellent forme of imbattelling , very strong and secure : the principall strength of the armie are brought to fight at the first encounter . wherefore first observe the main-battell to consist of five battalia's ; in each of them are one thousand six hundred pikes and muskets : the muskets are orderly ranged before the pikes ; each battalia hath one hundred and sixty files , and ten deep , which amounts unto , in all the five battalia's , eight thousand men . after the main-battell is a second battell plac'd , which is termed the battell of succour ; and that consists of four lesser battalia's , and hath in each of them seven hundred pikes and shot . betwixt the said battalia's there is a convenient space or distance of ninety six paces , for the main battalia's to retrait into , when they shall be overcharged with the enemy . the manner of retraiting is thus ; all the first five battalia's are evenly and easily to retrait , with their face towards the enemy , holding them play with their shot ; upon the right and left flank of the second battell , are the two outter most battalia's of the first battell to retrait on ; also the other three battalia's are to enter into the spaces betwixt the four battalia's of the second battell , and there to stand even with them in front , whereby there will be nine battels to re-charge the enemy afresh ; for these two thousand eight hundred fresh men will bee a great heartning and strengthning of the rest which were wearied and discomfited in the first encounter . but if it should so happen that the enemy should over-wing your battell at the first encounter , then this second battell of succour must advance up between the distances in the main battell , whereby the front of it will be extended so much the wider . but by the way , you must not make your front wider than the impalement of the redouts and the trenches of fire will permit ; for those that shall retrait beyond those redouts and trenches , are but as lost men , unlesse if occasion were , they should joyn with the horse-troops , to assist them . note , if the main battell bee advanc'd towards the enemy beyond the limits of the redouts , and if the wings should stretch out wider than the impalement , then if it be driven to retrait , those out-parts of the wings must first fall back , and order themselves in the second battell , as they were before ; or otherwise some of them may be plac'd to secure the flanks or the rear , or otherwise , as the generall shall think fit . in the next place is the battell in the rear to be considered , which consists only of three battalia's , and in each of them are foure hundred men ; they have also sufficient large spaces to receive the two former battels , and this is the last hopes the army can expect . wherefore the redouts must manfully bestir them , to give continuall volleys of shot upon the enemies flanks , which will lie naked unto them . the ordnance , after they have done their service , must be with-drawn , and plac'd before the battalia's of succour , where they may give fire once again upon the enemy after the main battell shall be retraited into the second battell ; and then they are to be with-drawn again into the rear , or else to bee plac'd upon the flanks between the redouts . in each of the redouts are two hundred men ; they are to secure the flanks and the rear of the battell : beyond these redouts you may perceive two ditches made , the earth thrown up in way of a brest-work towards the flanks of our own troops ; the breadth of them may be five or six foot : these are to bee filled with searwood , straw , and other combustible stuffe : the outmost next the enemy is first to bee set on fire . the next ditch is to bee made more neer to the flanks of the battell by eight or ten paces ; in all things like the first it is to be ordered : this last is to bee fired a good while after the first , so that they may indure burning the time of the fight . but a principall respect is to be had to the wind , lest it should drive the smoke and fire upon your own troops : in a calme day it can doe no hurt to your selves , but is very prevalent against the enemies horse , and will much strengthen the redouts : besides , it will bee as a pound to keep your own men from running away . the horse are ordered in five battalia's , upon either wing along beyond the fiery trenches , being in each battell five hundred horse . the first battell being harquebuziers , are to charge the enemies horse , and the second are to releeve them or rescue them , and so are the rest ; only the last battell , being curassiers , are to charge the enemies flanks whilst their horse are in action ; or if the enemies horse flie , then they are all of them to charge the foot of the enemy , and also to secure their own foot-troops from being charged . in the rear of these horse-troops are plac'd on either wing five hundred pikes and muskets ; these are to aid the horse , and to line them with the shot , if need be , or to be imployed in charging the enemies flanks . view the following figure . this kind of impaling with redouts and firie trenches is to be only practised when the enemy is farre stronger than your selfe ; so that your men cannot bee spared to impale your battell , neither is there any place of refuge to secure any part of the battell ; for if there be , then be sure to impale one of your wings after this manner , so that the wind may convey the smoke & sparks into the enemies teeth , to their great annoyance . chap. xix . the eighth form of imbattelling an army , the flanks being impaled with horse-pallizado's and the rear secured by a river : it consists of five thousand foot and one thousand horse . this eighth forme of imbattelling is fittest and most proper , if the enemy assails in such a place that the distance of ground is scant , and the rear of the army fortifyed with some moores , ponds , rivers , or the like places of naturall strength . the flanks are pallizado'd with horse-pallizado's , or fortified with the carriages , or with some hedges or ditches , so that a few men may bee able to secure them from the enemies horse or foot from taking any advantage . you may perceive the battell-flags pitcht according as every battalia is to bee ranged . the two forlorn hopes are either of them consisting of men , and are advanc'd before the main battell above an hundred paces ; they are flanked with horse . likewise the main battell consists of foot , videlicet , in each battalia men and sixteen battalia's . the battell of succour is placed twenty paces behind the main battell ; it consists of men , there being eight severall battalia's , and each battalia contains . the space or distance betwixt each of these battalia's , from flank to flank , is twenty two paces , being large enough for two of the battalia's of the main battell to retrait into . view the figure . there is also allowed for the impalement of the flanks , to guard the pallizado's , men ; it being paces from the front to the rear ; and two pikes and two muskets in depth , comes to no lesse to be placed upon both the flanks . there is also allowed shot to joyn with the horse , to aid them upon all occasions , viz. on each wing . to help gunners , and to defend the ordnance which is placed upon such a place of advantage , that the enemy cannot but with difficulty come at them , there is men at each plat-forme ; or there may as many as you please , be taken from the battell of succour to guard the ordnance , and also a quantity of horse to aid and assist them . the thousand of horse are thus disposed of ; first , to flanker the forlorn hopes there are . next beyond the impalements upon either flank are three battels ranged : the first hath . the second , . and the third , . before the main battell there are seven field-peeces placed , which are to scowre the distance betwixt the two forlorn hopes ; after they have wrought their effect , they are to be drawn through the divisions of the main battell , and then placed before the battell of succour ; and when the main battell is retraited into the battell of succour , then they are to give fire again , and immediately to be drawn in the rear of all , and there to be placed upon some hill , so that the battell stooping , they may shoot over their heads , to disorder the enemy ; or else the battalia's must open suddenly , whereby the ordnance shall have freedome to shoot . the rear of this army is defended by a large river , as by the foregoing figure appeareth . chap. xx. a description of the ninth figure , how to frame a battell for stratagem , invironed with a ditch , being very prevalent in the plains , when the enemy predominates in horse . in this following figure you may first observe the ditch marked a to bee six foot broad , and three foot deep ; it hath on all four sides an entrance or way to sally in or out , of twenty paces broad , marked b , and are so placed to allure the enemy to enter them . you may likewise observe at every passage five battalia's , of three hundred men in each battalia ; there is a peece of ordnance placed behind every middle battell ; when the enemy is ready to enter any of these passages , then the middle battell must open in the midst , dividing either halfe on each side of the passage , so as the ordnance may play full in the face of the enemy : then the horse are to issue out upon the enemy , and to charge them in their disorders ; for the same purpose they are placed in the midst , remote from the foot , being divided into four squadrons , in form of a crosse , standing ready faced towards the entrance of the passages , being in each battalia . the foot are in all the army only six thousand , each battalia hath particularly men apeece . if you have no horse in the midst , then divide them only into eight troops , placing them for wings in an even front , or on the angles : in so doing , the forme of the battel will be hollow , and the battalia's that guard each passage will be but three apeece . the figure of this discourse followeth in the next page . the ninth figure of the battell for stranagems . this may bee a forme of imbatteling very prevalent to secure a weak army , that is compelled to fight , and hath no place of advantage to help them , but the open field and their own valours to trust unto . chap. xxi . a tenth forme of imbattelling an army , used by henry the fourth of france against duke albertus of austria , at his approach to raise the siege of amiens . this army consists of foot and horse . this following figure demonstrates unto your view nine battalions , after this form marshalled : first , three of these battalions were for the right wing ; three other for the main battell ; the other three for the left wing . the first three battalions of the right wing are each of them flanked with musketires containing a thousand foot in each : before every of the said battalions is placed nine files of musketires ; three in the right angle , three in the left , and three in the midst , before them ; every file contains ten men in depth . the three battalions for the main battell are also flanked with musketires , having nine files plac'd before them , as the former had , only these battalions contain as many more men as the former did , viz. two thousand in each . the three battalions for the left wing are likewise imbattelled ( as the former battels of the right wing are ) with musketires before them ; each battalia contains a thousand men . there are also twelve field-peeces ; upon each wing there are planted six ; viz. three fore-right , and three flank-wise , to annoy the enemy both in front and flank . the horse are ranged without these , upon either wing , somewhat oblique-wise , to incompasse the enemy , being in number four thousand ; and they are divided into three battalia's ; the first contains five hundred , the second three hundred , and the last two hundred . in the rear of the army was the kings trenches strongly fortified , and guarded with three thousand foot to defend him from the sallies of the town , in which respect he needed no seconds . view the figure . chap. xxii . the eleventh forme of imbattelling an armie , consisting of foot , and horse , being a most excellent strong forme . this subsequent figure represents unto your view a battell formed with two fronts or faces : the formost battell is divided into eight principall battalions , each battalia containing nine hundred men ( pikes and muskets ) which make ninety files , and ten deep in each . in these eight formost battalions are contained seven thousand and two hundred souldiers : the spaces or distances betwixt each battalia in the front , is four paces . the second front is divided into four great battalia's containing one thousand and eight hundred pikes and muskets in each , viz. one hundred and eighty files , and ten deep : so that these foure last battalia's containe seven thousand and two hundred souldiers , as the formost battell did : the distance or spaces betwixt these four last battalia's is twenty five paces . likewise , the space or distance from the front of the first battell , unto the front of the battell in the rear , is sixty paces . in the time of fight the generall is to take his place before the front of the middle battell in the rear ; it being the place of greatest safety , and most commodious for him to view the defects , and to send his commands about . these battalions are impaled upon both the flanks with one thousand five hundred and forty pikes , viz. on each flank seven hundred and seventy , they standing one hundred and ten in brest or rank , and seven deep . the rear of the battalia's hath four thousand seven hundred and sixteen pikes for its impalement , they being plac'd but six deep in file . upon the outside of the impalement you may observe plac'd upon either flank or wing twenty four troops of shot in little squares ; each troop contains a hundred men : so that in both the wings , being forty eight troops of shot , and a hundred in each troop , amounts unto . in the front of all is plac'd eighteen troops of shot more in way of a forlorn hope ; each troop also consists of an hundred shot , which amounts unto one thousand and eight hundred men ; these are to disband themselves , and maintain skirmish with the enemy . there are four hundred shot and five hundred pikes to guard the ordnance . there are also one thousand pikes plac'd in each wing , five hundred in a troop ; these are to aid the horse or safe-guard the shot , either in the wings or in the forlorn hope , as occasion shall be offered . likewise there is allowed two hundred shot and three hundred pikes to guard the carriages plac'd in the rear . lastly , there remains two hundred forty foure pikes to bee imployed as occasion shall offer , and necessity require . now wee are to observe , that when the great ordnance upon either side have discharged , and that the enemy is approacht neer your troops of shot of the forlorn hope , then those maniples of shot which stand before the ordnance , plac'd before the battalia's in the front , are to divide themselves into the void spaces upon either hand , so that the ordnance may have free passage to play upon the enemies troop , and then the shot may joyn together again . the forlorn hope is continually to bee supplied with fresh troops of shot from the flanks or wings , and those troops of the forlorn hope that have given fire , are to retrait betwixt the wings of the battell , and the troops of horse that are plac'd along by the wings . so maintaining alwaies the flanks furnished , by this means they may maintain skirmish continually with fresh men , and the battell never the lesse impaled . but after the enemies battell begins to approach neer your own forces , then the forlorn hope must withdraw themselves , and the formost battell must bear the brunt . the six field-peeces placed amongst the shot , after they have done their service , are to be drawn back into the space betwixt the two battalia's or may be drawn into the wings , and there may be guarded with those troops of shot , where they may performe excellent service . but if the first main battell should miscarry in the first encounter , so that their battalia's be broken by the enemy , yet there are ample spaces betwixt the battalia's of the second battell to retrait into , and there to make head , and freshly to re-charge the enemy again : betwixt each battalia in the rear there must retrait two battalia's of the front , and upon each flank one . the troops of horse are thus disposed ; upon each side there are an hundred horse to guard the ordnance , which with the assistance of the pikes and shot , they are to secure themselves . now there remains five thousand and eight hundred horse , which are to bee divided into severall battalia's : upon each wing are to bee placed two thousand and nine hundred , and they are again to be divided into three battalia's at the least . view the figure following , being the eleventh figure . chap. xxiii . the twelfth forme of imbattelling an armie consisting of foot and horse , partly imitating monsieur bellay in his militarie discipline pag. . this forme of imbattelling which followeth in this discourse , was chiefly invented to deceive the enemy : for whereas it seemeth of narrow front at the first view , yet the formost battell being retraited within the second battell , and the impalements upon each flank , with the forlorn hopes being doubled one rank into another , makes the front of a farre larger extent : so that the enemy having framed his battell answerable , as he may suppose to encounter with this forme , hee shall find it otherwise : for this battell will over-wing his , and the forlorn hope being strengthned with shot , and fortified with a competencie of pikes , will soon hemm in the enemies battalia's on the flanks , before they bee aware of it ; which by the help of those troops of curassiers , and seconded by the carbines , will endanger to rout them . the order observed in marshalling this battell , is in this manner ; first , there is on each wing , before the front of the main battell , two battalia's of horse ; each consisting of , which makes forty two files , being ranged six deep ; so that in the four battels are contained horse . the next is the main battell of foot , consisting of five divisions ; which hath in each five hundred and ten pikes and shot ; in all the five battalia's are contained men . the distance betwixt each battalia or division is paces in breadth , and they have in rank or brest , and deep in file ; the breadth of the whole front from side to side of either impalement ( the distances being added betwixt each division ) is paces broad . next are three battalia's plac'd paces behind the first main battell ; these have contained in each of them , as the former had : so that the three battalia's have souldiers in them . you may delude the enemy in making him beleeve your forces are more than they are , by causing your second battalia's to open their files to their open order ; and then they will seem as many men in the second battell as is in the first . the rear-battel is likewise ordered paces behind the second battell , and that consists only of battalia's , and are plac'd upon the flank , as by the figure you may see , having a broad space to receive the two former battels , if they should be constrained to retrait : these two last consist of , viz , souldiers in each ; these two rear-battels may open their files to their double distance , to make them seem farre more than they are : but when they are ready to charge the enemy , they must fall into their order of three foot . the impalements of each flank of the battell marked with the figures of and , consist of in brest , & in depth , so that each wing of impalement hath pikes . likewise by the outside of the pikes are the same quantity of muskets ordered in brest , and in depth , which amounts likewise to shot ; it is marked with the figure . this division of shot is to be plac'd paces from the pikes : they must likewise open their files very wide , that they may seem to equall the front of the battell ; these must double one within another , as the main battell shall retrait . next this impalement the forlorn hope is plac'd , along by the side of it , marked with the figures and ; and these are to consist of shot and pikes as the figures & did : and first , the shot hath in rank , and in depth , so that each wing takes up shot ; the pikes you are to suppose , are ranked next the shot the outside paces from the shot ; they are in front or brest , and in depth , which amounts to in each , : these are to dilate their files as the former . beyond the forlorn hope are plac'd curassiers , ten paces from the former , as you may see at the figure . these are to order themselves in convenient troops down by the ●lanks of the former . and paces beyond these curassiers are carbines , which must orderly range themselves in convenient troops , as at the figure . in the rear are foure strong redouts , well pallizado'd , with field-peeces in them ; in each severall redout there are one hundred and fiftie souldiers . the shot belonging to the main battell are placed before the pikes to shelter them , and to hide the ordnance amongst them . when the enemy are within distance , then those files of shot which stand before the ordnance are to divide themselves upon either hand , so that the ordnance may suddenly give a volley upon the enemies troops ; and when they have done their best , they are to be drawn into the rear of the battell . view the figure following . chap. xxiiii . a forme of imbattelling containing foot , and horse , with twenty field-peeces , the pikes girdled with two ranks of musketires round about ; the residue of the shot are ordered in maniples . in this forme of imbattelling you may perceive the pikes to be drawn into twentie four divisions , each division or battalia containing three hundred souldiers , with convenient distances betwixt them . they are first impaled , or girdled round under the pikes with one hundred and eighty shot , which makes two ranks : these are to give fire upon their knees , if the enemies horse should offer to charge the battell of pikes : at a convenient distance beyond this girdling , all the residue of the shot are ranged in small maniples , of thirty in each . before the front of pikes you see twenty two maniples of shot , which are to disband themselves , and give fire upon the enemy , and are to be supplyed from those maniples plac'd in the wings . these maniples of shot are thus ordered , for two reasons : for in the first place , the enemy cannot possibly assault the body of pikes , but these maniples of shot are ready to give fire upon them : and the pikes are so sheltered and shadowed from the enemy , that they cannot receive any dammage : for indeed , so long as the pikes stand firme , although the shot should be routed , yet it cannot be said the field is won ; for the whole strength of an army consists in the pikes . secondly , these maniples may very easily bee drawn on a sudden into greater divisions , and as occasion shall bee offered , may bee joyned with the pikes ; and the pikes suddenly drawn into any forme the generall shall conceive best of ; they being ordered in apt divisions , with convenient distances betwixt each battalia for that purpose . and if so bee this battell bee pitcht in such an advantagious ground that the enemies horse may not have too much freedome to wrong the shot , this forme , questionlesse , is very prevalent . wherefore these shot ought to have each man his swines-pike at his girdle , to stick down against the horse : upon each corner of the impalement is plac'd a maniple of fiftie musketires . the horse upon the out-wings of the shot are ranged in three grand battalia's , one a good distance before the other : in the formost is three hundred harquebuziers ; in the second , five hundred carbines ; and in the last , two hundred curassiers : these upon occasion may march up together , and make one intire front. the ordnance are guarded upon each wing with three hundred and fiftie shot , and one hundred and fiftie pikes : these ordnance are plac'd upon places of advantage , to scowre the enemy in what manner soever he shall make his approaches . it would bee too tedious to discourse of the sundry forms this or any other forme of battell may be translated into : but the ingenious souldier , like that famous generall pyrrhus , must by his ingenuity frame in his imagination all kind of forms which may sute with the place they are to be fought in , and may bee most prevalent against the enemy hee hath to deale withall . but this you must take for a maxime , as sr. francis bacon well observed ( in his advancement of learning ) that no massie bodie can possibly be moved without a kind of trepidation ; and it holds good in this : for it is very dangerous to move or alter a forme of battell , not only to avoid fear , but confusion . yet i confesse divers generals have done it , as caesar cast his forme of imbattelling into a halfe-moon : but extremity drove him unto it . the figure hereof followeth upon the next page . for otherwise , if a generall orders his men in one kinde of forme to delude his enemy , and to cause him to order his battell thereafter , yet he must be sure to metamorphise it into that forme he intends , before the enemy drawes to neere , least confusion follow . to avoide tediousnesse , these formes before demonstrated shall suffice . in the next chapter following i shall further discourse of the nature of small divisions of shot , and of divers circumstances belonging to them , and afterwards i shall further discourse of the nature of battells . chap. xxv . the use of small maniples of shot , with a generall discourse of the light-armed . in the precedent descriptions of imbattelling , 〈◊〉 may perceive two or three severall formes of battels where the s●●●t are ordered in small troopes by themselves ; wherefore although it be not ordinary , yet i shall shew the good use of them , by paralelling them with the light-armed used in former ages , what strange conquests have beene gained by them , as historians have observed ; wherefore we must first compare the body of an army to the body of a man that is compact of severall parts , of which some parts are of more use than other ; some parts being able to performe their function without the help of the other parts , and againe some , except the other parts helpe , can doe nothing to purpose of themselves . the armed are the strength of the battell , and are the refuge for the rest in extremity ; wherefore our generalls in this latter age joyne the shot on each wing of the pikes for their safety , and in this kind they may worke great effects , as elian in his tacticks learnedly discusses ; and xenophon sayes , let there be never so many light-armed , yet dare they not stand and abide the assault of a few armed ; in which respect a place fit hath beene sought for their service , to secure them from the accesse of the horse , or of the enemy armed ; wherefore generalls in former ages plac'd them sometimes behind their phalange of pikes , or else in the wings betwixt the horse and the armed pikes , as these figures by me described shewes ; or if they skirmished loose before the front , and chanced to be oppressed with the enemy , then they were to retreat into the intervalls and so convayed themselves behind the phalange in safety : and as leo reports , the securing of the light-armed in some place of strength either naturall or artificiall , will be most prevalent and advantagious ; as namely some strong inclosiers being well , hedged and ditched , rocks or steepie hills , or the banks of rivers or the like . how did the prince of wales , being to fight with the whole power of france at poytiers , fortifie his light-armed , and safeguarded them with hedges and ditches , and other strengths ; so that the french horse finding no accesse to disorder them , were overwhelmed with their stormes of shot , which those maniples so plac'd , showred upon them ? at the battel of agencourt there were two thousand english shot placed in a medow fenced with a deep ditch , from whence they so galled the french , which occasioned the victory . the residue of the shot had stakes armed with yron pikes , which preserved them from the fury of the chivalrie , by which means they gained that famous victory . by this you may see , that light-armed souldiers , although they be divided from the body of pikes , may be very efficacious to gain a victory . further , there is no inticing or training an enemy from his place of advantage , but by small troops of shot , which are to make a bravado , to toule them into some place of advantage : as alexander did practise against the tryballs , who had hid themselves in woods ; he sent his light-armed from the body of his pikes , and trained out the barbarians ; they being shrewdly wounded with their shot in the woods , threw themselves out to fall upon the archers : alexander immediatly commands philotus with the horse of upper macedonia to charge the enemies right wing , upon which part they cast themselves out farthest ; and heraclides and sopolis with the horse of baeotia , and amphipolis the left ; hee having roughly charged them , put the tryballs to flight , and vanquish'd them . moreover , it is leo his own advice ; if the army hath light-armed men enough , ( namely shot ) let them ( saith he ) before the army joyns , send their shot furiously at the enemy ; but after the fight of the armed is begunne , then pay their flanks with your missive weapons ; that at once both their flanks may bee assaulted . and indeed , in all ages , the shot were the first that did begin the battell , and for the most part , the chiefest meanes to gaine victory at last . further , the nature of shot is to wound afar off . wherefore a generall , if hee desires not to come neer to joyn battell , hee may annoy his enemy afar off , without endangering his own forces ; as livie makes mention of cn. manlius volso , he warring against the gallo-grecians that fled into the mountains , attending the romans comming , and there defending themselves by the advantage of the place ; he prepared great plenty of darters , archers , and slingers , and leaving his legionary souldiers behind , led his light-armed against the enemy , that possessed certain straights by which his army must of necessitie passe ; after a small skirmish , the gallo-grecians being not sufficiently armed to defend the fury of their shot , the light-armed of the romans forc'd the passage , and followed them to their camp ; the legionary souldiers being marcht unto them for their aid , they wonne the camp also . of how much more efficacie are our muskets at this day to performe greater atchievements , if they be skilfully marshalled ? wherefore upon many occasions , our shot may be dis-joyned from the armed pikes , and placed according to the wisedome of the generall . for , as formerly i have said , so long as the body of pikes stands in array , and remains stedfast in good order , no victory can bee gotten against it : but if the pikes should bee dis-banded or dis-joynted from their proper place , there is nought else but an overthrow to bee expected . wherefore it cannot chuse but bee very good to place shot before the battalia's of pikes , to shelter them ; as you may see the like in some of those battels which i have described : where the pricks stand for musketires , and certain field-peeces placed amongst them to annoy the enemy . but this is best to be done when the enemy is a good distance from you ; otherwise it may bee hurtfull : for when the enemy is ready to come to handy blowes , then the battalia's of pikes must stand and endure the showring shot of the light-armed , and the shot must shelter themselves amongst the pikes . you may further observe the strange conquests which have been atchieved by certain maniples of shot which have been imployed against the body of the pikes , as appeares by the example of the aegyptians in crassus his battell ; who after the defait of part of his army , yet he would not yeeld to king cyrus , although in all likelyhood he had got the victory : wherefore cyrus was first constrained to charge the rear of their battalia's of pikes with his horse , and being not able to break them , he had no way to perfect his conquest , but by drawing his light-armed or shot , to direct their volleys at them ; the aegyptians being wounded , and many souldiers lost , they were constrained to yeeld themselves to the mercie of the enemy . by this you see that maniples of shot are very prevalent . but it may bee objected , that light-armed ( as the shot ) of themselves are not able to repulse the horse , but are subject to their furie , unlesse they bee strengthned with pikes , or have some convenient place of retrait , for their refuge and safetie ; as by the example of crassus in parthia , how the light-armed were beaten in by the parthian horse , and through their discomfiture the battalias of pikes were likewise disheartned . and likewise antonies retrait out of persia ; his light-armed were constrained to shrowd themselves from the persian horse within the phalange of the armed . this objection is true and undenyable ; for the shot of themselves are too weak for to resist the horse , unlesse the wisdome of the generall place them in such places of advantage in which they might secure themselves ; or as in former times they did use to line their horse-troops with shot , and then they wrought wonders : for it is impossible the enemies horse being so charged , should resist both : as an historian reporteth of caesar , that hee having but a small number of horse , and his foot-troops as few , was set upon by his enemy , who had lined his horse-troops with light-armed numidians : when the souldiers of caesar advanc'd forwards to charge them , the enemies horse gallop'd away , and the foot that lined them stood fast , and gave their volleyes at them , untill their horse , with a full career , returned to their rescue : this kind of fight did much perplex caesar , and would have confounded him , had he not retraited to the next hils from the fury of the enemies horse . certainly there is no absolute way to secure the body of pikes , but by impaling them with a quantitie of shot : for whereas in former ages they used lances , and then the pikes could make their parties good with them . but in these our dayes , pistols , carbines , and harquebuzes being in use , the horse-troops may advance up to the pikes , and discharge upon them , and so fall off again in safety , were it not for the placing of musketires about them . it may bee further objected , that the light-armed are not able to grapple with the armed pikes , but that they will soon come within their shot , and so confound them having spent their breath and powder . to this i answer , there is no fear of any dammage the pikes can doe to the shot of themselves , without the aid of horse ; because the light-armed are nimble and quick , and seeking alwaies advantage by changing of ground , whereby they cannot possibly bee forced by the armed foot , they being wearied and laden with their heavie corslets and pikes : neither can they make any great speed to come up to handie-blowes with the shot , but they must run themselves into ruine by disorder . wherefore the shot need fear nothing but the horse to trouble them . and by the way , it is to be supposed , the horse are to bee imployed against their adversaries troops , and shall not be at all turns at freedome to attend the excursions and dis-bandings of the shot , but that the shot will find time and fitting opportunity to work their effects , either against the foot or horse of their enemies , unlesse their own troops serve them as pompies did at the battell of pharsalia , who fled before they received a charge from caesars troops . i may well compare a pitcht battell to a game at irish ; each gamester must have a speciall eye , not only of his own , but of the adverse tables , how he disposeth his men , what hits may be given , and how to bring home your own men in safety ; and if a fore game cannot possibly be attained , then the wise gamesters seek by policie to disband their men so that they may bee hit , which in the winding up many times turns the wheel of fortune , so that hee that had lost , in all likelyhood , hath now gained an after-game beyond releefe : for as in this game there are two principall things which attend the winner , viz. cunning in handling his dice , and judgment in placing his men : so it is in a well fought battell to atchieve the victory . for i must compare shot to the dice , which by their cunning and quick discharge , and the multiplicitie of volleys that one side gives more than the other , is for the most part a principall cause of victory . wherefore , where most shot are , or may bee brought to fight , there is the most likelyhood of successe . what wonderfull effects hath shot wrought by discovering of suspected places , and by laying of ambushcadoes ? there being two kinds of ambushments ; as first , those that are cunningly laid to endammage the enemies battell in time of fight , which are to be compounded both of pikes and shot , and many times horse are joyned with them . these have fallen upon the flanks or rear of the enemies troops , and have much dismaid them : or such ambushes as are laid in woods , mountains , forrests , rocks , banks of rivers , caves , hollow pits , hils , deep waies , and the like ; these are usually either muskets or fire-locks , and are fittest for that service ; because their quicknesse and expedition giveth them advantage to assail their enemies , although the ground be never so unequall . and lastly , for the stopping guarding , or securing any passage which the enemy may take for his advantage , if it bee of any far distance from the army , there are none so fit as the light-armed ( unlesse you have some troops of dragones ) for they may soon travell a long way riding behind the horsemen , which most usually are sent with them for their succour : these may with far more speed and ease be conveyed than the pikes , in regard their armes are more cumbersome , and cannot but make great noise by their clattering , whereby the designe may be discovered . wherefore let us conclude , that shot are the principall members ( as the armes are to the body ) of an army , if they bee wisely and advantagiously plac'd and made use of . and to conclude this chapter with the advice of monsieur la noüe : those battels ( saith he ) that dare stand the third charge of the enemy , they shall never need to fear the rest ; for he that first flieth is surest to perish ; for then every cowardly curre will run after , and worrye a whole flock of sheep , which so long as they face him , and keep their standings , dares do nought but bark at them . and as formerly i have said , that at the famous battell of dreux a battalia of valiant switzers , which stood to their tackling , after all the rest of their army was routed , taking their opportunitie , charged their enemy , and gained the victory . and thus much concerning this subject , of the use and commodity of maniples of shot : the next chapter shall more largely treat of all kinds of battels , with such observations as the famous generals in former ages observed as most advantagious . chap. xxvi . divers and severall observations of the ancient grecians in framing of battels , with severall uses and circumstances belonging to them : as also the order and rules , by going paces to know any seat or peece of ground , how to imbattell either horse or foot thereon according to the proportion thereof . i having formerly treated of divers things considerable , both before and after battell , and having described both by word and figure , severall formes : in this chapter i intend to discourse more fully of the nature of framing of battels , with severall uses and circumstances belonging unto them . and by the way , i shall touch such kind of battels as the ancients did frame for advantage to oppose one the other . and although ( in this later age ) experience hath found out stranger weapons than former ages were acquainted with , as the musket and great ordnance , and wee have rejected the ancient bowes and bils , whose forme to imbattell them , was far different from ours ; yet wee must retain their policie in distinguishing which form of battell is most prevalent to oppose any kind of figure that shall be by the enemy marshalled against us . wherefore , first , take speciall observation , that there is no kind of imbattelling , but upon some speciall occasion , may bee suddenly reduc'd and framed , into another forme ; and so haply from one forme into divers . now the learned generall is not to seek his principall skill when hee should make use of it : and ( as before i have said ) if i should discourse of these severall wayes of reducing one forme into another , it would deserve a treatise by it selfe . wherefore let us be content to be as briefe as the subject shall permit , in discoursing of the advantages one kind of forme of imbattelling may have of another . now both reason and experience tels us , that if a battell be so framed that it may over-front the enemies , there is great advantage in it , as aelian in his tacticks doth plainly shew : and this may bee performed two wayes especially : as first , if the breadth of the formost or main battell extends its wings wider than the enemies ; then it is easie either for the body of the main battell to retrait orderly , and the two wings to stand firme , whereby the enemy may bee intrapt unawares : or otherwise , the wings advancing forward ; and this likewise may be two wayes performed : either by having the outmost maniples of the wings double , the depth in file to the body , which being advanc'd forwards towards the flanks of the enemy , there will bee ten ranks before the body , which may charge the enemy upon the flanks : or else being of an even depth with the body , the file-leader of the outmost file of each wing is to advance a distance before the file-leader of the second file , and so the second before third , and the like of the rest of the files inwards , towards the body of the battell , which causeth them to stand in apt form to charge the enemies flanks . so that reason shewes , the charging an enemy in front and flank is ods , two to one . a second ods the grecians found out , by framing their battel called hyperkerasis , and this only differs from the former , in that they advance forwards only but one wing , which chargeth the enemy upon the flank ; and this is thus performed in a double respect , either because there is a want of men to extend the front of the battell in such breadth , as that they may over-front them on both the wings ; or haply the situation will not permit them . but this , questionlesse , is a great advantage , and ought not to be neglected , if it possibly may be put in execution . these two are the only forms for advantage against a battel meerly of one front. a third ods the grecians found out ; wherefore they invented a battell accordingly , and termed it the cyrte , it being a convex battell : the intent of it was to delude the enemy : for it made a semblance of small forces , by reason of the convexitie of the figure , it being a maxime in philosophie , that all round things seem far lesse than they are in compasse ; but being extended in length , they prove as much more as they seemed to be ; because the rotunditie of the fore-part obscureth the exteriour from the eye . and indeed it is the perfection of skill in a generall , to have so much art in imbattelling , that he shall make shew but of few forces , but bring as many more hands to fight . a fourth ods the grecians found out , which was a form of imbattelling they termed epicampios ; and this was to oppose the former deluding forme , it being a figure most apt to oppose the same : for as the former was a convex battell , this was a concave ; and no lesse deception to the eye , in regard the circumduction of the front is like an embowing ; for this figure opening it selfe , will easily receive the orball form of the other into its concavitie ; or otherwise dilating it selfe on either wing , the front of it will equallize the former battell in all respects . and this latter they made use of to entrap the battell called the horsemans rhombe ; for soon they would wrap them into their voyd space of their front , as they charged them , and so galling them upon all sides , soon vanquish them . a fifth advantage they found out , to oppose their enemy that charged them in the front and rear at once . wherefore they framed their battel sixteen deep in file : so that the halfe files to the rear did but face about , and they were ready to entertain the enemy both waies at their first approach ; and this they termed the phalange amphistomus , having respect to the two fronts : this kind of forme was principally to entertain the charge of horse . a sixth forme of imbattelling they invented , which they termed antistomus , and this did not much differ from the former ; only this receives the charge upon either flank , and the former upon the front and rear . a seventh form of imbattelling they invented , very advantagious to be opposed against the horse-battell , called the wedge , and this they termed diphalange antistomus . the manner of the battell called the horsemans wedge , was to charge the foot in the front with such furie , that they would pierce and enter the most strong resistance : for the prevention thereof , they plac'd the ablest men in their middlemost files ; so that when the horse charged them , each flank divided it selfe by the middlemost file , faceing each towards other , and so made a lane for those horses to passe betwixt them without any dammage to themselves ; yet they galled the horse on both sides in their violent passage ; the foot standing on either side like two walls faceing inwards , gave them a fruitlesse passage : for otherwise a square battell of pikes were not able to resist the furie of this wedge-battell . the eighth forme of imbattelling which they invented , was of great advantage to be opposed against the square battell ; and this they termed diaphalange peristomus : the manner of it was thus . the two wings opened themselves like a paire of compasses , or otherwise dividing themselves into such a sufficient distance , as they might intrap and inclose the square battell betwixt them . the square forme of battell fearing to be inclosed betwixt them , transforme themselves into two marching phalanges ; and being thus divided , they direct one against the right , the other against the left wing of the enemy . likewise , if they did expect a charge upon both their flanks , then they wisely provided for it ; for they divided their troops into two phalanges , one sequenting the other ; the first had all the leaders in a right-hand deduction , and the following phalange in a left-hand deduction : one having their commanders in the right flank , and the other in the left flank : this forme of imbattelling they termed heterostomos : that is when the phalange proceedeth in a wing , not by file but by rank . these kind of phalanges may march in a double , treble , or quadruple side , according to the place and part suspected , where the enemy should fall on . these deductions or paragogies , if they begin the fight in flank , doe make their front or length double to their depth : this last they invented to teach their souldiers to receive heedfully the charge on all parts ; and it was used most upon a march : for accordingly they demeaned themselves as they understood the enemies manner of approaching : for if the enemy marched his army in a right deduction , viz. when the march extendeth it selfe out into a wing , having the depth much exceeding the length ; then they invented another forme of battell which was advantagious to bee opposed against the former ; and they termed it coelembolos or hollow wedge-battell ; and their framing of it was after this manner : viz. when the antistomos diphalange or double phalange dis-joyneth and divideth the wings in the front ; the rear being still closed in manner of the letter v , the advantage is this ; when the enemy approacheth with his right induction and chargeth at the midst of the aforesaid battell , it suddenly opens its front in the midst as before is demonstrated , and frustrates the charge of the enemies front , clasping them in , and circumventing the flanks of the enemies right induction . then to prevent this great advantage ; they devised another form of imbattelling which should over-march this ; and they termed it a triphalange , or treble phalange . the manner of framing it was thus ; they divided their forces into three phalanges ; two of them marching up in an even front : but having both in their front and rear as large a division betwixt them as the front of the battell coelembolos or hollow wedge-battell ; these two phalanges charge the two wings of the coelembolos , and the third phalange standeth with its front even at the rear of the two former phalanges , ready to advance up in the space betwixt them ; this last waiteth onely for a time of advantage to give an onset , and they termed it the forbearing phalange ; this questionlesse , hath much advantage of the former . lastly they invented a forme of imbattelling called phalagiophalange , which they made use of to oppose the horse-battell termed hetromekes , or the herse , of horse ; this herse-battell had the depth double to the length or breadth , and was profitable in many respects : for seeming to carry so few in so small a breadth , it deceiveth the enemy ; and it did easily break the force of the foot , with the thicknesse and strength of the imbattelling ; and it might be led through straight passages without perceiving . the foot-battell before named which was to encounter with this horse-battell , did extend its front very wide , and was very slender in depth ; so that when the horse did charge them , they could doe no great dammage if they brake through the midst of them : for there could nothing bee lost but a little of the depth ; the furie of the horse could not be resisted by the multitude of foot ; but running through the midst of them , they spoyled some few men , and immediately were carried through them into the open field : and for this cause was the length much exceeding the depth . and now of latter dayes our modern commanders have thought square forms of battalia's to bee fittest , and most proper and easie to bee reduced into any other forme . these examples of the grecian generals shall suffice to give a tast and light to the ingenious souldier how hee may best contrive any forme of imbattelling into what other forme hee pleaseth that may seeme advantagious to entrap an enemie : and indeed , this ought to bee the studie of all generals and commanders , to have at their fingers ends a forme of imbattelling that shall not only oppose , but bee peculiar for advantage against any forme of battell the enemy shall be able to marshall . in the next chapter i shall speak of such orders and rules which are to be used in pacing of ground , whereby may be known how to imbattell an army thereupon , bee they either horse or foot. chap. xxvii . the order and rules which are to bee observed by going paces to know any state or peece of ground how to imbattell either horse or foot thereon , according to the proportion thereof . now for conclusion of this tedious worke which i have taken in hand to finish ; there now only remains to speak of the orders and rules which are to bee used by a commander in pacing of ground , whereby may bee known how to imbattell his men thereupon , whether they bee horse or foot , according to the proportion of the same , which by arithmeticall rules are to be written . wherefore it is necessary that the skilfull commander do acquaint himselfe with pacing the measure called the geometricall pace ; it contains five foot of length , and every foot is divided into twelve ynches : this being often practised by ordinary going paces , whereby may bee known how many steps make this pace after five foot to it : this being observed , it will prove very easie to know how many men may be imbattelled upon such a quantitie of ground , or what quantitie of horse , or both , it being presupposed , they are not ignorant what due proportions and order is to be allowed to the said men and horse . wherefore it being usuall to allow to every pike-man standing in forme of battell , three foot of ground in breadth , and seven foot of ground in depth ; that is to say , three foot before him , three foot for behind him , and one foot of ground for his owne station . likewise for every horse there is to bee allowed five foot for breadth , ten foot for depth . wherefore for examples sake , let us further suppose that wee are constrained to make choice of a peece of ground to imbattell our army upon , containing in breadth four hundred and eight going paces , which after the rate of two going paces to one geometricall pace ( containing five foot ) doe make two hundred and four paces geometricall . likewise this peece of ground contains in depth one hundred seventy eight going paces , which makes eighty nine geometricall paces , as by this subsequent figure plainly appeares . now to know how many battalia's may bee plac'd a brest or breadth in the formost main battell , and how many in the battell of succour , and how many in the rear-battell . next we are to consider the distances or spaces which are to bee left betwixt each battalia as they stand in brest , and also the distances or spaces of ground betwixt the rear of the main battell and the front of the battell of succour , and also betwixt the rear of the battell of succour , and the front of the rear-battell . then next is to be considered what quantity of men is sufficient to impale this peece of ground for the defence of the foot from the enemies horse . lastly , there is to be considered what quantity of horse may conveniently be ranged upon the flanks or wings of this battell . wherefore observe , the distance betwixt the battalia's is ten foot ; the ground each souldier occupies in brest is three foot , and in depth seven foot : the distance betwixt the rear of the main battell and the front of the second battell is at least twenty paces . the distance betwixt the flanks of the foot-battell and the horse is twentie paces at the least . the ground each horse occupies in rank or brest is five foot , and in depth ten foot . now having past the ground as aforesaid , and as this precedent figure demonstrates ; you are in the next place to bring those paces into feet : which you may do by multiplying the said paces by , and the product is ; then this feet being divided by ( which is the just distance each souldier takes for his station in rank or brest ) the product is men in rank , for the front of the main battell . the ground being likewise eighty nine paces deep , there may be ranged three battels one behind another , viz. the main battell , and twenty paces behind that the battell of succour is to bee plac'd ; and twenty paces behind the battell of succour the rear-battell is to be plac'd : and lastly there is seven paces allowed for the carriages to be plac'd in . the battels are ranged but ten men in depth : wherefore observe that you are to multiply by ( for so many feet is allowed to each souldier to occupie his arms in ) the product is feet : this being again divided by ( for so many feet goe to a geometricall pace ) the quotient will be paces ; and so many paces ten men occupie in depth or file . next you must observe the battell of succour is ranged twenty paces behind the former , and is likewise ten deep in file , which takes up as much ground as the former did : the rear-battell likewise is twenty paces behind the second battell , and takes up as much ground as the former did in depth . and lastly , the seven paces of ground for the placing of the carriages , being added to the former distances , make just eighty nine paces , which is the depth of the field . now for the impaling of this battell both in flanks and rear , we are first to consider the quantitie of paces the flanks are in depth , which we find to be eighty nine ; this being multiplied by , the product will bee feet ; this being divided by , the quotient will bee and a little odd ; this will impale one rank down the side of the flank of this battell . and if you would have the impalement to consist of seven ranks , then multiply the by , and the product will be : so many men must be imployed to impale one of the flanks seven deep : then again multiply by , and there will arise men , the just number to impale both the flanks with seven ranks of pikes and shot . the rear of this battell is paces in breadth from the inmost flanks of each impalement of the wings : this must be brought into feet by multiplying it by , which amounts to feet ; this being likewise divided by the quantity of ground each souldier takes in brest or rank , being foot , the quotient is and one odd ; this being multiplyed again by ( for so many ranks they must bee in depth ) the quotient will bee ( adding the odd men ) : for so many men the rear will take up to impale it with seven ranks . now in regard it is at the generals pleasure to order his forme of imbattelling after what manner he sees best : therefore to shew you a more plain example of this former discourse , let us suppose our strength of foot to bee pikes and shot , and horse , and that the space of ground before specified , is the field wherein i must order this battell . and seeing it is the generals pleasure to divide the main battell ( in regard of the straightnesse of the ground ) into three grand battalia's , distinguish'd by the name of the right wing , the battell , and the left wing : or van , battell , and rear-ward . these grand battalia's are to bee divided into lesser battalia's or squadrons ; as namely , the right wing into two squadrons , the battell into four , and the left wing into two ; for the straightnesse of ground will not admit of more . the distances betwixt these battalia's or squadrons must be understood ; as namely , betwixt the two squadrons of either wing is two paces distance , for the shot to fall off into the rear . the distance likewise betwixt the two wings , and the battell must bee wider than the former , to distinguish betwixt them , which you may suppose to be three paces . the distance likewise betwixt the four squadrons that the battell is composed of , hath the same distance of two paces betwixt each , for the shot to fall off into the rear , as the wings had . betwixt the outmost file of each wing , and the impalement is likewise two paces ; in both , four . also the ground which the impalement occupies being seven ranks , is nine paces and odd feet ; so that the ground which both the impalements on each side takes up , comes to nineteen paces , adding thereto the odd feet . betwixt the impalement and the horse upon the right wing , is ten paces : also the distance betwixt the left wing and the horse , is likewise ten paces . the space of ground the horse takes up for their station , they being ranged but ten in rank or brest , is ten paces , allowing five foot for every horse : upon both flanks they take up twenty paces ; and the space for their falling off , when they have discharged , must be one pace at least , on both the wings two paces . now these distances being accounted and summed up together , we may presently see how many souldiers may bee plac'd in rank or brest in the formost main battell ; the ground being but paces broad . you having taken a survey of the distances betwixt each squadron or battalia , with the ground the impalement of shot and pikes takes up , and the space between the impalement and the horse , with the ground the horse takes up for their stations ; you shall find it to be paces , ( being the neerest distances that possibly can be allowed , in regard of the narrownesse of the ground ) . now if you deduct paces from , ( which is the bredth of the ground ) there will remain paces , for to place their formost main battell in . these paces being brought into feet by multiplying them by ; the product will be . this again being divided by , ( being the space each souldier takes to use his armes in ) the quotient shewes that men may stand in rank or brest in the formost main battell . this being also multiplyed by ( for so many men each file must have in depth ) the product shews that the main battell must consist of souldiers . these souldiers being divided by , ( being the number of battalia's in the main battell ) the quotient doth shew there is in each battalia ; only two odd men are to be joyned with souldiers more , and to bee distributed amongst the battalia's , viz. four men in each battalia , to make the files even , so that then there will be in each battalia souldiers , as the figure demonstrates . now it is to be supposed that there is depth enough in this peece of ground to imbattell two such battels more , one in the rear of another , and may bee allowed paces in distance betwixt each battell ; and paces in depth besides , for the carriages to be plac'd in , as i shall shew you . wherefore observe , the formost battell hath ten men deep in file : this must be multiplyed by ( the space of ground each souldier occupyeth with his weapons before and behind him ) and the product amounts to foot ; the two next battels being of the same depth in file , takes up foot of ground . to bring this into paces , you must divide the by , ( for so many foot goes to a pace ) and the quotient will shew you it to be paces , these three battels take up in depth : then to this paces you must add the distance of paces , which the two battels towards the rear are allowed them between the rear of one battell and the front of the other , and paces for the carriage to bee plac'd in , and you shall find the paces in depth of ground just taken up . in the next place you may observe , that the second battell ( which is called the battell of succour , and is plac'd paces behind the formost or main battell ) is divided into three grand battalia's having in each battalia men , viz. in all three : and are so plac'd with convenient distances for the formost battalia's to retrait between them ; it being supposed that many of them will be slain before they be driven to make a retrait , whereby those distances will easily contain them . in the rear battell there is only which are divided into two grand battalia's of in each , with a large space for the former battels to retrait into . the impalements , as before is shewed , hath in the rear , and upon each flank ; viz. in both flanks . all these being summ'd up together , you shall find men plac'd in all the battalia's with the impalement . lastly , there remains wanting five men , which may be imployed to line the horse , or to surprize the enemies ordnance , or for what other purposes the generall shall think fit . thus you see men marshalled in battalia upon this peece of ground . the horse are , divided into six troops ; viz. upon each flank three troops , and in each troop horse ; as before is shewed . if you desire to know how many horse may bee ranged a brest in battalia upon this peece of ground ; by the precedent rule , you cannot erre . and for explaining what hath been discoursed of , i hold it not amisse to exemplifie it by figure , as followeth . a table , demonstrating the quantitie of paces of ground which any number of souldiers , be they foot or horse , shall occupie for their stations , in rank or brest ; whereby may be known how many men or horse may bee plac'd in single rank or length , in the formost battell . and being in file deep , the just number of them is likewise described ; or the horse deep in file , the true number of them is to be known as followeth . paces geometricall . the souldiers standing in brest or rank . deep in file . the number of souldiers so plac'd . the horse standing in brest or rank . horse deep in file . the number of horse so plac'd . ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●●● ● ● ● ●● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●● ● ● ● ● ● ●●● ● ● ● ●● ● ●● ●● ● ●● ●● the use of the precedent table described . this precedent table is divided into seven columes , each colume having its proper use set above it . in the first colume towards the left hand , you shall find the number of paces geometricall ( viz● foot to each pace ) placed . in the second colume you shall find the just number of men which those paces may contain in brest or rank , ●●cording as the first colume shall point to you , viz. each man taking up three foot for his particular station . in the third colume you shall find our ordinary way of placing our men deep in file , fit for skirmish . the fourth colume points to you the whole number of men being ordered deep in file . the fifth colume shews how many horses may bee plac'd upon so many paces of ground , as the colume of paces demonstrates ; viz. each horse takes up five foot for his station in rank . the sixth colume shews the manner of placing of them six deep in file . the seventh colume shews the just number of horse being ordered six deep in file . as for example ; you have paced out geometricall paces , which is of your ordinarie going paces ( taking but two foot and an halfe to each step . ) now if you would know how many men these forenamed paces may contain in rank , you must first enter the table , and in the first colume of the last table-page , right under the superscription of paces geometricall , you shall find , and just against it , in the second colume towards your right hand , you shall find that men may be plac'd in rank or brest ; and in the next colume , being the third , you shall find they are plac'd deep in file ; then casting but your eye into the fourth colume , you shall find the whole number of them to be men . likewise if you would know how many horses may be plac'd in brest or rank upon the fore-named quantitie of paces , by casting your eye into the fifth colume you shall find horses ; and if they be ordered six deep in file , then look into the seventh colume , and you shall find the whole number to bee horses : after the same manner you may find out any other number . if you intend to order your horse but five deep in file , then to know how many bee of the whole number , you must multiply the number in the fifth colume by , and the product is the whole number . after the same manner , if you intend to impale the flanks or rear of your battell , after you know the number of paces , as for example , suppose it to be paces ; enter the colume of paces , and you shall find that paces must have men to make one rank for the impalement ; now if you would have seven ranks , then you must multiply by , and the product will be , the just whole number that the impalement will take up , being it consists of seven ranks . the reason why i have set down the paces geometricall in the first colume , after a progressionall way , one number exceeding another by three , is because it fits even with the quantitie of feet each foot-man and horse-man occupyeth for his proper station in rank or brest : otherwise there would be odd feet , as in paces ( which consists of feet ) there can bee but foot-men plac'd , who must take up but feet ; so that there is an odd foot remaining , which would put all out of order . but in paces there is feet contained , wherein may be men plac'd . also in pa●es there must be even horses plac'd , for a horse taketh up in brest or rank an 〈◊〉 pace , containing feet . vale. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e god wins rom. ant. * pedro mexia in lodo●●● bavaro , how by the death of constructio the emperour the designe against florence was lost paulus emil. in carolo by a schisme betweene vrbat and clement the armie was ruined sigon de regno itallico anno . how rome was surprised by ar●ulphus the emperour through a sudden fear . paulus em●l . in ph●lipo secundo . nauclerus in cro● the christians overthrew the soldan through a sudden feare . osorius in lib. . cap. . divers battells lost by divers accidents . guic. lib. . the french were overthrowne by a word mistaken titus livius in dec . . lib. . & d●c . lib . pedro mexia in vita imp. adolph . guic in lib. . what victories hath beene lost by sun , wind and raine , &c. esay . . psal. . . ezek. . ver. , , . notes for div a -e pax dei. col. . . . kings . . . ester . . chrori●●r carionis lib. . 〈…〉 centum millia peditum & de●●m millia equitū car●on . lib. . sexcenta millia iustin. lib ▪ . iustin. lib. . chron. cario . lib. . iustin. lib. ● ▪ dan. . . ●●ren carionis lib. . iustin. lih. . plut. invita alexquando omnes opes suas inter 〈◊〉 distribu●ss●t , hic pe●d●● dicent● , 〈◊〉 rex reliquam erit ? spes s●la respondit . in omni praelio non ta●● 〈◊〉 ; et vir●●●●docta : quam ars & excr●●tum solent traeslare victorum vegetius lib. . 〈◊〉 ●acilius re●●●●tur qu●m expellantur . 〈◊〉 . plut. in vita alexand. iustin ▪ . plutarch in vita alexander , decies centena militum millia . iosephus lib. . ant. iud. cap. . iustin. lib. . ab hoc enim quis non ●●●it 〈…〉 . chron. carionis . et sia multitudine victus , gloria tamen omnes vicit . chronicon carionis . iustin. lib. . sibi regem ●orum privatum ●●stem dep●s●u . plut. in vita alexandri . luxuriant animi rebus plerumque secundis . iustin. lib. : quem imperii faciat haeredem . respondit dignissimum . iustin. lib. . sir walter raleigh ▪ justin. lib. . sir walter raleigh , ad antipatrum & polyperchont● pro●u●it . iustin. infidiae in infidiato re● verse . justin. lib. . plut. in vit● eumenes . prius vitam se quam fidem relicturum . justin lib. . olim interrogatus agesil●us quare sparta sine muris , ostendens cives armatus dixit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iustin. lib. . in vita . de●● . dum ●●nis os rodit socium quem diligit odit . iustin. lib. ● . iustin. lib. . assiduum inter pacet discordia malum dan. . 〈◊〉 fore unde victori●●u●●t . livy . faedus inter romanes & albanes . vt cuius populi cives eo ●ertam●ne vic●ssent is alteri populo cum bona paceimperitare● . livy dec. prim . lib. primo . livy dec . . lib. . alterius uterque telo transfixus occubuit plut. vit . val. public . vno plus hetruscorum cecidisse in a●●e , vincere bello romanum . livy . dec. . lib. . nec unus in te ●go hos ●nimos gessi , lorgus post me ordo est idem petentium decus , livy . dec. . lib. . inquibus totum orbem pecavit florus . simili●r victo sit populus qui vicit . florus . aquile prodi●e n●lu●runt . flouus . livy dec . . lib. . cunctando 〈…〉 . tandem eum militiae magistrum delegisse romanos qui bellum ratione , non fortuna ger●ret . 〈…〉 credere posse ▪ livy . entrop●us . vincere s●●s hanibal victoria uti rescis . livy quos nulli m●li vicer●t vis , perdidere nimi● bona ac voluptates immodicae . ipsum ●ludin exitium suum armavit . flor. amentes estis si multos in caesare marios non videtis cavendum est a puero . plut. in vit . caesar. nec hic ferebat parem necille superiorem . flor. exinde a crassi juliaeque morte statim aemulatio erupit . flor. veniret & peteret malorem more . flor. 〈…〉 caesaris . caesar lib. . bellorun . civilium . lucius florus ▪ cuius in scuto centum atque quadraginta tela sedere . florus . caesar. lib. . bellorum civilium . aperto late●● miles faciom feri . flor. artificio magis quam viribus decertandum ▪ hirtius debello afr. quid tumiles tiro tam feroculus es ? non sum tiro labiene , sed de legione decima veteramus . hirtius . ●rjussu caesaris 〈…〉 ●anere ●aepit . hirtius . ante imperium ducis sua sponte sgna cecinerunt . flor. pro uno duos s●are pompe●os . flor. san● & ipse caesar ante actem mestor non ex more , & ● . faedum etiam inter barbaros . flor. plut. in vita ant●n . nec illis deerat animus adultionem , sed ducem non habebant . flor. plut. in vita anton. non bene cum sociis cegna venusque manent . ovid. caesar sororem videns ; pell●is amore esse rerectam saep●us accusavi● . plut. in vit . anton. romanum imperium petit mulier aegyptia & promisit , anthon. quasi facilior esset partho romanus . florus . cleopatrae voluntas plus potuit . plut. prima dux ●ug● regin● . florus . ad motis ad venas serpentibus quasi somn● 〈◊〉 . flor. lucius florus . non minus in secundis adversa , quam in adver●s secunda ●●●tanda sunt . just l. . cane ne clip●um post vulnera sumas . pacem sub clipeo parate . salust . inopinata magis premiunt male . seneca . ad priv●am novorum 〈…〉 . caesar 〈…〉 . l. . c. ● ma●ch . . . ne ●ut romanae dit●o● is ●um judais bellum gerere li●●at , nequ● prabere hostibus eorum , trit●cum aut n●vis , aut pecuntam . joseph . an●iq . l. . c. . stowes annals in vita elizabeth . lucius florus l. . c. . plurimum adterrem hostium , splendor ●orf●rt , a● competens armorum aparatus plurimum facit 〈◊〉 recessitatem . po●lybiis hist. l. . armanon supellectilem decar●esse . salust bello jugurth . studium illud vestimentis sese ornand● mulieris esse , idque non admodum pudicae , armorum vero sumptum & serium studium bonor●m , virorum qui & se & patrem serv●r● cupiant , polyb. l. . guiccardi●e . quemadmodum homines sine nervis ambulare ne●●●unt , ita nec bellum of ●ua● progredi sine p●cu●a . lips. pol. l. . viget . l. ● guiccardine . 〈…〉 pretium nunc est , dat 〈◊〉 honores , cersus amic●●a● . ovid. king. . . imperat aut servit collecta 〈◊〉 . horat serm. dis●iplinam non 〈◊〉 servare 〈…〉 . cassi●dor . salustius in bello jugurthino . haec fuit de nobis ejus prima victoria ●lorus . rex peritus fortius adversus romanos aurum esse , quam ferrum pacem 〈◊〉 . florus . salust in bello . jugurth . phil. de com l. . vrbem venalem & mature perituram , si emptorem munerit . salust . bello jugurth . stowes annals in vita edmund . atheniensibus delphios oraeulorum consolentibus , responsum fuerat , salutem mu●is ●gn●is tucrentur , id est , navibus . justin. l. . stowes annals in vita elizabeth . priusquam scythae ebrietate , quam bello vincuntur . just ▪ lib. . stowes annals in vita elizabeth . matth. . . stow in regno haroldi . publica privatis ante ferenda bonis . histori● natural . l. ● c. ● . grimston . sir walter raleigh . nonagon . decagon . vndecagon . duodecagon . note the line of defence is . paces , and not longer , because it is taken from the ● part of the curtin totall , and not from the angle of the flanke , as errard be●lay , flam catanes , and john cales would have it , wherein they much erre , as afterwards i shall demonstrate . this kinde of bulworke that takes its defence from any place or part of the curtin , doth cause the line of defence proceeding from th● flanked angle to the flanke , to be a flanke fichant , as the french termes it ▪ * it borrowes the name from the ●●shion of it . e●ards opinion is otherwise , which i shall after in this booke confute , as erronious . maro doth not allow any acute angle to be fortified otherwise then with a halfe bulworke , or else to be made the flanked angle of a bulworke , as appeareth by his discourse upon the first irregular pentagon . the first imperfection of a fortresse . the second imperfection . the third imperfection . the fourth imperfection . the fift and last imperfection . the remedies to prevent these former imperfections . how to helpe themselves against the enemies batteries made with gabions . answer to an objection . how to prevent the mining under the bulworkes . a remedie to prevent treason in a fort. how to prevent surp●●zes that may bee made against a fort. remedies to be used in a long siedge , to prevent the enemies purposes . the difference in a siedge betwixt great and small ordnance , for their service . the french engineeres opinion of their fortification . the proportion of a muskets shot , is . paces . note , a toise is . feet by the rule , . inches to each foot . a toise is . foot. the opinion of defending the flankes with musquets disproved by argument and reason . view the figure where the manne● of the galleries and the ordnance planting is desiphered . a reason produc'd why the musquet is not of validity to secure the workes from the flankes . the musquet is not able to beate downe the enemies galleries : wherefore they must have canon shot planted on the flankes . the fond opinion of the french engineers . the defence of the bulworke is to be taken from the third part of the curtin . it is most safe to take the defence from the third part of the curtin . reasons why the mote ought not be brimfull . the worke in the middest of the mote is of great defence and safegard , as you may perceive in the precedent figure . the first thing to bee done in an assault , is to batter the tops of the walls . note this work within the mote must not be made so low , that the counterscarpe may command it ; for then it will bee of no force . when to mount the canons for battery . how to cast the earth for your safegard . how to preserve the galleries from shooting downe . how to prevent an assault . werefore out-works were devised . passages by water carefully to be fortified . all warlike instruments are to bee in a readinesse to repel the enemy from the breach . divers things considerable in the defending a breach . by the ceasing of the canon , you may know when the enemy intends to enter the breach . divers considerations for a generall , before he enterprizes any attempt against the enemy . how those should defend themselves in the fort against the assailants . how the musqueteers ought to be demeaned at the enemies first approaches . they use to plant the foot of the inside of the walles , with osiers and willowes , to make baskets , and mend breaches . how the enemy ought to draw his trenches . what the defendants ought to doe , the enemy having gained the halfe moone . how the assailants may hinder the defence of the cunette , or ravelin . how to prevent the breaking of granadoes . how the defendants ought to make their composition with the enemy . note , if there bee . men to guard the passage , the redout must be . feet square on all three sides , allowing , . feet for each man to use his armes in , viz. . men on side . a redout made o● turffe used by spinola at the siege of breda . a fort made of turffeused by spinola at the siege of breda . the description of the redouts . the description of the forts . the description of the rest of the forts and redouts . the parts a master of the ordnance is to be indued with . those that wait upon the ordnance , must lodge neere his owne peece , day and night , to be in readinesse to execute such commands as shall be delivered to them . the gunner must be carefull in giving directions for the safe placing and keeping the munition and powder . these tooles ought to be marked with the gallowes , hee that steales them dyes without mercy . note , there is but ounces haberde poyze , to each of these venetian pounds . the description of ordnance re-inforced master norton sayes these kinde of peeces requires the just weight of powder , with the iron cast shot for their due charge . a difference in legitimate ordnance , in regard of their debility in mettall . the nature of bastard peeces re-inforced & lessened . ordinary basiliske or bastard double-culverin . serpentine or bastard culverin . aspike or bastard demi-culverin . pellican or bastard quarter-culverin . bastard fawlcon . bastard rabinet . base . the description of the lessened bastard peeces , their weights ▪ and the distances of conveying their shot . to what use the canon is imployed in service , and of their severall kindes . the particular use of the culverin in service , and of their seve●all kindes . note , these kinde of ordnance shoot iron bullets ; but if the markes bee soft substance , then stone bullets will doe as well , and save great charge . the use of the canon periors , and of their severall kindes . the fashion and bo●e of outlandish periors note , the difference betweene the lower end of the chase , and the upper end of the chamber is this ; the upper end of the chāber is called the orloe , or relish . the canon priors before mentioned shoot ● / . parts of the weight of the stone-shot in corne powder , onely abating proportionably pound of powder for every . weight of shot : the length of the canon perior are about . calibres of their bores at the mouth of the chase ; the thicknesse of the chambers are / ● . parts in mettal at the touch hole . the length of the portingall base is about 〈◊〉 times ●her calibre , the sling-pace . the murtherors port-peeces , and fowlers , at the most , besides their chambers , and their chambers about times the diameter of the bore in length , and weighes the or part of the whole chase. these peeces are likewise used in besieged townes to shoot blazing fire balls in a darke night into the enemies ▪ workes to discover what they are a doing ●or it the enemy bee approached to the foot of the wall to undermine it , or to enter a breach when no other ●●ot can hinder them , then these will worke good effect . you may charge these peeces with cartouches . note the wadde betweene the tamkin and the shott , is to save the shott from being broken by the tamkin . the petardire must bee carefull to avoyd the danger of her reverse , by retyting in a side line from it . they are to be cooled with vineger and water , or wine lees , or urine and water . three differences in fortification of each sort of ordnance . the difference of peeces described . how to tertiate peece of ordnance . how to konow when a peece is reinforced . note , every peece 〈◊〉 ordnance that is truly fortified with mettall , ought to contain as much mettall in thicknes round about , so farre as the chamber where the powder lyeth as the bullet is in height . how to know when one side o● the peece is thicker then the other . how to know when a peece of ordnance is truely bored . how to despart a peece of ordnance arithmetically , he● bore not lying right . note , which side of the peece is thickest of mettall , towards that side the bullet will faile , because the thinner side is more smart , and the thicker side more dull in heating . a generall rule to know how farre a peece that is thickest of mettall on one side will carry wide to any marke assigned . rules to be observed in laying ordnance upon their carriages , so that they may shoot truely . lovis collado , and alexander bianco differ about the dimentions of the carriages . the second observation , is about the wheeles and the parts belonging to them . the third observatiō , is about the trunnions if not plac't in a diagonall lyne , with the axis of the peece , it will shoot wide . note , the trunnions ought so to be plac't , as ● parts of the circumference of the peece may bee seene in that place whereas the trunnions are set , and one right against th' other . if the cariage or trunnions ●ares lye higher or lower , one then the other ; or the carriage bee to wide , so that the peece lye not fast , but starts aside in her discharge , causeth errour in the shoot . the fourth observation , is about the platforme , &c. the fift observation is about the bullet . the sixt observation is the winde , &c. note , a peece of ordnance will shoot further from sea to land , then from land to sea ; the thicknesse of the a●re at sea hinders the passage . note , in spunging your peece , you are to stand on the right side , the spunge being drawne out , you must give it a knock on the out-side of the mouth of the peece to shake off the foulnesse . how to frame cartrages of canvas or paper , which shall hold the due charge of powder for any kinde of peece if they bee made of paper , then the seames are to bee glewed , if cloth , then towed . some use formers of wood , made the just height of the bore , to winde the paper or cloth about to fashion it . the papers of the cartrage must be oyled , and the canvasse must be tallowed over to defend them from wet ▪ how to charge a peece with a cartrage . how to give a canon her true charge . a ladle containing a true charge for a canon , described . an exact rule to make a ladle by , which shall containe the due charge of any peece of ordnance . how to charge a peece gunner●like with a ladle . how to finde out the ● / part of the bullets circumferēce , that the ladle may truely ▪ bee made thereby . an arithmeticall example , &c. an observation how to charge a peece of ordnance truly without ladle , cartrages , or scales , or ballances . observations about the strength and conditions of gunpowder , and accordingly to order the charge to make a perfect shot . the three sundry e●gredients that powder is made of , with the quantities of the composition described . how to know when powder is decayed through mutation or corruption , three severall wayes . according to the weight of the shot , the powder must be proportioned , whether it be iron , leade , or stone-shot . the difference in weight betwixt a bullet of leade , iron , and stone , they being all three of one diameter and circumference . the true quantity of powder each kinde of bullet requires for its proportionall charge . zote , these proportions have beene observed to doe best execution . the length of the peece is to be considered , before a due proportion of powder can be allowed for its charge . a difference in firing the powder in a long , from a shorter peece . an example , whereby to finde out the true weight of a great bullet , by having the true weight of a small one performed by arithmeticall rules . how to know by arithmeticall rules the weight of a marble bullet by an iron , they beeing both of one diameter . by the same rule to finde out the weight of an iron bullet , by a marble , being both of one diameter . a rule to finde out how much one bullet is higher in diameter then another . a generall rule to finde out the circumference by the diameter . the use of the following table described . note , to perform this the solid square inches must be found out , by multiplying the measure of the known inches of the diameter of the bullet cubically , and then againe multiply the cube by ● , and divide the last product by , and the number in the quotient , is the solid square inches : the square inch of an iron bullet , weighes foure ounces , and so of the rest . mr. nortons art of great artillery , p. . mr. nortons observations , about the true charging a peece of ordnance , with the due proportion of powder allowed to bullets of each kinde of mettall , prescribed . three things to bee considered in making a true shot . the first is distance to the marke . the second is beyond the distance of point-blancke . the third is under point-blancke . the quadrant described with its parts , which is to bee made of brasse or some hard wood. the mounting o● imbasing of a peece is performed by putting in o● drawing out the quines , as reason shall direct . read mr ▪ nortons practice of artillery pag. ▪ . and it will shew you by example how to performe these things ; but you shall finde errour committed by the printer , which must be amended . the staffe to levell or imbase a peece of ordnance described , read pag. ● . how to imbase a peece by this staffe . note you must place your rule upon the highest part of the mettall at the breech of the peece , coyning the peece up or down ▪ untill through the fight o● 〈◊〉 the rule ( be listed to the part or divisiō in your rule that answers that degree you desire ) you espie the corno●ze or highest part of mettall at the peeces mouth , and the marke , all . in a straight lyne ▪ note , the like order is to bee observed in mounting any other peece of ordnance by an inch rule , of what length soever ●●e be . the manner of ●●aming this staffe is described , pag. . the best of a morter-peeces randon is betweene and degrees of the quadrant . for what end morter peeces were invented ▪ and of the things to bee considered in the true levelling of it , for the lesse way shee shootes ▪ the higher must her mouth bee raised to some degree above the best of the randon as is sufficient to reach the marke . how to make a perfect shot in a morter peece , proved by example . note the due charge of a morter peece is / part of the weight of the shotte in powder , shooting upon any mount above degrees , but with / parts shooting levell , or downwards . note your peece must have the same proportionall charge of powder and shot , that it had at degrees . generall rules ● for the taking the heights by the right shadow . note , in this rule the farthest stationis twice the length of the height of the altitude , adding the distance from the groūd to your eye . note , the farthest station is three times the length of the altitude , if you measure from the base thereof . note if the scale of the quadrant were divided into . or a divisions , by so much further from the thing to be measured , you may find out the height thereof ▪ divers rules how to take the true distance from the platforme to any marke assigned by the helpe of the quadrant . note , the higher the staffe is , the further may you measure any distance by this rule . euclid shewes this . pro●●● booke , and the fourth proposition , booke . note , you cannot take any far distance , unles you ascend some tree or tu●ret , the length thereof being knowne , must stand instead of your staffe . the table of the square and cubique ●oot , is joyned to the table of the severall weights of bullets , page . the demonstration of this proposition is grounded upon the second and fourth proposition of . of euclid . the demonstration of this proposition , is grounded upon the and proposition of the first of euclid . note , the trench is to bee made foot in height , and foot in bredth . . things that hinders the effectual working of a mine . foure principles each souldier should groūd his worth on . the obedient behaviour of the turkes in their warres . sixe speciall vertues required in a souldier . an illustration of authoritie , by the draughts of pictures . how souldiers must be obedient to th●r officers , bee they of never so low a degree . plato in lib. . de legib . there may bee use made of the treason , but the traytor shall nere be trusted . the duty of a governour of a garrison . the office of the maior of a fort. a corporall is to order his watch by the burning of a peece of match so many inches for an houre . the maior by the governours commandement is to see every captaine exercise his company twice aweeke at least in the summer time , and the squadrons upon the guard in the wint●● every night . in every bulworke ought to be a corps 〈◊〉 guard , and over each port , for the souldiers to guard by night in . the mayor must see his store-house be fild with ammunition and victuals fit to entertaine a long siege . note it is not above one or two companies of a regiment that guards in the out-workes at one time . vnlesse some trees or bankes may safegard them . hist. italy , comines lib. . pag. . daniel . . comines . deut. . . ioshua . . and . . pro. . . revel . . . numb . . . the bound him and cut off his eye-lids , and set him in a hollow tree upright , filled full of sharpe nayles , there continuing in horrible paine till hee dyed . numb . . . lactantius . virgil. tertul. rom. . , . proverb . . ▪ titvs . . astra regunt homines , sed regit astra deus . jo●●●ille ▪ cap. . licurgus ▪ his witty answer . de bello gallico , lib. . . tacitus . strab. lib. . of the venet. tacit. lib. . cap. . aristot. lib. . de anim . cap. . the wonderfull loyaltie and valour of pro●es●l●us . heylin . heylin . knoll●s . xiphilinus . two things requireable in a valiant souldier to make him fit to undergoe the greatest misery warre can reduce him unto . the definition of griefe and sadnesse . three kindes of sadnesse which blemish the valour of a souldier . philip de comines . treasury of time . strabo . lib. . pezelin sl●id . heylin . vpon some occasions souldiers ought not to misconster the forbearing to joyne battell , and take it as cowardise . a second reason , why a generall may refuse battell without the imputation of a coward . the third reason why a generall may refuse battell without the imputation of a coward . the first observation of an army indued with valour . second observation . third observation : the fourth simptome of valour in an army . the fift simptome of valour in an army . the sixth simptome . the seventh simptome . the eight simptome . how valour may bee begotten and bred . ioshua . vers . . . a safe argument to prove the lawfulnesse of duells . numb . . , . the combat is denied to a christian in action , sufferance and right . miracles only pertaine to the power of god. murther may happen by combats . the act of combat killeth charity . naturall equity is for the conservation of mankind and combat is for his destruction . the two maine precepts of naturall equity are broken by the act of combat . king iames his observation upon comb. pag. . pag. . ibidem . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. ● . the distinguishing of abuses from whence quarrels arise . pag. . the party offending is to be immediately committed . the lye , ranckt with the highest verball wrongs . pag. . pag. : pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . ibidem . pag. . pag. ● pag. . pag. . 〈…〉 pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. ▪ pag. . pag. . what orders the governour gives him in charge , ●he is to let his captaine understand of it . if the guard bee at a port then the serjant is to guard with his holbert all the day with the squadron , and many times all night in times of danger . ensigne epps at the battell of flanders , &c. if it bee in the darke , or night season . note , the captaine is not to release any prisoner that is committed by any of higher authority , without their consent . quem 〈◊〉 oderunt quenquisque odit perisse experit , many times the captaines themselves are sent for to take the word themselves , and the orders , if they be of importance . the serjeant-major is to draw the bille●s from the major generall , and the inferiour officers to tak● them from him . he is to have a catalogue of the just number of the army , together with the true sortment and division of every weapon , and in his memory he must have the formes of all kind of battells . some have held that the earle marshall i● chiefest in the generalls absence , and ought to have the principall command of the armie . in the discourse of the marching of an army you shall more fully reade how to dislodge a campe by night . the especiall officers named for the private councell of warre . the three usuall words of command in time of service . note the musquetiers of the right flanke are to make the van. note that betweene each division in march there ought to be foote distance , viz. foote before the office● , and foote behind . note in march the files must be at order and the rankes at open order . note , in all the postures of a musquet , the hand and foot must move at one instant , for the better grace of the posture . note , the musquet is rested when this posture is to be performed . the musquet being shouldred , it is to bee poised as i have shewed you in the first posture here mentioned at resting your musquet . note , after the musquet is setled on the shoulder , the rest must hang almost perpendicular towards the ground . note , here they begin to make ready , which they may doe eyther standing or marching . this posture is as usually done when the musquet and rest is joyned together . note you ought to take the peece in such an even ballance , that the butt-end rests not against the ground . note the souldiers must be placed in their distance for motion sixe foote both in ranke and file . when your souldiers begin any motion , let them ; advance their armes when they come to a stand , and have performed their motion , let them order their armes . as for the causing your souldiers to face to the right and left , or to the right and left inward , or to the right angle or left angle , or to the foure angles , i leave it to the discretion of the commander , either to doe it , or leave it , and the like for the facing of halfe files . it is nccessary for souldiers to move . or . paces upon every motion of facing , whether entire or divisionall . of the several distances you shall reade before . the manner of doubling of files described . the manner of doubling of rankes by the bringers-up , described . the manner of doubling of files outward and inward described . of doubling files to the right and left inwards . the manner of doubling of rankes by halfe files described . the manner of doubling the reere by the front halfe-files described . the manner of doubbling the reare , by countermarch described . it is at the discretion of the commander , to face the companie which way he pleaseth , eyther for motion or reducement . the manner of doubbling flankes by way of countermarch , described . the manner of doubling halfe-files to the right intire , to accommodate the doubling of halfe-rankes described . how the halfe-ranke of the right , are to double the left flank , is described . the halfe files having doubled the front to the right intire , causeth them to be in ranke or brest , before they were but . the difference betweene intire and divisionall doublings , and of doubling halfe files intire , described . the manner of doubling the front inward intire described . the manner of doubling the frong with halfe files by division , described . the manner of doubling the reare with halfe-files by division , described . the manner of doubling the reare intire , by the front halfe-files , described . the manner of doubling by half ranks intire described . the manner of doubling flanks by division described . the manner of doubling ranks intire described . the manner of doubling files intire advancing , described . the manner of files doubling their depth described . inversion . this sort of inversion is called filing on sequ●nce . three kinds of coūtermarches , viz. the chorean , lacedaemonian , and macedonian , described by ael●an in his tac. pag. ● cap. . the distance for countermarch is foot in rank & file . note , when there is a countermarch commanded without any other addition , then it is alwaies intended a chorean countermarch . of countermarching to lose ground . the macedonian countermarch to gain ground . of countermarching ranks to maintain ground . of countermarching ranks to lose ground . note that for countermarching front & reor into the midst , the front half-files are ever to turn off towards the right-hand , & the ●ear half-file to the 〈◊〉 ; which being truly ●bserved , they 〈…〉 even in the midst of the battell , otherwise not . of bringing front and rear together in the midst of the battel & countermarch . of countermarching to make a large intervall between the first and last ranks . of countermarching to take the ground before the flank . of counter-marching to take the ground on the outside of the flankes , and to direct their aspects inwards . of taking the ground on the outside of the flankes , not altering the aspect . of enterchanging ground by the flanks , and bringing the inmost files of pikes to become the outmost rankes . of wheeling anguler . of wheeling on the center . 〈◊〉 wheeling the 〈◊〉 inwards to the 〈…〉 of bringing flankes into the front of the battell . of wheeling the reere into the midst of the battell . note that if the length of your battell be double the number of the depth as is shewed in this mo●●r , then this wheeling of front and reere into the right or left flanke doth quadruple their forme in depth if the number be equall in length and depth then by this wheeling they will but double . if the number of your length exceeds more then double your depth ; by so much the more , will the extention of the depth be beyond quadruple . of wheeling the left flanke into the midst of the battell . of wheeling front and reere into the midst of the battell . of wheeling the flankes into the midst of the battell . the maner and use of firing described . that generall seekes his owne ruine , if he assailes an armie upon all qua●ters unlesse his power be fouretimes more then his adversaries . note the shot are to prime and charge as they troope downe into the reere to place themselves to the flankes of the pikes . the shot are to give fire even with the front of pikes , when the enemies battell drawes neere . * first blowing your cole , set out your left leg , next opening your pan , set forth your right leg , lastly presenting , set forth your left leg againe . at the battells joyning , the shot are to give fire even with the halfe files of pikes . when the battell retreits , then the shot ought neither to advance nor retreite but every ranke is to give fire upon the same ground he stands on , & so wheele off that the next may doe the like . the severall wayes of firing belonging to the demie-hearse battell described . the severall wayes of giving fire by introduction discribed . the severall wayes of bring , belonging to the diamond forme of battell described . the severall wayes of firing belonging to the semicircular forme of battell described . of extraduction , the severall uses firings & reducements described . a second way of giving fire by extraduction described . the severall wayes of firings belonging to a broad fronted battell described . * in giving fire to the reere ; when you blow your cole you must step forwards with your right foote , opning your pan , stepping forwards with your lest foote ; present to the reere stepping forwards with your right foot ● a second way of giving fire in the reere described . the second manner of giving fire to the flanke described . a third way of giving fire in flanke described . the fourth way of giving fire in flanke described . the fifth way of firing in flanke , and placing the shot in the midst of the battell of pikes , described . a second way of firing in front and reere described . of firing to both flankes marching . of firing to both flankes standing . the word of command and direction that produceth this triple firing is , halfe rankes of the left , double your right flanke by division . in omni praelio non iam multitudo & virtus indocta quam ars , & exercitium ; solent prestare victoriam , veg. lib. . montanis locis & impeditis ; quasi nullus equorum usus : ex quo intelligitur magis necessarios ped●tes ; qui possunt ubique prodesse , veg. lib. . vbi bona & composita , millitia , pedes prevalet : apud rudes , aut barbaros contra , lip. pol. l. . ab equite & pedite , omne bellicis negotijs proflu●t robur , & sine quibus quamvis egregia fint illa consillia ; sunt tamen invalida , tacit. lib. . neque quisquam expraeciaris pe●sis , usquam pedes incedere sua qui●em sponte videbatur . xeno . cy. lib . in equite apud antiquos omne rubur : quia ratio ordinandi militiam pedestrem illis in●●gnita suit arist. pol. lib. . the office of the generall of the horse . quantò quis magis inficiatur vitium suum ; tantò magis in ipsum penetrat , & quanto magis intro fugies ; tantò magis in caupona e●is ; pl●t prop. vic . austeri duces , suis facies , hostibus sunt utiles , apipan . corbuloni plsus molis adversus ignaviam militum quam contrà perfidiam hostium erat . tacit. an. . — gaudet tamen esse timo●i : tam magno po●●lu , & se net ●allet omari , lucan . lib. . de civ amil. tibus , imperator potiùs quam hostis , metui debet , quem admodum homines fine nervis ambulare nequeunt ; ita nec bellum usquam progre●i sine pecunia , lip. pol lib. . exereitus labore proficit ; labore consenescit . veget. consuetudine levior labor fit . livi. lib. . 〈…〉 tantum ad notat● sed etiam picta habeat : ut non solum 〈◊〉 mentis , verum aspectu oculorum 〈◊〉 profecturis , 〈…〉 i●●doneum , eugat , veg l ▪ . fortuna levis est , 〈◊〉 reposcit quae dedit , senec. sent. non enim in gradibus quibus ad summum perventum est , itur : saepe inter fortunam maximam & ultimam nihil interest . sen de ben. nihil tam leve est quod non magnam inter●●●m faciat res momentum . liv. l. . v● p●tit accid●st , est soūventes foys ce commencement des grandmaux . am. pleut . agis . nocturni terrores clearcht exercitum invaserunt : at ille precepit , si noctis tumultus 〈◊〉 : nemo rectus consurgeret ; hoc preceptum docuit 〈◊〉 contem nere nocturuam terrorem , polyoen strat ▪ lib. . tuum & hostium exercitum , lacorum situm ; naturam regi●●is nos●e . livi. lib. ● . miles bee tris 〈◊〉 deb●t : corpus , ut quam validis●●●●m & perniciss●m●m habeat , a●ma ap●a animum paratum ad sub●ta imperia . ceterad●is immortalibus & 〈◊〉 curae esse . livi. l. . if any horse be iadish and apt to st●●ke his fellowes or strangers that shall come neere him : he is to have a little bell plast on his crooper behind ; that such as know not his qualities may be aware of his iadish trickes . temporl aptari decet , senec. med. vl●eriora mirari , praesentia sequi , tac. hist. . consilium nobis resque l●cusque dabunt . ovid. consilia nova pro novis rebut , aut ubi priora in prospera . cip. ao . lib. . pauc●s vi●os fort●s natura procreat bona institutione plures reddit industria . veg l. . exercitus predator , & ipsa preda hostium . salust iug. eventus preliorum inter initia contra illes fuit , quibus victoria debebatur veg . l. . nam necesse est , ad fugam pa●at● sint , qui ducem suum sentiant desperare . veg. l. . in the roman coynes the picture of mars was stamped , with a lavelin in one hand and a scourge in the other : and the portraiture of a cocke by him ; intimating his prowesse his command and his vigilancy : godwin : rom. antiqui . quem m● tuunt oderunt ; quem quisque ●dit , periisse expetit . multa sunt honesta factu , quae sunt turpia visa . inquibusdam notarum peritia calculandi computandique usus ex●g●tur veg. l. . the office of the quartermasters to a regiment . the office of a corporall . the office of the trumpets . the office of the fiscall . the office of the provost marshall . is demum vir est , cu●us animum nec prospera statu suo efferant nec adversa infringant liv. l. . si nihil possis sperare desperes nihil . senec. humilis & parcus animus prosperitatibus effertur ; adversit autem rebus deprimitur , epicar . the art of riding horses is most noble , as appeares by virgil in his encidor , where he termes king picus for his excellency and greater praise , a breaker or rider of horses . likewise the poets faine that bellerophon . the son of king glaucus rode upon a pegasus when hee slew the monster chi●era . you may take notice that a horse is a very sensible creature , and apt to learne and conceive of any words , or active demonstrations , as appeares by the french mans horse , that he had taught to fetch and carry like a spanell ; at his command he would lie downe , or rise up and kicke , or st●mpe as many sto●●ps as he pleased to command him with divers other things . vse of the voyce . there are five things observeable in the use of the rodde or riding wand ; first when the horse is fitted to use a wand ; secondly , how to take it for skaring ; thirdly , how to beare it at all times : fourthly , the use and ends it s●●ves for ; lastly , how and when to use it as a helpe correction or cheerishing to your horse . when your horse is managed , you must learne how to handle your sword , harquebuz or pistoll . the rodde is to be borne in the right hand , with the point right up to your right shoulder when you trot your horse . note the left hand is onely to be held up so high to rest your harquebuz or carbine , upon when you discharge , and not otherwise . vse of the caulfe . you must not forget to spurre behinde the gi●ts towards the flanke . th●se actions of the heeles are performed with out spurres , if the horse will not indure the spurre . the use of the stirrop . vse of the spurre . you may stuffe old bootes with sand , and put spurres on them , fastening them in the saddle , the ●orse running about with them in the pasture , will make him endure the spurre . note you are to teach your horse onely in the morning before hee hath provender , not failing to ride him every day once , untill he be perfect , afterwards twice a weeke will be sufficient . how to ●read out the ring . note the same ring you beg●n with all , the same you must end with , whereby there is two turnes difference of that hand you begin on . at the first riding of the ring the horse must be exercised in it eight dayes together . the number of . gryson saith , makes five large turnes and a halfe ; foure goin● about , makes but one large turne . note it is dangerous to shift often your rings , except necessitie constraine you . note you may have a fellow stand at the place of stop , with a sticke to rap him on the knees , which will make him tread backe . how to teach a horse to rise before . of the narrow turnes there are three kinds described . divers considerations in turnes . remember alwayes to begin your ring on your right hand , and likewise on the same hand to end it . how your horse should order his feete at his first turning to either hand . another fashioned ring to cause a horse to turne perfectly as well upon one hand as upon another . in this second figure sixe goings about makes but a large turne , the reasons of it are described . the last ring fully described . an observation how to make a horse turne to what hand you please . how to make a horse turne upon what hand you please . forget not to helpe him with the sound of your tongue . three things observabl● in the word manage . a very strong horse requires the mannage with the whole rest , and a horse of indifferent strength the halfe , and the weake horse the manage without rest . a great horse must be ridde the shortest ca●eire , and a midling slight horse the longer although not much . three things of note in a carriere , first that the horse gathers roundly , secondly that he runnes swiftly , thirdly that he stops easily . when your horse can runne the cariere doe not exercise him in it above once in two moneths at most . an excellent way to 〈…〉 to fit him for a single fight with the en●mie . the excellent properties of a horse , well 〈◊〉 , described . the meanes to compell a horse to rayne well described . a devise to make a wresty horse goe forwards . how to make a shie horse gentle . how to make a horse hardy and bold in the warres . by trotting the ring you may embolden your horse . the dragoones are the fittest to give the on set because they doe their execution at a further distance . the firelocke is ●●rest to give fire , and not so apt to be out of 〈◊〉 ; besides they will indure sp●nd . houres together without ●urting them . description of a ranke . description of a file . twentie in length . that the troope may move orderly , and keepe their distances truely ; let the whole troope move all at an instant , ( viz. ) when the front moves , then the reare to be ready , so shall they bee seldome found to erre . in marching or trooping through a towne , forget not to have your peeces spand , and holding them in your hand , with their mouthes upwards , and the butt end resting upon your thigh . the figure of the foure divisions drawne into battallia . the distinctions of the sounds of trumpet described . the proportion of powder usually required for a true charge of any peece , is almost halfe the weight in powder of the bullet . some will not have a cuirassiere to give fire untill he hath plac't his pistoll under his enemies armour . you may place the pum●ell of your sword upon your right thigh and directing it with your right hand to the place you intend to hit , viz. the belly or arme pits or his throat . they must be taught to be excellent marks-men , for the manner of handling them , the directions of the pistoll may serve for instruction . edmunds observation upon c●sars com. in those kingdomes that are fortified with strong garrison townes , there shall neede no such arm● , for those townes are ready to performe the same office that this armie should doe . * the forme of their standing in battalia ready for exercise . to cause them to face to the right hand is performed by commanding . * to the right hand , this motion is performed by turning ( all at once , and the same time ) to the right hand . thus the front is where the right flanke was . to reduce them to their first forme the word of command is this is performed by turning to the left hand , from thence to face them to the left you command , this is performed by turning towards the left , from hence they are to be reduced by commanding ; which they doe by turning to the right . now to face them to the reare , though it be most proper to doe it by the right hand , yet for the more ready way you must command . this is performed by turning towards the left hand , untill their faces front to that place which was before the reare . to reduce them to their first forme the word of command is , every other ranke passeth into the rank before them upon the right hand of his leader . to reduce them , the word of command is which is best done by causing those rankes which doubled to stand , and those which stood to advance . this motion differs nothing from the former onely where as before they doubled to the right now they double to the left hand of their leaders . to reduce them , the word of command is to performe this , the second file passeth into the first , every man behinde his sideman , this must be done throughout the company at one instant , the o are the places where the files that removed did stand . they are reduced by commanding . the difference betweene this and the former motion is the difference of hands , so that those files that before moved are now to stand ; view the figure . they are reduc't by commanding : to performe this the middlemen double the first ranke on the right hand ; the other two rankes double the two folowing rankes , as is manifest in the figure . to reduce them the word is , but in regard of the combersomnesse of the horse in turning , to cause them that double , to stand , and the first division to advance . this motion onely differs from the former in the hand . the reducing of them is shewed in the former motion . in this motion the last ranke passeth into the first , and so successively , as the figure demonstrates it . they are reduced by saying . for the convenient turning of the horse , it is best to beginne with the left hand . this figure is after the corean manner . there are divers other formes of countermarching which are to be performed as well by rankes as by files , as the lacedemonian , and macedonian ; but in regard of brevity they are here omitted . all the files are to close from the right and left , towards the middle of the body . note when you intend to wheele , your files must first be closed and then the rankes ; and when you command them to open againe , the rankes are first , and then the files . to performe this all the rankes move forwards , saving the first , which standeth , the second ranke being advanc't up to its distance stands , so all the rest . when the horses are to wheele , the commander must take a reasonable compasse , for they cannot possibly doe it in such exact manner as the foote , for they must be allowed a farre greater space , in regard of the combersomenes of the horse . to performe this motion , all the body moveth to the left , upon the left file leader as the center . the wheeling to the left hand is the readiest way , unlesse some impediments hinders , wherefore that is first nominated although it bee more proper to begin with the right , the wheeling to the right is for brevity omitted . to reduce them wheele to the right hand as you were . there is also wheeling to the right or left about , wheeling wings into the front , they are here omited for brevitie . to reduce them into their first order ; first the rankes are to be opened , then the files . in opening the rankes , the best way is to doe it by opening forwards . it was attributed to iason . foure kindes of rhombes ● described . euelide defineth a rhombe to be a square figure , that hath the sides equall , but the angles not right , viz. the foure-sides of the square are of one and the same length , but the points which make the angles , are two of them , stretched out in length and become more sharpe ; the other two are more blunt than a tetragonall square . a rhombe neither filing , nor ranking . the thess alonians used this forme of imbattelling their troopes . the termes used by commanders in former ages as p●li . l. . . a rhombe ranking but not filing . leo chap. . sect. . and cap. . sect. . leo cap . sect. ▪ cap. . sect. . leo cap , . sect. ▪ . plutarch in li●urgo . leo cap. . sect. ● . their horse troopes charged the enemy in phalang , and not by rankes as we doe , leo ibidem , reade bingham upon ali●ns tacticks , pag. . caesar against pompey did the like , and e●a●mondas against the lacedemonians . so●e generalls have 〈…〉 range 〈…〉 second 〈…〉 by a large 〈…〉 ●ront 〈…〉 , but 〈…〉 flank● ; 〈…〉 battell to 〈…〉 in●an●ry . not to charge the enemies foote troopes with your horse , untill you have put their horse to a retreate or routed them , unlesse a great advantage be offred . the convenient time of advantage for the cavalry to charge foot troopes . how to charge the enemies foote , being provided for your assault . not to charge the enemy upon disadvantages . how to take an advantage of the enemy in fight severall wayes . the manner of the horse troopes giving fire , and falling off . the great advantage a few troopes of horse may have against an enemie in his quarters upon an onslaught . 〈◊〉 use of musque●●●● amongst horse 〈…〉 upon an onsl●ught . some have put their shirts over their armes ; or handkerchief●s in their head-peeces ; or glu●d white paper upon their breasts and backes . you must cause the feeting of ●our horse to be defaced at the place where you left the wa● , if it be dusty , by drawing of bowes . the order of la●ing of ambuscadoes to surprise the enemie . you must search all suspected places neere your ambush , least the enemie should have layed one before you . the souldiers must not know that any of your troopes are to follow them , least any of them should be taken prisoner , should reveale the designe . the foote must take heede they be not discovered untill the enemie be come up to them . how to charge an enemie retreating . it is dangerous to engage a whole troope at once because if they be once disordered there is no helpe but confusion . note the battalias which are plac'd be●ind the shot , consist but of . horse in each and the shot that line the horse consist of . after this proportion a greater number may be ordered . lib. . pag. ● . lib. . pag. . & . lib. . histor. caesarum . invita august . sub finem . lib. . ver●r narrat . ubi nihil veri contin . in sim● o●io . in conviv . c●s. the petard to blow open ports and portcullisses . note the end of the carriage of the petard , is to have a ballance , that it may lye even upō the wheeles , and being put home to the port , the hindmost end is to bee strongly barricadoed , that it may not reverse . the knob or snoute is in stead of a handle , to put the granado in the morter , the screw-hole is to goe next the powder for the better firing it . note some granadoes are made of canvasse with divers pistoll-barrels charged with powder and bullets , and covered over . there are of these kindes made of earth and glasse . note , that ▪ flaxe or towe hurds is best to dip into the composition , and to winde about the hoope or rope ends . this frame may bee made onely with the barrels of musquets , without stockes to them the manner how to order them any ingenuous wit will conceive of . the hole must be of a mortice wimbles bo●e . some pallizadoes have two pikes right forwards , and two slenting forward on each side . many times some of these gabions are sixe foot diameter . these small baskets are used to carry up earth to the toppe of a worke upon souldiers shoulders . notes for div a -e bona ducis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quinque , s●●entia , virtus , providentia , authoritas , fortuna . lip. sol . l. . tiberius hortabatur senatum , ut eligeret proconsulem in bello contra tacfarinatem , gnarum militiae , corpore validum , & bello suffecturum . tac. hist. l. . non erunt honores unquam ●ortuiti muneris . aus . fol. . iudges . . kings . . socrates scholast . samuel . vers . . not that famous hannibal that poysoned himselfe . sc●●●erberg practised this against the turke and overcame him . machiavill taxeth this for a great solecisme in s●ate princeps optimus saciendo docet , cumque , sit imperio maximus , exemp●o major est . valet . l. . i●lus in duce repones quàm in exercitu . prob. d●●●per . vnus hom● pluris quàm ●niversa civitas . tac. de mor. ge● . fortuna vitrca est , cum splendet f●angitur . vincere scis , hannibal , uti victoriâ nescis . prob. de han. in milite uniu● sors est , in imperatore universorum periculum . egesip . dubus praeliorum exemp●us , summam rerum & imperu scipsum reservat . tac● . lib. . s●etit sub ajacis clipco septemplice t●ctus . hom. odys . . exomni vita simulatio dissimulatioque , tollenda . cic. l. . sanctitas , sictas , sides , privata bona sunt . sen. thyest. nescit imperare qui nescit dissimulare . sigism . imper. malum sub lingua , non in lingua habens . greg. simplicitas ac liberalitas , ni adsit mod●s . in exitum ver●untur . ●acit . hist. . medicus in desperatione , ●ubern●●●● in tempestate cognoscitur ; horum omnium famam praecedentia pericula extollunt . sid. app. . faire bonne mine , en mavai● jeu . pro. gal. q●ò timoris minùs est , eò minùs fermè periculiest . liv. l. ● . ●onus animus in re mala dimidium est ma●● . plaut . pseud. flexu●sum & occultum hominis ingenium ▪ cujus vis propriè in arte solertiaque , est posita , aptior tamen ad cavendos quàm metuendos ●ostes . eront ▪ praef . nemo celerius opprimitur , quàm qui nihil timet . vel. l. . is qui nil dubitat , nil capit inde boni . gram. vulg . si nihil velis timere , metu●s omnia . senec. sent. quod nimis miseri volunt , hoc faci'è credunt . seneca . omnia audens contemnit●r , nil temerè agens metuitur . liv. lib. . dimidium facti qui bene coepit habet . hor. lib. . ep . . bonum principium dimidium totius pro. lat . fama in novis coeptis validissima est . tac. an. . primis eventibus , metus aut fiducia gig●itur . idem an. . nun quam bonos fortesque mis●tes habebis , nisi haec duo ve●●t instrumenta ad●ibeas , delectum & disciplinam lip. pol. l. . multitud●●● vi●es habet , sed pondus . sen● c. de vita & regno velut ad casum alcae pericl●tari , stu●titi● est & vanitas . stobaeus . fortunam inter dubia , virtutem inter certa numerare . tac. de ger. verum si incipias , neque terficias gnaviter , nihilo plus agas , quàm si des operam , ut cum ratione insania● ( quod ille de amoreidem de bello ) . terent. eun. mars communis , & victum saepe erigit , & affligit victorem . liv. lib. . et fractis rebus , violentior ultima virtus . sil. lib. . instandum famae , nam prout prima cesserint , succedunt universa . tacit. lib. . non mim●s famâ quàm vi , stant res principum . tac. an. . la bonne reputation d'un chiefe , est caused un grand bien pur son armec . plut. phoc. inter scopulos quibus illidi ac frangi reipub. navis solet . prima 〈◊〉 fiducia● occurri● . lip. pol. lib. . credulitas pariter ac diffidentia perdiderunt homines . hesiod . lib . tutissimum est inserre cum timeas gradum . quand on void venir le danger , ●●faut gaignerle devant ; & ne 〈…〉 mal sei f●it , po●ry donner ordre . a● . p●ud . provocando , tuis auges confidentiam , & adversariis min●●● ; quia fortiores videntur qui provoc●re non dubitant . liv. ars vi●cendi & bellandi est prudentia , ut medicina valetudinis , ci●de fin . mens u●a sapiens plurium vincit manus : qui fallere non v●●● , falls non potest . lip. pol. l. . mache giona ( 〈◊〉 ) c●e del perig●o 〈◊〉 , omai fosse presago il c●ore , ●●irresolute in ritron●r rimedio : lamia tenera età rendesse ●'timore . nulla sunt ●●liora consil●a quàm quae ignocaverit ●osta antequàm fiunt . veg. lib. . nec ostenderunt bellum priùs quàm i●t●lerunt . liv. de sab. captivam getuliae reducem a●divi , multorū leonum impetū à se mitigatum ; alioqui ausam se dicere faemina prosugā , infirmam , supplice animalis omnia dignissimi , caterisque imperantis , indignā ejus glori● pradam . pl. nat . hist. debellare hostes fortune est , refocillare victos verè regium . pā . lua a quo clementia abest , crudele est . pom. lec . . fortunam cìtiùs reperias quàm retine●● . publi . non minor est virtus , quàm quaerere , parta tutri . ovid. ilest be●●coup plus fait de garder un estat de ne tomber en ruine , que del ' agrandir , & enrich●● am. in piut. ille diffici●● vincitur qui de suis & adversarii copiis verè potest judicare . veget. lib. . tuum est , hostium exe citum , locorum situm , naturam regionis 〈◊〉 liv. lib. . necessitas etiam timidos sortes ●acit . iu●● . lib. . hostes s●gientes nolite trucida ▪ re , ne potius ducant manere quàm fugere . lycurg . in pol. exercitus praed●tor , & ipse praeda hostium . salust . l●g . fventus prae●iorum inter initia ●●●raillos fuit , quibus victo●ia debebatur . v●get . lib. . 〈◊〉 causd , tollitur effectus . arist●t . teme ▪ itas , ubi primum impetum effudit , sicut quaedam anima●● , amissoa●ule● , ●orpet . curt. lib . quiè nuce nucleum esse vult , frangat nucem . plut. q●●squis enim duros ca●sus virtutis amore vi●erit , ille sibilaude●que , decusque pa●bit . vir. opus● . magna sant momenta t●mpo●●● & mul●um interest , idem 〈◊〉 utr mante , an post decernat●r , 〈◊〉 scipiatur , agatur . caelar . com. lib. . temporiapta●i decet . sene● . med. multum cum in omnibus rebus , tum in re militari potest fortuna . caesars com. lib. . qui qu● necessaria sunt non providet , non prorsus videt : 〈◊〉 non sa●ere , est p●ane desipere . lip. pol. lib. . cum istud bellum suscipitur , ut aperte pugnet quis , autex insidiis , nihil ad justiciam attine● ▪ august . qui adiouste ●oy audire d'un mcschant , ●●en repent & ●●en voit l'onstrage puis apres . ami. plut. nemo fere credit nisi ei quem fidelem putat ; perd●●●ssimi est igitur hominis fallere eum qui lesus non esset nisi credidisset . cic. pro ros. — rebus succurrite laesis , et date nau●●agio littora tuta meo . ovid. inst. quemadmodum homines sine nervis ambulare nequeunt ; ita nec bellum usquam progredi sine pecunia . lip pol. lib. . antequam inchoetur bellum , de copiis expensisque sollicitus debet esse tractatus . veg. l. . gubernator , ubi naufragium timet , jacturâ quicquid sanari potest , redimit . lamp. alex. parva sunt ●oris arma , nisi sit consilium domi . cicero . bellum ex momentis parvarum saepe rerum dependet , liv. lib. . vn petit accident est ●●●●tessois , le commencement des grands maux . am. plut. noctur●i terrores cl●●rchi exercitum i●vaserunt ; at ille praecepit , si noctu tumultus oriretur , nemo rectus consurgeret : hoc pr●●ceptum do●●t mutes contemnere nocturnum terr●rem . pol. strat. lib. . illa belli furta pulcherrimam laudem habent , per quae hostes ma●imè decipiuntur , & amici plurimùm juvantur . thuc. l. . miles haec tria curare debet , corpus ut quàm validissimum & pernicissimum habeat , arma apta , animumque , paratum ad subita imperia : ●aeteradiis immortalibus & imperatori commendet . liv. lib. . nullum numen abest si sit prudentia . luven . sat. . perdifficile est ad carentem auribus ventrem verba facere ; ven●er quippe cibi avidus , praecepta non audit . plut. in cat● . du● sunt quae principatus comparent , augeant , servent , milites & pecunia . dion . l. . vebementer pertinet ad bella administranda , quid hostes , magis verò quid subditi de suis imperatoribus existiment . cic. tam celer in agendo & cons●●tus in exequendo , ut 〈…〉 . suet. de caes. veni , vidi , vici . caes. apud plut. saepenumero in bello ca quae geridebent , 〈…〉 quàm vt 〈◊〉 . xenoph . lib. . dissicile est in omni vitae 〈◊〉 sic te gerere ut non 〈◊〉 . lip. an . lib. . potentiacautis quàm acri●ribus consi●●is 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 . an . . ibi semper est victoria ubi concordia . senec. sent. nobilium factiones tra●unt ad se , & in partes , universum populum . arist. pol. l. . ad victoriam plurimum resert ut lectissimos de peditibus & equitibus , bene armato● , & post aciem in subsid●um praepa atos habeas . veg. lib. . ensis habet vires , & gens quae . cunque virorum est , bella gerit gladiis , sed medos praelia prima exarmant , vacuaeque jubentr●meare pharetrae . luc●● . l. . summum jus , summa injuria . ad●g . poly. resdant consilia hominibus , 〈◊〉 homines rebus : itaque aptare te iis rebus debes , praese , tim in bello . lip. pol. l. . turpissima est jacturaquae fit ●er negligentiam . senec. epist. in ventre mollis tenuisque cutis crocodili , ideo se ut territimergunt delphini subcuntesque alvum illam secant spina , plin. nat . lib. cap. . laprudence doit conduire & manier la force . am. plu. parendo potiùs quàm imperia ducum sciscitando , res militaris continetur . tac. an . lib. . divisa inter duces militesque munia , his arma & manus sint , illis consiliū & virtutis suae specimen relinquant . tac. an . l. . custodiendi milites intra limites , aliter solvitur militia tua , immo perit . periculum subire instructo ordine . xeno . inst . citius venit periculum cum contemnitur ; nopinata magis premunt mala . senec. metellus aliquid militiae interrogatus , si inquit tunicam meam arcani mihi consciam scirem , exutam in ignem abjicerem . plu. de grac. dum festino omnia teleriter percurrere , tardeor sum . plat. rep. . scito militibus cupidinem pugnandi convenire ; duces prudendentia , consulta●do , c●nctatione saejius quàm temeritate prod●sse . tac. hist. lib. . fabius novam de hannibal ▪ victoriam , commentus est , non pugnare ; ut qui frangi virtute non poterat , morâ comminueretur ; hinc illi cognomen novum & reip . salutare ( cunctator . ) florus lib. . ostendite modo bellum , pacem habebitis ▪ videant vos paratos , ad vim jus ipsi remittent . man. apud plut. pacem optatis magis quàm defenditis , pacem sub clipeo paerare . salust . hist. . veterae odére , nova expetunt , odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student . salust . digitū praescindi oportet , ne ob eam rem gangrena ad brachium perveniat . varro . frag. providendum , ne cui , qui insigni aliqua injuria affectus est , demandetur provincia administrandi rem aliquam magni momenti . mac. dia. lib. . tam est periculosum , malitiosa p●tentiam , quam furioso gladium dare . aeschin . securitati consulas ante quam vindictae . tacit. an . lib. . principibus seditionis securi percussis . mac. lib. . ca. . arces extruuntur duplici de causa , ad hostes arcendos , ad subditos compescendos , & in officio continendos ; ad priorem usum non necessariae , ad posteriorem inutiles & noxiae . mac. lib. . dis . . in omni prae●io non tam muttitudo & virtus indocta , quam ars & exercitium soleut praestare victoriam . veg. lib. . amplius potest locus saepe quam virtus . veg. lib. . vi militum inferior , locorum fraude prior . tac. an . . erectum & fidentem animi te ipsum ostende . tac. an . lib. . al faut pl●yer plus tost que rompre : & se reserver à meilleur temps . am. plu . cic. majestas non fracta malis . lucan . . decet virum verè generosum ; ferre tum bona , tum mala , si lapsus fuerit . menand . a partie of musketires or fire locks are best to discover wades , rocks , hils and the like , in regard the heavie armed cannot possibly effect it . note , these divisions of the army are not to be quartered too far asunder for fear of danger . the serjeant-major is to acquaint every officer where the place of imbattelling is , and the waies made plain and ready for every company to troop to it . this caution would have a●ed a great deal of bloud at the 〈◊〉 or rec. observations about retreating from the enemy in a march. a farre greater honour to retreat in the dark then to be beaten in the light . this is to be done , when the enemy knowes not of their departure . an enemy may receive more damage , then they that retreat . what is to be done , if you feare the enemy will steale from you . the use of small vessels . note the rancke of the cyphers , o demōstrats the place where the ranck of shot stood , that is advanc'd forward . note after the shot have given fire , they are to match downe the left flancke , and place themselves in the rear of the shot , and the next rancke is to supply their places ; by which meanes they may continually give fire . how the redouts may bee pallizado'd . how the maine quarters are to be situated and intrencht . the christians being encamped about the river nile , ann● . were drowned out of their trenches . a generall may tax the towns about his camp to bring in a certain quantity of corn & victuals , and he is to set the rates according to his pleasure . the lieutenants cabin is to bee . foot long , and . foot broad . the serjeants are there plac'd to keep the company in good order . a second way of fortifying a camp described . by these lawes the king of sweden governed his army . * running the gate-lope or purgatory , is , when he that hath done the fault , is to run between the regiment , standing halfe on one side , and halfe on the other , with whips or bastinadoes in their hands , to lash and cudgel the offender , which punishment many a shamelesse souldier will be hired to undergoe for drinke or money . a small army of old souldiers , are able to encounter with a great army of novices . for the securing of the reare or flanck of the army , and to hide ambitions to dis●omfit the enemy . this was observed by m●r●us against the ●imbres , and king pl●●●o august●● against the f●emings . epaminondas gained a victory by caus●●ng his horse to stir the the dust into his enemies face . the first figure of imbattelling hath three severall battels , viz. the main battell , the battel of , succour , and the rear-battell . this battell was fought the . of august . two great disorders the enemy may bee brought into in th● time of fight . la nowe pag. ▪ the use of these instruments you may read in the discourse of engines . in the discourse of stratagems you shall find variety for all conditions and places . 〈◊〉 the att●le●● should be plac'd in the s●aces●etaeen the divisions , the spaces must bee left very wide , and then very dangerous ; if left the usuall distance , then in stirring , these spaces will close so soon , that the ordnance can have no place to play . this must be done when the enemy is . yards from your battell . the 〈◊〉 punish with death those that are afraid of the ordnance , or ●hew any 〈…〉 . there ●r-battell is to consist or far lesse men than the battell of succour . hannibal used this policy : he plac'd his aids next the enemy , and behind them his carthaginians : so as they could not fly , but either vanquish or weary the romans . the horse are equally to be divided , and placed on each wing of the battell , unlesse one wing may be secured by 〈…〉 ground or hedg●s . this is to be done when the ground is plain , that the ordnance may not 〈…〉 . by this means they will be both in better order and breath . bellary would not have them put forwards untill the enemy were within . paces . vide liv lib. . & lips. de milit . rom l l . flank and rear . note . 〈…〉 , in the 〈◊〉 of cyrus , shews 〈…〉 grecians 〈…〉 a kind of 〈…〉 which 〈…〉 the pean . it is policy for a generall not to divide his army to follow the pursuit , but rather let such small troops depart quietly . neither is it good to let the souldiers know the place of meeting before-hand , but only the chief officers . these ordnance are on each flank to be guarded with . foot and horse . short swords and targets are excellent to line the front of pikes , to cut off the enemies pikes heads . note , each battalia of this main battell contains ▪ souldiers . * if the partition should be lesse than . paces , they would close up in the motion of the army . * note , into each space . battalions are to retreat , and on each flank . battalia ; and the middle-most battalia is to fall into the space in the midst . by this means . men more are brought to fight , and the middle battel made so much stronger than the first : and again , retraiting into the ●ear . battell , makes them strongest of all . the rear-battel consists of . souldiers , viz. . in each battalia . five ranks of pikes is the most that can doe any service against the enemy at once ; if there bee mor● ranks , they are out of distance to annoy the enemy with their pikes . the impalement is marked with the letter g. pioners having ●ow● for their weapons , may do excellent service in wet wether when peeces will not fire . the whole imp●lement , flanks and rea● , amounts to . souldiers . these may be lined with muskets . viz. upon each flank ; these are to joyn with . horse . note , there are foure od files plac'd in the two middle battels in the front , the●e being five od men in each battel , which makes these foure od files . aelian pag cap. . xenoph. cyro● . lib. . cap. . leo c. . sect . . henry the fifth at the battell of agencourt . leo cap. . sect . . how the shot ought to bee used in the time of giving battel . liv. decad . . lib. . ●● xenoph. cyro ●● . . . plutarch in crasso . hir●ius de be●● afr●● . lucans pharsalia . la no●e pag. . pag. . cap. . the over-fronting battell is termed by the grecians , hyperphalanges . the over-winging battell is termed of the grecians , hyperkerasis . the battell called 〈…〉 the battell termed epicampios . the battell called amphistomus . the battell called antistomus . the battell termed diphalange antistomus . the battell termed diaphalange peristomus . the battell called heterostomos , used upon a march. the battell called coelembolos , or hollow wedge . the battell termed triphalange . the battell called of the greeks phalagiophalange . the use of this table is described in the latter end of it . the prospectiue glasse of vvarre shevving you a glimpse of vvarres mystery, in her admirable stratagems, policies, wayes; in victualling of an armie, prouiding money to pay souldiers, finding out the enemies purposes, traps, and stratagems: ordering of marches, framing of battails, sundry fights, retreats, and the like, to auoide battell or fight. furnished with argument to encourage and skill to instruct. by c.e. warre is a schoole of necesary knowledge. cooke, edward, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the prospectiue glasse of vvarre shevving you a glimpse of vvarres mystery, in her admirable stratagems, policies, wayes; in victualling of an armie, prouiding money to pay souldiers, finding out the enemies purposes, traps, and stratagems: ordering of marches, framing of battails, sundry fights, retreats, and the like, to auoide battell or fight. furnished with argument to encourage and skill to instruct. by c.e. warre is a schoole of necesary knowledge. cooke, edward, fl. - . [ ], , [ ] p. : ill printed [by t. cotes] for michael sparke, dwelling at the signe of the blue bible in green-arbor, london : . by edward cooke; title page and a v erroneously give author's initials as 'c.e.'; a v corrected to 'edward cooke'. woodcut illustration on title page. printer's name from stc. h r has advertisement for postures of pike and musket sold at the 'angell in lumberstreet'. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jason colman sampled and proofread - jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the prospectiue glasse of vvarre . shevving you a glimps of vvarres mystery , in her admirable stratagems , policies , wayes ; in victualling of an armie , prouiding money to pay souldiers , finding out the enemies purposes , traps , and stratagems : ordering of marches , framing of battails , sundry fights , retreats , and the like , to auoide battell or fight . furnished with argument to encourage , and skill to instruct . by c. e. warre is a schoole of necessary knowledge . london : printed for michael sparke , dwelling at the signe of the blue bible in greone-arbor . . to the honorable sir iohn cooke knight , principall secretarie of state to his maiestie . sir , as shape beautifies an image , so good actions commend a man. that which did commend lucullus most , was this , * hee would rather deliuer a roman citizen from the hands of his enemy , then win all that his enemies had in their power . lucullus in this did conquer himselfe ; as alexander did in containing from darius his most faire wife and daughters ; and caesar , in sparing to punish his greatest enemies . to whom cicero said , that in other victories , fortune , policy , & souldiers , might claime a part , but in this , he alone should haue all the glorie . glorie , thirst of prey , and loue of country , were the three things that set all the romans vpon admirable action . the first is counted but a * vice ; the second , no better then theft ; the third , is the vertue heroicall . in this vertue cicero excelled the other three , and therefore was honoured with this epitaph , pater patriae . he was called father of his country , because he kept it from decay . all those that in their consultations doe seeke the benefit of their country , doe deserue the like like reward and praise . you then sir , are to be praised and honoured of all men , whose consultations tend to the benefit of the whole kingdome : hauing obtained a conquest of your selfe ( being a christian ) far aboue that of lucullus and caesars . therfore you shall attaine a most sure triumph , the guide of whose chariot shall be grace giuen from aboue , and glory , that shall neuer faile you . it is reported of roscius ( the tragedian ) that men durst not aduenture to act in a tragedie in his sight , because of his excellencie in that facultie . and shall i dare to discourse of warre ( or any other subiect ) before so great a statesman , so learned , exquesite a mathematician as your selfe ? behold i were blanckt , and should stand as queene hester did ( dead in all mens opinion : ) did not your septer of benignitie giue me life , and tell me that you are a fauoror of arts and armes . therefore i take courage , and prostrate this my poore labor to kisse your honorable hands , not as any addition to your vncontroleable and approued knowledge , but as a weake fabrick , which onely wanteth the support of your much admired goodnesse . pleaseth it you therefore to accept my booke , to peruse and allow of the same , that it may the more safely come abroad , and thereby deserue the better fauour and acceptance of all the readers thereof : as allowed of him , whose noble acts as well within the realme , as without , haue alwayes from time to time , so well appeared . so i shall be the more boldned , and encouraged to take the like paines hereafter , if good and meet occasion , may serue there vnto . euer vowed to you ( honourable sir ) in all dutifull seruice , edward cooke . the preface to the reader . iudicious reader : it is not the least , but the greatest kinde of folly , when a man hauing but a little science , presumeth to teach not onely those which haue onely science , but such as haue most certaine experience . for mine owne part ( among many ) i am most free from this guilt : though for the good of many i haue published this treatise which will make me thereby seeme guiltie . yet i confesse the booke or treatise is a collection of such notes as haue bin by me selected out of the best tacticke writers both ancient and moderne . all which i haue illustrated with examples , and precepts , the better to instruct all yong commanders ; who by reading them may get much knowledge . but it may be these braue spirits are minded to get knowledge by experience , and not to ioyne experience vnto knowledge : therefore they affect the bloody fields of africke better then the beautifull schooles in greece . well , let them doe so ; but in my opinion it seemes a farre better and shorter way ( for them ) to attaine to the name of worthy perfect captaines , to ioyne experience vnto knowledge , then to get knowledge by experience . for mans life is short and subiect to many casualties , oftentimes it is cut off before it can come to any such perfection as is required in an excellent man of war ; whereas small experience with diligent reading , and perfect learning of feats of warre may frame and make many politicke captaines in a small time . i doe not meane that knowledge without experience can doe any great thing at all ; but being ioyned both together , doubtlesse they may be as able to bring to passe as great and as merueilous things in valiant men in these our dayes , as they haue done to others before our time : to which not only experience alone brought them , but diligent learning and study of the art of warre , written and set forth by historicall writers and poets . innumerable are the bookes which this age doth afford of the like subiect for their direction : the number of which i haue augmented by two ; namely , the character of warre , and the prospectiue glasse of warre . the character of warre , doth instruct them in the vse of the postures , in the vse of facing , wheeling , countermarching , doubling , distances , and the like . and how to command a company . the prospectiue glasse of warre doth instruct them how to victuall an army , how to prouide money to pay souldiers , how to finde out the enemies purposes , traps , and stratagems ; how to direct an army to march either by day or by night ; how to embattell ; how to behaue themselues in battell , when to fight , when to auoide fight , with many other excellent things worthy of their knowledge . then let them read , and reading they will learne to iudge aright of the author ; who puts a difference betweene the state of philosophers , and the state of captaines ; betweene the skill to read in schooles , and the knowledge to rule an army ; between the science that wise men haue in books , and the experience that others haue in war ; betweene the skill to write with the pen , and others to write with the sword ; betweene one that for his pastime is set round with deskes of bookes , and another in perill of life , encompassed with troopes of enemies . therefore presumes not to teach any such graue experienced souldiers ; onely records what they haue done , or can doe ; which he recounts to others to imitate , who it may be haue neither seene nor read them . spare not then to iudge and censure him who will euer remaine thine . c. e. hiss . hiss . a battell both with seconds , and ayds for all attempts ; containing . foote , and . horse , with ordnance on the hils , reare & flanks . the prospective glasse of vvarre . chap. i. after what manner a commander or generall should best prouide victuals and mouie to content his souldiers , & how to finde out the purposes , trapps , and stratagems of his enemy . victuals is the soule of an army : money , but the sinewes : without the first your army cannot at all subsist ; without the second , but indifferently : but with both , admirable well . that your army may haue both soule and sinewes , thereby to subsist long and well , prouide for it good store of victuals and money : likewise prye into the wiles and stratagems of the enemy in time , that it may go well with your army . which that you may well do , these precepts following will direct you aright . but first of victuals . victuals consist first in conuenient prouision of them , then in safe keeping and preseruing of them , then in good distributing , or spending , or bestowing of them alwayes . all which you must carefully execute if you would not willingly taste of want . . prouide for victuals before you vndertake the warre , for then is the time of best prouision . . in your warre begun , store your selfe with victuals , either neere hand or farre off . and conduct it with good and strong conuoyes , lest the enemy surprise it . . in your townes of warre , either without or within , haue great store of milles to grinde corne to sustaine you the better in a seidge : and bee sure to looke well vnto them , & sufficiently to defend them , especially those that are without the towne . . if you beseidge townes or cities , you ought to hurle downe all milles within and without , and to cut of the water from them , if you cannot keepe them for your owne vse . . prouide that such neighbours as dwell neere vnto you , may safely bring victuals into your campe without danger of the enemy . . in case of necessity send your souldiers into their prouince to abide & be relieued with victuals for a time . example , galli being in some distresse of victuals , choose the citie attella , a citie full of victuals , to stay there vntill by their friends they might bee relieued , both with victuals and souldiers . in which citie their souldiers for a while were largely relieued and freely , with or at the charges of the cittizens . . seeke by all meanes to intercept your enemies victuals ; and lay seidge to those places from whence their chiefe reliefe of victuals doth come . example , the captaines of charles the sift , in the warres against the germans , lacked victuals somewhat , where on the other side , the germans lying in a plaine fertill country , had plenty of victuals , vpon the occasion of the aoundance of the country , being large ; and partly because certaine friendly cities and countries lay behinde them on the otherside of the riuer . for the same purpose charles the emperour went about for to gaine the cities standing about the riuer from them , and so the aduantage of the same riuer with victuals : which was a braue act . like this was that of francis sforsa , who vnderstanding that the frenchmen , or army at nouaro , had great comfort of victuals from biagrassa , he beseidged that towne suddenly , & tooke it : by which occasion hee tooke from them their chiefe victuals : and shortly after the french army was faine to remoue . . if you are for to iourney towards the warres , iourney in a plentifull country , and which hath in long time beene in peace . thus did the french king charles the eight when he came to the citie of ast . . also you are to iourney in your confederates country , and who vpon very great occasion is to desire your society , for such will ayde you liberally . this was likewise practised by charles the eight when he inuaded naples : for other wayes of getting of victuals , and preseruing them so got , peruse these presedents . . some kings , captaines , and generals , which haue either taken , or saued some citie which was likely to be lost , haue caused their souldiers to be releiued of victuals in the same ; in the houses of them which were their enemies . . some haue vsed for to send certaine captaines of souldiers into other cities , for to ease the present spending in the place where they were . . some haue vsed to send all the poore and impotent people out of their citie so beseidged , that their victuals might last the longer . . some would suffer none either to returne or to haue reliefe of victuals : which vnreasonable hard vsage needed not , if gouernors would before hand , and before need , prepare both for abundance of victuals , or else withall take order for the moderate spending of their victuals : for negligence of prouision of victuals in time , and mispending , or else lacke of good keeping or ordering them which you haue , should be well seene vnto . i pretermit this . and i fall vpon the prouision of money for the payment of your souldiers wages . hauing money sufficient , it is best to pay your souldiers beforehand , or monthly . . if you be bare of money , pay some wages , and procure that the souldiers may haue victuals good cheape all the while you lacke money , or imploy them where continuall spoyle may be had . . if you haue little money , pay a part of that openly in the hands of such souldiers as are most likely to make a mutiny . . some generals when as their souldiers haue beene ready to reuoult or mutiny for lacke of pay , haue straight way brought them to the battell , for this purpose ; if victory happened on their side , they would pay their souldiers of the spoyle of their enemies , or else if their army were ouerthrowne , then they should be cleerely and well discharged of the grieuous and dangerous complaint . . some haue caused the cittizens of cities to receiue souldiers into their houses for to giue vnto them meate , drinke , and lodging , and to giue wages vnto the same souldiers . thus did anthony de leua at millan . this was he that forbad all his cittizens for to eate any bread but onely such as should bee bought of him : for which purpose he appointed in euery streete certaine houses where bread should be sold , at what price he lusted , and none durst do the contrary . by which kinde of means he got into his hands all such kinde of money as any citizen of millan had in his chests , or else could make or reserue by any meanes or wayes ; with which he payd his souldiers . this was his way , but some haue found other wayes besides these . . some generals haue gaged all their plate and iewels vnto rich monyed men , to pay their souldiers . . some kings haue borrowed all the iewels and ornaments of certaine great ladies or estates , which were their friends and kinsmen , and haue pawned the same to vsurers for to pay their souldiers . . borrow largely of your confederates money , who seeketh your society in his warres : for his speciall purpose : the french king charles the . could do this passing well . . seeke of such a confederate any other ayde or furniture for your warres , which furniture can stay your laying out of much expence . . seeme ( to such a confederate ) to deferre your warres that you may the better wring forth of him greater summes . it may bee he may proue like lodowicke sforza duke of millan . this duke , seeing charles the eight make no haste to inuade naples according vnto promise , because lodowicke was to worke a feate by charles his comming , which otherwise hee was very hardly to do ; he sent his sonne in law with a braue captaine into france vnto the king , offering him money , shippes , horsemen , and many other things of great importance , which the king accepted , and for that cause before did stay the warre . thus much of this , which shall suffice for the wayes of getting of money to pay souldiers , and likewise for victualling your army . i will now shew the wayes by which you may finde out your enemies purposes , trapps , and stratagems . to doe which , well obserue these precepts . . first , you are to suspect vehemently , or else to feare , how your enemy hath an invention by some subtiltie or politique stratagem , or inuention , or else some crafty deceite or wile to entrap , beguile , or ouerthrow your army . . next for such intents or purposes , you should entertaine very good and sundry espialls , who by all meanes are to be very attentiue , inquisitiue , curious , liberall , suspitious , and bold . . which especially should remaine or abide neer the court of your enemy , or else neere vnto the army of your enemies , or in some friends country of your enemies , or neere some neighbour of your enemies , or in the way of your enemies , or else a common trauellor , or else a studient in the land of the enemies , or a subiect of reputation in the land of your enemies , or else a merchant or common seller of wares , or a barber , or a victualler in your enemies country . which kinde of espialls , you are neuer to trust throughly , but euer to bee iealous of them , and to weigh and conferre their reports with the reports of other espialls , and with likely-hoods , oppertunities , and reasons . haue espialls continually , if it be possible , in your enemies army . the langraue , with other captaines of the germans , ( against the emperour charles the first by name ) had in charles his army ● . good espials , whereby he almost euery houre had certaine knowledge what was done or said in charles his campe or tents . charles the first emperour lacked good espials , for which cause he left many things vndone , which had beene for his singular profit , if hee had knowne of such occasions . therefore prouide you good espialls ; which espials are so necessary in the wars as any thing else : for by them you shall vnderstand how your enemie will fight , what hee will doe against your army , marching , fighting , or flying . which motions , ( or rather principall heads of the art of warre ) shall be handled in the foure next chapters following . chap. ii. how a commander or generall should order his march , both by day and night for the saftie of his army : how passe woodes , hills , and riuers , beset or not beset with enemies . with many other necessary circumstances appertaining to marches . i am now to enter by degrees vpon these foure principall heads of the art of warre : namely , marching , embattelling , fighting , and flying from an enemie . all which i will deliuer with as good method , plainnesse , and breuitie as i can . i am to begin with marching : wherein i pray obserue my method and order ; which shall be , fiirst by precept to prescribe it : then by example to approue it ; example being the life of precept . i begin . . in marching you must bee very mistrustfull of your enemie , lest he entrap you with ambushes . . you must therefore appoint some to march before to discouer suspected places ; as woodes , mountaines , forests , rockes , banckes of riuers , caues , hills , hollow and deepe wayes . the most of which are rough and intricate , and scarce passable for the heauy armed and horse . . the fittest for this seruice are your musketteers ; i , and your dragons to ioyne with them , for they may alight from their horses and serue on foot . . you must march sometimes in one forme , sometimes in another , according to the place and occasion offered . example . alexander at the riuer granicus marched with his horse foremost to passe the riuer , and to assaile the persians , who had opposed their horse against him on the bankes . . marching through the streights to fight the battaile of issos , he marched with his horse behinde his foot , because he was vncertaine how neere the enemy lay , and was loath to put them to hazzard before they had libertie of ground to order themselues , and might haue assistance of the foot. at the riuer of ister hee did the like ; for hauing past the riuer , hee marched through a corne field , and therefore so marshalled them for feare of an ambush . otherwise it was his custome in marching ( as it is the manner also at this day ) to dispose his horse halfe behinde , and halfe before : the carriage in the midst , or otherwise . but how to march properly both by day and by night , with your carriage truely placed , and euery thing rightly ordered , is a point worthy to be taken notice of : briefely thus . being to march in the day , obserue the manner of march now in vse . . let some dragons and musketteers march before to represse the enemies incursions , and to search woods and forrests for ambushes , and to surprise straight wayes , bridges and foords . send after them your pyoneers to mend the wayes , to cut the woods that are in the way , least by bad way the army be tyred . . let the foot of the vantguard ( or right wing ) follow , enery battalion there of in order , hauing halfe the horse of the army before them , and all their baggage and carriage behinde them . . after let the battalions of the battell follow with all their baggage and carriage in the reare , as the former . let the battalions of the reareward ( or left wing ) follow , with all their baggage or carriage behinde them . let euery one of the battalions haue their shoot before and behinde . and let the remainder of your horse bring vp the reare . as for your ordnance , distribute that ( as your carriage ) both behinde the vantgard , the battell , and the rereward ; the better to serue against all attempts . . at night , quarter the battalions of the vantgard all in one place ; those of the battell all in another ; and those of the reareward all by themselues , but not too farre a sunder for feare of danger . . in the morning being to dislodge : first shoot off one peece of ordnance , a little after that another , and so a third in his time . shooting the first , the army takes notice you will dislodge ; therefore they trusse vp their baggage and load it . shooting the second , they take vp their armes and fall into ranke : shooting the third , they set forward to march . thus graue maurice did dislodge his souldiers . vespatian did it by the sound of a trumpet ( as iosephus doth report ) in the third booke of his antiquities , chap. . . being to march in the night obserue the graecian order . send your baggage and carriage before with a sufficient guard . then follow , first with your pikemen , then with your light armed ( being musketteers ; ) next with all your horse in the reare ; the better ▪ by breake of day to come all together into one place , as ought to be . this way your army in the night is easily kept together , and is soonest espied if it breake . . being to inuade an enemies countrie , march with your carriage in the reare . when you doe dismarch from an enemies countrie , let your carriage be in the front , vnlesse great store of enemies be suspected to intercept it ; then you must place it in the midst . . now in fight you may dispose of it fiue manner of wayes ; either before the army , or behinde , or on the one flanke , or on the other , or in the midst . before the army , when you feare to be charged behinde : behinde the army , when you lead towards the enemy : when you feare to be charged in flanke , on the contrary side : in the midst , when a hollow battell is needfull and fit . this last was practised by s r horatio vere in the pallatinate , and by the graecians ( as zenophon doth record in his third booke of the ascent of cyrus . . being to march through a wood obserue zenophons counsell . let your foot and horse in order single themselues as the way fals out , and you shall make your passage the more secure and easie : zenophon did thus , as you may read in his sixt book of the ascent of cyrus . . it were not amisse to haue some musketteers to march on the sides of the wood , to secure the rest within . . if your enemy be in a wood , fenne , hill , fort , towne , or other place of strength , that admitteth no accesse , send your musketteers to shew themselues , and with a brauado to toule him out of his aduantage , and bring him into the field , where he may the more easily be dealt withall : with these musketteers send some horse to set vpon him , if he dare to venture forth . example . alexander leading his army against the tribals that had hid themselues in a wood , commanded his archers and slingers to run out and shoot , and sling among the barbarians , to see if he could toule them into the plaine . the archers and slingers spared not to let flye , and the tribals being wounded with arrows , threw themselues out of the wood with all speed , to fall vpon the vnarmed archers . then alexander with his horse presently charged them , and being ouerborne by the horse they fled through the wood to the riuer . . alexander whensoeuer he was to vse expedition , marched away with the horse and light armed , leauing the armed to come after . the armed are for a firme and stedfast fight , not for concursions . . being then forsome farre , yet sodaine attempt , leaue your pikemen behinde , and march away with your horse and musketeers : for when celeritie is requisite , who so fit to be imployed , as they who haue nothing to hinder their speed . . being to march against an enemy in his owne countrie , giue the word to come to such a prouince , but inuade another : by this you shall deceiue your enemy . agesilaus to deceiue tisaphernes , made countenance as though he would first inuade caria ; whereupon tisaphernes gathered all his power together ; but agesilaus on a sodaine returned backe againe , and entred into phrygia , tooke there many cities , and won great spoile . . many generals besides agesilaus haue done the like , then be not you carelesse of it ; for by such a plot the enemy some other time may perchance be drawne to deceiue himselfe . example . agesilaus vpon another time gaue out that he would enter lydia , not meaning to deceiue tisaphernes againe , but tisaphernes deceiued himself , and thought he would haue inuaded caria , a woodie countrey very ill for horsemen , in which he was the weaker : but agesilaus tooke the champion countrey of lydia contrary to his expectation , so that tisaphernes was inforced to come with all the speed that might be to the rescue thereof : therefore leauing all his foot behinde him , he came stealing vpon them with his horse : agesilaus vnderstanding by his men that tisaphernes was come ( and had made some slaughter of such as were found stragling abroad out of order ) imagined with himselfe that the footmen of his enemies could not yet be arriued , therefore with all speed he thrust in among the horsemen ( which he had ) his light armed footmen , and commanded them straight to charge the enemy , whilst he caused the heauy armed men to follow at their heeles , as they did : but tisaphernes men fled vpon it immediately , and agesilaus men lustily followed the chase , tooke his campe , and made a great slaughter of them that fled . . being in an enemies countrie , march in battell array , and let your pyoners worke the harder , for a long march here is dangerous . send horse and musketeers a good way before , to search the hils , and to surprise them from the enemy . . in marching betweene mountaines and hils , see that your vantgard succour your rereward , your rereward the vantgard , if your enemies goe about to intercept or molest you marching . zenophon and cherisophus did thus against the carduchans : obserue the manner . the carduchans by fighting took the streights which lay in their way , and indeauoured to hinder and shut vp their march : but when they opposed against the vant , zenophon from the reate ascending the mountaines , and gaining the vpper ground , remoued all the impediments the enemy could cast vpon the way : when against the reare , cherisophus ascending vp tooke the vpper ground likewise , and freed the way from them that came behinde . so they alwayes succoured , and had mutuall care one of another . . lighting in your march vpon deepe and impassible riuers , and hauing no boats ( to make bridges ) to waffe you ouer ; marching further to the heads of the riuers , you may goe ouer without wetting your knees : zenophon in the third booke of the ascent of cyrus . . being come to some passable riuer , where the currant runnes exceeding strong ; cause your horse to breake the waters , and then let your foot march ouer , but sheltered on each side with the horse . . if the currant be ouer bigge , so that you cannot waide ouer ; cut the same riuer in diuers places , and turne it into the landward with other currants , and you may passe ouer with ease . . being to passe a great riuer where the enemy on the bankes stands to intercept your passage ; to withdraw him from thence ( and to deceiue him ) seeme to leaue the attempt , and march away ; then hauing left some behinde you to make a bridge ( vnknowne to the enemy ) returne when you see your time , and passe your men ouer with ease . example . caesar hauing his army on a banke of a riuer in france and his passage being let of vergintorige a frenchman , the which on the other side of the riuer , had his men , marched many daies along the riuer , and the like did the enemy : wherefore caesar encamping in a woodie place , apt to hide men , he tooke out of euery legion . cohorts , and made them to tarry in the same place , commanding them that so soone as hee was departed , they should cast ouer a bridge , and fortifie it , & hee and his other men followed on the way : wherefore vergintorige seeing the number of the legions , thinking that there was not left any part of them behinde , followed also his way . but caesar when hee supposed the bridge was made , turned backward , & finding all things in order , passed the riuer without difficultie . in marching , to auoyd contention about place ; let euery nation haue his honour of place : that which had the vantgard this day , must haue the reareward the next day ; and so of all the rest by turnes . thus much for marching . chap. iii. how a commander or generall , should order his battells , and how behaue himselfe in the time of fight , and after the battell lost . the substance of the art military doth subsist in this : how to order your battell , and how to behaue your selfe in the time of fight , and after the battell lost : to do which , obserue these particular precepts , and you will be enabled to doe accordingly . i begin with the ordering of your battels . . you are to chuse your place both for rainging of your battels before fight , and in the fight of the battell , that the same place be able to containe your whole army without disturbance . . next in ordering your battels ▪ you must consider what dangers are likely , or else may happen by causualtie or fortune , and to prouide for remedies by your order beforehand . . likewise you are to consider , that you ought not to order your battels in all cases and respects alike , but very diuersly as your case shall require . for you are to order your battels according , partly vnto the nature of the ground , partly vnto the quantity , quality , or regard of your enemies army , and partly vnto such respect as is fittest against such orders or battels of your enemies best knowne to your selfe for your best aduantage . . you are to order your army into conuenient parts , and to appoint euery one his place , number , and action . . you are to order your battels , that no part of your army be any disturbance to any part of your battels . . your are to chuse your place , and to order your army so , that your enemies cannot compasse you either with their horsemen , or with their shoot , great or small , or otherwise to your hurt . . you are with discretion to learne and know the equality and inequality of the number of your enemies army with your owne army . for you can neuer most aptly order your army in iust battels , for to be ordered according to discipline of warre , before you know and consider throughly , the nature , force , and weakenesse of either of your armies . . also you are to consider , how you may take any aduantage vpon any orders , prouisions , oractions ; of your enemies present order , weakenesse , or strength . . consider also what kindes of aduantages the times of the yeare or the day affordeth , which can bee had by your enemies or your selfe , or else of the ayre , or else of tempests past or present . . further consider which things first are possible or may be ; then which are likely ; next which are apparant before your eyes easie to bee knowne or to bee prouided for . . which well knowne and considered , you are then to order your battels , to take your ground , for to plant your ordnance , to auoyd your dangers , to take your aduantages , for to worke your stratagems also for your most comfort , and so to fight accordingly . but how to order your battels , and so to fight accordingly , is to bee discussed of more largely ; for therein is the chiefe substance of the art military , in which some generals haue beene more expert then others . excellent generals ( of old ) commonly did vse to ordaine of footmen apt for to fight , three great battels ; a vantgard , a battell , and a rearward ; and two wings of their horsemen : and when they came to fight , they did set them for the most part in an euen front : the battell in the midst ; on the right hand the vantgard , which was called the right winge ; on the left the reareward , which was called the left winge . their order we doe in a manner follow : for wee haue vantgard , battell , and reareward , which wee place in front as they did ; onely we differ in the kinde of embattailing . by kinde of embattailing , i meane not bils , & bowes ; but grosse bodies : for they parted their army into three parts , and embattailed them into three grosse bodies . wee diuide our army into three parts , but not into such grosse bodies ; as for example , say wee haue . foot , and . horse ; if we bring them into one front without seconds , we do thus . in our vantgard , or right winge , we put . men , diuiding them into three battalions , sometimes into more , as we see occasion . in our battell wee put . men diuiding them into three battalions , euery one containing . a piece , for the battalions in the battell , must exceede those in the wings . in our reareward or left winge , we put . men , diuiding them into as many battalions , with as many men in either of them , as was to bee in the vantgard aboue mentioned . our horse we place halfe in the righwinge , and halfe in the left winge , the ordinary place for horse . for proofe of this , looke into the ordinary practise of the netherlands , and you shall see them sometimes to put two regiments into one battalion , sometimes but one , and sometimes they will make two battalions of one regiment . wee as they are not tyed to any certaine number , but may vary as we see occasions . occasions are produced by the enemy , by the ground , by our selues to our best aduantage , and therefore we do accordingly . if our number bee more , wee haue the more battalions ; if lesse , the fewer , vnlesse some pollicie be vsed . some generals haue martialed their army onely into one battell , some into two , some into three , some into foure , some into fiue , some into six , and some into nine . the venetians at the battell of taro , did martiall their army into nine battalions ; whereof three was to fight with the enemy , other three to bee aide to the other three fighting , and the other three was appointed for sundry other purposes and effects . king ferdenand , besides his ordinary battalions , had another standing aloofe behinde his other battailes , for to take aduantage , or else to helpe in necessitie as occasion serued ; which were light horsemen . the earle of surry , at the battell of sloddon , had likewise besides his ordinary battels , one battell of light horsemen , with which hee discomfitted iames ( the fourth ) king of scots . iames king of scots , at the same battell of sloddon , did martiall his army into six battailes , without horse reliefe , or seconds , which lost him the field . for the english with their horse ( when the king had the better ) would presently giue vpon his flanks , so snatcht the victory out of his hands , hauing neither horse nor seconds to recouer it . the argonians , haue diuided their army into fiue battels ; which battels in forme of straight or direct hornes , were extended from the great battell or midle-ward . but these were partly horse and foote . the heluetians , haue martialed their army into three battels , without horse or seconds ; sometimes into one battell onely of footmen , which was their vsuall forme by custome . but not to be imitated . the spaniard , haue martialed their army into two battels ; one of footmen in one winge , and another of horsemen in another winge , all in an euen front. now they do otherwise . the ancient romanes , haue martialed their armed foote into three battels . the first subsisting of the hastatij , the second of the principes , the third of the triarij : with velites to either of them , and horse in the winges . how their velites ( light armed men ) were placed , being too weake to deale with horsemen , or armed foote ( without aduantage ) i will shew you hereafter . some haue ordered a weake battell of foot or horsemen , against a strong battell of their enemies foote or horsemen , thereby to bring their enemies strength into some stratagem , which was wisely done by the great captaine gonsaluo , against the frenchmen . this gonsaluo sent a noble spaniard called mondotius , against the generall of the frenchmen to fight with his reareward ; which mondotius , had a company of light horsemen for to inuade the reare of the frenchmen , and with him likewise went two cohorts of calliuer-shot , which kept company in the front almost with them , being extended as in two spred winges . mondotius horse left these shot , and inuaded freshly the hindermost of the french. the french barbed horsemen , with fury set vpon mondotius light horsemen : mondotius light horsemen retired as though they were not able to encounter the barbed horsemen : thus flying , caused the barbed horsemen to persue out of order : then the calliuer-shot keeping aloofe off ( about a furlong ) and in forme of a halfe moone , shot of vpon the french barbed horsmen , before & on the flanks . gonsaluo thereupon sent a company of his barbed horsemen to the aide of his light horsemen flying , & his calliuers fighting : thereupon his light horsemen returned , and ioyned with their owne barbed horsemen that came for aide , and both of them in order , did set vpon the frenchmen out of order ; the shot continuing on both sides , and backes as before . which kinde of order ( you see ) and flying , and ayde of the spaniards , was for to bring first such french force to disorder , and so thereby to discomfort them the easlier , which was done to their mindes . the forme of the french kings battell , containing . foote , and . horse . the horse should haue beene higher placed , and more inclining to the three vppermost field peeces . where you shall see . battalions of foot , martialed in a manner after the french kings forme , viz. in the vantgard or right wing , are three battalions of . a peece , flanckt with muskettiers ; before euery one of which are raunged ten files of muskettiers ; three in the right angle , three in the left , and foure in the midst iust before them ; euery file containing ten men , which shot are to make their way through the interuals of the battalions in the reare of all , there to giue vpon the enemies flanks . in the battell are three battalions , containing . men , ( a thousand a peece ) flankt with muskettiers , and with muskettiers before them in the same fashion as the rest . in the reareward ( or left winge ) of the battell , are likewise three battalions of . a peece , embattailed as the rest , with muskettiers before them , in the same forme as the other : behinde these battalions ( for seconds ) are foure battalions of . a peece , standing against the interuals of their opposite battalions ; which interuals are . foote broad , that the foure battalions may the better passe through them . these foure battalions haue shot before them as the former , which with the rest may march forth to skirmish with the enemie ; or stand still to second them vpon their retreate , before the battels ioyne : after being in the reare to giue vpon your enemies flanks as the other . the rest of the battalions are in front but twelue foote distance one from another , and at three foote order . the diuisions of muskettiers are allowed six foote , that they may the better fall through , hauing giuen fire . in the reare of all are two battalions , of a thousand a peece , standing iust behinde the three battalions of the battell , about a furlong of . on the flanks of these are , horse , . in each flanke , oblique wise , the better to start forth and inuiron the enemy . in like manner are the horse martialed in the outward flanks of the rest , but in greater numbers . peruse the figure . by the winges of these two battalions are two field peeces ready turned and bent to the reare , to discharge vpon the enemy , if he should with horse or foote giue vpon that part ; if not , then these field peeces may bee with ease brought from thence to some other place to annoy him other wayes . as for the rest of the ordance , i haue planted them vpon two hils opposite against the enemies flanks , thereby to distresse him . and for the better performance of this , i haue planted . muskettiers to guard them ; and will ayde them with more if neede be . now against this battell hauing ordnance in the reare , and on the hils , to distresse the enemies flanks , i oppose this battell following . a battell of . foot and . horse , with ordnance in the midst , and on the wings . described in the next page . the pricks inclosed with lines are . shot to surprise the enemies ordnance on the hils . here ( or in the figure going before ) you see are sixteene battalions . the ordnance planted both in the wings and in the front of the maine battell . the ordnance in the maine battell , hath before them . muskettiers , ranged in the same forme as the enemies , the better to hide the deceit : for so soone as the muskettiers are cleare of the battell , the ordnance are to discharge vpon the enemy to breake his maine battell ; and then the other battels are to march on to charge the enemy in disorder : the horse are martialled outward on the wings , and stand oblique wise to inuiron the enemy . now before the horse giue the charge , eight hundred musketties doe sallie forth to surprise the enemies ordnance , being planting on the hils . the figure doth demonstrate it as plaine as can be , with the number of euery battalion ; onely take notice that the shot before euery battalion are to make their passage through the interuals , and sides of the battailes , in the reare of all ; from thence to giue vpon the enemies flankes , if occasion be , otherwise to aide their own men in the fight . all the shot before the battalions are in number . this appointing of shot for to march before , and to surprise the enemies ordnance ( in such a place of aduantage ) was heretofore practised by ancient generals , and lately by our great commander sir horatio vere in the palatinate , though the battel were vnfought . the planting of ordnance in the front of the maine battaile , betweene the interuals , to breake the enemies battalia , was , and is at this day practised by the turkes , and other nations . likewise the placing of ordnance in the reare with seconds for all attempts , was , and is at this day practised both by italians , french , germanes , and other generals besides . you see then that all this is no crotchet of mine ( as the pacing of the shot before euery battalion was no crotchet of the french kings ) but the vsuall custome of all generals before and in his time . the ancient romans did continually obserue it in placing their velites before euery maniple . their velites were their light armed , such as vsed throwing weapons ( in latine massilia ) as bowes , slings and darts . to a popular legion they allotted . velites . . hastalij , principes , and . triarij . these made vp a legion . this legion of . foot was deuided into . maniples ; ten of the hastatij , ten of the principes , and ten of the triarij . the ten of the hastatij made the first battell , the ten of the principes the second battell , the ten of the triarij the third battell : if but one legion were embattailed . to each of these battailes were allotted . velites , fortie to a maniple : the battels containing . of well armed men , besides the velites which were but lightly armed . how these maniples were placed : how far distant each battell stood one from another : the order of the velites : the number of their horse , and how ranged by troopes , must not be passed ouer . briefly thus . the embattaling of a romane legion ; shewing you how the velites were first placed , being in number . they are marked with prickes , being fiue in ranke , eight in depth , . before euery maniple . the maniples of the hastatij are marked with h. those of the principes with p. those of the triarii with t. fiue troupts of horse in the right wing , fiue in the left , and . in a troupe . lastly , at a larger distance behinde these were the triarij set , aud deuided with spaces betwixt euery maniple , which spaces were great enough to receiue the principes in case they retired also : but how bigge the crosse interuals were i cannot truely and soundly set downe ; rather i beleeue they varied , according to the forces and will of the generall . polibus noteth that haniball in his affrican battell remoued the third battell ( for so he had diuided them according to the roman fashion ) more then a furlong from the second . and although i dare not affirme that the romans did the like , yet may i probably guesse it differed not much , because they had neede to haue such space to retire , and to auoid the mingling and confusion of troopes . now the direct waies were indifferent , sometimes of one distance , sometimes of another , as vse required : if the velites were there placed as often as they were , they had neede be broad , so large as to receiue them with the maniples ; yet not so large as the crosse interuals , of which i haue spoke . the manner of the velites fight dismarching from their maniples , marked with s. with their retreat in the reare of all behinde the triarii , marked with v. and prickes . the horse of this legion were in number . diuided into ten troopes , . in a troope : fiue troopes placed on the right wing , fiue on the left wing , oblique wise , withall closing in the front , and opening in the reare , like this letter a put downewards . the manner of the velites fight with their retreat into the reare of all behinde the triary is in the former page figured to the life . with the station of the horse on the flanks , to saue the battell from inuironing , and to charge the enemy in the flanke , if the enemy gaue the charge with his horse in the front. i with iustus lipsus doe admire the romane embattailing , and will affirme as much as hee , that if this ancient discipline were ioyned with these our new found armes , the old and new world would be subiect to one man : for surely if our light souldiers ( so i call shot ) were mixt betweene the maniples and before the maniples of the armed , with interuals and distances for retreat , and that against the horse and armed foot , what battalia durst assaile , nay , what battalia could resist vs ? for in regard hereof our men should be alwayes fit to charge , fit to retire for a second charge . all which notwithstanding is to be done with long vse and exercise , least they trouble vs in the doing . if any obiect against the romans discipline , because such maniples are not able to cope with great battaliaes ? let them know , that the romans did make their maniples cohorts ; and their cohorts were sometimes . sometimes . nay , a thousand if we beleeue vegetius : and is not this our number when wee embattaile ? and will not you imitate them ? well , if you will not , yet follow the discipline now in vse ; a discipline approued for instruction , instructing you to doe thus . . when your battalia of footmen come to ioyne battaila with your enemies footmen , haue a great company of muskettiers before you to hurt and weaken your aduersary before you ioyne battell or fight ; which shot when they haue wrought their effect must haue roome ready open for them to retreat into the reare ; from whence they may be fecht to serue against the enemies flankes . your enemies battalia in such case , comming without shot before , hath his next remedy in all haste to ioyne to handy stroakes . your care must euer be to auoid confusion of fight . confusion of fight isto begin before your time , which causeth such inconuenience , as is cause oftentimes of losse : therefore in the beginning of your fight take great heede that you inuade nor fight confusedly . whereas euery part of the army hath his ordinary time to fight : neither suffer any part of your army to fight with your euemy in any other fashion then you appointed him . and for such casualties and accidents as may happen to you in battell or fight , keepe these conclusions following in memory and heart , and they will much auaile you in time of neede . . if your horsemen be oppressed with your enemies horsemen , send for succour a supply of musketties , who may scattering and out of order , as occasion shall serue , shoot at the oppressors , and vpon occasion retire and returne very often . . to these you may send a gard of pikes for rescue , the better to bring them off safe : but if you inuade your enemy with muskettiers , with your gard of pike send some horse , that both may defend them from inuasion of the enemies horsemen . . likewise to giue the enemy his hands full , follow him with a battalion resolutely , to put all or one of his battalions to rout ; and hauing discomfited any one of his battels , send onely a small or conuenient company to persue the chase , and with the rest inuade quickely some part of his army fighting with any one of your battels : this must of necessitie be done ; for sundry victories haue beene lost vpon this occasion : that when one battell hath ouerthrowne his first encountered enemies battell , it hath immediately followed the chase , and not holpen his owne fellowes in danger . likewise in your first ioyning of battell , if your foreward gaine the victory , ioyne your other battels immediately whilst comfort is on your side , on your enemies discomfort . this got bucoy the victory at prague . . if your footmen be vehemently oppressed with your enemies footmen ; send your horsemen to inuade the sides of your enemies , and with them some shot to hold them play : but if you can plant a peece of ordnance against their flanke , it will much abate their courage . . if your enemies come vpon you vnprouided and vnlooked for , send your horsemen or shot , to skirmish with them , whilst you intend to make you ready for battell . also your horse may extend themselues into a deepe heirse battell , for to inuade your enemies with their more trouble and stay . . or to deceiue your enemies , march towards them with a company of horse , and make semblance of fight , as if the whole army followed . the enemy at this will stand ; your battels in the meane time be set : you by this may outface the enemy , and returne againe without fight . . then being in good order , if your occasion be such , that you would not haue your enemies vnderstand of your orders and policies , cause you horsemen to run vp and down : the dust , to let their fight . doe the like if you haue planted and ordered your army all in stratagems . . if your enemies maine battell doe vrge very valiantly your foreward , and his other battell be not ready to helpe , or rescue , cause both your other battels one on the one side , and the other on the other side , freshly to inuade your enemies maine battell ; and herein you shall doe wisely , imitating your predecessours , the braue english , at the battell of poytiers . . if you hauing a small and weake number , and you vnderstand that your enemies goe for to distresse a certaine aide comming to helpe you : where you be sent after the enemy to inuade the backes of them when they be fighting with your aide ; comming , set not you on rashly vpon your enemies , before your time appointed ; for if you fight with your enemies so , being stronger , before your aide haue set vpon their front , you foolishly cast away your selues , and also leaue your aide in danger : and by your vntimely , rash , and vnwarlike onset bereaue your selues of your aide and helpe . and withall you much comfort your enemies , who might haue beene discomforted ; for if you had obserued your discipline and purpose , you should haue followed your enemy closely , with as little noyse as might be , vntill your enemies had set vpon your ayde ; then in the heat of their fight , you should haue set vpon their backes , before your enemies were knowing of your comming : which kinde of dealing had beene most hurtfull to your enemies , commodious to your ayde , and profitable to your selues ; for warlike discipline is , that a weaker company neuer fight with a greater strength , without a speciall aduantage of time , occasion , and place for to helpe you . also , neuer to breake your aduised determinate purpose , without you be either enforced , either drawne to fight by occasion of some notable accident offered by chance . accident will happen ; for in warres no most certaine rule can be appointed , which is not broken by some meanes at some seuerall times : therefore wait time , and so i proceede to other councell . . if you abound in number , couet to compasse your enemies , and to distresse them being weake . . if your enemies abound in number , prouide by order , or stratagem , or place , that your enemies cannot compasse you . . plant your campe or army to fight in a very strong ground by nature , and helpe it by art. . some haue vsed to choose their ground fortified by nature , as prosper colonno . . some haue no regard of the strength of the place by nature , but choose rather to fortifie all wholly by art and industry , as the ancient romans . . some seeke places somewhat by nature strong , and by art and industry make them more stronger . they fortifie themselues as well in fight as in campe , which the good captaines of our time doe vsually . . therefore if you be vnwilling to fight , and your enemies must needes fight with you , by your industry make a ditch three foot deepe , and fiue or sixe foot broad , and cast the earth towards you ; which ditch , if you thinke good , let it be especially in the front , also in the sides , and on your backes also , as prosper colonno would often dot . . which ditch , if it haue sundry places open and free for your enemies to enter , of no great space , it shall encourage them there to enter ; where if you prouide some stratagem against them , you doe well . the fittest stratagem for this occasion , is to place certaine companies before the gaps , and certaine ordnance behinde them to be discharged when they open in the midst . . whereupon , if your enemies desist , vrge them hardly , onely make a faire shew , but proceede no further . for you are not to put your confidence in such weake fortification : nor in the arrogancy of your men to fight ; by arrogancy many armies are ouerthrowne , where by wisedome many are saued . i present you the figure of such an intrenched battell to peruse ; ( in the next page following ) but you may doe as you please . . if your company be small , and your enemy haue great store of horsemen against you , so that you be likely to loose the battell , if your enemies againe set vpon you ; if any great wood be neere , seeke to saue your army by the thicknesse of the same wood , and suffer your enemies to gaine your ordnance , and baggage , and victuals , that they spoyling the same , you may the better escape . . likewise when you haue a battell more then the enemies , diuide it into two parts ; and where you see any danger among your enemies , send first one a foure-fronted battell for stratagem , being enuironed with a ditch . the ditch is . foot broad , and . foot deepe . it hath foure gaps ( for sallyes ) twentie paces broad , to allure the enemy there to enter . it hath at euery gap fiue battalions of . a peece : it hath a field peece behinde euery middle battell ; euery middle battell must open in the midst , before the peece doe discharge ; then the horse must issue forth vpon the enemy : for this cause the horse haue their place in the midst , remote from the foot , diuided into foure squadrons , ( in the forme of a crosse ) ready faced to the gaps : being in all . the foot . if you will haue no horse in the midst , then diuide them into troupes ; place them for wings , in an euen front , or on the angles : so the battell will be hollow , and the foot battels for the gaps but a peece . part , and then another : or else , if occasion serue , ayde your battels , as reason shall moue you to helpe . . and in the heat of your fight , if newes come that your baggage is in danger , in no case the captaines must not suffer the souldiers , or horsemen confusedly for to runne for to recouer the same , in case of losse ; but by aduice to send a company of conuenient men for to doe it , onely by their commandements , and no otherwise ; for by seeking to recouer the same pelfe or baggage , sundry armies haue been ouerthrown , which otherwise might haue beene saued . . if your enemies come ouerstrongly vpon any part of your army , shoot off your great ordnance amongst the thickest of them , and when your great ordnance hath dispersed them , then cause your horsemen to inuade them so disordered most furiously . . as for your ordnance , you may plant them either before you , or on your wings , or else vpon some conuenient hils behinde you , to shoot ouer your heads ; or on some high grounds on the sides , or before . . some haue planted their ordnance on a leuell ground behinde their battell , and causing the battell to open in the midst , haue deliuered the volly vpon the front of the enemy . in which case you are to marke , that if your enemy so open , then his great ordnance is so planted ; and then you haue no better remedy , but to open your selues as you see them doe before you : in which case also your footmen may suddenly fall down flat vpon the ground , and that safely , and rise againe immediately after the enemies haue shot ; for in such a case they will neuer inuade you in your front , before their shot haue been discharged : and being down , your ordnance behinde you may flanke-wise immediately play on them , if you were so prouided . . in marching against an enemy , if you feare his great ordnance shooting directly against you , fetch a long compasse to passe by them , and so to auoid them , if no greater impediment let you . . likewise fearing your enemies great ordnance , let your iourney be behinde the couert of corne high standing , creeping close , and your pikes trayling , so couet to inuade the sides , or backes of your enemies . . some haue , being in danger of the great ordnance , caused their seruants in armour for to stand behinde great trees , standing directly in the face or sight of the gunners , therby to cause them to shoot off the more vehemently , as though the whole battell came that way , and ment for to come vpon the ordnance : in the meane space , vnder that colour , their souldiers haue come conueniently some other way ; or else behinde their seruants , creeping loe , towards their enemies ; which to imitate , you must beforehand learne perfectly the nature of the ground , which you are to passe , that you may take all aduantages which the nature of the soile can render vnto you . . if your enemy march with all his ordnance in the vantgard , and his other battels lagge halfe a dayes iourney behinde , follow him with all your power with as great celeritie and secrecie as you can , and so fight with him , being depriued of his chiefe strength . . if your enemy march away in good order with his ordnance before , and in the reare of his army so trauelling ( not determined to fight ) and you seeke by following your enemy to fight with him , you must haue a great regard vnto the place where your enemy and you both iourny , and there a company of dragons with curassiers , or pistoliers , with two or three field peeces , are to be sent before to stay your enemies , and to disturbe them ; that when you see them thereby stayed , you may haue the more leasure to order your battels , and to make choise of your ground to fight . then if you fight ( if it be possible ) by all meanes bring your great ordnance round about your enemies armie ; plant them vpon some high ground , that you may without impediment shoot free vpon your enemies backes , or sides : and withall guard your ordnance with a conuenient number of shot , that they may not be surprised by the enemy , and turned vpon your selues . . if it chance that your battell be ouerpressed by your enemies , and begin to scatter , or for to disorder ; then all your captaines must with all diligence bestir themselues , first in exhortation , and comforting their souldiers ; then by bringing them againe into order , and turne them againe , which haue turned from their enemies : if faire words will not serue , then let them vse foule , and from words fall vnto blowes , it may be that will force them to returne . if they persist and will flye , then let some few valiant captaines as know such streights through which they must passe , runne before to possesse the streights ; there after blowes and slaughter , force them to fall into order againe . . bridges , deepe riuers , streight wayes inuironed are to be set . . by which waies oftentimes recoueries haue bin gotten , although very deerely . . it is very necessary for a generall to haue before-hand perfect knowledge of these wayes ; that hee may somewhat the better behaue himselfe after the losse of his battell . his behauiour after his battell lost , consisteth best in his good prouision of all kindes of duties made before his fight or battell . for if he haue prouided beforehand by wisedome some place of safe refuge , neere hand vnto the place of the battell , hee hath very well taken order for all mishaps . if he by wisedome before haue taken order that the enemy can in no safetie , but with his danger persue him , he hath well holpen his danger . if knowing no other helpe to be likely , he began the battell ouer night ; in which case hauing lost the battell , his enemies could not persue him very farre : hee hath done very well . if he haue beforehand , when hee saw himselfe likely to loose the battell , in some conuenient place laid some ambush , which in order will set vpon his enemies , persuing out of order ; he hath performed the part of a good generall . a good generall will forecast what may happen , and therefore will consider alwayes of euery ground , as he passeth by it , what occasion it can worke , and how he can take aduantage , or helpe himselfe thereby ; either by the impediments of his enemy there , or else by some ambush , or some other stratagem to be wrought vpon the occasion of the same ground , good or bad . and if his enemy very wisely , and with good reasons and discretion seeke battell or fight , he with like wisedome and discretion wil auoid battell or fight , and seeke to get away by flying : which is the next point to be handled . chap. iiii. in what case it is best for a commander or generall to flye , and how . as great iudgement was required of you in the ordering of your battels , and behauiour of your selfe in fight , and after the battell lost ; so there is as much required of you in taking time to flye : for if you flye not like a good souldier , but like one voide of iudgment without discipline , you will bring distruction to your army , shame to your friends , and dishonour to your selfe : but if you flye with iudgement as a souldidier , you bring safetie to your army , glory to your friends , and hope of victory to your selfe . that you may be enabled to flye thus with honour , obserue these precepts following . . when your enemies being mightie , or else very strong , vrgeth you being weake in strength , helpelesse ; then know , that vpon such an occasion ( so necessitated ) that a wise , orderly , and politicke flight is better then an indiscreet stay without reason . . if you be by necessitie compelled to flye , flye in order , and in battell array , fully prouided of rescues and helpes , that your enemies eagerly vrge you not . . flye with sufficient space of time and place , that your enemies cannot easily ouertake you before you come into safetie ( i meane places of aduantages for you . ) . flye in many parts and sundry wayes , which conceale , that your enemies may haue no intelligence of your meaning , and diuersitie of flying . . if you flye or auoid the fight ; doe it either compelled by necessitie , or subtiltie , or cautiously to bring your enemy into your danger , or else to seeke places or occasions for your best , or better aduantage . . if you flye , your enemy hardly vrging you in the reare and flankes ; your hosemen or else your muskettiers , or both , should eagerly skirmish with them which persue so earnestly ; so that your army may in the interim win a good space of ground . . before your horse and muskettiers should issue out ( as aboue said ) you should haue a peece of ordnance remaining in the reare of your army for to shoot off vpon the vrgers , as opportunity should serue . . in like fashion two or three peeces of ordnance in the reare of euery battalia , trauelling , iournying , or flying . . commonly your muskettiers ( in such cases last rehearsed ) are vsed to be placed both in the reare and flanks , for the said speciall purpose ; namely , to skirmish with such as doe disturbe your march ; and yet to keepe on their iourney with the rest . . some such as flye vse to leaue some great stales or ambushes , in places very conuenient ( as woods , mountaines , forrests , rocks , banks of riuers , caues , hils , hollow and deepe wayes , corne-fields , and the like ) for such a purpose , to intrap the vrgers , if occasion can serue . . sometimes ( as count mansfield ) they fire houses to stay their enemies following : and on that side the smoake fals ( by reason of the winde ) they lay an ambush to intrap the enemy . the like doe you , that the rest of your army may passe with safetie . . when you flye onely the battell , and seeke order and time conuenient for the same , send all your baggage and carriage before , and after them all your footmen , and with a strong company of horse fortifie your reare , and leaue many fires in the campe ; and for time , choose a cloudy darke morning . . in your flying , or before , learne exquisitely of them as be skilfull of the wayes and places , where , how farre off , or how lye such places , as you hope may somewhat defend you from any danger of your enemies , and make the greatest haste towards them . . if you can learne of any narrow passage between two great hils , or betweene some great riuer or wood , & some dangerous hill , or some other dangerous place wherein you may safely rest from your enemies , make haste thither . . in which case learne very diligently whether there be not some secret place in the same place of your quietnesse , whereunto your enemies getting , may disturbe your quietnesse ; and if there be cause , such kindes of dangerous places , to be either well warded , or else stopped by a trane-ditch , or by another good way . . also learne very diligently , whether your enemy seeke not by their horsemen to fetch a great compasse about any side of your said place of your securitie , either to inclose you there , or else for to goe before you to some place of their aduantage against you . . in which case , if your enemies with their whole army seeke to compasse the place , and for to be before you , take good aduice , if you may not turne that their practise vnto your commoditie , by some new inuention . as first , for to returne backe againe vnto some place of refuge ; for you are else ( as the graecians ) to seeke another way not suspected of your enemies . or else to returne a little backe to giue a colour to your enemy of flying away , so to draw him into the same streight to follow you the easier in his opinion , and to returne to incounter him the more easely . . a chiefe , or else a notable place of refuge for flyers , is to flye to be vnder the wings , or safetie of some citie , or else strong fort , well furnished with great ordnance vpon the wals ; it is able to shoot ouer your flying army into the army of your prosecuting enemy , and so hurt him , to his great danger , and your great securitie , and comfort many wayes . . if you flye , or iourney in three battels , or more , euery battell must alwayes be in sight of the next before or behinde , in such order , that the one be alwayes able to succour the other ( in case it be inuaded by enemies ) so flying , or iournying . otherwise , for lacke of such order and aide , one may be discomfited for want of others helpe . to conclude . . if flying , your enemy with a great company of horse and shot , inuade your hindermost battell , discharge two peeces of ordnance vpon them , or more , which will coole their courage , and will likewise by their roaring and thundering noise , warne your other battels to make alt or stand , whereby you may worke your will. example . the landgraue with his germaine great army , when charles the fift emperour sent a great company of shot for to inuade their hindmost battell , and to stay them , hee caused two culuerins to be discharged vpon them ; and all the army staid . thus much for flying . chap. v. how a commander or generall must auoid battell , and when accept of fight . the wisedome of a generall doth best appeare in the auoiding of fight , and in the taking of opportunitie to fight ; both of which are so necessarie in the warres , that the one cannot be without the other : but which of these for a time are first to be vsed , and for a time laid aside , resteth in the wisedomes of a wise generall to determine . wisedome willeth you to begin with wars , when you see your selfe very strongly prepared , and your enemies contrariwise altogether weake and vnprouided . and wisedome willeth you , as you begin well , so to continue your warres wisely for your most commoditie . in warres , if you either for lacke of knowledge , or by negligence , or else by pride let slip most apt occasions , you seldome after can get them againe . to let slip a good opportunitie , bringeth both repentance , shame and losse also . many haue felt this to their sorrow . therefore let their losses admonish you to let nothing slip , that may either dispatch your warre quicke , or prolong it to your enemies losse , and your owne aduantage . that you may be enabled to doe this , take these rules for your direction . . if your enemies be few in number , and raw souldiers , ill furnished , ill willing for to fight , and not fortified by place : if you abound in number which are better souldiers , you are to seeke the battell . vegetius , lib. . . when your enemies aboundeth in all things , and therefore auoideth to fight , and where you want of prouision , and your souldiers lustie , and desirous of battell ; there you may seeke battell . antony at philippi against cassius and brutus . . where you be determined to seeke the battell , make good choise of your ground where you be to fight , and see your selfe in perfect order and direction , and yet seeke all aduantages you can by any meanes finde out . prosper colonno against the frenchmen at bicocca , and bassan . . though you abound in number , seeke not to fight rashly , neither be very desirous of battell , without very good apparance of likelihood of victory : neither fight before you haue intelligence of your enemies strength , pollicies , and orders , except extreame necessitie compell you . . auoide not to fight with one great army , when you know , that if you stay , you shall shortly be compelled to fight with two great armies . this was well foreseene by claudius nero , and as well executed to his glory . claudius nero the roman consull , intercepting asdrubals letters ( directed to his brother hanibal , to meet him at vmbra , to ioyne both their powers together , for the subuersion of the romans ) presently vpon the reading , left his fellow consull in the night ( vnknowne to haniball ) and with six thousand foot , and one thousand horse , came to liuius another roman consull , who was to intercept asdruball comming from the mountaines into italie , and there ioyning force with his , gaue battell to asdruball , ouercame him , and slew him before euer haniball knew of his being in italie . haniball vpon this was much grieued , both for the death of his brother , and the depriuation of his power , and remoued into the fields the brutians . and for that hee had no power left him of men , to defend his portresses that hee held , being so farre off ; hee gathered together all the metapontancs , and the lucanes , such as were his friends ; and brought them all into the countrie of the brutians , where hee remained for a season , counselling what were best for him to doe . thus was haniball brought to distresse by the wisedome of one man , taking his time and opportunitie to fight . hauing showne you when to fight ; now let me shew you when to auoide it . auoide fight vpon these occasions : where you by deferring the battell are to finde all things in better case ; and contrary , your enemies are to lacke , and loose by the same victuals , wages , good will or friendship , you are to auoid battell . vegetius , lib. . where you abound in number and victuals , and other prouision , and your enemy wanteth of your abundance , and therefore seeketh to fight , auoid you the battell . cassius and brutus at philippi , against antony and caesar . where the enemy must needs dissolue his army shortly , if he fight not with you ; there you are to auoide the battell . pompey at durazzo against caesar . where you are in danger to loose a realme , or two , if you loose the battell , your enemies are in danger onely to loose their present army : being no stronger then your enemies , seeke not to fight . hispani . bell. verona . where your souldiers and captaines be marueilously vnwilling to fight , seeke not to fight . vegetius lib. . cap. . if your enemies be poore and needy , beware of their necessitie ; for alwaies necessitie makes men desperate , and causeth them to thinke there is no remedy but victory in fight . if you be in any strong place , so planted that your enemy cannot fight with you , but with his great losse , seeke not to fight with him . prosper colonno at bicocca . if your enemy be so placed in a strong campe , seeke not there to fight with your enemy . carolus caesar in germany . frenchmen are by long dalliance and time to be deluded , because they be hot , and desirous to fight when they be fresh , and eager to be put on in the beginning of the warres ; afterwards , when by long time they are wearied , they are tractable enongh : so will others be besides frenchmen . if you haue warres made against you by a number of confederate princes or magistrates ( take caesars counsell ) deferre the battell for a time , and weary them out by polliticke vsage . keepe them from victuals ; kill all such as goe for forrage , or any other purpose ; make many alarams nightly vpon them in their campe , and toyle them with watches and sodaine labours : by this meanes you shall make the warres seeme loathsome vnto them , and protract it the longer ; whereby , they may fall into dissention one with another : for such a number of confederates cannot long agree , but that some quarrels will fall out betweene them , or else some grudges ; so that some may be deuided from the other by some kinde of perswasion or other , whereupon you may , if you thinke good , giue battell to the relinquished : or chase them ( as the imperials did the french out of millan ) with light skirmishes . for the better performance of these skirmishes , let all your souldiers haue the perfect vse of their armes . they may haue the perfect vse of their armes quickely , if the seriants doe but at vacant times plye and exercise them . finis . at the signe of the angell in lumberstreet , you may haue an excellent plotforme for the postures of pike and musket . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * plutarch in the life of lucullus . * august . de ciuit. dei . li. . cap. . notes for div a -e precepts for prouision of victuals . precepts for the payment of souldiers wages . wayes to get money to pay souldiers . charles the . of france . waies to finde out the enemies purposes traps , and stratagems . precepts for marching . how to troule an enemy out of a wood . plutarch in the life of agesilaus . example . how to passe riuers . ☞ precepts for the ordering of your battels . how a generall should behaue himselfe after the losse of his battell . precepts for flying . zenaphon of the graecians retreat from babylon , lib. . when to fight . when to auoide fight , aluians . the military garden, or instructions for all young souldiers and such who are disposed to learne, and have knowledge of the militarie discipline. ... observed and set in order according to the best military practice by iames achesone gentleman at armes, burges of edinburgh achesone, james. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the military garden, or instructions for all young souldiers and such who are disposed to learne, and have knowledge of the militarie discipline. ... observed and set in order according to the best military practice by iames achesone gentleman at armes, burges of edinburgh achesone, james. [ ], p., plate printed by iohn wreittoun, edinburgh : anno dom. . at foot of title: cum privilegio regali. the plate is a folding typographic diagram of battle formations. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the military garden , or instrvctions for all yovng sovldiers and svch who are disposed to learne , and have knowledge of the militarie discipline . wherein are set downe the conditions and qualities which are required in every severall officer of a private company . observed and set in order according to the best military practise by iames achesone gentleman at armes , burges of edinbvrgh . edinbvrgh printed by iohn wreittoun anno dom. . cum privilegio regali . to the right vertvovs and worshipfvl david akenhead , provest , iohn sinclaire , archbald tod , edward forker , alexander heriot ballies ; iohn maknath dane of guild ; david makall treasurer : and to all the remnant of the councell of the towne of edinbvrgh . right vertuous and worthshipfull , having by your direction trained vp and practized in the militarie discipline , the youth of this most flourishing towne , and now for the common good being to publish to the world those precepts which i had privatlie taught all them that would learne of mee ; i thought i could not more deservedly present the fruites of my laboures to any than vnto that towne to which i was so much oblished , and to you which were so carefull to haue your burgesses made able , as well for warre as peace . as the governour of this world hath apointed life and death , summer and winter , day and night , and almost given evrie thing a contrarie , so hath hee made peace and warre to haue an interchanging course on the face of this earth . though peace bee alwayes to bee desired , yet warre is to bee provided for , and the youth when it should fall forth ( for the chasticement of people ) is to be trained therevnto . all civill lawes and orders , if there were no defence prepared to maintaine them , were no better than beautifull pallaces destitute of roofes to hold out the violence of storme . what haue the most peacefull comonwealths beene without trained souldiers , but a pray to some stronger ? it is set downe as a blemish in constantin the great , that at the desire of some ( too peacefull ) subjects , hee cassired the auncient legions , and in them overthrew the militarie discipline of rome , leaving a breach for barbarous nations to invade the empyre ; not considering how lawes , justice , subjects , and the whole bodie of the estate lie vnder the protection of armes , as by a mighty forteresse . salomon in tyme of peace prepared armes and chariots : none dare doe wrong to that nation which they know it ready prepared , and promptlie furnished for warre . if god shall moue the posteritie to continue this noble exercise , which yee in this tyme haue so happelie begunne , there are faire hopes , that as this towne is the chiefe of this laend , so shall it be farr : aboue many , and equall if not exceed the braue number of souldeours , that haue with losse of tyme and blood followed the warres in forraine partes of the earth . to which they may bee stirred vp , if there were some plot of ground alloted to bee a militarie garden for the training vp of the rude youth : which the kings m. desired most earnestlie to be done , knowing how the youth of scotland is not inferiour to any living in courage : to which worthie purpose i found the most and best of the commons most willing and well affected . by this meanes , of weake citizens yee shall haue strong , of timorous couragious , of idle laborious , and for a people which scarce are able to sustaine a desensiue warre against invaders , a nation reddie to offend any stranger kingdomes abroad . thus hoping yee will accepte of this tractise with the same minde that it is presented vnto you , i pray almightie god to prospere , and make ever flowrish this towne with a race of such worthie and vertuous magistrats and councellours as yee are , which now this present yeere governe it . yours ever to command . iames achesone . the militarie garden . as naturall things are conserved by comelie disposition , so arte which followeth nature is most maintained by the same : confusion is the mother of mischiefe , and nothing can be strong where disorder is admitted either to giue counsell or to command . so long every common-wealth and pollicie hath beene able to stand , as it hath found citizens submit themselues to the authoritie of the lawes and the power of magistrats ; and so long may wee hope to haue happie successe in the exercise of armes , as these who professe to follow the same , shall bee readie and willing to keepe that station wherein their merits hath placed them : but that it may bee knowne what is required of every one in his office , i shall touch alittle their severall dueties according to the order and place they carry ; first , a captaine . a captaine should consider that he hath the charge of mens liues committed to his hands over the which hee should watch , least any of them bee lost vnder his conduct either by rashnesse or want of knowledge , which should bee more easilie performed if skilfull and sufficient men were chosen to beare rule , and such as either had passed ▪ or at least did vnderstand the degrees of all the inferiour officers , whereby hee may bee able to discharge a place of such importance , that hee may presentlie redresse any thing amisse , and giue ininstructions , and orders vpon every new accident , either in marching , encamping , or fighting , what the said officers haue to doe , for no man is able to teach that which he hath not himselfe before learned : for if hee haue not experience ( by his ignorance ) a whole company may be overthrowne , hee must diligentlie vse his souldiers to the often vsing of their armes , which shall bee more profitable vnto them than the asistance of the physitians , for dayly practise and exercise makes them both perfite and healthfull , and at last victorious in the fields in tyme of battell . leivetenant . hee that is elected vnto this office , ought to bee a man of great experience , fidelitie , and valour , who in the absence of his captaine carryeth his place , charge , and command , vnto whom the souldiers and vnder officers are to obey for the tyme , as vnto the captaine himselfe . his place of march , his captaine being present , is in the reare of the company , but in retiring or marching out of the field , hee is to march in the front , and the captaine in the reare . the handsigne . the handsigne is the foundation of the company , wherein consisteth the honour and reputation of the captaine and souldiers , hee ought not onely to bee a good souldier , bold and valiant , but as neere as may bee the captaines equall , in valour , discretion , and counsell . his place of march is vpon the head of the pickes , the same place hee must obserue in set battells , but rather betuixt the third and fourth rankes . the sergeant . in this officer consisteth the principall partes of the observation of military discipline , and for that the execution of the supperiour officers orders , and commands , doe concerne his charge and duety , it importeth that hee bee a skillfull and valiant souldier , and well experienced in military discipline , yea of so great importance , that more tolerable it were for all the officers of the company ( were it the captaine himselfe ) to bee vnskilled men and of little experience , rather than the sergeant , who of necessitie ought to bee an expert souldier , and of great spirit and diligence . hee is to ranke the souldiers as hee shall thinke good , not suffering them to contend or fall out amongst themselues for the front or best places . the corporall . as hee is a degree aboue the privat souldier , so ought he in skill , let no man that is a souldier , seeke to come to preferment in any office in the field , except hee know himselfe fit to discharge the same , or els hee shall become a laughingstock to others , and be contemned of all men , as he justlie deserues , that taketh vpon him more than hee is able to performe . i thought to haue written more at large of every officer but for brevities sake i haue but onely touched every one apart , hoping god-willing my selfe to showe it more at large by my selfe vnto them in exercise which i hope will worke more in them than writting . so wishing all to take this in good part , not set foorth for the well experimented souldier , but for such as yet haue not tasted thereof . heereafter followeth how a company should march , as lykewayes the severall words of commands for exercising a company , with their reasons . the order how a company should march of men , picks , and musquets . c m m m m m leaders . m m m m m first division musquets . m m m m m d m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m m bringers vp . h p p p p p leaders . . . . . . first division pickes . . . . . . d . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p bringers vp . . s p . . . p leaders . . . . . . division picks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p bringers vp . . s m . . . m leaders . . . . . . division musquets . . . . . . d . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m bringers vp . l the company brought vp in battell for the exercising . in company front.   left division .   right division . left wing m m m m m p p p p p * p p p p p m m m m m right wing m . . . . . . . . p   p . . . . . . . . m . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . m . . . . p . . . p   p . . . p . . . . m   *                                       *   ranke or reare division . m . . . . p . . . p   p . . . p . . . . m ranke or reare division . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   . . . . . . . . . . m . . . . p . . . p * p . . . p . . . . m the reare . next followeth the handling of musquet and picke ▪ with the severall words for every posture . the words for the musquet . the musquet shouldered . . sinke your musquet . handell your musquet with your right hand . vnshoulder your musquet and hold her vp . fall backe with your right leg and hand . bring your rest to your musquet . ioyne both in your left hand . hold your musquet mouth over your leaders right shoulder . open your pan with right finger and thumb . take your pryming wyre and clense your touchholl . blow your pan . morse with powder . clese your pan . grip the but-end of your musquet and rest with your right hand and shake off the loose powder . bring about your musquet to your left syde . discharge your measure into your barrell . draw foorth your scrow or ramming sticke with the middle finger and thumb of the right hand . shorten the same at your right pappe within a handfull . ram in your powlder , furring , and bullet . draw foorth your scrow and shorten it as before . put vp your scrow in its place . recover your musquet and hold it vp with your left hand . take it bee the butt hard at the pan and shoulder it . your rest being in your left hand with your thumb vpon it aboue the butt . sinke your musquet . handell your musquet . vnshoulder your musquet . hold vp your musquet . bring your rest to your musquet . ioyne both in your left hand . take foorth your match with the finger and thumb of the right hand . blow your match vnder your right arme . cocke your match . try your match to your pan . guard your pan with the first two fingers of the right hand and the thumb at the backe of the pan . blow your match againe . take off your pan . present your musquet vpon your rest , your left foote being at the rest vpon the ground . giue fire . fall off either be the right or left hand , as the command is given . in going off take foorth your match , and returne it in your left hand againe , betwixt your little finger and middle finger , or in both , having two ends lighted . in service all this being learned and practised in exercise , there is but only three words of command , viz. make reddie . . present . . giue fire . the postures of the picke . your picke lying vpon the ground going to list it vp . pvt your toe of your right foote first to it . then your right hand with your thumb at the but-end of it . in lifting step forward with your left foote and left hand and so lift it vp . then your picke is mounted . ordour your picke at . mount your picke at . shoulder your picke at . mount your picke at . port your picke at . traile your picke at . cheeke your picke at ▪ recover your picke at . port your picke at . mount your picke at . sinke your picke at . the but-end being at halfefoote to the ground . hold your picke vpon your right shoulder with your right hand , and your thumb vpon your shoulder , the palme of your hand vp , and your foure fingers lying aboue the picke . vpon a long march and vpon double distance in rankes , you may carry your picke levill vpon your shoulder but not so comely as sinked . your picke being ordoured at close ordour the but-end of it must bee betwixt your feete , holding the same with your left hand , being ready to present to charge horse , and your right hand to draw your sword , setting forward your left foote laying your picke , and left hand vpon your left knee the butt being close at the right foote and your sword in your right hand . your picke being ordered at open ordour your feete must bee a foote a sundrie and your picke in your right hand , with thumb vp , and the picke a foote from your right foote . your picke being ordered at order your feete may be close at halfe a foote , and the butt of your picke at the toe of your right foote a little distance from it . when you come to vnderstand distances of rankes and strings these will bee more clearer . as for the presenting and charging of your picke when wee come to the exercising of the pickes , the whole forme shall bee showne god willing , which can not be done but by practise and vse of exercise . the first principall in military instructions , bindeth every one that myndes to practise in military discipline , after the handling of his armes , to vnderstand the severall soundes of the drumme , without the which no souldier is able to knowe his commanders pleasure when to march , charge or make a retreat &c. for when the commanders voyce can not extend to the hearing of the company , the drumme denunceth and expresseth the same . the soundes especially to bee learned are these . viz. a gathering . a march. a troupe . a charge . a retreat &c. the second principall is to knowe how to offend and and defend after the learning of his armes , the readiest and easiest way with skill . the third principall to be learned , is the distance and order of standing and marching that is to bee observed betweene strings and ranks , which is a speciall poynt of discipline , some make fiue sort , but i content mee onlie with three most in vse . distance in strings . order is three foote . open order is six foote . close order is a foote and halfe . distance in ranks . order is six foote . open order is tuelue foote . close order is three foote . great is the necessitie of the learning of this principall , for if order and perfect forme be not observed , it can be tearmed no other thing but a disordered company . in the next place , let the souldier know how to distinguish betwixt every severall place in the company , as followeth . the front. the front is alwayes where the faces of the company are directed all one way . the reare . the reare is ever where the backes of the whole company are turned . a string . a string is a sequence of men standing one behind another , back to bellie , and consisteth commonlie of , or , or sometyme depth . a ranke . a ranke is a raw of men , standing one by another , shoulder to shoulder , their faces being directed all one way . leaders of strings . leaders of strings are these that are in the first ranke ; every one in the same ranke is a leader of a string . bringers vp . bringers vp , these that are in the last ranke are called bringers vp , every one being a bringer vp of a string . reare division , half strings , or sixt rank , all these three names may bee given to this division . the leaders of the reare division are the sixt ranke , if their bee ten depth , if but eight , the fift ranke . also this division is called by some middle-men , but the most sure being what depth they will , reare division separats best , and is soone knowne . the wing . the wing is the side of the company from the front to the reare , the right side being called the right wing , and the left side the left wing . heereafter followeth certaine generall observations . let every souldier know that in marching they are to follow their leaders in strings , as also keepe even with their right hand man , which is their leader in ranke , the like must bee done vpon a stand , to stand right after their leaders in string , and ranke even with their right hand man in ranke , observing true distance and forme according vnto such order as shall bee enjoyned by the commander . let the pickeman know that in a march hee must alwayes shoulder his picke , either just or sinking , as the word shall be given ; and comming thorow any port or gate , hee is to port his pick , vpon a troupe hee must carry his picke mounted , and vpon a stand let him alwayes set downe or order his picke , vnlesse he haue command to the contrary . let the pickeman further know and obserue that in charging ( being ten depth ) half the ranks or front division are to charge or present their pickes , the other half or reare division are to carry their pickes mounted or ported over the heads of their leaders , that they bee no hinderance to them , either in charging or in retiring . obserue likewayes that when they present standing to fall backe with the right foote , and marching to present the left foote being stopped fordward . the musquetier must obserue vpon a march to shoulder his musquet , and carry the rest in his right hand except he prepare to giue fire , then is he bound to carry his rest in his left hand : the like also in a troupe , but in a stand let him ever rest his musquet , except he haue command to the contrary . in exercising of the company , first cause the bodie to stand in good order , and being in such order as they are enjoyned to , let them face to the right or left hand , and so looke vpon them round , seing them stand right in strings , and ranks . ten ranks and fiue strings face them to either hand , and then their is as many strings as ranks were before ; the strings being become ranks , and the ranks being converted into strings . when you double your strings to any hand , by doubling of ranks to the contrary hand , they are brought to their first forme : likewayes having doubled ranks to any hand , by doubling of strings to the contrary hand , they become to their first order , or as they were . now the next for the fift principall shall bee expressed , the most vsuall words of command , especially vsed in the exercising of a company , with the reasons thereof , which every souldier must bee well acquented with all , otherwayes they can never rise vnto any preferment . the words of command following . . strings double to the right . doubling of strings to the right is after this manner , the vtmost string moveth not , but standeth fast : the next string vnto the right string moveth into the right string , so that of ten in deepe it is now become twentie , accordingly every second string moveth into their next string on their right hand . . strings double to the left . the left string must stand fast , and every second string is to moue into their next string on their left hand . the vse . thus you strengthen your wings . . ranks double to the right . in doubling of ranks you must know the formost ranke stands fast , the second moveth into the first , to the right hand ( for that is commounlie first done in exercising ) the third ranke standeth fast , the fourth moveth into the thrid , and so of the rest , every second ranke moveth into the ranke before them , that of fiue in ranke they are doubled and become ten in ranke . . ranks double to the left . doubling of ranks to the left , every second ranke moveth , passing vp by their leaders left hand , and so stand in the ranke with them , beginning at the front first , and so take it one from another . note that in doubling to any hand , in going to your first order that you fall out with the contrare foote . the vse . thus you strengthen your front . . strings close being in open order , the word is strings close without nameing to any hand , which is thus performed , the two middle leaders close first , the one to the right , the other to the left , till they are in the distance commanded , the rest of of the company to take their distance from them , on either wing closing to the middle leaders . . strings close to the right . the right hand string moveth not but standeth fast , all the rest close to the right string , taking their distance one from another , from the right hand . . strings close to the left . strings closing to the left , then the left string stands fast , the rest of the strings close , and take their distance from the left hand . their is great vse in closing of strings for many causes . . strings close to the right and left by division . strings closing to the right and left by division , the one half of the strings close to the right string , the other half to the left string , leaving a space betweene , which is done vpon some speciall vse best knowne to the commander . . strings open . being in close order , the word is , strings open ( not naming to whether hand ) and is thus to bee done , the middle leaders presse vpon their wingers , first taking the distance commanded , having then opened both wayes , the rest of the company on both wings take their distance from them . . strings open to the right . the left string is not to moue but standeth fast , the next to the left string first taketh the distance , pressing vpon the right , vntill the distance commanded bee obtained , the rest of the strings doe the like pressing vpon their right , still opening by the righ vntill they haue all done it . . strings open to the left . the right string standeth fast , the rest open to the left , still pressing vpon their left string vntill they are all in distance commanded . this word of command is ever given to that hand where there is most ground , or fittest ground for conveniencie . . ranks close from the front to the reare . after this manner , the reare ( or last ranke ) moveth not but standeth fast , the rest of the ranks fall backe to the reare . . ranks close from the reare to the front . to doe this , the first ranke moveth not , but standeth fast , all the rest of the ranks close vp , taking their distance commanded , ranke after ranke from the front , ( or first rank ) the second ranke to the front beginning first , the rest consequently one after another , till all haue done it . . ranks open from the front to the reare . the first ranke moveth not , the rest of the ranks fall backe , till they haue gained the ground to the distance commanded , then stand , the second ranke taketh the distance first , the rest in like manner one from another , vntill they haue all effected it . . ranks open from the reare to the front . which is thus done , all the body advanceth ford-ward , the last ranke onely standeth fast , the second to the last taketh the distance first , then the rest advancing fordward till they haue done it . . strings and ranks close . the whole body being at open order , the word is strings and ranks close , to doe the which your middle leaders of strings close first , the rest of the strings close to them , the ranks close all vp to the front , or the first ranke to such distance as is commanded . . strings and ranks open . the whole body being close in ranke and string , the word is , strings and ranks open after this maner : the middle leaders of strings open , and take the distance first , the rest of the strings on either wing from them , the ranks fall backe , the second to the front taketh the distance first , the rest in like maner from the front to the reare backwards . . strings countermarch and maintaine ground . to countermarch and maintaine ground , the leaders of every string , having turned to the hand directed ( which is specially to bee observed ) passe thorow the company , their followers march vp to the leaders ground , making the same good , then turne and passe thorow the company after their leaders , till they haue all done the same . . countermarch and lose ground . to countermarch and lose ground , the leaders of everie string , turne to the hand directed , passing thorow the company , the followers moue not till their leaders are passed by them , then they turne and passe after their leaders , the ranks doe the same one after another , not moving till their leaders are passed by them , then they turne in the same ground . by countermarch the reare may become the front , in the same ground that the front stood in , having brought them vp , and face about . note . the strings must bee in their open order when they countermarch . . rankes countermarch from the right to the left . the right hand man passeth betweene the first and second ranke , all the rest of the same ranke follow , the right hand man of the second ranke passeth betweene the second and third ranks , passing to the left wing the rest of the ranke follow him , all the rest of the ranks doe the like , bringing the right to the left . . ranks countermarch from the left vnto the right . the left hand man of every ranke turneth first , passing to the right , all the ranke followeth him , the rest of the ranks doe the like , so bringing the left wing to the right . this is done vpon some politick respect of the commander to change the wing , doubting the courage of the one by the other , or otherwayes best knowne to the commander . . strings ranke . . . or . the right hand string first executs the same , advancing fordward , and fall in ranke to such number as shall bee enjoined , the next string doeth the like , advancing fordward fall in ranke after the former string , the rest of the strings keepe the same forme and order , vnto they are all ranked . . strings ranke . . or . the left string first advanceth , falling in ranke , the rest of the strings obserue the like forme , till the words of command bee fully executed . . ranks ranke . or . the first ranke executeth the same beginning at the right hand man , the first ranke having ended , the right hand man of the second ranke beginneth , the rest of the ranks doe the like , till all haue done it . . ranks ranke . or . the left hand man first beginneth heere , the rest of the ranks joyne with him , making so many in ranke as shall be commanded , every ranke passing vp till they haue all done it . . ranks string to the right . the right hand man of every ranke stirreth not , but the next to the right hand man falleth behind his right hand man : the rest of the ranks follow : all the ranks doe the same , falling behind their right hand man , making one string of the whole company . . ranks string to the left . every left hand man stands fast , the rest fall behind one another to the left hand , and so are converted into one string . the vse . thus you giue a strong charge vpon the wing by facing to any hand : this serveth also for a narrow passage , to doe this let the ranks bee in open order , and the strings in close order . . ranks turne to the right . the right hand man turneth in the same ground he stands , not moving foorth of the same : the rest of the same ranke turneth altogether and become all aboue him , the left hand man being vppermost , all the ranks doe this . . ranks turne to the left . the left hand man turneth in the same ground he stands in , the rest become all aboue him , the right hand man being vppermost , all the ranks doe this . the vse . by this you may giue a charge by either wing very easily . note . to performe this easily and shortly , let the strings be in their close order , and the ranks in such open order as shall be requisit according to the number of men in ranke . . ranks and strings turne to the right , the great turne . this word of command is spoken to the whole body , know that the right hand man moveth not but alittle and slowlie , the left wing somewhat faster , but all the whole body together till such tyme as the left wing bee brought about , and then halt , their faces being all one way . . the great turne to the left . then the left hand man moveth but litle and slowly , all the rest of the body turne together , the right wing being brought to the left . . the great turne right about to the reare . the right hand man moveth but little and slowlie , as it is said before , vntill his face be at the reare , then standeth . . the great turne left about to the reare . the like doeth the left hand man as the right did before , vntill all bee turned . the vse . thus the front is brought to either of the wings , or to the reare , being strongest and best armed . note . for turning of this great turne , the whole body must bee at their close order , both in ranks and strings . . reare division , half strings , sixt ranke , or middle-men double the front to the right . i haue showed you before of these four words of command , but tend all to one purpose . therefore i say reare division double the front to the right , the leaders of this division are according to the deepnesse , the just half of the number , and they passe vp every man of the ranke by the right hand of his leader , vntill they haue all done , and then stand in the front or first ranke , the next ranke followeth and standeth in the second ranke , and so the rest , till all haue done it . . reare division double the front to the left . the leaders of this division or first ranke of it passeth vp vpon the left hand of their leaders vnto the front or first ranke of the front , and so consequently all the rest , vntill all bee doubled . the vse . there is a speciall vse of this motion , for by this the same order in distance of ranks is still observed , which can not bee in doubling of ranks . the second vse . againe they bring sufficient men into the front and reare . the third vse . thirdly it maketh the company to show faire vpon a march thorow a citie , or place of note , for faces to any hand being thus doubled and then march , and you shall bee brauely winged . . reare division double the front to the right and left by division . the reare division divide themselues , the one halfe of them face to the right hand , the other halfe face to the left hand , then march out both to the wing of the company , then face againe to the right and left , then march vp to the front , and stand there . the vse . thus the front is doubled on either wing , and the same distance betweene strings and ranks still observed . . reare division double the front to the right enteare . the reare division face to the right hand altogether , then march foorth , then face to the left hand and march vp to the front , joyning ranke by ranke and their stand . . reare division double the front to the left enteare the reare division face to the left and then passe out , then face to the right and march vp to the front , joyning ranke by ranke to the wing and stand . the vse . thus the front is enlarged by such wing as the commander thinkes fitt , and shall bee most vsefull . . bringers vp double the front to the right . the last ranke ( as formerly is showne ) are bringers vp ▪ who passe thorow the body by the right hand to the front , and there stand the second to the reare , follow the bringers vp , and stand in the second ranke to the front , and so the rest till they haue all done it . . bringers vp double the front to the left . the last ranke passeth vp by their leaders left hand to the first ranke and their stand , the second ranke to the reare follow and stand in the second ranke to the front , all the ranks doe the like vntill they haue all done it . the vse . this is another maner of doubling the front , and not the worst : for by this , their is sufficient men brought to the front to the strengthning of the same . by this word of command you may alter the front , and bring the reare to the front , by causing the reare or last ranke which are bringers vp to passe thorow the company ▪ the rest of the ranks following them . . ranks string by inversion . after this maner the whole body standing in open order , especiall in ranks , one half of the ranks fall into the right string the other half into the left hand string , becomming two strings onely , wherein you must note that the two vttermost strings , which are called the right and left hand strings , they stand fast , the rest of the strings invert to them . the vse . this serues for the avoyding of cannon shot vpon the maine body , or for a gaird for some great commander to passe thorow , it is vsed also at the lodging of the handseigne . to your first order , or as you were . these words are words which bring the company to their first station or order : after everie motion foresaid wee say , either to your first order , or els as you were , which tends both to one vse . but because i vse this first word in my owne practise , i would wish all those that vseth this booke to follow it , so that there bee no diversitie . to your first order . this word of command is often vsed to perfect the body after doubling of ranks or strings , when the reare division hath doubled the front , or bringers vp haue doubled the front , after ranks turning the great turne , ranks stringing either by conversion or inversion , and at other tymes to bring them to their first forme . the vse . the vse of this is so necessarie , that when the company can not vnderstand by any other word of command , they can more easily fall to their first order . there bee diverse other words of command generally to bee observed by the whole company in tyme of service , or vpon any suddaine assault to cause face to any hand , or charge to any hand . the company standing in battell orderly , both in ranks and strings , and true distance in both the words of exercising are these , viz. faces to the right . to your first order . faces to the left . to your first order . faces right about to the reare . to your first order . faces left about to the reare . to your first order . presenting . present to the right . to your first order . present to the left . to your first order . present right about to the reare . to your first order . present left about to the reare . to your first order . faces to the right and left by division . to your first order . faces to the front and reare by division . to your first order . presenting . present to the right and left by division . to your first order . present to the front and reare by division . to your first order . there is diverse sorts of exercising of musquetiers by themselues apart , which cannot well bee set downe but in action . the first is to winne ground vpon the enemie . the second is to lose ground , or making a retreate , and yet offend the enemie . the third is , in marching by the enemie , and discharging vpon them by strings as they march . the fourth sort is by divyding the front and reare by divisions , six foote distant , and marching away by the enemie , and discharging vpon them halfe strings , the first halfe string marching thorow the division from the right to the left : the second halfe string discharging vpon the enemie , and falling by the reare or last ranke vnto the left halfe string . the fift sort is by divyding the right and left division six foote distant one from another , the first halfe rankes discharging vpon the enemie , and falling off from the right hand vnto the reare , the one halfe ranke falleth off by the right division to the reare , the left division falleth downe thorow betweene the divisions vpon the right hand vnto the reare . for brevities sake i deferre all or most kynds of frames and motions , vntill i come to the practise and exercise my selfe , which godwilling wil be more profitable to the young souldier , than many tables of motions , which are hinderance to the mynd . heeretofore i haue set foorth briefly and shortly the dueties and partes that everie particular officer ought to bee endued with , that hee may bee found qualified for the fulfilling of his place , and discharging the commandement he hath over a private company . now my discourse draweth mee a little higher to the heads , and chiefest officers in an army , by whom the whole body of the inferior companies are to bee directed ; for as the senses of our body haue residence in the head to governe the rest of the body , and the sense of touching and feeing onely is spred abroad thorow the rest of the parts thereof , that every particular member may haue functions for the execution of these offices wherevnto they are appoynted by nature , even so it is in the body of an armie , from whose chiftane , as from the head should bee deryved all sort of sense , and in the rest of the inferior members should bee found a ready obedience to bee disposed vpon according to the influence and government that hee shall thinke most expedient : now as the health and good order of the body depend so vpon the constitution of the head , that if it bee distempered , or the senses troubled , the actions of the whole man are of that same kynd confuted and perverted , so the proceedings of an army receaue their beginning and successe , according to the sense and vnderstanding of those who governe therein , and therefore i haue thought it expedient to speake alittle of them lykewayes , that everie one at his first entrie into a campe may know how all things ought to bee rightlie governed , and to whom hee ought obedience if any thing should fall amisse , so that from the lowest degree to the highest they bee not ignorant how the rule of perfection may be aymed at and obteined . the generall . the highest office of all is that of a generall , who as hee is aboue the rest in authoritie and power , so ought hee not only to know perfectly the dueties of every officer , but also to excell them all in religion , wisedome , experience , policie , gravitie , secrecie , counsell , modestie , temperance , valour , magnanimitie , vigilancie , care constancie , liberalitie , and resolution , with all other good partes incident to a perfect man of warre : and how much all these good parts , and many more ought to bee in the personage elected to this high and carefull dignitie , you may easily conceaue and gather , because hee is set over the rest , to the end that he being their chiftane and head , may not onely know how to governe them both in actions , but also in his vertuous lyfe and carriage bee a paterne , light , and lanterne vnto the whole numbers of the companies to imitate , for it is an old proverb , such master such man , such generall such officers and followers : for commonly a wise , valiant and vertuous generall will chuse wise valiant , and vertuous captaines and officers : good and vertuous captaines will as neere as they can chuse good , honest , sober , and vertuous officers vnder them , intertaine their souldiers with good and faire speeches , to command with all allurements to bring them to the due forme of martiall discipline . the crowner . the crowners place and office is to be commander over the captaines , and all other inferior officers of his regiment , having jurisdiction and dominion over them all , whereby may bee inferred and gathered the parts and qualities which ought to bee in him , and the great skill and experience in warre , as one who ought to exceede them all , for to know how to command , rule , and governe them with prudencie , and valour : and forasmuch as in many occurrants and occasions growing and presented in warre hee should know to performe the parts and office of a generall , being alone with the companies of his owne regiment , as when his generall commands him to the batterie , or seige of any fort or citie , or to defend any fort or towne , or to warre in any open campania , to giue battell to the enemie , to make incursions , to retire and withdraw skirmishers , to frame brigs over rivers , to fortifie himselfe in campe , to conduct artillirie , and many other peeces of service to bee performed in him , he is greatly to respect and honour his generall , obeying and performing his commands and orders with great care and diligence , as hee would bee obeyed himselfe and reverenced by his captaines and other officers of his regiment . the sergeant maior . his office is to bee the generall minister or officer of a whole regiment of sundrie companyes , and superintendent of all the sergeants of the same , by whose hand and industrie , the crowner doth giue the orders convenient to the due governement of his regiment ; as in marching , encamping imbattelling , and in such other matters concerning heerevnto , whereby may bee gathered the parts , the qulities , the valour , the great skill , experience , and great diligence which ought to bee in him , who is chosen to this degree of office , being of such importance : the sergeant majors office is of much higher degree than any ordinarie captiane ; for every captaine doe receaue his directions from the sergeant major , and the sergeant major from the crowner or generall if hee bee in place : the ordinarie place where the crowner marcheth is in the vangard , and so the sergeant major being his officer , by whom hee sendeth his commands vnto the captaines . leiuetennents , handseignes , and sergeants , and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alwayes to bee neere vnto his person , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 major is guide of the battell . admonitions for a 〈◊〉 souldier having said somewhat concerni●●●he conditions and qualities which are required in 〈◊〉 severall officer of a privat company . now let vs see 〈◊〉 maner of men are worthy the name of souldiers . first the souldier of all men 〈◊〉 the feare of god before his eyes , to haue a cleare 〈◊〉 , & to be of honest conversation , least in runing vp 〈◊〉 hee fall into hell-fire . secondly hee that loveth right and iustice , is sitte to bee the defender of the same . thirdly hee that pitieth the poore and afflicted , is a meete man to succour his country and towne against the violence of oppressours . fourthly hee that tendereth the wedow and fatherlesse ▪ he that delyteth to see vertue floorish in his country , honour advanced , faith and equitie to abyde in every fellowship . fiftly hee that hateth covetousnesse , thift , extortion , murther , fornication , idlenesse ; and drunkennesse , these and such like men are fit to bee , and beare the name of souldiers or martialists . for the first foundation and vse of armes was erected of necessitie to restraine and represse the disorders of lewd and wicked men , and to settle and establish peace and justice vpon earth , so then as the armed hoast is the remedie to chastice and represse the offences of others , it is convenient that the same hoast bee free from the like offences , and every vice in a souldier ought to bee strongly bridled , and punished with extremitie . a company drawne vp in forme of a triangle battell . men . m . . . m h m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m m . . . m m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m   p . . . p p . . . p   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p p . . . p p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p p . . . p a company drawne vp with the picks vpon the right hand . men . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . . . . . . p a company drawne vp and winged vpon both the wings with musquetiers . men . m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m this company having their musquetiers vpon the left wing , hath now doubled the right division of pickes . men . p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p m . . . m m . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m p . . . . . . . . p m . . . . . . . . m this maketh a strong battell for defending and offending an horse troupe , by facing to any hand , either to the right or to the left . a company presenting to all quarters , being . picks , musquetiers . front.   front.       m . . . . . . . . m p p p p p p p p p p front. m . . . . . . . . m p p p p p p p p p p . . . . . . . . . m . p . . p p p p p p . . . . . . . . . m . p . . p p p p p p m . . . m m . . . m p p p p p p p p p p front. p p . p p p . . . p m . . . . . . . . m   p p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p p . p p p . . p p m . . . m m . . . m     front.   because i am in opinion that there bee sundrie who will bee desirous to know the maner how to draw vp companies , and placing them in battell ranke , this being a most difficle and pleasant peace of all the exercise , i haue now for their contentment and satisfaction set downe in a table vnder their view diverse sorts and fashions of this kynde , out of the which they may bee able easily by their owne industrie , according to the occurrences to frame other formes as the number of the companies and occasions that they shall find shall permit . heere is placed the handling of picke and musquet , with your left hand because there is sundrie of this towne who are left handed and desirous to learne to handle both pickes and musquets therewith . the postures of the picke . your picke lying vpon the ground going to lift it vp . pvt your toe of your left foote first to it . then your left hand with your thumb at the but-end of it . in lifting step forward with your right foote , and right hand and so lift it vp . then your picke is mounted . ordour your picke at . mo●ion . mount your picke at . mo●ion . shoulder your picke at . mo●ion . which must bee done this way , first fall backe with your left foote and your left hand , receaving your picke vpon your left shoulder , so you step vp againe with your left foote vpon your station to the right foote . mounte your picke at . port your picke at . traile your picke at . cheeke your picke at . recover your picke at . port your picke at . shoulder your picke at . sinke your picke , putting the but-end of it within halfe foot to the ground . hold your picke vpon your left shoulder with your left hand , and your thumb vpon your shoulder , the palme of your hand vp and your foure fingers lying vpon the picke about . your picke being ordered at close order , the but-end of it must be betwixt your feete , holding the same with your right hand being ready to present to charge horse , and your left hand to drawe your sword , setting forward your right foote , laying your picke and right hand vpon your right knee , the butt being close at the left foote and your sword in your left hand . your picke being ordered at open order , your feete must be a foote asunder and your picke in your left hand , with your thumb vp towards the poynt , and the picke a foote from the left foote . your picke ordered at order , your feete may bee close at halfe a foote asunder , and the but-end of your picke standing a little from your left toe of that foote . presenting your picke being shouldred to any quarter , obserue that if hee bee a right handed man ▪ that his right foote goe alwayes backe to one place , and if left handed , his left foote alwayes backe to one place , at the exercising of these postures i shall show the reasons , but now it were too tedious . the words for the handling of the musquet for a left handed man. the musquet shouldered vpon the right shoulder . sinke your musquet . handle your musquet with your left hand . vnshoulder your musquet and hold her vp in your left hand . fall backe with your left leg and left hand . bring your rest to your musquet with your right hand . ioyne both musquet and rest in your right hand . bee sure to have the mouth of your musquet higher then any of your leaders shoulders head , and so no harme can bee done . open your pan with the middle finger and thumb of the left hana , your thumb being at the backe of the pan . take your pryming wyre and clense your touchholl , and blow it . morse with powder . close your pan . grip the but-end of your musquet in your left hand with the rest also and shake off the loose powder . bring about your musquet to your right syde . discharge your measure into your barrell of your musquet . draw foorth your scrow with the middle finger and thumb of the left hand . shorten your scrow wand at your left pappe within a handfull . ram in your charge . draw foorth your scrow wand againe and shortenit , as before . put vp your scrow wand or raming sticke againe in its place . recover your musquet alittle before you lift it vp . hold vp your musquet in your right hand . take it by the but-end hard vnder the pan with your left hand and shoulder it . put your rest in your right hand at the inside of your musquet , and your hand at the backe of the panne . your musquet is now charged ready to doe service and execution vpon the enemie . sinke your musquet . handle your musquet with your left hand . vnshoulder your musquet . hold vp your musquet in your left hand . bring your rest to your musquet . ioyne both in your right hand . take foorth your match with the middle finger and thumb of the left hand . blow your match vnder your left arme . cocke your match . try your match . guard your pan with the first two fingers of the left hand , and the thumb at the backe of the pan . blow your match againe . take off your pan or put of the cover of your pan . . present your musquet vpon the rest , your right foote being at the rest vpon the ground . giue fire . fall off either be the right or left hand , as the word of command is given in going off take foorth your match , or lunte , and returne it in your right handagaine , betwixt your little finger and second finger , having two ends lighted . note that when you handle your musquet with your right hand that your bandelier be over the left shoulder & vnder the right arme . also when you handle with the left hand that your bandeleirs be over the right shoulder and vnder the left arme . a company drawne vp with the musquetiers in the front .   front.   left wing . m m m m m m m m m m right wing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . m m . . . m p . . . p p . . . p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . . . p p . . . p   the reare .   heere the reare division of pickes , hath doubled the front division of musquetiers to the right hand .   front.   left wing . m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p right wing . m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p m p . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   the reare .   a souldiers resolution to brauo souldiers . gentlemen and braue souldiers , having now ended all that i haue thought expedient to be set downe by writ for the present touching this matter , what amisse and error i haue herein committed , i yeelde the same to bee considred and reformed by the wisdome of those , whose experience , authoritie , and good indevour may bee answerable to the performance thereof : desiring that the same may bee deemed as proceeding from a souldier , who more of zeale than of any desire to offend , not to instruct the expert souldier , but to indevour my selfe by the observations to make knowne my goodwill and wishes i haue conceaved , to set forward the vnexpert and vnskilled sort , which if i haue obtained , it is the hight of all my desires , and i shall esteeme this a full recompence of my travell , if i perceaue this discourse of the rudiments of martiall affairs , to bee gratiously accepted , though it be roughlie drawne , as it were with the picke and musquet of a souldier , and no● trimmed with the delicate pen of an orator , for i haue ever judged it more becomming a souldier to vtter himselfe by workes than by wordes , and in effect , as i shall doe declare the affection and readinesse i haue to doe you better service . i. a. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 cap. ● . chron. . cap. . . cap. . . notes for div a -e the posturs of the musquet . charge . discharge . the posturs of the musquet . charging . discharging ▪ a discourse and defence of arms and armory, shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england, from the camp, the court, the city: under the two later of which, are contained universities and inns of court. / by edward waterhous esq;. waterhouse, edward, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) a discourse and defence of arms and armory, shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england, from the camp, the court, the city: under the two later of which, are contained universities and inns of court. / by edward waterhous esq;. waterhouse, edward, - . [ ], p. : ill. (metal cut). printed by t.r. for samuel mearne in little britain, london, : . annotation on thomason copy: "july". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng weapons -- early works to . armor -- early works to . military ceremonies, honors, and salutes -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no a discourse and defence of arms and armory,: shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england, from the camp, the court, the city waterhouse, edward f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse and defence of arms and armory , shewing the nature and rises of arms and honour in england , from the camp , the court , the city : vnder the two later of which , are contained universities and inns of court . by edward waterhouse esq doctores bonos secutus est , qui sola bona quae honesta , mala tantum quae turpia , potentiam , nobilitatem , caeteraque extra animum neque bonis neque malis annumerant . tacitus hist. l. . de helvidio prisco . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . menander . london , printed by t. r. for samuel mearne in little britain , . to the honest ingenious , and generous reader . if this discourse be of a dull and discoloured complexion , thorough the noncirculation of ingenious blood in its veyns and arteries , i do really request thee to impute it to that grief and sickness which immediately succeeding my never to be forgotten wound ( by the death of the best of friends and relations that ever i on earth had , or ever i on earth hereafter expect to have ) has by a malignity of operation on me ever since , indisposed me , to such expressions of quickness and variety , as perhaps my health would have to thy greater content afforded thee ; but since it is the good pleasure of god , to charg the fields of our worldly serenity with crosses latent and patent , which , when sanctified , are ( by heavenly heralds , who can best blazon the intendments of divine providences ) accounted good bearings , it becomes us to accept his chastisement with submission , and improve his instruction with christian prudence . for this tract it is small , and so i intended it , and if it were sweet , and its lines to wise eyes , as the notes of a good composure melodious to musical eares , it would not displease me to be short , for that is true of writing , which agellius writes of speaking nunquam tacet quem morbus tenet loquendi . but such as it is , i hope thou wilt accept , and hereafter , if god spare my life , and recruit my broken regiment of health , if thy candor interpret this and me aright , ( for in earnest , i have no cold zeal to religion , order , learning , honour , to whose josephs sheaf i would , if i could , make every sheaf do obeysance , ) i shall imploy my remaining forces of strength , to dissipate that rebel sadness , which by heading a dissolute crew of ill humours , has bin imbodied to my annoyance , and as god shall assist me with success against that turbulent enemy , present thee with further expressions of my service to thee ; yet ever remembring that of apulejus , et cum dicto opus est impigre dicere , & cum tacito opus est libenter ●acere . e. waterhous . london , . of march , / . a discourse and defence of armes and armorie . there is no art so unbefriended , no skill so despicable , but finds some tongue to owne , some pen to plead for it , even the craftsmens diana is mentioned , acts . to have more stentorian voyces for her among the ephesians then the doctrine of christ in the apostolique mouths of s. paul and his companions had : and no wonder , for the world of men are more led by opinion then reason , sensuality then judgment , as that old poet said , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , few there are that understand , to those many that admire ; & few admire what is indeed truely admirable . there is a principle of policy so ingrafted into our new creed , fortunam magis & providentiam quam amicitiam & justitiam sequi , that no man ( almost ) thinks any man or thing estimable , but what is successfull , and in the scripture phrase , laden with thick clay , as if there were no foundation for happiness , no merit of honour like that of worldlings gain and worldly prosperity . this makes arts sink with their encouragements , and artists tonguety'd at their injuries , least vindications should be mistaken for plots , and apologies for treasons . indeed were artists of catalines spirit , pravissimi ingenii ad delendam patriam conjuravit , as eutropius writes of him ; there were great cause to eye their addresses with jealousie , and answer their offers with silence ; but when they are sober , learned , and usefull , to let them be mossed over with the scurfe of neglect , and to suffer the canker of contempt to dislustre their transparencies , and not clear it off with the oyle and whiting of candor , argues us of this age to be no good samaritanes . on all subjects some have written in these times of trouble , and on this of armes which ordinarily we call heraldry ; but fewer ( god wot ) then have been provoked to it by the indignity cast upon the art , and the professors of it , while men of name and fortune have patronized things that have no direct aspect on peace , order , and nationall civility . there has scarse been any have owned this lady which is the image of order , and ( as it were ) the magna charta of oeconomique regulation , and thence of politique distinction : contemnunt nostri martes haec talia , & naenias , & ludos ea habeant puerorum , as lipsius his words are : yea , there are yet those further , who not through rustick hardiness , but of pure zeal ( as they think ) though i think deludedly , make the author of order , god himself , no respecter of persons , that is , no favourer of distinctions of men : or of any degrees of inferiority and superiority , the chief end of the practice of arms and procedure of honour amongst men : and that which is the right eye in the body of heraldry . i am no champion to defie these goliahs which come forth in this quarrell to revile , not onely past ages and renouned nations , who admired and practised order in the method they discredit it , but also this nation of england , when it was , as livy once said of rome , maximi secundum deorum opes imperii ; yet so far as their confidence to deform the beauty of order , makes them treacherous to the well-being of this nation , i dare avow my self their antagonist . the romans were ( in their time ) the most renowned people for prowess , their professed enemy taxiles acknowledged , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , yet historians make their seven hundred years prosperity , in which they almost had a triumphall victory for every year , debtor to their discipline , ideo praevaluerunt adversus multitudinem gallorum proceritates germanorum , vires hispanorum & dolos afrorum ob retentam disciplinam , saith sarisburiensis : and the same doth also trogus pompeius write of alexander : the symmetry and exact order of which well advised dispensation continuing , brought nations of as great power as themselvs into subjection , and expatiated the glory of their valor almost thorowout the continent . and therefore as those fiery spirits amongst them who introduced their civill wars in which the first instituted government by patritians ; ( men of the upper house and lords of the rule according to the fundamentall sanction ) was suppressed , as to its splendor , and allayed by admitting a plebeian coordinateness , which in time exauctorated the senate , and erazed in a great measure the old nobility and gentry , so did it give animation to revolts abroad , and reduced their vast dominion into narrow bounds , till at last all their former grandeur was obliterated , and they esteemed as spurious to those great and magnified ancestors curius , fabricius coruncanus , metellus , fabius , marcellus , scipio , lepidus , and such like ; yea they became so rude and ruinous by their homebred heats , and the direfull consequences of them , that sigonius says , vix reipublicae romanae forma qualis fuerit posse exponi , quae modo unius , modo paucorum nunc multorum nunc aequo omnium imperio administrata fuerit , atque pro humanarum rerum vicissitudine iterum atque iterum commutata . so he . it is then my designe , by gods assistance , to write somewhat of arms ; not as they are instruments of war and violence , but ensigns of peace and distinction , not as they are handled by men of the field , but as in times of peace , and by the standard of reason and politick prudence , with the great consent of nations by the pens , mouths , and practices of their learned sages , they are asserted , allowed , and accordingly honoured . to methodize which intent of mine , i propose to consider the nature of arms , the antiquity and descent of arms , the use and behoof of arms , in which ternary what i shall ( at present ) write will be conveniently couched : in the discourse on which heads , i shall use a description of the eminently learned sir henry spelman in his late printed aspilogia , for which we are highly to thank master bish , who hath nobly publisht it , with his learned notes on it and upton . the character there by the learned knight , given arms , is this ( which i shall comment upon as a proper text ) sunt insignia decora symbola ad notitiam & honorem latoris a legitimo judice militibus ascripta . this description consists of sundry parts . . the subjects insignia . . the nature , symbola , and decora . . their end , ad notitiam , ad honorem latoris . . their fountain or rise , a judice legitimo . . the objects whom arms principall , are directed to , militibus . . the manner how they become appropriate to those persons they are intended for , ascripta . this is with in the compasse of the knights survey , and to touch these particulars shortly shall bee my task . the first part of this definition is the subject matter which he calls insignia , catachrestically called arms , because by arms in war the knowledge , use , and nature of them was introduced , therefore isidore derives them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from mars the god of war ; though he also allow arma eo quod armos tegunt , men were ever carefull to keep their skins whole , for when they had no defences of mettall , diodorus tells us , hercules , and others of renown , did wear the skins of beasts , which defended them from those primitive weapons of the fist , teeth , and feet , to which lucretius alludes , arma antiqua manus , ungues dentesque fuerunt ; and when they were improved to stones , clubs , and other instruments of contest , yet were their coverings of proof . but victory begot ambition , and successe stole into conquering minds affectation of some habiliments more heroique : hence came targets , bucklers , and engravements and depictions on targets , bucklers and shields ; on coat-armours and other portable utensills which we call insignia , as being the trophies and devices of worthies who charged their shields , banners , and garments with such portraitures of dread and terror as most resembled their own natures , and most surprised with astonishment their beholders , as agamemnon is brought in , whose buckler had this inscription , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . terror est hic hominum , qui hunc gerit est agamemnon . as then men grew proficients in contests and masteries , so did their ingenuities devise weapons both offensive and defensive , swords and shields were inseparable companions , accounted portable castles , covering their whole bodyes or the most part of it , which made them account them the tutelar deities of their lives , and adorn them with emblems of gold and glory , insignia a signo derivatur , quasi aliquo signo ab aliis discretus & separatus , saith festus . hence is it that we read of every more then ordinary thing either good or evill expressed by insigne . virgil tells us of superbum insigne belli , and tacitus of insignire annum cladibus , and tully of insigne flagitium , and insigniter improbus , and livy of dies insignis duplici clade , and quintilian of prodigiosa corpora & monstris insignia : yea , tacitus tells us , that men of merit had of old , ensignes of magistracy decreed them . so claudius caesar decreed to narcissus , questoria insignia . those then that merited insignia , placed them in their shields and bucklers , which the greeks cald by severall names , according to their figure and proportion : a target or shield they called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of orbicular form , for which cause virgil compares the great eye of the cyclops to those clipei argolici he saw in use , which dionysius calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as doth homer and other authors . they also had other muniments and shields which they called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , in fashion oblong and of greater dimension then bucklers . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} scutigenus quoddam a magnitudine , that this shield was in use among the romans no man can question , since every author mentions it , polybius especially , who describing the romans armature , writes thus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which his noble annotator lipsius has notably illustrated , lib. . de militia rom. dialog. . p. . so turneb. advers. l. . c. . and how it came in use livy tells us , romanos antea clypeis usos , deinde postquam facti sunt stipendiarii scuta pro clypeis fecisse , l. . so that , by what appears , insignia which we call escocheons of arms , were originally the charges and garnishings of shields , corporall defences , and representations of the bearers nature and worth , figured in the charges thereon , which time and use has transferred to the accommodation and glory of their issue , though not of similar prowess , yet of as significant merit , since there are virtutis laudes , & eruditionis insignia , as well as fortitudinis , and men ought to be honoured as well for councell as courage . yea so far have late times overborn the first institution , that whereas these armes were the embroyderies of shields and upper garments , on which ground they were called in our nation coat-armeurs or coat-armours ? now they are wholly left off to those uses , and become the figures on seals , rings , wals , monuments , and such other concomitants of civill society and order ; and so i proceed to the second part of the description , which is the praedicate , what arms are , mentioned in those words symbola decora . symbola , that 's the cypher that sets out the nature of arms : for the arms or device on the shield is but a representation of somewhat more excellent which is concealed , and to which that is but the fescue & finger ; therefore mr. ferne quotes a definition of blazonry somewhat pat to my allegation ; blazonia est recitatio vel commemoratio alicujus virtutis , & quempiam sub quibusdam signis , abunde & vere laudare aut decorum dicere . suidas terms symbola by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , making the sepiment of skyn which man is bounded with a symbol of his mortality . the ancients also called their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or civil concords between city and city , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} which demosthenes speaks of , . philip . hence i suppose grew that custom to give rings as earnests to the concord which terence alludes to when he sayes , ut de symbolis essemus dati annuli , and amongst us in the most durable contract of our lives , marriage ; the legal custom was and yet is , to bind it by a ring as well as by other ceremonies of significancy ; these symbols were anciently the only way of expressing the nature and meaning of things , the aegyptians , caldees , greeks , latines , all used them , as lilius giraldus out of jamblicus , plutarch and other authors , hath largely observed . for the world was a great while without letters and writing , only by hieroglyphicks , and such like mysterious resemblances were the minds of men understood , when they themselves were out of place . therefore what plautus and pliny express by tessera and syngrapha ; elder times did by symbola , which are the same in resemblance that parables are in speech . so that by symbola as applyed to arms we understand such an idaea of the bearers mind as charges him to endeavour merit of that he in his shields depiction appropriates to himself , for bartholus well notes , art ought to imitate nature , unde ista insignia debent esse secundum naturam rei quam figurant . and hence i suppose is that affix of modification which the knight here adds , decora , a word of restriction , telling us that arms ought to have analogie and proportion to the bearer , and in a great measure to decorticate his nature , station , and course of life , or somewhat conducing thereto , quae gestantium nominibus alludunt antiqua sunt si non omnium antiquissima insignia , is learned master bish his note , and not without many learned mens concurrence with him . for since names given for distinction were conformed to the nature of creatures , and the emergency of accidents as is evident in holy and prophane stories , and as is clearly made out by sigonius amongst the romans , and is in all nations owned , yea , as in our own land and the stories of it appears ; then ought and ever was the same rule observed in arms and bearings of honour , for it is a maxim , a nominibus ad arma sequuntur argumenta . here then is a fit place to instance some few noted names with the occasions of them and the suitable bearings they have assumed , which our own knowledge may in a great measure assure to us , they being english men and families , prince arthur was a valiant spark , and from his infancy perceived cruell , therefore he had the name arthur , which signifies a horrible bear or iron mall ; briewre the favorite of h. . so called because born in a heath as the norman word imports . henry percy called hotspur ; propter suam probitatem , eoquod aliis spori deditis ipse super hostes invigilare consueverat , gravesnour so called from his great skill in , and addition to , hunting . latimer signifies a truchman or interpreter possibly from the skill in languages which their ancestor had ; so also some have been named from bodily remarks , as blunt from their yellow haire , fairfax from their faire bush of haire , some from towns they dwell in , and are lords of , as draycot , wilesley , bishopsheir , malpas , and such like others , some from waters , as the lord stoveton from the river stowre , wallop from welhope , others from corporal defects , as crerequer quasi decrepido corde , of which master cambden every where in his britannia makes mention . yea , there is one that makes the famous family of plantagenest which stored the crown of england ( to use his words ) well nigh the space of four hundred years ; from whence have issued one emperour , fifteen kings , and ten queens , twelve princes , twenty four dukes , and sixty earls , to have taken its name of a plant ; thus for a tast of , ordinary things , and accidents that gave occasion to names of worth : there are also families whose bearings are referential to their names , and have a kind of consanguinity with them ; master fern has saved me some pains herein , therefore he shall have the honour of my acknowledgment , he mentions the bearings of breiwer earle of devonshire , lucy , wil. earlae aquilis son to king stephen , sheffeild , wingfeild , sommershall , quater mayne , tremayne , hanchet , bulloine , calverley , and sundry others . to which i may add thousands more of the like nature , but that i would not clog the discourse with impertinent allegations ; it being indeed hard to find any name of family which has not participated of this prerogative of time , to be and bear what the unavoidable vicissitudes of life , and the pregnant womb of fate has produced them , as some beauteous helens have had the mole of envy to their never to be repayred blemish , so have many zipporahs been coveted as the minions of ages , and floated on the smooth streams of affluence to admiration , it is the will of god it should be so , and it is best it should be what he wills , whose will is the rule of rectitude , that which is to my purpose , is to shew that in the adaption of names and arms to places and accidents , there is a good decorum observed , which is what the description requires in the symbol of a scutary depiction , for it sayes , insignia sunt symbola decora . and so did virgil before my author . clypeique insigne decorum ; this word decora is of a great comprehension , our own language when it expresses any thing gracefully done , sayes , it s done with a good decorum , or a good decorum observed , decorum saith a gloss , quod ita naturae consentanea ut in eo moderatio & temperantia appareat , cum specie quadam liberali . the greeks called decorum {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and both valla and tully by it understand tam ipsum honestum quam quod hominibus & communi opinioni honestum videtur & pulchrum & probabile . for besides the dignity of decorum's birth , being derived from decem the magnified number of pythagoras , and called by him {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and the number which gives denomination to things of remark ; hence , ova decumana and fluctus decumani ; there have been in all authors notable words joyned in consort with it , tully has decorum & elegans ; and justa omnia decora sunt , and color albus praecipue deo decorus est , and speaking of an orator he sayes , ad rerum dignitatem apte & quasi decore loqui ; and all gratefull things have been expressed by it . nigro crine decorus , so plebs decora cultu , so statius ; aedes decorae , decorus sermo & decorum silentium , frequent in horace , to which add lacrymae decorae and os decorum in terence , together with decora caesaries in virgil , all which notes that by decora there is intended such a temper amentum ad pondus , as is justifiable before the severest tribunal of justice , as in consorts notes answer each other to a symphony , so in armory there must be regularity ; no man at the feast of honour must be his own carver , standing dishes of altess , and dresses of majestique composition are not to be touched , the officer of arms appointed to weigh out doles of reward is sworn to deal uprightly : and in master fern's words , give to every man according to merit , and that with the most aptnesse to the setting forth and signifying of the virtuous desert whereby the first bearer was advanced to the bearing of arms : so he . and if it were otherwise arms would beget , not prevent confusion , for every mans ambition would feed on the daynties of regality , and contemn those proportions that are more becoming them . it is favour enough that they have the wall of the plebs , too much that they scorn an equall , and abide no superiour . for as the lawes of nations , so the particular law of gentility in england , denyes arms to be borne by any but those that either have them by descent or grant , or purchase in the field from the body or badg of any prisoner they in open and lawfull war take , and this it does to obviate that tympanous humour that swells up lawless , and light minds into a rude and arrogant usurpation of the rights of nobility and gentry , of which tribe they are not naturaliz'd : therefore h. . by proclamation did inhibit , quod nullus cujuscunque status , gradus seu conditionis fuerit , hujumodi arma sive tunicas armorum in se sumat , nisi ipse jure antecessorio vel ex donatione alicujus ad hoc sufficientem potestatem habentis ea possident aut possidere debent , & quod ipse arma sive tunicas illas ex cujus dono optinet demonstrationis suae personis ad hoc per nos assignatis seu assignandis manifeste demonstret , exceptis illis qui nobiscum apud bellum de agen court arma portabant , &c. and herein the law of arms in england is but in affirmance of the law of nations , and avowes that order which is practised in the civilized world . for as god in the creation and preservation of things , is the great exemplar of order , giving in the compagination of heaven and earth , and the dominion and subjection in them , a document to mortal manageries , which are then only vehiculated to their central point , when conform to the protoplast in the direct line of regularity . so have all ages and people by a plenarty of consent , coincided , to promote distinctions and differences between man and man ; that there be as saint pauls phrase is , no scisme in the body of government , which without could not be avoyded ; the frame of this great world cannot subsist without a god , the light not be , if the sun were superseded , the firmament , the earth not be fertile , if not irrigated , man not live , if not cooled by ayre , and strengthned by food , no more could communityes continue their neighbour-hood without government the first born of order : and this however paradoxall to levelling anarchists , yet has been accounted canon , not only by those elder asiatique nations , whose polity had all the dimensions of order in it , but also by the puissant people of rome , whose practice may be thought most swasive with this high courag'd and military age . for as they intrusted not the poorer sort , which they called proletarii and capitecenses , with arms of war , nisi in tumultu maximo , but kept their militia in the hands of men of blood and fortune , as nabis the spartan in livy ( who opposing the romans custom to the spartans , sayes , vos a censu equitem a censu peditem legitis . ) so did they not indulge mean persons arms of honour ; no , nor accommodations much below them , it was denyed servants to have their head covered , for when once the pileus was put on their head , it betokened emancipation according to that of perseus , haec mera libertas , haec nobis pilea donant , hence when those that were shaven became freemen , they are said by livy , seneca , and others , vocari ad pileum , in which regard when brutus was the best trump in the roman state , he caused mony to be stamped in memoriall of his parricide , cum pilio duobus pugionibus imposito . nor was any man eligible to be tribune if one of the equestrian order , till he had served in the wars ten years , as pedestrians were to serve twenty years . they indeed allowed to merits rewards and admissions to honour by grand paw's and deliberate steps of ascent , yea , to one like sicinius dentatus who served his country one hundred and twenty battayles , and brought from them woundy testimonies of valour ; they thought no honour too great , though the person on whom it was bestowed , ab ortu , was but a terrae filius , or a sese ortus , or a man of the first head as we say , that is of a nuper exorta nobilitas , which pliny calls subita imago , and after whom budaeus . but in other cases the patricians and senators were so jealous of their glory and perfulgency , that they allowed none participants with them on ordinary and nummary accounts . they , they were the men who took pleasure in the adorning the portraytures of their ancestors , and erecting such statues and emblems of their honour as in a kind gave them a temporal immortality , with these were their porches and medalls adorn'd , and with these were their rooms of state made venerable , yea , polybius tells us , to these statues did they annually devote a solemnity . which tully perstringed in that tart passage to piso , obrepsisti ad honores , errore hominum , commendatione fermosarum imaginum quarum simile nihil habes praeter colorem . so he : but this ( with his leave ) i take rather written ad hominum , then chargeable on the roman grandees , for as most of them had great personal worth , so did they preserve this memory of their ancestors , to excite them to a patrization , and to a generous conformity to , if not a transcendency above them , for though it be true that it was one end of theirs to live in the fame of generous sirs , who had been men of honour and office in the state , yet had they this also in their design , ut vitae seriem servantes & juxta imagines cujusque propriam haberent virtutem quos imitarentur , as photius his words are out of diod. sicul. lib. . i do not aver the romans had all those things for their insignia , which for a long time have been in use amongstus , for time has enfranchis ▪ d us as ages by longer service for experience may be thought greater proficients in the variety and imployment of fancy ; they had no knowledge of the use of mettalls and colours , posterioris aevi inventum est , saith alteserra , they knew not what blazoning was , that 's modern , about pharamond the first king of the gauls , anno . or prince arthurs age anno , it grew in use . as their language , habit , nature , and manner of warfare , in time differed from what it was ; so without all doubt did they vary in their rewards and punishments , and as they differed from themselves , so were they different from other nations ; the world is now a hotch-potch wherein all mankind is blended together , and no nation is so entirely what it is called as at first it was . the romans made many conquests abroad , and to them was great concourse of people , who were roma donati , which made rome linsie woolsey , not of a warp and woof alike , though therefore they might not have arms and devices of emblem which were of personal and genealogick right , by which cognizance is taken of what house gentlemen are , from what branch of that house , whether loyall or spurious , what matches they made , and from whom their issue are descendants , though they might have no action in their law of the twelve tables , against any that should give their emblem in seal or shield , as by latter lawes they had , and as by the lawes in use with us was allowed , though peradventure they had not all these in the formality of latter ages . yet had they things analogical to them , and of identique import and significancy with them . they had their {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , their ordo campestris , senatorius , equestris and plebeius suis quemque insignibus distinctos , saith budaeus out of pliny ; yea lipsius out of strabo , herodotus , pliny , polienus , livie , plutarch , virgil , and others , tell us , their chrystae & galeae quae scutis imponuntur , familiarum antiqua digmata , originem habent a multis chrystis , in use amongst them ; yea they had much more instances of approximation to us , lazius com . reip. rom. l. . c. . mentions out of pliny , that amongst the romans , scutis qualibus apud trojam pugnatum est continebantur imagines . they had their statues and bucklers of gold , which in honour were hung up in publique places , as that of claudius was hung by the senates allowance , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . in the court or senate , and his own state was allowed to be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the capitol , as i have it from eutropius . they had their arcus triumphales , in which stately marble repository , were monumented the victories of those to whose memory those piles of fame were erected . panciroll tells us of of them which were in rome , and one without it ; of which number six onely yet remain . they had their columnae , of which two are most famous . that to trajan , and the other to antoninus pius , a pair of darling emperours , amor & deliciae humani generis . they had their crowns , chayns , rings like our attendants of knight-hood , & such like other marks of merit and reward , speaking as effectually what they were , and whom they came from , as our arms of families at this day do , which i have from learned budaeus , who ( speaking of our insignia gentilitia , as relating to the same end with those elder ceremonies ) writes thus , pro iis ( ut opinor ) posteriora tempora insignia gentilitia habuerunt quae arma vulgo vocantur , quae ipsa quoque primum ac simile est veri virtutis praemia fuerunt ac rerum praeclare gestarum decora . so he . and because 't is very proper to shew when arms in a distinguishing and gentilitiall acceptation came in use , before i write of the use and end of them , which comes in with the next part of the description . therefore shall i discourse of that as pertinent to satisfie the enquiries of those that are soberly curious . concerning the rise of arms , i would speak modestly as becomes , and as my great masters have presidented me , because as in antiquity and the story of it , decocted thorow so many vicissitudes , and varnished over with fucatious semblances of truth instead of very truth ; there is much doubt begot in sober mindes , to the solution of which there ought to be stanch reason and authority produced : so because there is an impossibility of renewing those characters which time and tyranny has deleted , and wholly absorp'd , 't is very convenient to use a soft pen , and to offer probable truth with no dictator-like confidence . time has a beesom of change , that sweeps away whatever is written in mortal dust ; and t is one of the miseries of this visible globe that deluges of force and age carry all monuments of antiquity before them into the abyss of forgetfulness , what gods mercy preserves the memory of , we only can know , and with that are to be satisfied ; and so much of that as i have learned , and judge convenient to publish of this matter , follows . it is probable that in the first ages of the world , when the paucity of men made their contests small and seldom , there was no use of emblems and characters of discrimination ; but not long after , people multiplyed , and men prog'd up and down for livelihoods and courses of maintenance , then they came in as sea-marks to keep them from splitting on the rocks of confusion . for diodorus says , that the egyptians , who make themselves omnium mortalium antiquissimi , or as lilius giraldus ; se deorum genus primum apud se extitisse volunt : these i say are accounted to have them ab initio religionis , that is from osyris and isis , more then years before the israelites going out of egypt , and diodorus adds how they came to use them , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. when the old aegyptians for want of order in their confused bands of men were overcome by their neighbours , they setled their forces in such divisions as were known by their ensigns , every part of them having his peculiar sign . but it pleases me rather to deduce the antiquity of their use from the jewes , jacobs posterity , who growing numerous used them , and that by some thing like a prophetique direction of their genitor , who is said to prevail with god , et nunc quasi supra coelos evectus non in hominis persona sed ex ore dei qualis in longum usque tempora futura sit eorum conditio pronunciat , saith reverend calvin . there is nothing i confess in the text that precisely directs the character jacob gives of his sonnes and the descendants from them ( for them also it reacheth ) to be used as a mark of distinguishment , or a tribuall difference : neither for ought i see is there any thing to forbid it . in that therefore the description of them is fully made , and the number of their tribes and allyances grown great , why then may not their characters be thought to be used by them , as we now do coats of arms in shields and banners ? some of the jewish doctors say peremptorily , that the israelites had four vexilla or magnalian ▪ banners : and that under every of those , there were three tribes , et erant in illis vexillis picturae notificantes tribus quae erant sub illis vexillis , and so tostatus . others conclude their s●gna to be as in gen. c. . jacob describes them , but r. abraham , aben ezra , though he will have their banners charged with insignitions of distinction , yet forsooth , the figures on them must needs be those four in ezec. . an eagle , a lyon , a bull , and a man ; but that conceit tostatus rejects , and adds a good reason , revelatio illa de quatuor animalibus nondum fuit facta , fuit enim facta , postea per multa tempora cum propheta esset apud fluvium , chebar . though therefore the certain rise of familistique distinctions be not infallibly concludable out of the text ; yet there is much conducing to , not only its probability , but its full proof , especially when thereto we add that the israelites were of noble parentage . of a free stock , whose parents were not in bondage , which tully , boetius and budaeus , make necessary to gentility , ( gentiles sunt qui eodem inter se nomine sunt , qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt , quorum majorum nemo servitute servivit , qui capite non sunt diminuti . ) of great numbers , warlike nature , and aptitude to generation they were , and in these regards needed distinctions which these characters served for : therefore without any violence to truth , they may ( with submission to better judgements ) be accounted users of them , and commendable ancestors to the use of arms in after ages of the world . yea the text of numbers sayes , that the lord spake unto moses and aaron , saying , every man of the children of israel shall pitch by their own standard with the ensign of their fathers house , &c. by which our learned translators intend , no doubt , that as the tribe had a general devise or standard , so every house or family in that tribe had a particular distinction , and of this opinion is lorimus . and because i take this place for a clear proof of the use of insignited banners amongst the jewes , therefore shall i be bold to consider the original and learned versions of it . every one {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} super vex illum , so the hebrew , or juxta as the cald. in nota sua sub vexillo , so the arabick version , the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies such a standard-bearer , cui subsint decem millia 't is a military ensign , quod magnum , as the learned take it , and the word is so used as a note of prelation , cant. . . my beloved is fair and ruddy , the chiefest among ten thousand , the word here , a standard-bearer . so cant. . v. . where christ applauds his spouse he calls her terrible , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the word here , as an army with banners . that is as a standard attended with sundry banners in defence of it : for vexilla properly signifies the standers of kings and chiefs , whose subjects hold estates and offices to attend and defend their soveraigns standard , labari aurei dignitatem , lege apud laz. com. l. . c. . therefore are they not such as livy , lib. . call'd vexilla , used by the roman equestrians , vexilla se suorum parmasque cernere equitum , but large , square , and of noble capacity , to which proprius accedunt vexilla templorum quae in lustratione & processibus anteferuntur , saith lipsius . and if both vegetius and brecman , denominate these aright a velis navium , we must conclude they are no snips or scantlings of display , but as of rich composure , so of ample dimension . cedrenus tells us both what , and of what they were , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which lipsius thus translates , vexilla panni seu vela ex purpura & auro in quadratam formam effecta . et in signis , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that is according to his character , or notable mark of evidence , so the word is used gen. . . god set a mark upon cayn {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the word here , gen. . . this is the sign of my covenant , so is the word in the plural number taken , exod. . . deut. . &c. . v. . &c. . v. . and in sundry other places . in all which , there is implyed as evident discrimination as can be made by language . in grammat . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} est litera quasi signum externum vocis proferendae character & nota , for it comes from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as if in the note & decyphering there were something coming towards us , which we are to entertain and take notice of : therefore though the . read it by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , yet some copies read it by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as suidas observes ; makes the sign as full of evidence , as the sound of the trumpet is an instance of the horsemans preparation to march or to battel . these signa then being their familique banners , or ensigns , were highly valued by them , as after they were by the other nations , especially the romans , as halycarnass witnesseth , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , l. . annal. so tacit , conversus ad signa & bellorum deos. so he . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} castrametabuntur , a military word , yet has also a signification of quiet repose . god would have his saints skilful in martial order , lawful defence he allowes , and advantagious methods he prescribes , but all his israels militia must tend to peace with men , and with one another . so that the conclusion hence will be this , that if god commanded the jewes to pitch their tents in a military figure , casting as it were , the tribes into four brigades , and in every of them the several families into lesser models , distinct , according to their standards and ensigns : and this the jews did , as appeares numb. . v. last ; then undoubtedly the jews are good instances of the military use of arms in national standards , and familical ensigns or banners . and can we think they used not that for civil distinction , which they found so available in military multitudes ? though the holy text be silent in it , on that accompt , yet it being punctual in pedegree , and delivering much of that in divers places , not only of the old but new testament , to clear the descents & rights of eminent persons , of which the jews in their families were very careful . the eldest of every family being the prince , and having the archivae of his stock in his custody , and the nation in general having a great zeal to propagate the honour of their ancestors , as appeares by their expressions of having abraham to their father , and being freemen and not in bondage . john c. . v. . though i say there be no distinct proof for ensigns personal and gentilicial among them , yet there is much conducing to it , and nothing against it , nay it is probable that the barbarous nations conversing with the jews , ( being in their ascent to glory , which they arrived at more and more , and to the view and admiration of which , strangers came from far to them ) learned from them , with many other parts of useful prudence and invention , this way of military and civil distinction , which has been , yet is , and i hope ever will be in the regular world . this for what i have to write concerning the use of arms amongst the jews . after the jews , stories tell us of greeks , romans , spaniards , germans , and all great nations and personages that used them in their shields and trophies of honour ; sir henry spelman has collected many instances of them which i shall not here recapitulate , but add some other examples of nations and persons , who of old time gave these insignia in their shields : of nations , 't is written the aegyptians bare an oxe , the scythians lightning , the phrygians a sow , the romans an eagle , mars by the thracians , and a bow and arrowes by the persians : the syrians a dove , the indians a dragon , the athenians an owl , the thebans sphynx his head , the rhegini a hare , and the corynthians a flying horse ; and so many nations more , mentioned by cassanaeus ; and for particular persons ; mr. leigh has given us the bearings of many , as of joshua , david , hector , alexander , judas macabaeus , julius caesar , king arthur , charlemaine , sir guy of warwick , &c. le mair tells us of ●emiramis bearing a dove , aeneas a golden branch in a green field , with two silver doves ; so idomeneus the nephew of minos is alleadg'd to bear for his arms on his buckler , a cock of the game . ●lemannus herculus the th german king , bore a lyon : wittikind d. of saxony a black and after a white horse , and a cloud of others monsieur columbiere has collected ; yea , the germans to tacitus his time , did observe the use of arms in shields , so did the romans in their cohort and legionary insignia , long before nero's time , as is collectable not onely from their coynes , on which those emblems and imageries are impressed , but also from juvenal satyr . . ac nudam effigiem clypeo fulgentis & hasta , prudentisque dei perituro ostenderet hosti . so horace speaking of the scythians conflicts with the argonauts , sayes cuncta phalanx insigne jovis caelataque gestat , tegmina . — after the use of these grew more common , and were called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , of which vegetius writes thus , sed ne milites aliquando in tumultu prae . lii a suis contubernalibus aberrarent , diversis cohortibus diversain scutis signa pingebant , ut ipsi nominant {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , si cut etiam nunc moris est fieri . and 't is observable that these signa were no trite devices and vulgar pomps of fancy . but first the images of their gods , then of those heroes and military deities that preceded their emperours , as mars and romulus , after of their emperours , as lipsius out of tacitus , suetonius , and other authours has instanced ; which superstition of theirs , gave occasion to tertullian to cry out , religio romanorum tota castrensis signa veneratur , signa jurat , signa omnibus diis praeponit , yea , because the romans grew so doting on their fortunate warring , that in signis militaribus ardorem & religionem omnem suam posuere ; therefore did they descend to the fatuity of bringing wild beasts into their gods and emperours places , for such at last they stained their insignia with , as tacitus and pliny both testifie . by all which it appeares , that escocheons of arms were introduced as a help to the right use of arms ; for if the end of warre be to oppose enemies , and defend nations and neighbours in amity , who without differences of knowing , may fall foul each of other , and not do the duty of right to those they owe it to , then what is a remedy to prevent and to hinder the contrary , is of much use , and this doth arms in standards , ensigns and shields . and therefore though it be true , that these insignia were at first military , used onely by those in action , and upon the prealledged grounds , yet have they been for many hundreds of years , not onely the rights of souldiers , but also of their posterities , who are dignified for their prowess , and hold estates of their princes upon tenures of service of warre either in their persons or purses , or in councel , which is of equivalent acceptation and consequence . so that which way soever we cast our eye , though as to the determinate time of the origination of arms , there be more mist then clear skye , the probable dawnings of tradition , rather then the noon-light of history , some ascribing the first use of them to the jewes , others to hercules , others to the caryans and argonauts , who accompanied jason to the conquest of the golden fleece , about anno mund. . & brought back with them charges on their shields , in token of their victory ; of which opinion hyeron bara is , as others are that it commenced in the trojan ages , in alexanders time , under julian , in his conflict with the moores , the goths and vandalls irruption into europe , the times of theodosian , charles the great , barbarossa and others . yea , and as well the germans as any ; though i say in this doubtful and not to be determined case , every one being restive in his opinion , there can nothing infallibly , as to the time , be concluded . yet this is without doubt , that when , or by whomsoever arms on shields , or coats or banners were brought in use , it was upon grounds of inconvenience found without them ; for confusions are often parents of order , and mens sufferings lesson them to methods of regularity , which till they have smarted , they cannot so readily learn . god in the creation rescued light from darkness , and garbled order from the confused chaos , and nations are ever most ingenious to prevent those evils they have most bin injured by . therefore though in the breaking in of saracens and rude barbarians into christendom , great havock was made of sacred edifices , antick utensils , and monuments of honour ; yet at that port ( probably ) came in the more generall use of arms and banners military and gentilicial , because against them were the great confluences of christians united , and in the expedition against them randevouzed . and hence also 't is probable , that arms grew appropriate to families , for either those that were in command in the holy warres , and used arms in their banners , shields , or outward garments , upon their return from that service , took those devices or arms as their due , ( for then it was permitted to every man to take what arms he would so none bore it in his own nation , and he adds his reason , nam sicut 〈◊〉 sunt inventa ad recognoscendum homines , ita arma & insignia , ) or else had indulgence from their soveraigns or his chieftains to bear them ; which time and use has improved into a customary legall and rightful appropriation to their issues and their descendents , and to no other in that nation , without the deserved censure of usurpation , for which an action of injury lies , & tryal by battel was allowed and performed , and was frequently practiced in this nation , and other countries yet allow it . it remains now , that somewhat be mentioned of the origination of arms , gentilicial and familicall in our own countrey , england , which i doubt will prove of a latter date then many of our gay boasters say they have born them in their families , there are some that with those romans plutarch speaks of , call themselves {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , elder then the moon . no pedegree pleases them , but that which is ab evandro & arcadibus . i am a great admirer of antiquity , and honourable auncestry , but reason and history shall sway me beyond any passion or opinion ; for if consideration be had , that for some hundred years , this nation was under the harrass of warre , and in the storm of forraigners assaults , and after troubled with the cholique of civil uncivil warre ; there will be little reason to be over confident in matters of pedegree and arms , much beyond years . i have it from the learned knight , who adds too , neseio an ea prorsus antiquitate . yet when ever ( as about that time i conceive its rise ) the first users of arms , and the first that had originall right to them , were such of the brittish nobility and saxon line as kept their honours , fortunes and seats , or some of them in the changes of government ; they being fortunate , and not frown'd upon by the conquerour and his sons , kept their stations , though his normans had the place and power in court and camp , and as these grew more and more habituated to his government , and he abated of the rigour of a victor , and made by peaceable government more calm , so these shewed themselves more openly , owning their rights with greater freedom . from these , and from the lords of the new model , sprang twigs of honour , which after became tall of growth in the springs of honour , most of the families of our now ancient gentry being issues from them , dependants on them , or preferred by them , yea dignified with badges of trust and honour , neerly allyed to those great mens bearings : so true is that of giraldus cambrensis , where speaking of the great men , he sayes , clientes hos suis quasi armis instructos armigeros suos forte vocant , & militum foeda cum armis suis , suis armigeris dedisse ; thus as the romans of old called their best and most noted servants gentiles , as we read of bruti cassii ciceronisque gentiles , as tully himself calls servius tullius , ( after king of the romans ) gentilem suum , which i take to be as much as pliny meant by marcipores & lucipores , which were the servants of marcus and lucius ; it being the honest and just custom of antiquity , not onely amongst us and the romans , but even in the primitive jewish times , to account faithful and worthy servants next to children , and accordingly to reward them , as appeares in that passage of the patriarch abraham , where eleazar of damascus his steward is by him declared his heir , he being childless , nor must it seem strange ; for who merit so great respect , next to those a man begets , as faithful servants that attend them and theirs with love and trust ? mr. cambden tells us of ja. l. audley , who attending the black prince at the battel of poictiers , was there sorely wounded , the prince rewarded him with a gift of marks of yearly rent , who presently gave the princes gift to his four esquires , saying dutifully to the prince , sir , it is meet that i do well for them who deserved best of me , these my esquires saved my life amongst my enemies , and god be thanked , my ancestors have left me sufficient revenues to maintain me in your service . and if it be usual in story , to read of brave spirits remunerating valour , even in enemies , as edward the third did sir eustace ribamont , a french knight , who personally encountred the king , and held him tack a long while , till the king twice beat him on his knees : at last the king took him prisoner , with these words , sir , you are the knight in the world that i have seen most valiant , either in assault of enemies , or defence of himself , whereupon he gave him the chaplet of pearl he had from his head : for which cause , the said sir eustace gave chaplets garnished with pearl . if friends have been rewarded ( as was r. steward , d. de aubigny marshal of france , by lewis the th who had given him the royal arms of france with buckles , or , in a bordure gules , as cambden instructs me ; and as albeney was by h. . to whom he gave knights fees in england , and in normandy ; ) why is not the merit of servants and dependants , who spend their youth in faithful drudgery , and own no parts or worth but what is at their lords devotion , to be amply repayd them , where masters have opportunity and power ? truly i see no reason , but it so should be , and so accordingly did our honourable an ceors now with god , do , and by this grateful bounty of theirs , have the families of the lesser nobility in a great measure been increased . no man acquainted with story , but knowes that of old most of the great estates and commands in england , were in the hands of such favourites of the conquerour and his issue as they granted them to , who by tenure , in their persons and with their tenants , servants and dependants were to attend their soveraigns in their warres : these great men granted parts of their tenures to persons , either related to them by match , service , or affection , upon such termes as they themselves either were obliged to the first grantor of them , or else on other conditions of advantage to them , giving them also coat-armour ; either parts of their own , or some other as to them seemed meet . thus did many of the great houses of cheshire grow from the earls of chester , who had power to erect baronies and other titles within their limits , which they did , and granted them over to hold as freely of them as they themselves held of the crown : thus also grew from the houses of albany , vere , strange , vfford , many noble families in norfolk ; and so others in other parts of the nation . hence probably came in the titles of knight , esq ; yeomen , which were at first badges of personal service & domestique relation ; for though miles which we render knight , be understood generally to import a choyce person , quasi ex millibus electus , one of a thousand as we say , a brave person picked out of a multitude , and furnished with a noble horse chosen out of many , clad in armour and cooperizons , tricked and adorned with gold , which some think is the reason they are termed equites aurati , as others conclude them so named from their guilt sword and spurs ; though i say miles be acknowledged as a noble dignity , and the great orders of majesty in the world be those of knighthood , yet anciently it was a name of service , not onely in order to tenure , the greatest estates of england being in knights service , to which i suppose upton has an eye in those words , miles est quasi servus reipublicae , but also in regard of attendance on the body of some lord , peer , or great person on horseback , who from being his a●mour-bearer was stiled knight , or in saxon cnicht , of this fort were knights bannerets , who are by mistake written barronets , but they were not inheritable , but of personal office , of these there are many parliament records , cited by sir edw. cook , instit. p. . on the statute of additions , which is as much as , a lusty young man , a servitor and minister , not accounting himself adorned with rich clothes , precious jewels , and carpet toyes , sed in scuto divulso , fracta galea , gladio hebete , facie vulnerata , as vigetius his words are . these knights are called by bracton , radcnichts , gallants bound by tenure and service to attend their lords on horseback , as esquires did on foot . hence the phrase esquires of the body , an office well known in the court , ut pote qui antiquitus militem a latere insequend● arma ejus ut commilito fedissimus tulerit , saith mr. mills . therefore gentlemen or esquires , ( which differ little in antiquity , ( are both called scutiferi and armigeri , and till edward the fourths time , lords ( if not knights ) were but stiled armigeri , bearers of the arms of their chiefs , in which regard a king is called ( jovis armiger ) by cerda , and by them dignified to bear arms in their own right , it being usual in elder times for great men both of the clergy and laity , to give honour , not onely that of arms bearing , but also knight-hood , as is noted by the learned selden , though of late it be onely restrained by law to soveraigns and their deputies or to supremes in their respective dominions . after as this nation grew more setled , men of vertuous ambitions , sought to deliver themselves from dependencies and service , addicting themselves to such studies , imployments and courses of life , as they judged most conducing to their speedy emancipation , and peace , proving no shambles of youth , the increase of their number necessitated a more then ordinary industry ; and the brave spirits which were monopoliz'd by great men , and which breath'd out their lusty blood in warres , became diffused into all quarters and conditions , the court , the city , the law , the schools , as well as the warres , and the houses of great men , shared them amongst them , and by these grew thrift requested , and the effects of it reached great honours and purchases : so that as great men of fortune and favour rose by industry and gods blessing upon it , as either were of the original brittish , or of the dignified norman race , yea and in few years , the lands , arms , honours and fortunes of the normans severe lords of the nation , came with their children in mariage , to those ▪ honest english gentlemen who were once their unfortunate vassals , or to their issue , whom time and national change had made freemen . thus ( besides many others ) i read of the ancient family of fitzhugh ( lords of the castle of ravenswich , before the conquest ) that they continued still their splendor to the time of h. . per connubia cum haeredibus duarum familiarum normannicarum forneaux & marmion . the consideration of the advantage industry accomodates the nation with , and the justice of returning laborious ingenuity a just reward , as it has made the common law of england disfavour perpetuities of lands in infinitum on families as tending to the eclipse of industry , since if lands may be entailed on all of a line , then those families that have land , must necessarily alwayes have it , and no others ever after purchase it , which seems contrary to the pleasure of god , who appoints worldly revolutions , giving and taking away at his pleasure ; so also doth not the law of arms in england , favour engrossing arms to the gentry of one age and not of another , but still leaves a latitude of admission to all men of merit , whom the supreme power either immediately , or mediately shall think fit to dignifie with arms , provided such emblems and badges of honour be not injurious to those that bear the bearings , ( through mistake given them ) with greater right , for princes as well as meaner men , may erre by misinformation , and justly recall their grants as a punishment to the insolent falshood of their deluders . ) and in other mens cases the rule of law is determined by baldus , si quis assumit arma seu insignia alterius qui eis longo tempore usus fuerat tenetur poena falsi . and this the officers of arms who are ever privy to the transactions of these things , are well to look to ; for though no man of honour ought to have an evil eye because gods is good , but give suffrage to , & approbation of rewards of vertue , even to persons of mean and base origen , like the flavia gens , of whom suetonius writes , obscura illa quidem ac sine majorum imaginibus , sed tamen reipub. nequaquam paenitenda ; for as much as the vertues men express are the gifts of god , who often exalts men of low degree , as saul , david , praemislaus , tamberlayn , tullus , hostilius , theodosius , servius , archelaus , marius , valentinian , telephantes , bonosus , chongius , and multitudes of such like in all ages and countries , who being above the vulgar , nay above their own births and parentage ; ought to have , and have had a great share in the honour and esteem of men and nations , though i say no man ( of wit and worth ) denies these their right to arms , yet men of blood and honour , who have not attainted their stocks by disloyalty , will be ever impatient to have their rights given to others , while they have right and possession of their arms and badges of gentility : and battel was allow'd for tryal of right in this case between harding and saint lowe , an. . by leave of robert the scotch king , for the rule is , id quod nostrum ( si enim prius est nostrum ) sine facto nostro , a nobis auferri non potest , and another rule there is , nemo potest arma amittere nisi propter infamiam ; as deservedly did andrew harkley , created earl of carlile by e. . loose by his infamous disloyalty , not onely his arms but his knight hood , for he was degraded , and all his military trophies taken from him , and at last drawn upon a hurdle to the place of execution , and there hanged , beheaded and quartered . in this case when as arms and honours are forfeited by treason ▪ or return into the supremes hand by act of death , a family being eraced , and the title to the arms dying with the last of the bearers , then the supreme not onely as ultimus haeres , but as fons honoris , may grant those arms and honours to any it pleaseth , without injury to any subject , or , to its own honour . so that the result of what precedes upon this head , amounts to this , that arms as honourary dignities , and generous distinctions between family & family , and person and person , have bin undoubtedly born from the time of hen. . since which there is sufficient proof of them ; and though long before that , many families might be rich , potent and noble , yet some of them either had no arms , as many yet in ireland have not , though ( in sir henry spelmans words ) nobiles e primariis familiis , and as in the contest between hastings and ruthen , which endured from richard the seconds time , to hen. the sixth , one of the deponents in that cause , who was estirpe nobili , said , nihil sibi insignium accidisse , quia nec ipse nec majores sui in bello unquam descendissent ; or else kept no constant coat , but gave now this , anon that , sometimes their paternal , otherwhile their maternal or adopted coats : which variation causing much obfuscation in history , 't is not easie to fix ( upon true warrantable grounds ) the constant lineal bearing of coats in a line of unchanged descent above henry the thirds time ; since which civil warres and riotous commotions , jack straw , wille waw , and their companions in richard the seconds time , cade and gate in henry the sixths time , the bastard fawconbridge in edward the fourths time , perkin warbeck , and the black-smith , in henry the ths time , all these ( saith leigh ) with their accomplices , have defaced law and arms , and i doubt our late troubles have repaired neither , for as that grave civilian bocerus has notably observed , bona quae bellum aufert sunt liber christianae religionis usus , reipub. tranquillitas , studia literarum , possessiones agri , vineae , praedia , domus , agricultura , mercatorum navigatio , pecora , aurum , argentum , milites etenim castra sequuntur saepe , non ut bonam & justam causam defendant , sed ut spoliato & exuto omnibus fortunis adversario , ditiores domum redeant , pileis inter se nummos distribuant , holosericum non ulnis sed hastis metiantur . so he , and so i have done with the nature of the subjects symbola , and the modification decora . the third is the end , for which arms and devices honorary are given , that the description termes double , ad notitiam ad honorem latoris , by this then it seems , that these apposite symbols are not toyes and insignificant nothings , but emblems of real , though tacite language , and the conjunction of them here lessons us to observe : first , the order and locality , second , the import and nature of them both in the common and select interpretation . as to the order and gradation the description has been very regular , for notitia is the first step to honour , men must know before they can venerate , god sets up light in the soul as the inlet of faith , love , adhaesion , in which sence the scripture saith , they that know thy name will put their trust in thee , for knowledge is the centinel that examines all approaches to the main guard of the affections , and it is seldom seen that a true esteem is fixed in the heart when the understanding is not convinc'd of the nobility of the object . it is true , there is no demonstrative reason to be given of love and respect , that is , there is not alwayes such a concurrence of praeliminaries and worthiness in the objects of love , as justifies our love to be placed with judgement and choyce , approving it self to the rationality of humane nature , for what reason is there , that men love and hate things that they have no experience of the good or evil of them ; yet is there an ictus or impulse occasioned by view , narrative , or some other accident , which hath cogency and force of conquest on the apprehension , which by gaining that advantage , proceeds to prevail on the affections , and thence on the outward man , from which it obtains that which is called respect and honour ; so that as in all naturall operations , there is cause and effect , which in order of time precede each other , so in knowledge and honour is there an order to be observed . since the honour we give to any thing or person , is but commensurate to the knowledge we have of that thing or person , and issuant from it as the tribute we give to that excellency of worth we apprehend . secondly , the imports of notitiae and honour both in their common , and in their select acceptation is notable . for there are many things that are notitiae , as well as arms , which yet are not of such personal and familical honourable intendment as arms are . in all ages , and nations , there are notices of distinction , both for persons and things . and some are allowed what others are not , because they are of more conspicuity then others are , and therefore sacrated and separate from vulgar familiarities . suetonius tells us , of severus , nunquam libertinos in equestrem ordinem redigisse ne equestris ordo commacularetur , the names of heroes were not to be given to mean persons . the athenians had the name hermodius and aristagiton in such reverence , that they made a law ne illa servis indere liceret . and domitian punished metius pomposianus , for giving the names of magon and hannibal to his servants , tanquam clarissimorum virorum nomina servili contagio polluisset . the agrarian law began thus , et in hoc more positum ( quirites ) institutoque majorum , ut hi qui beneficio vestro imagines familiae consequuti sunt eamprimum habeant concionem , qua gratiam beneficii vestri cum su●rum laude conjungant , there is a casual difference which results from the instability of mortality , which makes time , through the versatility of men that live in it , of a various nature . that which is fashionable , religious , legal , loyal in one age of the world , is exploded as singular , prophane , irregular , foedifragous in another , one arian emperour makes the world arian , and a constantine recalls it again christian . in maximinus his time , souldiers were so moderate , that a souldier after the persian warre , finding a parthian bagg full of precious jewels and orient pearls ; threw them all away , least they should corrupt his mind , solo pellis nitore contentus , saith salmuth . and polystratus , a macedonian commander , prosecuting darius , and being athirst , called not for silver or gold to drink in , but drank out of his helmet ; but in . julian the apostates time , these hectors were more dainty and braving , ( miles quasi mollis per antiphrasin ) armato saxum non erat cubite sed pluma , & flexibiles lecti , et graviora gladiis pocula , testa bibere pudebat , domus ac aedes marmoreas requirebant , they are the words . of ammianus marcellinus , a souldier and an historian , these and such like accidental notices there were between man and man , age and age . but the notitia's of most remark , are those which are design'd by polities , and canoniz'd by lawes and national usages . the romans had their annulos aureos to distinguish equites a plebeis , who wore iron rings , they had their notitiae , and other things which they called senatoria ornamenta , or after ulpian , magistratus insignia , because the proper endowments of the senators , who were accounted speciosae & clarissimae personae . to these magistratique attendancies , prudentius alludes in his enumeration , — nonne cursim transeunt fasces , secures , sella praetexta toga lictor , tribunal , & trecenta i signia , quibus tumetis — they had besides these their latisclavius , or loose purple studded garment , for which cause they are called laticlavii senatores , their calcei lunares , or half moon'd slippers , to teach them , that though they were patritii , yet lunares , men of place in the moon , the mistress of inconstancy , they had their perones , which they wore as no other citizens did ; for theirs were lapillis quibusdam gemmisque praecicosis exornatos , according to raevardus , which tertullian mentions latent in ( singulis smaragdi , & cylindros vaginae suae solus gladius sub sinu novit & in peronibus uniones emergere de luto cupiunt , these and such like marks and notices had the romans , and at this day have all nations ▪ and all orders of men in them . the clergymans canonique habit , the peer , knight , gentleman , burger , arts-man , are all , ( in orderly times , ) distinguishable by their habits and attendants , which were their notitiae or credentials , where their better authentiques to esteem , were not necessary to be produced . and where as common burgers and arts men were not allowed arms , either in shield or seal , yet the law justified their use of marks , by which they distinguished their property ; and who ever used their marks other then by their privity and warrant , was accountable to them for it . and bartholus instancing in smiths , or makers of paper , who to distinguish that they own from other mens making , set their marks on them , adds this reason why it is not lawful for one man to use anothers mark , quia ex hoc populus laederetur , acciperetur enim opus umius pro opere alterius . as then there are other things in notitiam , as well as arms , so are arms in notitiam , as well as other things ; for notitia being a forinsique word , & coming from nosco , thence notio , and notitia as much as cognitio , reaches whatever intimates more then it expresses in the outside character . arms in seals or coats , walls , and windows are notices , that the bearers of them of generous extract , were owners and masters of that their arms are fixed on , or to , and that either by right , as of foundation , inheritance , or purchase . or else of custom and possession : and he that removes an arms , and usurps a seal of any gentlemans , giving it as his own , is to answer the injury at the law ; for the lawes of nations give every gentleman as true and distinct a title to his arms , as to his blood , and as in case of lands , the evidences of them are as rightfully the heires or purchasers , as the lands themselves . so in causes of honour the law judges arms the gentlemans right , as truly as his blood in his veins ; hence is it , that gentlemen bearing arms , for some are asymboli , not onely those heretofore mentioned , but those also which some civilians call nobiles asserti , concerning which cass. cites much out of lucas de penna , and bonus de custilli , with others , ( and such are gentlemen by courtesie amongst us ) ought not to debase themselves in giving marks ; for that is if not laesio nobilitatis , yet diminutio , a kind of temporary degradation of themselves , and a vilipending of their dirth-right , and of the fair and flourishing character of it . a gentleman is a brother in arms to a prince , and is not to part with any punctilio of generosity , to comply with petty degenerous conveniences , unless it be in the pressures of life , and under the straitness of fortune , where to blazon ones birth , is to heighten ones misery ; for as the lawyers say , omnes descendentes admittuntur & habeantur pro nobilibus , donec perveniunt ad paupertatem , vel arte viles , & tunc incipiunt esse non nobiles , to which the philosopher assents , nobiles sunt quibus assistunt progenitorum virtutes & divitiae . if then the supports of honour fail , better admit silence to the claims of honour , during the eclipse and absence of riches , which should honourably support it , then own it to its contempt . among the romans there was a value set of the estate that a man must have , that would be equestris ordinis ; and if any man had not that estate in value , he was not eligible to that dignity ; and if after he was in it , he spent his estate una desinebat equestris dignitas , his dignity determined ; for as the judgement in the case of mountacute marquess of winchester , degraded for want of estate , mentions , baro non potest dici baro nisi sit potens ad arma tenendum . as then arms have a conjunct import with other notices , so have they a select one , being given not onely to distinguish , but to adorn and beautifie the bearers , as meritful instances of vertue , or descendents from such as deserved the honour of generous trophyes , to their posterities coruscation and ennoblement . undoubtedly 't is a brave thing to be well born , the greeks couple {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} making virtue & worth the best indications of noble birth , which nicostratus had an eye to , when he told archidamus who boasted of his descent from hercules , and yet tempted him to betray cromnus , promising him a great sum of mony , and lucaena the beautifull , to wife , o archidamus , i perceive by these juggles and degenerous actions , you are no descendent from hercules , for he went about the world to root out bad men , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but you are industrious to make good men bad . let therefore spightful high shows , and sots of yesterday declaym against nobility and gentility , yet all sober men and times have made it a great step to trusts and commands , the roman salii ( or priests to mars ) were men of greatest authority , and of most leading note ( such as appius , claudius , scipio , africanus , l. bibaculus , antoninus ) and sundry others of the grandest renown ) yet these were to be ex patriciis , liberi , cives & qui neutro parente orbati essent . and when to this advantage of blood , they joyned that other of personal vertue , making that a conspicuous plume in the cap of generosity , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . such an one deserves prayse for his advantagiousness to mankind , the poet tells us that vertue is the merit of fame . non census , non opes nec clarum nomen avorum sed probitas magnum ingeniumque facit . and tully vindicates himself against salust thus , sanctius est me meis gestis florere , quam majorum auctoritatibus inniti , & ita vivere , ut sine posteris meis nobilitas initium & virtutis exemplum , yea , when envy and ill will has spit out her poyson , worth will have compurgators from the breasts of enemies . photius leostenes , when his detractors spitefully asked him what good had betided the common-wealth in his pretorship , replyed , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ye have ( replyed he ) saved your breath and spent none of it in sad orations bewayling mens unfortunate deaths , but every man has been buryed , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , with their fathers , not forced to abandon their houses , and live and dye strangers to their own land , but preserved in peace and justice to a sober and sacred serenity of life , which is the crown of government , and the commendation of the governours . no doubt then , but there are vertues suitable to particular persons and callings , as piety to a divine , fortitude to a souldier , industry to a tradesman , learning to a philosopher , memory to an orator , justice to a magistrate ; but to a gentleman well born and well bred , all , or most of these , are in some degree or other requisite . and the law of honour in all nations , as it qualifies a gentleman for any conferrable honour ; ( the greatest title of honour being but an improvement of gentility ) so it requires the choyce of men to fill up that roll , out of which the select jewels of nobility are extracted , nihil aliud est vera nobilitas quam vita humana clara virtutibus per electionem et habitum animae intellectualis exterius operantis , saith vpton , therefore all supremes in their patents and grants of dignity , have these or suchlike passages : regalis nostrae dignitatis fastidium non solum ornari sed & augeri etiam prospicimus dum viris virtutibus claris et in rebus gerendis strenuis honorum titulos dispensaremus , or after the mention of the justness to reward vertue , praesertim quos parentum praeteritorum nobilitavit memoria & propriarum virtutum merita clara obedientia condecorant ut praemiata virtus roboretur intrinsecus , & multos alliciat ad virtuosos actus , to shew to the world , that they hold none meet subjects of honour , who have not vertuous minds as well as great estates : therefore budaeus out of aristotle , calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and proposes three contenders laying claim to it , liberty , riches , vertue , some will have them in other terms , riches , lineage , vertue , science , so mr. leigh . i shall consider honour in england as having this threefold rise , the camp , the court , the city , these with their appurtenances have been the trojan-horse , out of which have appeared the great actors on the stage of nobility ; for unto eminent persons arising from these is honour due , and to such there will honour be ever given . — for god forbid either the mean originalls of brave men should betray them to a stupid neglect of concurring with that providence , which may open the prospect to their future felicity . tullus hostiliur wore out his swadling clouts in a poor cottage , and spent his youth in tending cattel , et validior aetas romanum rexit imperium , or the heroique spirits of men , well born , and nobly set out to display their merit , should not have encouragements {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to make them contemn danger ; which polybius sayes , wrought so mightily with the roman youth , that they expressed more joy to hear their general recite at the head of the army their valiant acts , and be themselves beheld as deservers of their coronae , hastae , armillae , torques , phalera ; spolia , and the rest of their manly renumerations , then fear of danger or death , in those atchievements they undertook . honour there is no doubt , is the reward of vertue , and vertue the stimulation to valour : learned men have spent long treatises in the definition and prayse of honour , as that golden fleece which attended by dragons will be assaulted by magnanimous jasons , 't is the great minds dalilah , and sampsons of courage will buy it at the price , not onely of many other mens , but of their own lives . sabellicus makes fame the tinder which kindles sparks of mettle into flames of action . this roused up those early knights , romulus and numa , to shew themselves , ambo sperarunt diversum a mortalitate , yea , and of hercules he writes , haec illi vel noverca infestior quae nunquam passa esteum quiescere , haec durior quam ille imperiosus eurysteus per quem tam varie exercitatus est alcmenae filius , deinque fuisset ille nunquam tantus , si spem de immortalitate famae ▪ nunquam animo concupisset ; o honour , thou art the wind in the sailes of industry , which brings it to its port ; thou art the musique of the spheares , the sweet notes whereof , those early queristors onely hear who are by the prayses of myltiades , kept alwayes waking , thou art the mortall moveable heaven for which men contend to , and comfort themselves in death , collige●te hieronime stabit vetus memoria facti , mors acerba , fama perpetua , was spoke like a roman . in a word , honour branch'd out into divine , moral , politique , is a large field , & histories abound in instances of it coming in upon the spring tydes of opinion , and carried aloft upon the wing of providence , the arbiter of this universe : some we read courting honour as their chief good , and bayting all the hooks they ●●ve to catch advantages , when they are but nibling and smile upon them onely with a half face ; valour , beauty , learning , fidelity , temperance , justice , and all sorts of excellencies have been exchang'd for fame ; yea , some artizans have been so transported with the thoughts of renown , that they have coveted no better pay then perpetuity for a master-piece , in which they have expended the flower of their lives , egnatius tells us , that the venetians being to build that famous church to st. mark , invited with great promise of reward , a famous artizan of constantinople , a greek born , to be their architect , he promised to do it , for no other reward then this , that he might have his effigies in marble , set up in oculatissima templi parte ad aetern●● sui memoriam , which he had , yea eudoxus was contented to be burned in the body of the sunne , if he might be permitted to come so near it , as but to take the scheme of it to leave to after-ages . no wonder then the philosopher calls it externorum bonorum maximium , and that lawyer , cunctis rebus praeferendus , nummario precio non aestimandus , no wonder though scipio find it so speedy a scalado to spains carthage , when it is the circaean cup that enchanteth all men , and leads them upon attempts of gaining it , though never so desperate and improbable . to these ancient marks of honour , the visible emblem are arms , which is chiefly due to the souldier , as being the first born of merit . honour sprang originally from the field , for it being the effect of power , and power creating right of empire , honour must be concluded to be purchased by venture and a high mettled courage , like that of nimrod , who is called a mighty hunter before the lord . it being usual in scripture , as to call men of savage and tyrannous natures , men of the field , as is esaw , from whom those many dukes mentioned in gen. . are said to be descended , so to describe their recreation and imployment of life to be hunting of beasts with bow and arrow rather then with snare and catch , that thereby they might be the more active , and better trained to the domination and overcoming of men , and the greatest conquests and first empires of power , were those asian ones , the weapons of which for a long time were , and yet in some degree are , according to the use of hunters , bow , arrow , short sword , dart , and in those times , as to the most valiant the right of power fell , so to such as had any degree of eminency above the vulgar , were rewards apportioned . all could not be kings , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , all could not be captains of the hoast , all could not be princes standard-bearers , all could not attain scylla's honour , to have a statue of gold in publique inscribed cornelio scyllae imperatori fortunato , but all that merited might have rayes of dignation , even in israel there was a kings daughter in mariage , and making an obscure house splendid and free , offered by saul to him that durst encounter goliah , which david , by gods spirit , entertained , and for which he had with the kings daughter , her fathers kingdom ; so amongst the greeks in their certamina olympica , and their athletary agonies , there were vast and various rewards . the romans also had their encoragements to worth ; for though they admitted no mean man to magistracy , till he were emeritus , and had attained years of age , when they were permitted , ( till they were rewarded with commands or pensions to be sub indulgentiori militia , & sub vexillo , as budaeus his words are ) though in ordinary cases they gave no testimonies of acceptation , but upon great experience ; yet did they with all freedom venerate the senatorian eminence , in their issue , whom after their deaths , they call'd patricians descendants from the first senators who were called dii majorum gentium , as those that were from tarquins time chosen into place , were dii minorum gentium . they had their equestris ordo , which consisted of chosen men of singular fidelity and fortune , illi vetustissimi & proprie & soli equites olim dicti , saith pliny , lib. . c . nobiles qui vadunt in equis , so upton , or as varro , miles quasi millessimus quisque , so connanus . such were these , that not onely the fourteen orders of the theatre was under their correction , as was the orchestra within the senates charge , but they had their rings and chaines of gold ( as before has bin remembred at large ) to be their vouchers where ever they came ; in place whereof , our eques auratus at this day is , which is our knight bachilor , possibly the same which olimpiodorus mentions in honorius his time , to be called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} bucellarii , men of merit , not only romans but other souldiers of stoutness & activity in amity with them ; for though our common law use miles rather then eques auratus , yet because knight-hood is properly a horse dignity and duty , and miles tam gregarium calligatumque peditem significat quum equo militantem & honoratum , many judge eques auratus more proper to signifie a knight ; for as the great estates of england were held in escuage and knights service , so that service is most performed on horseback ; and those that found horses of warre , were to be men of gentility and value , our english papinian sir edw. cook tells us , lex angliae nullum sentagium aut servitium militare de socmanis aut burgensibus expetit : therefore the better to enable the gentry to perform the service of their tenure , lands in knights service were never in gavelkind or socage , nor could they be chargable with what should disable the tenurer to do his service , because those lands by original designation were not in servitium socae sed belli , till by the h. . c. . some alteration was made , nor till near h. the fifths time , were gentlemen distinguished by any title or addition , but by their forinsecum servitium , which was knights service . to omit then the account of that military honour called knight-hood , which forraign nations have , and what cassanaeus , bocerus , patricius , bartholus , bara , lazius , vpton , and the rest say of them , together with the annumeration of their priviledges and qualities which mr. fern out of them mentions at large , i shall onely touch upon the dignity of it , as in our nation , and by our law and custom it is acknowledged , for that is the best rule of every place , illud quod in observantia & moribus utentium observatur , est tantae efficaciae quod tollit statutum in contrarium , saith jasius . the prementioned oracle of our law , sir edw. cook agrees knighthood to be a name of dignity , and fern a dignity of regality , a reverend order and an honourable , milites and principes in elder times , were accounted almost synonomous , in king stephens raign , when david king of scots came into the northern parts , brompton tells us , milites & principes angliae boreales animo si cum insigni comite de albemar lviriliter restiterunt . britton also termes a kt. noble , and in the record of ed. . sir j. acton hath the addition of nobilis , and nobiles sunt qui arma gentiliciae antecessorum suorum proferre possunt , therefore though the order or statute of ed. . did call every man that had l. a year in fee , or for terme of life to knighthood , which was ad arma militaria suscipienda , yet by that authority , the yeoman or handicrafts tradesman could be compelled , because he ought to be a man of blood , and to have a fortune able to support the charge that dignity would contract . ne dignitas hujus ordinis vilesceret : therefore by the law , he should have a knights fee , which is about five hydes , and in measure is acres , reckoning acres to the hyde ; and if men were not thus estated , they were incapable of this dignity , as were they also of being coroners , or to serve for parliament , or to enjoy other freedoms which knighthood had , which was instituted ad arma militaria suscipienda & pro bono publico , saith sir ed. cook . after as the nation grew more numerous , and honours appeared in request , ( that every back might bear its own burden ) and one man of a name not bee injuriously molested for another , this statute of of hen. the th , enjoynes that all gentlemen and other persons , should express their additions , thence came the addition armiger and generosus to be in use as gentilicial affixes , for they were primarily military , and have become distinctions civil , onely by the adoption of custom , and the prevalence of peace , whereby the gown hath brought the helmet to the barre ; and trains of artillery have vailed bonnet to the trayn of councel , and owned the senatorian robe as the fountain of that legal being they had , and the security of that pay they could expect . 't was so amongst the romans , till their souldiers grew lawless , and lost the honour of their promises ▪ and when carthage so much doted on military designs , sacrosanctarum legum , justitiae , politicarum rerum cultum aut abjecerat aut neglexerit , which servilius mentions as the cause of her ruine , and conclusive downfall . and therefore well it becomes the civil magistrate to be head . for in him are lodged the nations brain , its vital and animal spirits , in him is the life blood which assists to all heroique and important affaires , and carries government afloat from the rocky shoares , and fatal catastrophe's of anarchy and tyranny . the holy oracle tells us , councel and strength are for the warre , first councel , then strength , councel to design , and strength to execute , councel to command , and strength to promote obedience . for in that the orator is brought forth , as saying , ego meis majoribus virtute mea praeluxi , & si prius noti non fuerint a me accipiant initium memoriae suae . i am thorowly confirmed in the conviction that nobility , and honour of gentility and arms bearing , is as worthily merited by learning as by courage . far be it from me to curtail that honourable esteem which our ancestors gave souldiers , and equestrian spirits , that were an ingratitude to those lines from whence mine own ancestors came , and a baston of allay to that gentleman who should extenuate the merit of military grandees ; our land , lawes , liberties , were of old , effects of that vertue , courage and constancy , the noble gallants of england expressed in the field against the enemies of their governours and government ; and peace being the consectary of gods blessing on that laudable resolution which gives being to the life and lustre of arts and professions of civil conversation , ill expresses her self to her genitor , if she do not bless the womb that bare her , and the paps that gave her suck . if the world rang of english prowess , when our ancestors engaged in the holy land , and made conquests and gainings neerer home , 't would be a shame for an englishman to declame against a souldier , or to account furs and emblems of councel better armory then habiliments of warres , such as are sword shield , lance . 't is written of johannes galleacius , that he so loved valiant men , that he would purchase them to his party at any rate , profiteri enim erat solitus nihil esse ea mercatura nobilius qua viri insignes pararentur . for without question , while souldiers are choyce men , who with the gospel centarion , love gods nation , and rayse and uphold synagogues to his worship ; they are worthy to give the lyon of the tribe of judah in their banner , and such crucesignati may expect the king of saints their protector ; while they are for him the defender of the faith ; they will not dare to do violence to what ever has his image and superscription on it , nor need they fear to suffer infamy or losse of life , or member . there is an act of indempnity secures them , he that honours me i will honour , while they are promoters of order , and a refuge to gods exiles , as were by institution most military orders , they ought to be companions in government with the gownmen , and they have thriven the better for such companions and councellors in their conduct . alexander was no puisne in the worlds militia , when by the year of his age , he had subdued the most noted part of the world , and wept that he had not another world to conquer , yet he regulated his motions by the councell of learned men , and thought achilles who had homer the trumpet of his glory , more fortunate then himself whose memory could not be kept but in the urnes of their wits , and the repertories of their writings . t is true , souldiers have the start of scholars in their eagled strength by the confidence of which they soar high , making , as they think , their nest above controll , but their egs may be sucked by industrious ants , and their enterprises become addle thorough the diligent and accute vigilancies of those pen and inkhorn men , which some pseudomilites and reputed martialists do vilifie . indeed there have been souldiers , oppressors of religion and learning , and their professors , who have come in with attila's motto , ira dei ego sum & orbis vastitas , and have sacked countries , rifled academies , and disbanded convents of devotionaries , no exception of rome , or his holiness in her , to whom the castle of st. angelo became no refuge , nor was any reverence expressed to his pontificial robes : neither has the world wanted examples of the danger of armed men , who with john of leyden , force their pretended setting up of christ to be believed , while they intend his suppression in those two great offices of magistracy and ministry , which he has appointed , and they would annihilate : these milites do therefore not deserve the renown of warriors , quia non habent virtutes necessarias ad militiam . for a true souldier ( and no romulus , caesar , or alexander , is too big for this name ) is a man of liberal and insordid principles , true of his word , f●difragous to none , of a justice , like that of marshall bauciquaut under charles the sixth of france , who being governour of genoa , expressed so signal justice , that it was usual for men to say to those that had injured them , if you will not right me , my lord marshall will , and so abundant in pity this brave souldier was , that he instituted the order of the white lady , for defence of afflicted ladies . a true souldier must be pious , he dare best look death in the face , who dies daily to sinne , and for whom that king of terrors is disarmed by christ his saviour : 't was no mean honour to the memory of bernard , count of longevil , constable of france , when it is recorded of him , that he would undertake no warlike action , before he had offered his soul , body , and arms at the altar at a solemn mass ; a severe walking up to the rule of his religion , doubled the fame of renowned tilly . the holy story tells us of famous souldiers eminent for piety , joshua , david , ezechias , since them of charlemain , st. lewis , godfrey of bulloigne , wencelaus and amideus , besides them of christian souldiers , who have been devout , even to martyrdom , fusebius , nicephorus , theodoret , sozomen ; and baronius , mention , mauritius , exuperantius , sebastian , marius constantine and others ; yea , if the design of loyola , the founder of the jesuites order , were , ( as it is said to be ) propogative of the faith of jesus , and purely for his honour , it was an instance of a military mans devotion , matchless ; a true souldier should be generous and free , a despiser of money , and of living by rapine and plunder , such an one was terrail , called chevalier bayard whom causinus mentions to have lived under francis the first , who after years service of kings , and in places of great command , yet died almost as poor as he was born , not but that he had great advantages , but because he despised to be rich with other mens ruines ; or be bought out of his grandeur of mind , by a bribe . and such souldiers england has of old had . but souldiers like other men , vary with their interests , and when they break out in defiance of discipline , prove troublesom ; gaguine in the life of charles the th ; reports that the french army grew so afflictive to the nation , ut dissoluta militari disciplina , milites petro mariscallo non audiebant , pertulce illiberaliterque viventes , praedas non mitius a francis quam ab hoste facientes , mulieribus injurii , monasteriorum violatores & contemptores religionis . as for these vermin of the camp , they are no guests at prince arthurs round table , arms were never appointed for their trophies , who abuse themselves by such sordid debaucheries . my prayer shall be , that there may be such an unanimity between arts and arms , that both may sing glory be to god on high , in earth peace , good will to men . and when souldiers , are humble , harmless , and loyal , as they are great encouragements to men of art , who in profiting by study , hope to be accepted , protected and preferred by them ; so have they the grateful returns of learned pens to their publication and perpetuity . no authour mentions an heroique candor and friendliness to men of learning and gravity , without some emphasis which has a top and top gallant display in it , cuspinian notes of alexander severus , that valiant emperour , that he would ever have learned men present at his councels , adding the reason , plurimum timens ne quid de se asperum scriberent , the like did constantinus ducas , but upon another ground more ingenious , solebat dicere malle se literarum gloria quam imperio illustrem esse . and certes , these two compounded , make the reason why learned men have been minions and bosom friends of souldiers . thus philip of macedon , favoured aristotle theophrastus and plato , alexander anaxarchus , the gymnosohists and multitudes of others , demetrius poliorcetes stilpo . lucullus not one or some , but all the knowing race , ut domus ejus grecorum roman venientium prytanneum diceretur , cato major zeno's statue , cato minor athenodorus , pompey the great possi●onius , augustus caesar , varro , cicero , livy ( innumerosque alios doctos uno tempore ) and ●arolus zenas vergerius and thomasius , to name no more , and if the learned have been favoured by the greatest hectors , there is reason they should requite them with memorials of perennity . and that they do by proclaiming , not onely their personal worth , but the nobility of their profession ; and so we conclude the camp the first rise of arms and honour . next to this is the court , which i give the second place to , as it is in the order of honour ; for as in old time , the greatest honours were those of the field ; so the residences of princes were in tents and agrestique pavilions , till cities were built , and pallaces receptive of majesty erected , no court paradoe . or munificence was read of ; not that i restrain the court i write of to the courts of princes and great men , which anciently were ●ampus martius's , as well as bacilicae civiles . for then as great mens servants were chosen for their proceritie of person , strength of limbs , activity of manliness , so were their halls , courts and stables , randevouzes of men at arms , who there did exercise feats of chivalry , and were breathed to encounters of sturdiness . these grandees of noble part had , by the appointment of the lord marshal an oeconomy of symmetry with that of majesty . to these notwithstanding , i restrain not the court , i make a rise of honour . nor do i exclude these from the court i intend , ( but as i take them in , so with them courts of law , as in the head of cities , i intend schools of learning , usually kept up , and flourishing in cities and corporations ) the service of princes in their courts no man can doubt to be less then a kind of nobilitation , so the rule of honour is , adhaerentes lateri principis & eidem in officio quocunque minimo ministrantes nobilitantur . soveraigns are in their dominions fountains of honour , and where such a constellation of nobility is , there must some sparklings be diffused which will take kindling in the tinder of minds , pursuing glory with a jehu-like fierceness . all men love to draw the curtayn of obscurity from before their ancestors , and by degrees of enlargement to make the prospect of their persons more pervious . no field so fayre and probable for this as the court , which had a weight for every action , and a calculat of the meridian of every actor . there was a market for all staple rarities of body and mind , and no price was thought too great for a darling introduced by virtue , and there kept up by the steddy practice and unchangeable motions of vertue . the favour of a prince is such a sun of influence , as makes a shrub placed in his court , and under his royal eye and observation , quickly of a cedars growth . 't is such a benign umbrage as expatiates little spires of grass into the magnitude of lawrels , and to speak before a prince , gives an orator ( who has a noble and a notable confidence , and whose fontenel sends forth matter with words ) such an occasion of ingratiation , as life meets not with in sublunary professions : this made the graduate divine from a chaplin in ordinary , become a prefermentary extraordinary , arch bishop , bishop , councellour , yea sometimes all , a favourite . this made the wellbook'd lawyer , who had a ready tongue to serve every clyent that would fee him , made a serjeant , attorney , solicitor , justices of the benches , sometimes lord chancellor , president , treasuror , all advances to honour and gain ; such an one was henry audley in hen. . time , who had vast lands given him by the king , lacy earl of ulster , and sundry others , and of whom mr. cambden sayes , he was doubtless , either a man of rare vertue , or a gracious favourite , or a great lawyer , or all joyntly . this ( the court ) gave rise to many younger children , who born of noble families , and of good beauty , and grace of beheaviour , were here trained , and by the favour of the two great luminaries in that tyssued firmament , bestowed in mariage to persons of honour , endowed with ample presents , and promises of favour , promoted to great offices of profit and income , dignified with honours of familical as well as personal splendor . in a word , no man has come to , and continued in the court a worthy man and servant , but he had preferment in a courtly order , and as corresponded with the opinion of desert there had of him , unless he were one so transparent , omnibus inducturus caliginem , that jewels in his presence abated to chrystalls , and gold became nothing above a sediment of faeculency . in this case envy may retard the speed to advance , and infect princely ears with prejudices , which are often ruinous , before revealed , and the fucus and falsity of them detected , but otherwise the court of a prince was a visible step to glory , and a tyring-roome out of which have come into the theatre of view royally clad in the robes of favour , not only the minions , parasites and favourites of princes as high in their masters love as merit or flattery could make them . such as lupus earl of chester with the conqueror , brewier baron of odcomb to r. . hubert de burg. to h. . peirs gaveston to e. . delapool earl of suffolk to h. . brandon and cromwell to h. . and many since . but also infinite others , who there have grown noble , rich , and happy in the ordinary account of felicity , so that its felicity caused the lillies and dazies to outglitter ( as it were ) solomon in all his royalty . if soft rayment , and cloths of state had bin badges of regality , they might have been judged almost as many kings as men ; for therefore doth the law of nations fix rule in the sun , the noblest representation of the light and lustre of soveraignty , quia in curia sua sunt & esse debent praenotabiliores homines mundi in quacunque facultate . and as the court of the supreme , so the inns of court with their appurtenances , have been generous academies of noble and brave spirits , for though therein have been admitted of late years , many men of the first head , who either have had fortunate fathers or friends , or have been bred clerks , and transplanted themselves from the inns of chancery thither , ( which i mention not as their reproach or diminution , having my self known very brave ingenious persons , and noble students of this mould , who profiting to good purpose , have by that limbique from the simples of their origen , extracted many cordials to dying glory , and given such doses of aquavitae , as has fetcht their dead ancestry to a new and better life ; ) yet anciently , no man was capable of an entry there , but a gentleman of arms and blood , and mr. fern sayes , he has seen an alphabet about the end of henry the fifths time , in which were the names and arms of the house and family of all those who were members of an inn of court , who exceeded not the number of all gentlemen of perfect descents ; and fortescue tells us , that in h. sht time , the inns of court had in them or near ; and because the expenses of living there was at least to every man marks a year , ipsi nobilium filii tantum in hospitiis illis leges addiscunt . a notable means both to preserve a royal race of wits , and a generous emanation of them in stout and resolute profession of the law , to the defence of justice and right ; for there is the athens of law , in it reverend judges and grave serjeants , sage apprentices , learned barristers , ingenious and florid students , viri omnium horarum , who though they come thither to study , and with presumptions of the ayming at further and future advantage by the law , which they are thought to read in order to practise , yet are not tethered or limited , but give themselves a latitude of following that which is most congenial to them , and has the directest line to accomplishment and generous politure . as all faces are not alike , but all have figurations of the creators power and wisdom , visible in them ; so are not souls and addictions of one and the same peece , nor is there a uniformity in the expressions , delights and sameness of the objects . in some there is more ballast then sail , in others more fire then earth , and accordingly are the objects of their complacency . these inns of court are fitted for all , here the plod and studious cato may read littleton , till he be in little tune for ought but musing , and the more facetious and planetary spark meet with quick tasted and more delicious choyce and well cook'd learning to busie him ; and if to any other art , or to all other arts , gentlemen of an equilibrious soul are addicted , they may here have opportunity to buy authours that treat of all subjects , and converse with proficients in all sciences . for london is near , and that being the metropolis of the nation , has a daily flux , & reflux of persons and things to and from it ; which is the reason why i suppose these inns of chancery and court are if not in , yet very near london , as the cause of the building of london is said by dunthorn book to be , the river of thames ; for as the river gives advantage to trade , so doth london to study , practise , and all other gentile embehshment . hence is it , that these inns of court have been the schools of civility and chivalry , as well as law . for the country gallant is here first principled to his after improvement ; here by reading both books and men , here by knowing wisdom and folly , he after becomes a luminary in the countrey firmament . an oracle of the justice bench ; a worthy representative to parliament ; and here his juvenility acquires him such a weapon-skill and confidence , as ever after renders him , though retired to a country privacy , disdain a baffle , or be deservedly censured for estrangement to a noble bodily beheaviour ▪ and deportment . and therefore it was wont ever to be a commendable addition to any man , to call him an inns of court man ; for such were never accounted lesse then honourably accomplish'd , their revels , masques , and solemnities of gallantry and entertainment were ample orators of their compt breedings . it is true indeed , these societies were instituted for nurseries of law and hosteleys of the students and professors of it , who there lodged and read the municipe laws of this land , and had mootes and publique disputes and reading , by which , and by conferences each with other , upon perlection of authours , and perusal of records and entries , the students became worthy degrees of pleading , and after in their due place of further procedure and honour ; yea it was wont that some great masters of knowledge in the lawes , did institute the younger frye in the methods of study and intelligence , as by name did learned fortescue , chief justice and chancellour to h. , a man of rare parts , as appears by his polite treatise of the lawes on which by gods blessing i shall write more in my intended , and in some degree formed commentary on that subject . he i say was learned in both the laws , a great antiquary , and devoted his parts to students who frequented him . but that way of institution is obsolete , and now students are left to their own methods , and to such helps of conduct , as arise from conversation one with another ; and i believe that professors of the law of this last years , are not lesse famous for their authority and grave judgements , then former ages ; nay the names of plowden , dyer , fitzherbert , and cook , do deserve to be in a line of parallel with bracton , fleta , glantill , littleton . yea there have risen out of these societies of late , three such behemoths of learning , sir thomas moor ; sir francis bacon , and mr. selden , all lawyers by profession , as this nation in their several times and perfections , could not exceed , i quote not their eminencies for law , but for all kinds of excellent learning ; and more i could nominate of vast reading , and great curiosity in arts , whose names , because i would not either displease them , or their enviers , i forbear now to mention , onely i must not have that of a great master , be unmentioned . all these , ( saith he speaking of the inns of court and chancery ) altogether do make the most famous vniversity , onely for profession of law , or of any one humane science that is in the world , and advanceth it self above all others , quantum inter viburna cupressus . so that there can be no wonder at the nations civility to the members of these societies ; for in that the students admitted , are counted ipso facto gentlemen , though they are not natively so : the baristers of all standings esquires , and the serjeants of the coyf a state and dignity , as is that of knighthood , and have robes and solemnities somewhat ad instar sacrodotis , as fortescues words are , c. . yea inasmuch , as the via lactea of the nation is ermind with hundreds of families of great estate and blood , whose either founders or amplifiers were lawyers , ex judicum sobole plures de proceribus & magnatibus regni huc usque prodierunt quam de aliquo alio statu hominum regni qui se prudentia & industria propria , opulentos , inclytos nobilesque fecerunt , and whose ancestors ( to use sir edward cooks words ) have obtained a greater blessing and ornament to their families then any other professions ; yea since the lawyers , though men plyable enough to all powers , and not often martyrs for the lawes ; yet have ever been zealous for their habits , and the external decencies of their professions , and have mannaged their interests with men in place , to the advantage of their calling , as appears by their complyance with all changes , and by what the chancel : fortescue councels the prince concerning them , qualem habitum te plus ornare optarem , cum potestas tibi fuerit ad decorem status legis & honorem regni sui . it is just and right to allow , the inns of courts and their appurtenances , rises of honour , and seminaries of gentility . now the d parent of men of honour & gentility , are cities & corporations with their relations , and because academies and schools of learning are not now in places of retirement , but in and near cities and towns , most opportune to hospitat resorters to them ; and those to accomodate with all sorts of necessaries . therefore do i treat of them under the head of corporation ; and forasmuch also as they are to corporations , as the soul to its body , the more noble part , therefore shall i marshall them first , and crave leave of corporations , to give precedency of treaty to the schools ; and this i the rather do , to obviate and confront the ages malignity against them , who every year contribute more to the nations order , piety and augmentation , then in a myriad of ages their enviers and detractors will do ; whose work it is to bring a mist of ignorance on mens mind , and by that obcaecation , to lead them captive to barbarism and superstition , and to rifle the charities of deceased patrons , to feather their own deformed and voracious nests . to the schools then be ever reserved their due honour , they are the mines of learned oare , refined into massie bullion , currant coyn in england . they are the colonies of polite literature , the foments of subtle wits , the inextinguishable virgin lamps in the temple of vertue , thorow which is the march to that other of honour . 't is true , the hand of the lord is not shortned , nor his wisdom limited more now then of old , he can call prophets and apostles , yea princes , judges and priests , from mean callings , and instantly qualifies them with parts and principles suitable to his call , and their designation . but in that he now works mediately , and gives men helps of gradual accomplishment , by languages , study , and learned conversation . it becomes us to value these mercies , and not contemn this mannah , because of its plenty and our easie procurement of it ; had we not schools of our own , we should be constrained as of old , to wallow in ethnique barbarism , or else take tedious journeys to kindle our vestal fires at forraign altars . did that evil tread on our heels , how nimble asahels should we be , to out run the darkness that pursued us ? what a value should we put on schools ? in them are taught languages , arts , sciences , by the key of language , brave wits open the cabinet of art , and there view the contexture of nature , and the harmony of her dependence , in the glass of her ornature they view the complexion of arts , and in her crucible assay the loyalty of her maxims , and after a long search into , and disquisition of authours , they become in mind , so deep an ocean of speculation , as deserves almost the name of that infinity of apprehension , which we call knowledge and wisdom , the abundance of which , made three princes , stored above their fellows , more famous then the vastness of their empire , to which it also was auxiliary , solomon , marcus antoninus , and our late king james , a triplicity of unparalleld majesties , and glorious ornaments to schools . from these schools of ours , have proceeded those renowned names of bede the venerable , halensis the accurate exact aquinas his master , scotus the subtile , bradwardine the profound , ●ckham the invincible , hooker the judioious ; from these have issued forth those gentlemen priests , evangelique heroes , noble martyrs , and venerable bishops . cranmer , ridley , lat●mer , philpot , ferrars , and their successors , in order , learning and sincerity , arch bishops , bishops , doctors , and other graduates of divinity , men of rare parts , and of signal generosity . stupor mundi clerus anglieanus , many of whom have not onely contemned their lives for their countries service in embassies , treaties , and studies of an indefatigable nature , but also their posterities and worldly remembrances , to make the religion of the nation their executors , and the poor their heyres , and others of them , so free of their pains to preach , write , and entertain their auditors , neighbours or strangers , that they seemed to keep an all the years open house of civil charity ; yea ( the foundations of kings excepted ) none have been more august then the charities , and institutions of ecclesiastiques . and because the old civility of the nation , allowed the praelacy of england the estimation and dignity of peerage , giving them place and vote in their supreme councel , and for some hundred years , taking as it were the laws from their mouths , ( they being judges of most courts of justice ) and being great masters of the knowledge of the common , civil , and equitable lawes of england , till of late years they have bin superseded , and suffered an eclipse next door to annihilation , therefore shall i originate the honour of men of the schools from that which is the proper culmen of the schools dignation , the degree of doctor , which is by all the insignia of it , magistratique and honourable . they are invested into that degree after solemn act kept , and many inferiour degrees gone thorow ; which scarlet ring , cap , and other ceremonies of respect , yea our civilians , a race of brave parted men wholly ( the more 's the pity ) neglected in this teechy and versatil age , have had names as famous as papinian , ulpian , bartholus , jasius , lazius , budaeus , grotius , who enjoyed priviledges to be counts fellows , called illustres , & other immunities , to the number of , if lud. bologninus do not mislead me . these with doctors of divinity and physick , reputed highly of in the eyes of nations wise and worthy , are the superexcellent and graceful darlings of universities . in short , from these the learned nobility and gentry , who here are first tutored and nourished , and from this their mothers milk , grow to be succulent philosophers , great historians , acurat orators , exact pen-men , to whom , as well as to others , the nation and world will be ever debtor for their great proficiencies in arts , and their free and noble communications of their labours to these and succeeding ages . these many in number , and of very great worth , being sprigs from the academique stock , must argue her a noble plant , and deservedly accounted a worthy parent of honour . as therefore all students in the inns of court are accounted gentlemen , and the graduats esquires as before is expressed , so is the like civility applyed to the students in universities . a student there is a gentleman in title , though he be not so born ; but if he have taken degrees of perfection in the arts his degree is his addition , and upon his demand , heralds cannot deny him a coat of arms , if none he hath ▪ for advancements in arts , argue a meriting of that ensign of honour , arms bearing . and it has bin a common tradition and a received rule , nulli docto , nulli in scientiis liberalibus excellenti honoris insignia sunt deneganda juxta illud virtutis alimentum honos . if therefore the schools do so 〈◊〉 accomplish many generous wits , who thither come for entrance into learning , and there stay till either they be transplanted to the inns of court , or else called abroad to travel ; yea if many thousands are to them brought meanly accomodated , onely sharp set on study ( as the mint and mart of their after fortunes ; and there have behaved themselves so worthily , that no scholastick preferment has bin thought too much , rather not enough for them : but their prince , privy to their merit , commanding them thence , has delegated to them trusts of a more courtly nature , and a more eminent conspicuity . do not these ( though meanly born , and poorly friended ) deserve a name in the display of armories ? as their persons had , and have great respect , so ought their issues to be sutably regarded ; for a brave man of parts and councel , is fellow to any master of courage and conduct , non viribus non velocitate corporis res magnae geruntur sed consilio , authoritate & scientia , saith tully ; and trogus , sayes of alexander , victoriam obtinuit qui consilio gubernabat exercitum , for true courage has no allay from learning , but rather a clearer prospective by it , to those advantages which unite the means with the end , and crown the valour of men with all desirable encomiums which are of proof against envy , as were those paire of perfect gentlemen , sir philip sydney , and sir walter rawleigh , tam marte quam mercurio nobiles , noble personages , civilly learned , and militarily valiant , of whom t is hard to say , whether their characters are more illustrious for valour , or for learning ; but this i am confident of , both of them have left greater donaries of learning , to this and after ages , then ever they communicated of martial discipline to any race of men , that should endeavour to cause a high silence of their renowned atchievements , as the opportunity of their own access to credit and popular fame , which is seldom a fixed starre over the families and memories of us planetary mortalls , but a wandring and wanton comet which blazes for a while , and then sets ( as to this world ) in a deep dismal tenebrious cloud of forgetfulness . next to the schools , come corporations to be considered as a step to honour ; and here should i call to mind , the fruitfulness of cities and burroughs ; in production of men of all ages , merits and professions , who have honoured this their nation both in affaires of warre and peace , in manadgery of ecclesiastical , civil , naval , and land trusts . i should exceed my intendment , and appear troublesome to the facetious reader , whose skill in history , furnishes him with the view of many flowers of lustre and odour , which have grown out of every corporation and city in england : great souldiers by sea and land , grand clerks , theologues and historians , orators , physitians , learned men in both lawes , industrious antiquaries , men of all excellencies , have no lesse risen in cities , towns , & aggregate bodies of men , then in counties and places of solitude and retirement : i shall therefore as a confirmation , of cities and corporations to be rises of honour , treat onely of london , the metropolis of this nation , as that which hath been very succesful in impregnating , not onely it self , but even every county and condition of england , with men of fotune , and all other generous qualifications . and here i crave leave of the sober gallantry of this nation , to write somewhat of this noble city , the place of my birth , which though she is the object of many mens contempt and censure , yet has such constellations of beauty , order , and importance in her , as render her a considerable poy●e and an interest of influence on all the nation . i have not so perfrict a forehead to justifie london in all her demeanors ; nor am i so deluded by love , that i cannot see her division , and the fatal issues that are menaced by it , let the world have their freedoms to judge her distempers , far be it from me to take offence at their just exceptions , nor can knowing men justifie her , where where she has acted unjustifiably ; but let not london be rashly judged and condemned as guilty , before her charge be duly and legally proved , let not the gravity of her citizens be blasted for the intemperance of violent parties in her , who use her name as their credentials to renown , and terme their actions by the name of londons actions , when as they are in no sober sense londons , nor are what those phaetons of fury do , to be charged on london , but with regard to the deluge of necessity , which prevailing , carries all before it , and has had a similarity of empire on all the nation , and hurried every part into a paroxism , next door to anarchy and dissolution . allow her then but some proportions of candor , and she will appear not unworthy their value , and my veneration , which i would here testifie by some short notes upon her , as the epitome of this our english government , in the legal and most acceptable representation of it . london is the england of england , a city famous for her antiquity , prius condita quam illa a remo & romulo , according to stephanides , called nova troja , because modelled instar modum veteris trojae . so jeffry monmouth . ab. westmo computes it about the year of the world , knighton about the time of ely and samuel : famous it has been for its trade , and frequentation of forraigners to her ; which tacitus hints when he sayes , copia negotiatorum & commeatu maxime celebre . bede termes it , multorum populorum emporium terra marique venientium . this london having all those three priviledges , which thucydides requires to a free city that it be {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , use its own laws , it s own judgements , it s own magistrates : & having citizens in her like those of tyre , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the honorable of the earth , as the phrase is , isa. c. . v. . hath ever been highly accounted of as a pregnant rise to growing honour and nobility . for it has of old bin acknowledged camera regis , and the citizens ( freemen of the same ) termed by hen. . barones , which terme , signifies viri fortes , or according to bracton , robur belli , and m. paris , adds they were so called , propter virtutis dignitatem , & civium antiquam libertatem , thus h. . stiles them all his time , as appears not onely in his charter anno . but in m. paris , p. , , , &c. the like is storyed in malmsbury , londinenses sunt quasi optimates pro magnitudine civitatis in anglia ; and a little after , non decere ut londinenses qui praecipui habebantur in anglia sicut proceres , &c. and if any honour result from the place of birth and residence , to the person born or resident as all the doctors agree , nobilitas causatur ex loco quoniam civis ex urbe splendida oriundus nobilis est , as the rule is , and as cassanaeus alleageth many instances ; and if that custom of allowing those quasi nobiles , and entitling them barones , qui hahent jurisdictionem in suis oppidis & castellis , as the neapolitans hold it , be good authority , the citizens of london , qua such ; ought not to be depraeciated , or suffer degradation from that esteem and regard , which upon the premises considered , is thought to be due to them . let no man envy london , its old deserved honour : it obtained it when , and kept it , while it had it , upon as brave termes as any place before it . it valiantly resisted the brutish dane , when of old he assaulted it . and after in king etheldreds raign , a second time besieged by them , sed a civibus probe defensa , and when swayn had mastered all , and made the then king flie , soli londinenses regem legitimum intra maenia tutantes portas occuserunt . to these add their loyalties to h. , to rich. d in disclosing ferrars treason , their discomfiting wat tyler , resisting the bastard fawconbridge in edward the fourths time , and cade in henry the sixths time , yea by the statute of r. c. . which admitted all to pardon , who adhered to the kentish and essex , or other commotion , except certain persons , of which there were three citizens of london , the reason of whose punishment , in being excepted , is there rendred ▪ for that one of them did first and principally let william walworth , late maior of london , and certain other the kings faithful people , to shut the gates of the said city , against the commonalty of kent and essex , then traiterously in the said insurrection assembled , that they should have none entry into the sa●d city , and to defend the same city from all traitors . and the other two were arraigned of that that they should have bin the first and chief councellours of the said traytors , that they should come and enter the said city , and leaders of the same traytors within the said city : by which words of the statute , it appeared , that the parliament then accounted the city their jewel , which was not to be touched , but by the soft and gentle hands of good men and true . and as the city in general , have performed acceptable service to its supremes , so have those their great and magnificent masters , dignified the officers of it , with signal expresses of honour , making the maior ( who is a freeman , though the head and noblest part of it ) a kind of vice-roy , allowing triumphal solemnities , and resemblances of , and allusions to , those of a coronation , at his inauguration , furnishing him with ensigns of supreme power within his limits , as sword , mace cap of maintenance , ( all which boren before him , remember me of cassiodorus his words to the senate , sume mag●sterii infulas dignitatis , usurus omnibus privilegiis quae tuos habuisse constiterit decessores ) with a great councel , grand priviledges , and accepting him not onely as their deputy in government , but as a noble tenurer to whom a chief office of honour belongs of right at coronations , for in the register of the officers of the coronation in rich. the seconds time thus it is written , major londini clamabit officium pincernae & debite executus est , habens cyphum aureum in manu dextra ; these with other such like favours , argue the lord maior to be highly accounted of , and when consideration is had , that not onely in one time , but in the various successions of ages , high account has bin made of this officer , his dignity will thence receive some addition . in king johns raign , when things were much out of order , an agreement was , that certain great persons should be intrusted to inspect the actions of that king , and secure the peace of the nation , the major of london was one : in rich. the seconds time , when persons of all ranks were to be rated according to their degree . the lord maior was put at l. the rate of an earl , and every alderman at s. the rate of a baron ; and when rich. the first in captivity , was to be ransomed , the lord maior was one of the five trustees for dispose of the monies levied to redeem him . yea , & when the death of qu. elizabeth and king james his absence here , had made a kind of interstitium in government , and it was thought fit by the great men of the realm , who being officers by commission , abated by the death of their appointer , to make a publication of their fidelity to king james , and to notifie to the nation whom they should expect , and ought to pray for as their lord and master , to this publication solemnly proclaimed , the first subscriber was ro. lee maior , and after him john cantuar , tho. egerton , c. sigill , tho. buckhurst treasurer , and so in order the rest of the great men ; as ( no doubt ) conceiving the lord maior the most fixed and conspicuous magistrate in revolutions and changes . and as the maior hath been thus honoured with high esteem , and had for a long time the reward of knighthood , ( if not a knight before ) at the expiration of his yearly office ; so have also the sherifs and aldermen , ( his peers as it were . ) for the maior , sheriffs , and aldermen are by the stat. of ed. . c. . said to have the government of the city ) bin reckoned non inter milites gaudentes & milites histriones , as bartholus termes some , qui non sunt nobiles , but deservers of knight-hood upon that accompt that salust gives of pompey , who did cum alacribus saltu , cum velocibus cursu , cum validis valide certare , thus did ● . of them obtain knight-hood from e. . william walworth and five more from r. . eastfield and others from h. . horn ●ate astrey from h. . and others of them have bin made councellors to their princes , so was feilding to h. . and ed. . william fitzwilliams , and sir john allen to h. . yea , and the grandfather of that virgin lady and the mirrour of her sex , queen elizabeth , ( the once glorious mistress of these islands ) sir jeffry bullen descended from the famous house of norfolk , was in anno . lord maior of london ; and then is said to have to wife , one of the daughters and heires of thomas baron of hoo , and hastings , knight of the honourable order of the garter . further as to the maior , aldermen and sheriffs of london all citizens , these largesses of bounty have been expressed ; so has time and common approbation admitted other members of the city into title of gentility , as well as grandees in law or schools ; for as to those that either have held the place , or fined for aldermen , the title esquire is given ; so to all citizens of london , though in the city the addition of their mystery is most usual , yet the title gentleman , where natively they are not such ( for there are many of both base and noble origen ) is by the national courtesie given to such of them as are of creditable professions and fortunes : which civility and grateful goodness of the royal government of this nation , has been repayed by the city in all ages . no part of the land affording more brave , free and well advised spirits , then here have bin born , bred , and provided for , to spring from a thriving younger brother , who has an elder brothers fortune , when he has prodigally wasted it , or to be the first of a stock , whose rise is not by blood and baseness ; is no lesse honourable , then to descend from hercules , and want the noble qualities of his issue . and yet london alwayes had , and yet has more defiances from the issue of her citizens , the more is the pity , and their shame , then from all persons of high blood and honourable ancestry . yea , though she has had many profitable offices to give , by which many have lived plentifully , and raised great estates , and had good opportunities of requiting her , by publication of her lustre and renown : yet none of them that i know of , have publiquely done it , bale and pits indeed mention one robert bale , or balaeus senior , a citizen born , who did omnem suam operam , omne studium eo dirigere , ut ejus splendorem magis magisque illustraret . but the works that he is said to write for londons honour , are lost . nor does london encourage any of her own to appear this way in publique for her , many monuments of antique honour and order , undoubtedly she has , which neither any abroad , nor she her self knowes of , that sword of goliah is wrapped up in a repertory of secrecie , lying by the walls , as a meet companion for dust and cobwebs . o london ! thou hast ever been the glory , but the envy , the oxe that has been muzled , yet ever hast trod out the corn of profit to the nations advantage . thou hast bin the candle that hast lightned others out of the dark of obscurity , into the morning brightness ; and yet hast bin condemned as dulsighted to the perception of thine own interest , and the glory that attends the due and devout improvement of it . men say thy purse predominates thy councel , and when they look upon thy wit , they wonder at thy wealth . this is thy censure from thy detractors ; but for all these speeches of anger and mordacity , london has bin , & i hope yet will be london & flowrish with that crowning mercy of orderly and peaceable government , when her enemies shall be cloathed with shame . gods blessing and the river of thames , are such demesnes about this capital city , as will supply her , maugre the ill will of all her opponents . thy name , o beloved city , has bin too much acclamated , thy officiousness to general good , too much anciently owned , to suffer a final and total infamy for some demeritings . let thine accusers first prove themselves innocent , before they cast the stones of punishment on thee ; and while thou hast the merit of thy predecessors valour , of thy magistrates bounty , of thy citizens riches , and of their posterities flourishing in all parts of the nation ( who are not lesse fortun'd , and bred in points of honour , then becomes the condition of gentry ) keep thy spirits about thee , to recriminate thy reproaches ; and if thou couldst keep thy purse , and match within thy self , those that revile thee , would soon be deeply in debt , and hopeless how to rid themselves from danger . for it is the honey drops of thy wealth which enlightneth the eyes of many well descended jonathans , whose lands would not long own them for their lords , did not thy widows and daughters portions , pay off their encumbrances , and clear up those mists which hinder their view of them as their own , till they be removed . shew me o ye contemners of cities and corporations , wherein ye exceed citizens , and the issues and products of them . is there any part of the world or this nation , more hospitable then london , whose families ? whose poor are better provided for then londons ? where are there any subjects in england , that in plenty and variety of entertainments , exceed the maiors and sheriffs tables ; to which all commers that are of fashion and worth , though unknown , are welcom , was not that table ( think ye ) well furnish'd , which in one day entertained edward king of england , the kings of france , scotland , cyprus , edward prince of wales , with a grand train of nobles ; and was not he a brave subject , who then also kept his hall for welcom of all commers ? this did henry piccard , maior of london , in the year . and to make the solemnity more ample , his lady did at the same time , maintain a treatment apart for all female honours of noble degree ? are there any charities in england ( surviving that furious deluge of hen. the th ) which are more extensive and liberal then those of londons fraternities and hospitalls , both in london and other parts of the nation , all which either were founded or augmented by citizens , some few there have bin erected by other persons of great honour , charity and worthiness , whose devotion therein , i doubt not but god has accepted . but though i dare not presume to write that the gleanings of londons ephraims , are beyond the vintage of those abiezers , yet i may modestly and truly aver , that london , both in the number and exact care and government of them , according to the statutes of their foundation , is more exact and remarkable , then others are ; and those that trust them shall upon search , find them the best executors of trusts ; mistake me not , i am no conjured creature of londons , wherein truth and justice , religion and order , defie her , i must not justifie her , magna est veritas & praevalebit , if the faithful city become a harlot , if its silver become drosse , and its wine be turned to water , as once god by his prophet complained of jerusalem , far be it from me to endeavour her defence . but if she , when most disfigured , and in her least commendable dress , has witnesses of gubernative honour , and pristine fidelity , though she has apoplectique fits , and is under the rigour of storms , which role her up and down from coast to coast , till her pilots seem to forsake their compass , and her commoners their sails and tackle . god forbid any christian , any englishman should wish or hope to see her in ashes , god forbid any one that is written man , should so indulge the gourd of his passion and transitory greatness , which perhaps came up in a night , and may perish in a night , as the phrase is , jonah , c. . v . as to repine at gods merciful sparing of that great city , wherein are more then sixscore thousand persons that cannot discern between their right and their left hand , and also much cattle , v. . o london , i wish peace may be within thy walls , and prosperity within thy pallaces , that religion , order , trade , charity , may never suffer a finall eclipse in thee , that the riches of thy citizens , which popes have termed , puteus inexhaustus , may rather be the delight of scholars eyes , who with pope innocent , shall desire to see divitias londini & delicias westmonasterii , then of a ruffians fists , who would desire to plunder thee . and blessed be god for thy riches , and the good provision thy citizens thrift has made , for not onely their children , but for the ample maintenance of the churches and churchmen in thee ; for as thou art abundant in sacred edifices , ( so that the great cambden , thy learned sonne sayes , templis undique & aedibus sacris ita fulget ut religio & pietas sibi delubrum hic collocasse videatur , ) and those so nobly kept and adorned , as little more can be desired to their ornament , unless st. pauls , thy viduated mother church , might be repaired , which in these sad changes by being unchaptred and revenueless , is now in a great measure , ready to be a colluvies of ruines ) excepting onely this venust monument of antique christianities devotion . this st. pauls at london , once not inferior to that st. peters at rome , though now likely to have no long duration , but in that paper monument which a skilful , painful , and well accomplish'd antiquary has erected to her perpetuity ) all the parish churches are in a comely dress , worthy that orderly religion the citizens profess . and the ministers in them , ( maugre all the malice of fanatiques and antiministerial dissenters ) are better provided for , then in most parts of the nation besides ; for though some curse the patrimonium crucifixi , and would dip their morsels in potions like that of the jewes to our lord : yet others , more in number , weight , and worth , with holy moses , bless their basket and their store , and let their bounties run most fluently to those secondary apostles , as the precious remains of christ the churches high priest , which he hath left to negotiate the conversion of souls , and to propatage his gospel , till the number of his elect be accomplished , and till he deliver up the kingdom to god the father . but i return to london , which i find of great consequence to her supremes ; for when the lords and great men had her to back , the lord marshall ▪ s words to walter alb●net , are , bene scitis quam magnum comm●●um est vobis & nobis servare civitatem londoniarum quae est receptaculum nostrum . and when king richard the second , favoured her in so unusual a way ●o indulgence , as sir edw. cook notes , confirming her liberties , licet usi non fuerint vel abusi fuerunt , it concludes , that she has ever been esteemed the darling of her royal governour , and the nonsuch of england , in supply of accommodations for peace & warre . so that london so ancient , and so magnificent a city , so abounding in rich , stout , grave , and well moderated citizens , so dignified with freedoms and franchises of exemption from vassallage , so prosperous and contributive to the structure of english honour , being the parental ayre of princes , prelates , peers , knights , gentlemen , and others , who in regard of high desert , are not unworthy their company , must not be omitted in the roll of honour , as she is none of the lowest steps to it . for in the saxons time , estate in land or money , made men pares cum thayno dignitate , and estates have ever been gainable in london , if anywhere ; and that not onely by ungentle practices , such as mr. fern termes , doubleness of tongue , violation of faith , with the rest of their trumperies and deceits , for which , ( saith he ) they must be contented to stand included under the base and unnoble state of people . no nor by betraying trusts , as did cneius flavius , who by discovering the patricians secrets in the dies fasti & infasti , was by the popular par●y preferred , cum ingenti nobilitatis indignatione , ita ut plaerique nobiles annulos aureos & phaleras deponerent , as both livy and agellius testifie ; but by gods blessing upon their careful and provident industry , which by commutation of one thing for another , and transferring the property from person to person , works out a benefit to all conditions of men . for merchandize , which is the common title of all trade , whether in gross or retail , is no tri●ling mechanique and indign imployment , to which onely abject and mercenary spirits are condemned ; nor is it carried on by fortuneless and needy persons , such are rather a refined sort of pedlars then merchandizers ; but as diodorus ascribes its first discovery to mercury , and its first use to the phaenicians , whom tully and polydore make importers of the forraign extravagancies into greece , and we may allow occasioners of learnings discovery to us , whom the phaenicians ( almost the earlyest artists of the world and such as had colonies in every nation , and were called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} by lucian , because they , by their general traffique were ubiquitaries , ) visited , by coming to our islands for tyn and other mettals , as bochartus has to my hand observed , & with variety of learning illustrated . so may its increase and propagation be attributed , next to gods blessing , to those persons of renown and lustre , who either by natural inclination , or impulse of necessity , have engaged in it , and by their succesful dexterity , prove great advancers of national profit , as well as their own and posterities fortunes ; for as in solons time , the greeks accounted trade , as that quae commoda ex regionibus barbaris ascisseret , amicitias cum regibus conciliaret ; & multarum rerum conferret peritiam , so in this nation , the wittenagemote and great councel of our wisdom , in the preamble to the statute of eliz. c. ● . acknowledgeth it to have been the policy of this realm , by all good meanes to comfort and encourage the merchant , thereby to increase and advance the general wealth of the realm , her majesties customs , and the strength of shipping , so are the words of that statute . and therefore though in trade as in other courses of life and professions of ingenuity , there are some debauched and sordid persons , who by sinister and undue meanes , dishonourable to god , and of evil report amongst men , acquire estates , and in solomons words , making hast to be rich , cannot be innocent , but live the shame of their professions , and depart the stage of life , as bad actors hissed at , and declaimed against by all that knew them : yet are there of traders as currant , generous , stanch , simple hearted , and liberal living men , most of whom are descended out of the best families of englands gentrey , as the land affords ; such as support their families and relations , as splendidly , and leave them as fair foundations of grandeur , as merit can wish to work upon : yea of all orders of men in england , absit scripto invidia , none do more bless their wives , widows and children , with the fruits of gods blessing on their thrift and augmentation , then citizens do , who as joyfully spend their estates on their wives , widows and children , or for want of these , on charities both living and dying , as ever they carefully accumulated them ; and therefore there rising from these , men of great estates and good breedings , their children , whom though they make not princes in all lands , yet they render conspicuous in all counties where they reside , and they being descended from , and entermarried with , daughters of generous families ; and having also the younger sonnes of gentile families , not lesse gentlemen then their elder brother , to their apprentices , who in time , prove great and grave citizens , not only fellows in fortune to their elder brothers , but purchasors of their wasted estates , and second founders to their antiquated families and fortunes , which in them have a new , and perhaps better resurrection . it is but meet the city which deserves as well as rome , to be called urbs aeterna , in which these budds & blowings of nobility and gentry are nourished to their after increase and procerity , should be accounted a co-partner in the rise of honour , to which i hope , london and other corporations , will be ever contributors . if either the storms of anarchy do not kill their sap , or the fire of dissention burn their hives . and so i have done with the third part of the description , the end why arms and ensigns of honour , were instituted , which is said to be in notitiam & honorem latoris . the fourth thing considerable in our knights definition , is the fountain or rise of arms in those words a judice legitimo . and this is well added to exclude the presumption of self-creation , or of acceptation from any hand but that of the right owners . there , there onely is honour lodged where empire is , and if par in parem non habet imperium , then honour cannot come from the plebs ; but springs from the womb of the morning sun , the orient gyant of majesty , who fixed in his orb , runs a constant race of motion , diffusing beams of lustre & vivification amongst all the subjects under his aspect , honorem distributio principum est , & hinc uti ab ipso fonte aut per rivos , hoc est per ministros deducenda alioquin spuria & inanis , saith my learned textmaster , yet not without good company , for all the doctors agree the same a principe tanquam a capite in omnes inferiores honorum & potestatum munera diffunduntur , so cassanaeus quotes it out of them . this judex legitimus then , is purposely added as a rampier , and mound to magistracy , apt to be invaded by arrogance and levity : therefore the learned oppose legitimus to what ever is new , unconstituted , and of a spurious birth . thus is legitima cogitatio opposed to spuria ; legitimius senatus , to indictus senatus ; legitima judicia to judicia malis artibus parta ; dies juridici , which our lawyers call temps covenables , to dies non juridici ; so careful were wise lawmakers , that they left nothing unsetled , that might make any flaw , or seem ununiform in the fabrique of national polity ; and because the senate was in the roman commonwealth , the centre of majesty , the senators to prevent all suspition of themselves , and to beget a reverence of their transactions in peoples mindes , ordered , that lawful senates should be kept upon appointed dayes , and those were but twice in a moneth ; and agellius adds , that no lawful senate should be nisi in loco per augures constituto quod templum appellaretur , that is but by a lawful appointment , and in a place appointed , which was their temple . so that judex legitimus , here excludes uptons libertine , who takes what arms he pleases , since arms are not in nudam notitiam , but in honorem also . and therefore it must come from the fountain of honour , who is called animata lex , and terrestris deus , being as the soul in the common-wealths body , the right eye in the polyphemiz'd statue of popularities , which sweetens their visage , and renders them of deformed monsters , amiable objects . this is the primum mobile , which carryes about all orderly motions . for this cause the apostle commandeth by the spirit of god , and his apostolique authority , that prayers and supplications , and giving of thanks be made for all men , for kings and all that are in authority under them , that under them we may live peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty , and when holy david , sau's successor to the kingdom , not by inheritance , for so jonathan would have been , nor by usurpation , for so he himself durst not have been , for if his conscience smote him for cutting off the lap of sauls garment , and he in a holy passion cryed out , the lord forbid that i should do this thing unto my master the lords anoynted , to stretch forth mine hand against him , seeing he is the anointed of the lord , as it is v. . what would have become of him . if he had pull'd by sacrilegious hands , the crown from off his masters head , and put him to death to consolidate his title to his throne . ) but holy david , though a man of valour and victory , was a man of justice and honour , his right to be saul's successor , was of divine donation and especiall appointment of god , whose all power is , and who stated the government in him , as appeares sam. chap. . vers. ● . and . and yet though god had determined his pleasure both as to sauls life and kingdom , yet this blessed king who had entrance by his oustre , calls upon the most tender and pensive instruments of passionate sadness to weep , weep ( saith he ) ye daughters of israel over saul , who cloathed you in scarlet with other delights , who put ornaments of gold upon your apparel . for surely he must be a very bad king , who is not worthy peoples prayers , when he is alive , & their teares when he is dead . the supreme power was then firstly and chiefly one , as in the elder governments , and as in the polity of god over the world ; for though he hath in the upper house of glory archangels and angels , who infinitely transcend us men in intellect , power , and dignity , yet are they no participants in rule , but ministring spirits to his elect , the members of this moveable house of commons here on earth ; or in the largest concession , they are but tutelary of us gloworms of ostentation , and puffs of nullity ; the paramount power is gods , who termes himself a great king , and who exercises his regality , in ruling over the kingdoms of men , and giving them to whomsoever he will , as the voyce from heaven declared , dan. c. . v. . but though the supreme power be one , yet not onely one , for there have been plures , who like many figures in conjunction , have made numeralls of great duration and augustness . amongst the graecians , when of aristocratique constitution , they gave honours , and therefore were held lawful judges of merits , nobilibus athletis qui olympia , pythia , isthmia , nemaea vicissent graecorum majores ita magnos instituerunt honores uti non modo in conventu stantes cum palma & corona ferunt laudes sed etiam cum revertantur in suas civitates , cum victoria triumphantes quadrigis in maenia & in patrias invehebantur , saith budaeus ; so lazius reports the romans to do , and so above this years have the venetians , and for a long time other later governments . but such almanacks of honour are not calculated for every meridian . there are nations that will be dull scholars to learn any lesson antimonarchique ; for resolution , like the rock , yields not to any stroke but the rod of omnipotence , and when god utters no voyce from heaven , against nationall lawes , ( not diametrall to the revealed will ) his word . there is a maxime of the law , swayes much with many , neminem opportet esse legibus sapientiorem . as then the legitimus judex in our case of honour is the supreme , so next to these originals , are the illustrious copies drawn by their fair and magnified hands , such as are vice-royes , generalls , marshalls , their civil and military representatives ; for there can be no doubt , but that military rewards and honours , as arms and knight-hood , are included in their intended powers ; for there is no argument more prevalent to elicit souldiers valour , then this of remuneration . thus i read in the fourth of richard the second , the duke of buckingham made many knights when he entred france , and again after battels well fought , rewarded deserving gallants with knighthood . so the l. admiral howard , in his voyage into britany , h. . anno . and upon his winning morleis h. . anno . so the duke of suffolk , h. . when he gained roy , and the earl of hertford , h. . at leith , after the burning of edenburgh . the like ed. . was done by the duke of somerset , protector of the young kings person , who anno made above knights when he went for scotland ; so did the earl of sussex , eliz. and of essex in cadiz voyage , and there is good reason for it ; for take away the power to give a badge of honour to a sonne of honour , and the best rounds in the scalado of great attempts , are removed , si non pro fama pro nihilo est demicandum ; good pay indeed , and great plunder , works most an end with the vulgar and ordinary stipendiary , who having bruital ayms , is satisfied with low and mean compensations , but a spirit of elixerated mettle , purely extracted from the oare of avarice , and quintessentially fixed upon the attainment of fame , and the enamouring companions of heroique vertue , acquiesses in nothing but in the indubitate badges and testimonies of emeriting , which his principall gives him ; for the courage which vehiculates his attempts , and occasions his glory , is gods royal donative : therefore the bravery of such a martial soul , is of an immortal origen , and has no lesse nobility then a divine participation , not essential , but communicative . the acceptation of the performance , and the attestation of the gallantry of the subject acting it , being made known by the notices and badges of conferred honour , which are personal and gentilicial . for where actions performed by men do benefit posterity , 't is fit the posterity of such actors should be dignified by their predecessors merit . so st. leo , ad humanam pertinet laudem ut patrum decus in prole resplendeat . so st. ambrose writes of one , caepta patris dignitas in filio nobilitatur , and plyny for them all tells sonnes , magnum in gloria patris ornamentum . yea he is no man of honour , who if worthies die issuless , as often they do , denyes them a monument , in the minds of their most conspicuous coaevals , and a perpetuation in the intemerat sheets of historique veracity , by which have bin preserved the memories of worthies in all ages , who yet are extant in the traditional lineaments of their virtues , visible to the learneds eye , who view them with delight and study to publish them with additions . and now i come to the last judex legitimus , in common understanding amongst us , to wit , the heralds , who though disrespected in these times , and in truth not so regarded ( as they ought ) in any time in england , which caused a man well versed in that art , to write deploringly , nunc adeo heraldicae arti detractum est ut neglecti plane & paene prostrati ubivis vivunt . ) yet are of ancient , honourable and useful institution , yea and have been judges of the great debates of nations . and though i would not hyperbolize with mr. leigh , who compares them to angels , and to aaron : yet i must acknowledge them publicae fidei intermunii , a kind of propitiators between nation and nation . the greeks called them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and eustathius gives the reason , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they were accounted priestly , & had to do about the sacrifices of the gods ; and the regard that was given to them , made them the instruments of publishing whatever was of a publique and extraordinary nature , and associates to persons of the greatest remarque , yea in homer the scepter is said to be given to menelaus , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , nor had the latines lesse accompt of them ; for they called them by divers names , alluding to their office and use . priscian termes them , praecones a praecinendo , quasi praecanes quod ante canant & anuncient quod est faciendum , which plautus alludes to , when he defines them to be such as qui jussu magistratus publice aliquid ore denunciant , qui auctionem faciebant & qui audientiam in theatris indicebant , and tully , exurge praeco fac populo audientiam . the romans very much set by them , numa constituted faeciales sacerdotes ; and both festus and nonius derive feciales a faciendo , quod belli pacisque faciendae apud eos jus erat . varro and livy , call these faeciales legatos , and there were . of this order , who judged of warre and peace : some of which , were ever sent to any nation from whom the romans apprehended they had received injury , with this message , ego sum nuncius populi romani juste pieque legatus venio . hence the civilians call'd them , patres patratos , or nuncios legatos , and the law of nations gave them priviledge to pass and repass as common intelligencers , negotiators of accord , and judges of debates . for then they were of those milites emeriti , who by long service in warre , knew the lawes of warre and peace , and were well read in the lawes of nations , which determine right and wrong . in later times , they have not onely been used as wontedly , but also as instruments to convey civil honour from supremes to subjects ; and that they might not be senseless of honour , but have quick touches of it in their breasts , as well as faculties of bestowing it in their offices , and badges of it on their coats , the custom of nations , was to appoint men to such place , who were generously born , as well as so addicted , and handsomly accomplish'd by breeding , to execute aright this honourable trust . a rare caution against ignorant , sordid and ridiculous heralds , who are distinguishable from the faeculent plebs , rather by their gay coats , then any skill , ingenuity , or grandeur of mind they express in their actions . but i intend no inlargement on heralds , because a better pen has long since promised it , onely i could wish , ( if god and the powers concur'd ) that a brave marshal like to the duke of norfolk , or the old earl of arundel , were revived , and such order , in matters of arms and honour , constituted , as may reduce eccentriques to their fixation . and that such men may be officers of arms , as are of learned language , compt morature , oratorique utterance , skill'd in the lawes of nations , ready in the descents of families , sincere in maintenance of right , and that these ( if owned judges of honour ) may be men of blood , family and fortune ; and that such pensions may be annexed to their offices , as will support them creditably . for there is nothing that prompts men to profligate & degenerous courses , more then need and indulgence of fortune , which often warps brave minds from their natural evenness , and distorts them into a sordid complyance with any offer of accomodation and advantage , though it be as vain as that mistake of quintus fabius was , who not content to be nobly born , became a painter de claro genere faciens se sordidum , ut nomen suum in publico pingens faceret aeternum , or that royster pau●●nias , who would kill philip of macedon , ut tali parricidio immortalitatem sibi compararet , or as herostra●us and others , of whom cassanaeus has given instance , who have done supersuperlative wickednesses , to bring about their heady and ill humour'd purposes . and therefore i accompt it a well advised petition to god , that agur made , give me neither poverty nor riches , feed me with food convenient for me , least i be full and deny thee , and say , who is the lord ? or least i be poor and steal , and take the name of my god in vain . for those two evils , a high mind , and a low estate , are not often reconciled in a spotless integrity of life ; and therefore to have food and rayment , and a mind contented therewith , is no mean mercy , especially now , when unde habet quaerit nemo sed opportet habere , is rather owned for canon , then budaeus his paradoxall truth , praestat egregiis viris in secessu latere , aut in vita privata consenescere quam turpiter & obnoxie in pertexta innotescere . and when in this iron age , religion has no veneration , law no esteem , justice no patron , property no protector , heraldry no rule , but every man does that which is right in his own eyes , as once was israels calamity . all estates of men have no other refuge but that judex legitimus in heaven . for though times and men may be like what clemanges describes , quis locus remediis ( saith he ) aut quae spes salutis ubi nec de salute loqui nec de remedio concessum ubi qui cladem & plagas inferunt probi insignes egregiique viri , omni laude & praemio digni judicantur , & qui talia avertere nituntur scelerati , perfidiosi , nefarii dicuntur , what , i say , though god let us live to see further changes and declensions , to those many stupendious ones , we have with grief and amazement beheld , yet so long as jehovah keeps his throne , our faith ought not flag ; for when gods time is come , he will arise and plead his own cause , and from him as the onely judex legitimus , there will be no appeal . and so the fifth part of the description comes next , to hand the objects to whom arms are principally directed , militibus to souldiers . but of souldiers , i have written somewhat in the preceding sheets , that which remains , is onely two limitations . . though arms and honour be the proper reward of souldiers , yet not onely of souldiers . . though they be the rewards of souldiers , yet not of all souldiers . first , though of souldiers , yet not of all souldiers , for if as great designs of conquest , and conservation of dominion , has been effected by counsel , as by force , then are the remunerations military to be divided between the co-heires of merit , courage & councel . the souldiers ( indeed ) as the elder is to make first choyce of the divident , but the gown man is to have his allowance as equal as justice can apportion it . when nimrod first forged his engine of oppression , by which he became as terrible to men , as the hunter is to the pursued beast , then was there no rival with , no counterpoyse to power ; but after when councel made snares , and fixed harping irons in leviathans of rule , then was councel owned , as a conservator of the peace of nations . then princes appeared in robes and vests of calmness , distributing their favours under representations of peace , the daughter of counsel and prudence , rather then in tokens of warre and ferocity , deriving dominion from the lawes of learned justice , and not from the form of armed strength . 't is fit indeed , fortitude should be encouraged , all ages and nations have need of it , and are made happy by it , therefore ought to reward it , and so have done , and so ( for example sake ) will do ; but other vertues of equal merit , must not be exhaeredated , or become spurious , to advance its legitimation . it was a brave spirit of numa popilius , to promise mamurius ( that famous artist , who made brasen shields like that which fell from heaven , on which was inscribed the roman fate ) that he would give him whatever he could wish , or would desire of him , and 't was as bravely requited by a modest and candid request , ut a saliis sacerdotibus martis , cum jam saltantes canerent in fine carminis mamurii artificis nomen etiam pronunciarent . some mens virtues vigorously confront the ghast looks of death , and judge no bed of honour , no manner of dispatch like that of a cannon shot , or an instrument of steel . others resolving to adorn their lives , with actions contributive of good to men , study not onely their own , but other mens preservations , inclining actions to peace , the halcyon dayes of art , and the spring of learnings verdure and slourishing . both these are good stewards of their ●alents , and deserve euge's from , and shares in , the joyes of their lords . if then the scale of favour , and the evidence of approbation , incline to any one where it ought to be equilibrious and impartial , there would be too much ground of outcry on injustice . let then the souldier be rewarded , let him have the trophies proper to him : the gownman onely claims such a share in this worlds lustre , as is commensurate to the officiousness he ( to publique good ) expresses . and if he , upon the crabstocks of emnity grafts the cyons of concord , and serve a gospel reformation , by accomplishing ( as much as rests on mans part to endeavour ) that promise which points out civil as well as religious prosperity . they shall beat their swords into plow-shares , and their speares into pruning-hooks , nation shall not lift up sword agai●st nation , neither shall they learn warre any more , &c. and if this be done by gownmen without blood , force , violence , the unavoidable methods of warre and the pleasure of camps , as great a portion , and as notable a fee of arms and honour is to be imparted to the scholar , as sword-man ; for incruent victories are least offensive to god and man , since they are rather well studied and thorowly improved providences , then acts of vehemence , or compulsions of a bruital and irrational contexture , and were not encouragements to sober diligence , and vertuous industry suitable to those of centaurean fierceness , men of great spirits and noble mindes , would either become the prey and spoil of salvages , or die under the discontent to be overdripp'd by such as are first tigres and lyons in their natures , and then act as such , against all , whom god and nature have polish'd to a more pleasing complyance with humanity and civil conversation , the onely soder of friendship , and the contentful harmony of life . though therefore arms and honour be primarily the right of souldiers , yet not only and exclusively their right , others are fellow commoners , and of the messes of honour with them . no nor secondly , are all souldiers included in this beneficence of the fountain of honour , which the learned knight calls judex legitimus , for there are some that creep into the wedding feast , who having not the wedding garment , ought to be asked how they came in thither , such souldiers as marcellinus and vo●iscus calls milites ordinarios quos excitabant inopia & feritas , are not within the care of our judex legitimus , for he respects onely those that are milites legitimos , because engaged in militia legitima ( the lawful expression of merit , which is to be rewarded by ( the lawful judge , being onely in a lawful warre ) st. bernard giving encouragement to the christians undertaking against the infidels , writes thus , cum occidit malefactorem non homicida , sed ut ita dixerim , malicida , & plane christi vindix in his qui male agunt & defensor christianorum reputatur . and therefore though there be much daringness expressed by men that rush into action , like the horse into the battel , not caring what side they take arms for : yet advised and pious souls , consider the cause , and resolve to stand by the crown of glory though it be fixed to a rotten post , all the ignominies that this wretched world entails to the good fight of faith , christs faithful souldier & servant contemns . the forecited father has this passage to the knights templers si bonafuerit causa pugnantis pugnae exitus malus esse non poterit , sicut nec bonus judicabitur sinis , ubi causa non bona & intentio non recta praecesserit , si in voluntate alterum occidendi potius occidi contigerit morieris homicida , quod si praevales , & voluntate superandi vel vindicandi forte occidis hominem , vivis homicida , so that father , a notable quel to the rash engager , who neither a victor or a looser is guiltless ; the souldiers then that fight for honour , must fight according to the lawes , and for the well-being of honour , and then they will deserve primum locum in acie occupare & ante signa cum principibus stare . as did the roman antesignani , yea and be accounted meet vessels of honour , for baldus is positive , creandus in militem non sit servilis conditionis , yet most an end it is seen , that in unwarrantable fewdes , and civil disturbances , the great instruments of alarum , and masters of misrule , are men of trite note , mean birth , despicable breeding , who with the vultures , are in publico malo faelices ; but because these are not within the purliew of the text , i will pursue them no further but proceed to the last part of the definition , to wit , the manner of arms and honours appropriation to those persons for whom they are intended in the word ascripta . ascripta , a word of more significant capacity , then a bare title and claim ; for though in our usual mother speech we by ascribe , mean no more then give or render , as ascribe the prayse or doing of such a thing to such a man , is no more then to mention him as the deserver of the prayse of such a work ; yet ascribe , as it comes from ad scribo , and thence for euphony ascribo , whence ascripta the word here , has a sense of complication , suitable to its verbal conjunction , and i take the emphasis to arise from the composition of the praeposition with the verb , and to imply a more explicite notice then is in the bare verb ; and this i humbly conceive ( yet alwayes with submission to the learned ) to be clearly the sense , not only of our knight , but also of other authours , who make ascripta to surpass data and concessa , as that which contains them , and some other testimonial beyond them , as much as a record and indubitate authentique warranting the claim to , and assumption of them : therefore the greeks read this by {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which may be well rendred , as {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ought to be , luk. . . & . v. by listing and enrolling , rather then taxing ; and in this sense of listing or enrolling , i understand ( but i crave pardon if i mistake ) the orator in his phrase , ascribe●e in legibus & in legem , so adscribi in civitatem , or in civitate for recipi in civem , which pliny much as adjungere vel addere quovis modo . men when they are entred freemen in the chamberlains office , having had an addition to their native right , or a publication of their acquired priviledge , are said to be ascripti cives , to have jus in re , as well as ad rem , to be freemen and citizens , compleat and past all question ; so tully expresses himself in that passage , qui thucydidem laudant ascribat suae nostram sententiam , and pliny in making ascribi to amount to canonizari , or annumerari , attributes to our texts meaning , as much as can be wished , that is a record or testimonial of the grantors pleasure and end in the grant of them , which is ever upon some vertues in the claimers , for which they were thus rewarded . indeed of old , when arms were not hereditary and fixed , there needed no justification beyond that of the devisors genius , who gratified himself with such trophies , as lacquied most to the pomp of his phantasie , which commonly rigg'd and trim'd this perewig of hawtesse , with much of her ingenious variety . and when soveraigns gave donaries from their persons , as jewels , swords , speares , sprigs , helmets ; armours , usually worn by them , and by them delivered as gifts to persons , with indulgence of them to be born by their issues , and did this before great appearances of men , and at the head of armies : there needed no further testimonials of the bearers right . for time being by these ( dispersed in all corners of the nation ) informed of the occasion and intendment of it , lodges the bruit of it in mens mindes , till by usage time out of mind , it becomes law , and prescribes against any thing to the contrary . but in as much as arms and honour do give dignity and precedence which will not easily be assented to by those who hold themselves agrieved , and are loath to cooperate to their own degradation . the rights of arms and honours gentilicial , ought in reason to appear upon record , and the grant or certificate rest with the person dignified . the law of nations suffragating to the unquestionable right of supremes to grant , within the limits of their power , rewards to merits , and arms to such as are worthy to be distinguished from men of meanness . and though in cases of long use and possession of many descents , as in title of lands , so of arms bearing , not evidences or productions of the commencing right is required , because subsequent acts have ratified and lawes of latter ages barr'd disturbances , and made possession a fair advance to right , & quae ab antiquis sunt temporibus praesumuntur solemniter esse acta , yet in case of honour & arms of late date & donation , the evidence of their right is to be produced , if not known , before the priviledge that comes by it , will be willingly assented to . and therefore i conceive our learned knight , here treating of arms , as in their regular aspect they are diffused , as tokens of the acceptation of the actions and persons performing them ; and the supremes bounty towards them for so doing , concludes them to be à legitimo judice militibus ascripta : and so i have shortly treated of the parts of the definition in these words , insignia sunt decora symbola in notitiam & honorem latoris a legitimo judice militibus ascripta . the epilogus , or conclusion of the authour , is to beseech almighty god , to take the cause of honour into his own hands , his own honour i mean , which is now much entrenched upon by formal hypocrites , prophane athiests , and covetous mammonists , of whom that just complaint of gods against israel , is most true , this people draw near with their mouth , and with their lips do honour me , but with their hearts are far from me , and their fear towards me is taught by the precepts of men , for there was never any age wherein the name of god was more used , and the fear of god lesse practised then now ; but such as men sowe , that also shall they reap , there is a spirit in man , which he himself knowes not of , till it brings him to shame and sorrow ; for god often punishes mans prevarication with him , by a disgrace and denudation , which he occasions to himself . charles the bold , was never happy but when he had armies about him , and had begun warres upon his neighbours , at last being overthrown in a battel , and endeavouring escape , he was slain , and the epitaph on him was te pacis piguit , te taeduit atque quietis carole , sicque jaces , jamque quiesce tibi . ranzovius with his catalonians , were entertained auxilaries to the greek emperour , but the emperour being in the wayne , ranzovius and his men did more harm to him and his friends countreys , then the enemy did , against whom , he and his men were brought into the field ; the pretence was , that the souldiers wanted pay ; and ranzovius their general was necessitated , as he declared , to bear with them more then he ought , or otherwise would ; but it was thought he had a divident in the plunder of those merciless inquisitors , and his fate was to be a sacrifice to their insolence . 't is an ill chosen thrift , to meditate that an opportunity of our own glory which god intrusts us with , to inaugurate his , if men promoted by god , to purposes of universall good , degenerate and interpret his providences to be prefaces to their own advantage , god either meets with such by his ●errors in their conscience , or by countermining their councel , and making their device of none effect . ferdinand king of arragon , was a wise and politique prince , making havock of his conscience and honour , to make his sonne the greatest monarch in the world . but vain prince , he lived to see his darling sonne die before him , and that in the flower of his age , and his wife great with child , die together with her untimely birth , and both buried together . gods ulysses's must stop their eares against this worlds syren notes , for if once they lean to an earthly requiem , and look upon the forbidden fruit with delight to , and desire of it , then farewel god , religion , honour , conscience , all these are physicians of no value to him that is thus distempered in his brains , and so dementated , that he may be ruined , and that unlamented ; cossi was a brave commander in ottoman the first his army , having for a time large rewards , and quiet abidance given him ; but ottoman knowing he was by profession a christian ( though god knowes a loose one and in no sort valiant for the truth ) sent for him to come to the court , pretending he had some service for him , but with intent , when he had him there , to make him turn turk , or have him murthered . cossi understanding the emperours drift , to keep in his favour , and preserve his own life , turned turk . men must have not so much sauls armour , as davids faith , that would overcome goliah like temptations . no coat of mail like to confidence in god , no weapons of offence like to those little smooth stones we gather out of the brook of self-distrust . he that fears himself , annihilates satans plot , and gives a call of faith , which brings in comfortable ayd ; for the lord is nigh unto them that call upon him . and therefore interest in god is the best sanctuary , in dubious and deceitful times , 't is the noblest subterfuge that we can fly to , and the safest harbour we can anchor in , when the world as it were , is on fire about our eares , and we are burning in it , and when storms and commotions menace overthrow , and dissolution of all . there is a famous story of a sorceress in scotland , called the wise wife of keith , who in anno . being apprehended as a sorceress , upon examination , confessed that bothwel , a notable traytor , had moved her to enquire , what should become of the then king , how long he should-raign , and what should happen after his death , and that the evil spirit with whom she confederated , having undertook to make away the king , after failer of performance , being challenged by her for so failing , said , it was not in his power , speaking words which she apprehended to be il est homme de dieu , he is a man of god ; for though god has given the prince of the ayre a large territory , yet has he kept the paramount soveraignty to himself , that is , the security we have from him , that is our enemy , whose enmity is ●ersans circa totum genus humanum , that god sayes to his proud rage , hitherto shalt thou come , and no further , et in tuto haereditas ponitur , quae deo custode servatur . and therefore if god have any delight in us , he will draw our hearts off from worldly objects , and intend them on his glory ; concerned highly in the welfare of religion , i say religion , such as st. james calls , pure re●igion , and undefiled before god and the father is this , to visit the fatherless and the widows in their affliction , and to ●eep himself unspotted of the world . for religion thus qualited is a beauty , meriting the best jewels this world can purchase her , 't is the pearl worth all merchants wealth , the prize worth all combatants hazard , a blessing compensating all devotion , though it be giving ones body to be burned . 't was royal divinity that a noble mouth once in this nation uttered , that soul is not worthy of the heavens joyes , whose body cannot endure one blow of the hangman . next to gods preservation of his own honour , the authour is an humble orator to god for his merciful defence of this nations honour , which is in a great measure decayed , and of ill report , abroad . it was once said of england , regnum angliae regnum dei . but how , o thou lucifer of our honour , art thou fallen from heaven , and hast exchanged thy morning clarity for night-shades , and dresses of dismal aspect , jam non lucifer sed noctiferet mortifer , once o beloved countrey , thou wast like capernaum , the envy and glory of nations , now thy widow-hood and old age deformity make thee unacceptable , thou wast once as a city united within it self ; but now thy differences have begotten hostilities , which spur and switch to ruine , ecce in regione nostra hipponensi quoniam eam barbari non attigerunt , clericorum donatistarum & circumcellionum latrocinia sic vastavit ecclesias ut barbarorum jortasse facta mitiora sunt , was st. augustines complaint to victorian , and i pray god england has not cause to say , that what forraign enemies could not bring about to her ruine , homebred enmity is like to do , discord is the port at which in vasion and conquest enters , the goths came into spain and narbon , ruina videlicet romani status & frequenti mutatione principum animati ; and if england would escape those harasses she has formerly suffered by , she must avoid division , and adhere to wise , worthy and legal settlements , while the egyptians kept to the constitutions of the gods and their heroes , ( to speak after diodorus ) they did well , and were oracular to the world ; but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , when macedonians were their lords , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , then what was thought well setled became null , and egypt grew base and contemptible ; my prayer is , that england may live in gods sight , that is , in job his words , that it was with us as in times past , in the dayes when god preserved us , when his candle shined upon our heads , and when by his light we walked thorow darkness , but i have no hope to see this till religion be more our practice then prattle , till meeknesse and moderation one of the most beauteous fruits of reformation , be ingratiated with us . o did men know the high notes of supernal musick , and superspherical harmony that are in the souls of peace makers , they would never leave off prayers and tears , till they had the testimony of their consciences that such they were , our lord jesus pronounces a blessing to , the meek , blessed are the meek , for they shall inherit the earth , and a second to the peace makers , v . blessed are the peace makers for they shall be called the children of god , and if any passionate and furious christian thinks to merit mercy by his heat ; vowing to be revenged of his enemyes ( and perhaps such he thinks so , as wish his soul fortune and family secure and prosperous in gods and a just way ) though with philip the second of spain , he sel his altar plate , or what is as sacred and dear as that was , to succeed it . let saint basyl charm him to a more jesu-like calmnesse . who treating of heaven and of the graces that lead to it ( amongst which he mentions meeknesse and moderation ) sayes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the heavenly jerusalem ( saith he ) is not the spoyl of warrious , not the reward of hotspurs but the hoped for inheritance of patient martyrs and long suffering saints . if this sway with us . our peace may be prolonged , and we of this age , who have long been in the wildernesse , may hope to see an earthly canaan in england , but if god , for our sins , make our wound incurable , and let us loose to ruffle and civil broyles , i look for times like his of whom suetonius writes , vetera familiarum insignia nobilissimo cuique ademit torquato torquem , concinnato crinem cne : pompeio stirpis antiquae magni cognomen , to prevent which , it becomes all true english men to pray devoutly in the church of englands word ; that all they who profess gods holy name , may agree in the truth of his holy word , and live in unity and godly love . e q s amen , so be it . finis . errata . fo. . l. . for jud●● r. judice , f. . l. . for scutigenus r. scutigenus , f. . l. . for consentanea , consentan●um , l . for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , f. . l. . for demonstrationis r ▪ die monstrationis , f. . l. . no . ( , ) at supers●de but after firmament , f. . l. . for perfulgency r. pr●fulgency , l. . for che r. the , l. . for fermosarum r. fumosarum , f. . l , . r. for hominum hominem , . l. . state r. statue . f. . l. . and . r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} f. . brecman . r. becman , . l. . r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , . l. . r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , f. . l. ● . custilir . curtili , f. . l. . arte r. aries , fo. . l. . nobilitas r. nobilitatis , . l. . gen●iliti● r. gentilic●a . . l. . ( not ) must be added before be compelled , . l. . a most r. almost , . l. . felicity r. fertility , . l. . hostelyes r. hostelries , . quotation , cook preface to the rep. . l. . philosophers r. philologers , . l. . for to read of , . l. . legetimus for legitimus , . l. . indulgence r. indigence . l. . for notitiae and honour , r. notitia & honor . fol. . l. . for {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} r. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- lib. . c. . . ●en . . . notes for div a e- plutarch . in lucullo . policrat . lib. . c. . cass. cat. g. mundi p. . trog . l. . in praefat. lib. de fastis & triumph . rom p. . edit. sulburgii . aspilog . p. . bella movet clypeus , deque armis arma feruntur . ovid . in verbo . lib. . polyd. lib. . c. . de inventione . cass. catal. gl. mundi p. . aeneid . lib. . lib. . lege lazium reip. rom. commentar. l. . c. . p. . . part. gl. generos . p. . in verbo . lib. de symb. pythagorae & partis secunda p. . cass. catal. gl. mund. p. . tract. de insiguiis & armis p. . edit. biss . notis in vptonem , p. . bochartus geograph . sacra , p. . , . de roman . nominibus . c. . p. . zuinger . theat vitae a p . ad . fern . p. . camb. brittan , p. . knighton de eventihns angl. p . cambd. brit. p. . cambd. brit. . . to . p. . fern . glor generos . p. . p. . . aeneid . valla lib cic. . offic. . malchus in vita pythagorae . lib. . divin. lib. . oflit . lib. . de leg. lib. . de orat. horat. . car . syl. . . aeneid . p. . lacies nob. an : . regni memb. . dorso in archivis turris . i'lipsius p. . de milit. rom. ex polybio dionyseo & agellio . lib. . ep. . salmuth . i● panciroll . tit. de fibula . p. . l. girald . synt. hist. de●●um . lipsius l. . milit. rom. p. . salmuth . tit. de cellis . . p. . lib. . ep. . in pandect . prioris , p. . edit. basileae , a● . . lib. . c. . budaeus in pandectas priores p. . lib. de col. & metal . summar●e armorial imprim . a paris l. p. . & . in priores pandect p. . lipsius de milet . rom. dialog. . p. . et in analectis . p. . ad dialo . . lib. . p. . memorab . tit. salmuth p. . e palladio . budaeus . p. . in paudectus priore . sp. . syntag. hist. deor●m p. . bibliothe . l. . fol. . in cap. gen. . v. . vpton . lib de colore albo . p. . in cap. num. . budaeus p. . num. . v. . . in locum . biblia polyglotta waltoniana . vexillarii nominati sunt qui sub uno vexillo in centuria necebant . lazius com. l. . c. . lib. de milit. rom. p. . p. . pagninus in verbo . hist. lib. . annal. in primogeni●● tanquam in capite stat et remanet splendor geniturae . baldus . p . aspilog . cat. gl. mund. p. . . ac●i●ence armory . p. . p. , . in illustrat . galliae lib. , pausan. lib. . la science heroique chap. premier . l●zius comment . reip. lib. rom. c. . argon . lib. c. . scutis qualibus apud trojam pugnatum est continebantur . imagines , plin. l. lazius in com. ] c. . de milit. rom. p. , . apolog. c. . sir h sp. aspil . p. . tacit. l. . plin. l. . c . clypeus quemadmodum in praeliis munimen militum erat , ita pace parta suspensus atque obtrectatoribus objectus , ormamenti quoque militaris locum accepit in quo & quae cuique imagines , exprimebantur , ut hodieque fit , lazius com . reip. rom. l. . c. . bartholus de insigniis & armis . p. . vpton de officio milit. l. . c. . p. . mills catal. honor . milit. & civil p. . baldus . c. . circa princ. . de pace tenenda in usi●us seudorum . in gloss . ad verb . arma . in itiner . cambr. c. . p. . budaeus in relig. pandect . p. . lib. . gen. . . in staffordshir● . p. . britannie . in scotland . p. . fern . glo. gener . p. . spel. in aspilog . lib. . c. . p. . lib. de nobil. p. . inst t. p. . in virgil . lib . p. . titles honor . p. . vpton . lib c. . de off , milit. p . biss . in vpon . p. . in lib. . cod quaeres ▪ vendi : non possunt . in vespas . regula juris . clypei in funeribus & parentaco●ibus pompae praeferuntur , quod denique extincta prosapia clypei ex suggesto dejiciuntur haec romanorum cuncta vestigia esse . lazius in praefat. ad com. reip. rom. accidence armory . p. . de bello & d●ell● . lib. . c. ▪ p. . alex ab alex. lib. c. . p. . curtius . lib. . lib. . tacit lib. . a●nal . vlpian in l. specios . c. . de verborum signif. lampridius i● alex. scuet . lege cassiod . l. . epistol. suetonius in augusto . c. . plutarch . in qu ▪ rom. p. . edit. paris . variar. . l. . p. . lib. de habit. virg. tract. de insigniis & armis , p. . catal. gl. mundi . p. , . vpton lib. . c. . p. . edit. biss . polit. constat jucundum esse rerum bonarum saporem & utilem ambitum laudis qui appetit●r per augmenta virtutis . hoc nos studium proinde liberalitatis infundimus ut major sit cultus morum dum crescunt desideria praemior●m . cassidor lib. . variarum . plutarch lib. de vi●ioso pudore . p. . edit paris . alexand. ab alex. l. . c. . zuing . theatr. vitae ●uma . p. . plutare●u● lib. de laude sui , p. . ovid de ponto lib. . epist. ten●l . apud plutarch . lib. . c. ult. p. . edit. biss . in prior. pan● dect . p. . accidence arm●rie . p. . lipsius de milit , rom. p . and . sabellec . l. . c. . tulgosus . lib. . c. . de olgiato . lib. . c. . baldus . lib. . polybius . lib. . coronas a privatis gestatas fuisse in rom. republica quibus vel ob merita imperatores illam concessissent veb qui in bello ob praeclara facinora eam fuissent adepti . lazius . com. reip. rom. l . c. . edit. basil . sam. c. . v. . a●ri agoni●●●● 〈…〉 de mi●● rom p ● . lib. de ass . budaeus in prior pandect p. . lib. . c. . de ●fficio militari . commentar juris civilis . l. . c. . num . . budaeus . p. . photius in exc●rps ex olympiod . p. . edit. si●b . instit. p. . vegetius . l. . c. . jasius . j. c. instit. p ▪ . glor. gener . p. . cap. . to . edit. lond. p. . fern . stor . gen. p. . instit. p. . the like doth h. . c. . h. . c. . ed. . c. . eliz. c. . & . vox laudantium prima senatus erat , deinde equitum , postremō exercitus . lazius com . lib. . c. . lib. de mirand. antiq. operib . jovius in vita ejus . sam. . v . cass. catal. gl. mundi . p. . p. , . lib. . p. . histor. aelim . lib. . plutarch in alex. sabel . l. . en. . plut. in lucullo . strabo . lib. . plin. l. . c. . strabo . lib. . egnatius . l. . c. . in staffordshire . p. . cass. p. . epror nico . constit . glo. gen. p. . c. . situatur autem studium illud inter locum curiarum illarum , & civitatem london quae de omnibus necessariis oppulentissima est omnium civitatum , & oppidorum regni illius , fortesc de laudib. . legum angl. c. . ad finem . londini igitur jus tum civile tum municipale publice docuit habuitque auditores nobilis simos juvenes quam plurim●s pits . in vita ejus . p. . cook reip. cook preface to the d report . mills de nob . polit. et civilii . p. . fortescut . c. . preface to rep. c. . diodorus . 〈◊〉 p. . and . lib. . de senect . historia . brit. l. , c , . de eventibus angl. p. . edit. twisd . annal. lib. . eccles. hist. l. . c. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} thucydid . lib. . lib. ramesy . p. . in novell . l. . p. . catal. gl. mundi . p. . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hegesius i● strabone . hunting . lib. . p. . malmesb. lib. . p. . houlden . p. . p. . rast●lls . statutes at large of anno. . vol. 〈◊〉 & digni●●● sunt in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ione ejus qui potest 〈◊〉 digni●t●●●●● & nobili 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vpton . l. . c. . p. . 〈◊〉 preterea 〈◊〉 ceteraque o●nia supremae dignitatis in●●●●●● herodiar . l. . de plauti●●● prafecto . in epist. ad se●●●●●● urbis . l. m. paris . p. . rot . . r. . hoveden . parte poster . p. . book proclam . jacobi . proclam . indict . h. . c. de dignit . survey p. . holingshed . p. . preparation to the annalls . qu. eliz. p. . sam. c. . v. . sam. c. . v. . isa. . . v. . britan. edit. lat . rond . p. . mr. dugdale . m. paris . p. . instit. p. . rot. parl. . r. . nu. . mills nobil. ●olit & civil . p. . e. lambardo . glory generos . p. . lib. . c. . mercatura nihil aliud est nisi actus quidam emendi vendenque merces . plin. l. . lib. . lib. . de republ. in toxari . partis d . l. . c . & . p. . plutarch in solone . spelm. in aspil . p. . catal. gl. mund. p. . budaeus in prior pandec . p. . cook . instit. p. : sueton : in augusto . budaeus . p. ● . in pand . ● tim. c. , v. . and . sam. c. . v. . sam. . v. . sam. c. v. . ●●●●●dect . 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 . com . c. . sen. . nativ . ep. . lib. . mills de nobil. civili & politie . p. . accid . armory . p. . p. . & . ilyad . paenul . . . cicero ver. polyd. virgil . lib. . deinvent . de vita pop. rom. l. . livius l. . dec . . rocerus lib. de bello & duel●o . p . byss . in vpion . p. . valer. tit. . de cupid . gloriae . catal. gl. mundi partis primae consid. . prov. . v. . & . p. . edit. basil . judges . . epist. . ad ●erson . dyonisius . lib. . sabellic . l. . enn. . sepult●ra regum consulum & imperatorum erat in campo martio . sueton. in augusto . isiah . m●cah . . joel . . ● . lazius com. reip. rom. lib. . c. . basil . c. de nov● militia . serm. . ad milit. templ. . c. . lazius lib . c. . super rube . p. . orat. pro cecin . de opt. gener . orat. lib. . c. . reg. jur. isaiah . v. . tantum inter stoicos & caeteros sapientiam professos interesse quantum inter faeminas & ●ares non immerito dixerim senec. de constant . sapient . c. . huraeus in vita ejus . p. . turkish history . p. . turkish history . p. . bishop spotswoods hist. scotland . p. . sanctus cyprian . ad martyres . jam. . . epist. . lazius com. reip. rom. lib. . c. . p. . diod. sicul . p. . edit. rodomanni impress hanoviae . ch. . v. . mat. . . sanctus basili●s . in psal. . in caligula . in the communion service , in the prayer for the whole estate of christs church militant here on earth . the third part of the principles of the art military practised in the warres of the united provinces vnder the lords the states generall and his highnesse the prince of orange : treating of severall peeces of ordnance ... : together with a list of all necessary preparations appertaining to an armie ... / written and composed by henry hexham. hexham, henry, ?- ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the third part of the principles of the art military practised in the warres of the united provinces vnder the lords the states generall and his highnesse the prince of orange : treating of severall peeces of ordnance ... : together with a list of all necessary preparations appertaining to an armie ... / written and composed by henry hexham. hexham, henry, ?- ? the second edition corrected and amended. [ ], [i.e. ] p., [ ] p. of plates : ill. printed by james moxon, rotterdam : . irregular pagination, slightly different british library copy spliced at end. includes index. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- great britain. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the third part of the principles of the art military . practised in the warres of the united provinces vnder the lords the states generall and his highnesse the prince of orange . treating of severall peeces of ordnance , carriages , engines , quadrants , morters , petards , as also instructions for master-gunners , and canoniers , with divers instruments and materials belonging to a warre with their severall uses and practises , most briefly and lively demonstrated by letter and figure . together with a list of all necessary preparations appertaining to an armie , with a quarter for the generall of the ordnance , and of all officers belonging to his traine . written and composed by captaine henry hexham , quarter-master to the truly honourable , colonell goring his regiment , for the lovers of the noble art militarie . the second edition corrected and amended . rotterdam printed by james moxon . . to his highnes charles lodowick : prince electovr covnt palatine of the rhene , and dvke of bavaria . sir , after i had travelled through the world in speculation , by translating and augmenting of atlas majour in english , dedicated to his most excellent majesty your vncle , & my dread soveraign : i could give no rest unto my thoughts till i had undertaken some thing of my owne profession , which might give light , understanding , and instruction , unto some young gentlemen , souldiers and others , who desire to follow the warres , and to studie this art military , for their princes service , and the good of their country . and where could i find a fitter place , and a better subject to worke upon , then in these vnited provinces , under the command of the lords , the states generall , and his highnesse the prince of orange , which now in regard of their long warres may truly be called a nurcery , and sedes belli , for the breeding and trayning up of souldiers , and verily how could i do better then to begin ad principium , with the very first principles , and rudiments of the art military , practised in these warres , under the command , first of prince maurice , of blessed memory , and now under the able conduct of that great and victorious captain generall of our age , his highnesse the prince of orange his brother . now besides what experience my long service hath gayned vnder their commaund , for the space of fortie yeeres , as an addition thereunto , i have got some translations and extracts out of the best and choisest authors of our modern times , who have writ upon this subject , to give lustre unto it , and having before by the assistance of god , run through the first two parts : i have now also finished my third part , concerning all preparations and necessaries appertaining to an army , and so to put an end unto this laborious work , for in my first part i promised the right honourable the earle of holland , and in my second part my noble colonel , that i would go through the three whole parts , for the arming of a souldier , de cap en pied , that is at all points , which now thanks be to god i have done , to the end , that such as may go into , his majesties service , your highnesses , or any other forrain state or princes , may gaine some experience , and reape some benefit by my labours , which is , and was the principall thing i aymed at , for i hope , as old as i am , when these unhappy differences at home are reconciled , appeased and composed , that god , vvho leads the hearts of all kings in his hand , as the water of brooks , will so direct his majesties heart for your right , that his majesty will assist your highnesse , and turne his powerfull armes another way , and make your highnesse generall of a brave brittish armie , for the vindicating of your injuries , and the recovery of your lawfull and antient rights and inheritances , against the usurpers thereof . i will not trouble your highnesse any longer with a tedious discourse , seeing my selfe , and thousands of true hearted brittaines besides my self , ( whensoever his sacred majesty and our dread soveraign shall lay his commands upon us ) shall be all willing to fight in so just a quarrell , for your highnesse , and lay our lives down at your feet , and your queen mothers , for the regaining of your highnesses rights and countries . this third part then of the principles of the art military , comes in all humility to present it selfe unto your highnesses gracious pratronage , that though it be mean in itself , yet it craves to comeforth to the view of the world , under your illustrious name , which if it may be acceptable unto your highnesse , then i shall think my weak indevours happily sacrificed , and acknowledge my selfe much obliged to your highnesse , and shall not onely be bound to pray unto the lord of hoasts , to honour and blesse your proceedings here in this world with happy successe , but also to crown you , your royall mother the queen of vertues , and her princely progenie with eternall felicity hereafter , beseeching your highnesse to beleeve , that no creature living shall more heartily fight , nor more willingly die in your service , then sir , your highnesses ever most humble , obedient , and devoted servant , henry hexham . a briefe treatise of eight seuerall peeces of ordnance , as they are founded vnder the commaund of the lords the states generall of the vnited provinces , with their appurtenances , carriages , engines , together with morters and petards , quadrants , and instruction for master gunners , and canoniers with diverse other instruments & materials , belonging to the warres , with their severall vses , and practizes demonstrated . the first chapter . treating of the leagues , alligations , and commixture of mettals , wherewith ordnance are cast , and made inthese countries , and else where . the alloye wherewith our ordnance is made here in these countries , is commonly old cast brasse peeces , ill proportioned , burst , or made vnseruiceable with too much shooting , and therefore , must be refounded into some better , and more seruiceable formes , or are such perhaps , as are too great for ordinarie carriages and bullets . if these old brasse peeces be of too fine a mettall ( wich yet is seldome found ) the mr. founder maye mingle some slighter copper amongst it ; yea so much as he in his iudgment shall think sitting : so that the ordnance , which he makes be answerable to their proofe . our newe ordnance then being founded with these new alligations , and alloyes are commixted with three fourth parts of red copper , made vp in sowes one fourth part of bell mettal cast also in sowes , and one ninth part of the finest cornish tinne you can gett . these bricks are peeces of red copper weighing , about lb. weight , cast after the fashion of a square footed pauement , and your great sowes , are peeces of other copper , melted one timelesse , then your brick copper , where of some of them weighes , . yea the greatest lb. a peece , the is tinne mix ed amongst the copper , and bell-mettal , that they maye run ne the better in melting , which makes your peece more solid and firme . but in italy s. nor . alexander bianco ( as master norton oneof his ma tias , master gunoners , and enginier citeth in his practize of artilerie ) saith , that the best alligations of these mettals for ordnance is for every . lb. of copper lb. of tinne , and lb. of brasse , or latton is to be mixted therewith . and digeo vffano a spainyard , captaine of the ordnance in the castle of antwerpe , in his instruction of artilerie affirmeth , that the best ligature for ordnance is lb. of copper , lb. of tinne and lb. of latton , and lb. of sow-lead , affirming that lead being tough & cold , maketh the peece-become hard . but le sieur de brissac , a french man in his militatie discourses saith , that the french , founders vnto every lb. of copper doe either ad lb. of bell-mettal , which is pound of tinne & lead for lb. of copper , orbrasse , or else lb. of soft tinne to every lb. of copper . the lords the states have in the hagh avery brave founderie , and a work-house ioyning to it , in which they doe all their massive workes , and behinde that aspacious roome , where they settand place all their carriages , which is kept faire and dry , and besides the master founder hath a house to dwell in , all which belongs to the land. the master founder must be very carefull in makeing choise of his powders , & earths wherewith he is to make his mouldes for the casting of brasse ordnance in , that they be able to resist the fire , and receiue the melted mettals : so that they maye render them to be east , and founded neately , without being subject , either to be diminished , crackt , or peeld , when they shal be nealed , which is such a matter , as without experience cannot be done well . wherefore , i wil conclude with master norton in his practize of artillerie , that good earths are neither fatt , nor leane , but betweene both , and of a fine and subtill graine or mould , which soone dryeth , and remayneth firme , without breaking , being able to resist the vehemencie of the fire , and such earths are most commonly of a yellow , or a red colour . now to finde such earths , as are fitt for your worke , it behoueth you to sinke diversse pits , or caues vnder ground , which have not bin much stirred . and after you have begun your worke , and compounded your earths in a bouke , or heape , and wett , and moistned them like paste , beginn then to heate them with a rod of yron , as the potters vse to doe their claye . then take two third parts of the whole lumpe , and mixe it with lint of linnen cloath , and then beate the same together , vntill they be well incorporated , that they maye appeare all one substance , and if any small stones should chance to fall amongst it , then pick thene out , or bruise them , as small as maye be , that the powders being well tempred , maye serue for your moulds and formes . of makeing of moulds for the founding of ordnance . the master founder having prepared , and resolued of what kind , and what sort of that kinde the ordnance is , which he intends to cast , he is then first to make a perfect modell there of , either of timber , or of earth , orboth , with all the mouldures , ornaments , & compartiments , euen as you would have the peece to be , which you must thinnely annoint with soft hogt-grease , and then cover it over uith a colume of the afore said tempered earthp , made and dryed by little and litle , augmenting it , vntill it be of a competent strength , and thicknesse . this colume must be made so , as it may be taken into two or more parts , to the end , to take the said modell , or patterne out of yt , and it is to befortifyed on the outside , with plates of yron , at long as the chase of the peece is , and with yron wyres an inch each from an other , and lastly with y-ron hoopes a foote , or two assunder , to knock off , and on , as occasion shall require . their must elso be a smooth , and equall cillender , whose dyamitre must be iust the beigth of the bore , and made of the same earth , moulded vpon a stronge iron square barre , and vpon a cord woulded about the same , to make therewith the soule , concaue or hollow cillinder of the peece , by placing yt ( by helpe of the base , and muzzle ring ) exactly in the midst of the vacuity of the outermost colume , which whenthe patterne , or modell shal be taken out , will remaine hollow , to receiue the metrall , that must make the bodie of the peece . all these must be well ioynted together , polished smooth , dryed nealed , that the mettall maye runne fine , and come off smooth and neate . lastly , the patterne of the breech , with all the mouldures , and cascabell , is in like manner to be couvered ouer , by litle and litle with the same tempered earth , which must afterwards be luted neatly , and strongly to the breech end of the outter colume : all which mouldures , rings , armes , devises , flowers , trunions , dolphins , and circles , maye be at pleasure added there vnto , vpon the patterne , either with waxe , earth , or playster , and so the perfect impression thereof wil be receiued by the concavity of the outward colume , keeping still the due prescribed proportion of the peeces ( yow intend to cast ) accordingto the kind & sort thereof , for the rest se master norton in his , & chapters of the practize of artillerie . having thus digressed , i will returne againe to my former matter , and giue the gentle reader to vnder stand , shat the states have conditioned with their master founder , that he shal be at the charge of makeing all mouldures , formes , castings , borings , and finding of firing , for which he hath from the states six gildens , or hillings starling , for the founding , of lb. weight ; so that for a whole canon , which weighs lb. weight , he hath gilders for him and his men , the rest proportionally . now when any old brasse peeces are to be cast , they are deliuered to him by weight , and he is allowed him ten pounds in every lb. weight for drosse and wast : for you must vnderstand , that copper & brasse have much more drosse in them , then gould or silver , because the finer the alloye is , the lesser it will consume by fire . the greatest number of new peeces cast in the states founderie at the hagh , euery yeare by the helpe of some , men are sixe whole canons , twelve half canons , and sixe long feild peeces , or demy culvering , makeing in all the number of peeces of ordnance . but of late yeares they cast diverse sorts of french short demy canon , and smaller drakes , as now the occasion of fervice requires . these ordnance being founded and made , the master feunder is to deliuer them to the states vpon proofe in the presence of some commissioners , and the controuleur of the ordnance , who are to ouersee them , and to take care , that the peece , which is to be tryed , be well loaded with her due weight of powder , and bullet , and rammed well home . the proofe of a whole canon which weights lb. weight , and carries an yron bullet of lb. weight must be charged with lb. of fine powder , and with the bullet aboue said well rammed home ; but the ordinary charge then of it wil be noe more then , , or lb. of sine pouder at the least : a halfe canon which weighs lb. weight and shootes a bullet of lb. weight , the proofe shott must be pounds of fine powder & the ordinarie charge lb. a feild peece , which weighs pound weight , carrying a bullet , of lb. must be loaded with nine pounds of fine powder , but the ordinarie charge is noe more but sixe pounds . the faulconet , that weighs lb. which carries a bullet of sixe pound weight , must be loaded with and a halfe lb. of fine powder for it proofs shotr , and with lb. for its ordinarie charge . note also , that a canon , which shoots a bullet of lb. must be bored for a bullet of lb. weight , a demy canon , which carries a bullet of lb. must be bored for a bullet of pound . weight , a quarter canon , which carries a bullet of lb. must le bored for a bullet of lib. a faulconet which carries a bullet of lb. weight , must be bored for a bullet of lb. your whole canon , and demy canon , are commonly peeces for batterie , vsed at seiges for to make a breach , but your feild peeces , and drakes are to be drawne to some suddaine peece of seruice , as in the day of battle , vpon a passage , or vppon plate formes , & batteries made vpon the line of circumvalatione , or for the defence of a campe , when an ennemy is at hand , and the rest of the short chambred drakes likewise . a canon or a smaller peece of ordnance , maye shoote in howres some shoot , yea , if it be not ouer heated , but after yow have made with it some or shott at the most , it must have a cooling time , by casting ouer the breech of it a danck hair cloath a pretie while , and that will coole it enough . for a whole canon mounted vpon a block waggon , or vpon its owne catriage , it is commonly drawne in these hollow , and marshie countries , with a teeme of couple of bustie horses , besides the thiller horse , making account , that euery couple of horses , must drawe for their shares , yea pound weight if they be well putt to it . a demy canon with eleuen couple and a thiller horse , a quarter canon with eight coupple and a thiller horse , & a faulconet with foure couple & a thiller horse , and your smaller drakes with a number proportionable to the weight abouesaid , yea euen to a small drake carrying a bullet but of one pound weight , is drawne but with a thiller horse . the length of the chase of euery peece both reinforced & chambred is noted aboue its figure . the demonstration of the eight peeces of ordnance , which are in most vse , vnder the lords the states service . and first of foure peeces of ordnance reinforced plate a. nvm . . is a faulconet weighing in mettal lb. weight , being and three quart of a foot long ' which shootes an yron bullet of lb. weight , which being layd leuell by the mettall , otherwise called the horiozontall levell , by the levelaxis , or dispart , commonly called point blanck , & at the bighest range paces at and a halfe foote to the pace . number is a feild peece , or a quarter canon , weighing lb. being foote and three quart of a foote long , wch shootes an iron bullet of lb. weight , & carries by the mettall , by the axis or point blanck , and at the highest range paces . number , is a demy canon , weighing pound weight being and a halfe foote longe , carrying an yron bullet of lb. weight , which will shoote levell by the metall , or horiozontall levell , by the axis or point blanck , and at the highest range paces . number , is a whole canon , weighing in mettall lb. weight , carrying a bullet of lb. weight , which shoots by the mettall , or horiozontall levell , by the axis , or point blanck , and at the highest range paces at two foote and a halfe to the pace . i referre the reader to the other ranges specifyed in the quadrant and table fallowing . of the other foure peeces of ordnance , called drakes chambred plate b. nvmber . is a small drake , weighing lb. weight in mettall , and is foote long , carrying a bullet of lb. weight , charged with one lb. of powder , which will shoote levell by the mettall , by the axis , or point blanck and at the highest range pace . number . is a drake weighing pounds , is foot long corring a bullett of lb. weight loaded with lb. of powder , which will shoote levell by the mettall , by the axis or point blanck , , and at the highest range paces . number . is a quarter canon drake weighing lb. weight in mettall , is foote long carrying a bullet of lb. weight , charged with lb. of powder , which will shoote levell by the mettall , by the axis , or point blanck and at the highest range paces . number . is a short demy canon drake , weighing lb. weight in mettall , is foote long , carrying a bullet of lb. weight , with lb. of powder which , will shoote by the mettall , or horiozontall levell , by the axis , despart , or point blanck and at the best , or highest elevation paces . note by the waye , that the longer the chase of a peece is , being reinforced & well charged , the further it will carrie its bullet , and the stroak the more violent , as you maye see by long culverings , and slinghs of some or foote long in chase , whereof the experience hath bin tryed at arnham in gelderland , where a long sling lay vpon a bulwarke , which shott from arnham to nemegen being english miles distant one from an other . againe , the shorter the chase of a peeces is , as in these drakes , the shorter it carries the bullet , as you maye see by their seuerall ranges . yet this doth not alwaies hold true for count maurice prince of orange of blessed memorie , tryed ance a half canon vpon the strand at scheveling , giving it the due charge of powder , and caused the canonier to levell in vpon its highest range , at paces , to trye this conclusion , to see how farre it would carry , when it was shorter , caussed some two foote and a half of yt to besawne off , made it be loaded againe , shoot it off , and found that it carried it bullet as farre as it had done before . to conclude , with touch-holes , i have seene in ostend vpon the west bulwark , that some touch holes of canon , were blowne so great with often and continuall shooting , that i have putt my fist into them . now such a touch hole being blowne some three or foure incles , maye easely be remedied . for if yow bore the hole round , and driue in a screw of yron into it , as thick as your finger , and in the midst of the screw aboue said , bore a small touch hole in yt , yow shall finde this to last longer vnblowne , then any other way , which hath bin invented , for now when ordnance are cast a new at this day , for the preventing of this two much blowing , they yse now to make such a touch hole with a screw , as is here mentioned which will not so soone be blowne great , and as your brasse or copper touch holes will. the second chapter . treating of a ladle , a rammer , of a sponge , and a feild carriage for a peece of ordnance as shall be demonstrated vnder the carriage . the figures of a ladle , a rammer , and a sponge is represented vnto yow vnder the faulconet , and feild peece , with their iust lenght , and thicknesse , after which forme yow maye make all others for what sorts of peeces yow please , and with all obserue , that the bignesse of them must be according to the dyamitre of the bullet which your peece carries . the lengh of the ladle vnder the feild peece with the staff and rammer is foote , and inches & a halfe long . the opening of the ladle is a foote and a fourth part of an inch . the brasse plate rounded to the staff , and to the height of the shoot , and due vent allowed is fiue inches . the staff of the ladle ynches thick made of soft fast wood as aspe beech or willow . the rammer b is inches , turned with hard wood , and the length of the copper ladle a foote and ten ynches , the staff to the neck on both sides is inches thick . the dyamiter of the bullet is traced out with bricks coming downe from the ladle marked , , & . the spunge c. is couvered with rough sheeps skinns wool , and nailed to the staff with copper nailles so that it maye fill vp the soule or concavity of the peece when it is to be scowred and cleared . note also that the copper ladle for a peece of ordnance must be threetimes the length of the dyamitre of the bullet . such a ladle costs the states gl . stivers , vidz . the staff gl . and stivers for a whole canon , for a halfe canon gilders , for a feild peece foure gilders stivers . and the rammer , the staff , and the sponge or sheeps skinne will cost two gilders stivers . yow have also in the plate b figure , represented vnto yow the figure of a carriage for a feild peece with all the dimensions , ioynts , and parts belonging to yt . the naues , the cheeke , called limbres , and the wheeles are made of elme , but the transoms , the axeltrees , the spoakes of oaken timber , and the fore carriage of the wheeles are made of the same wood , as the former are , but the transoms are elme and the crosse beames of oake as the ichnographie of the carriage figure showes . the lords the states have agreed with their master carpentes , to make them a carriage for a whole canon for gilders stivers , namely the two side peeces , or foote long , inches broad , and six and a half inches thick , for gilders , and to every carriage foure transoms for gilders . an axeltree for . gilders stivers , the two wheeles gilders stivers , for the framing and makeing of the carriage for a whole canon gilders stivers , for an axekree gl . stivers . for the makeing , of the wheeles gl . which comes to in all , as aboue said to gilders stivers , and so the rest of all carriages proportionally . the demonstration , or terciating of the whole canon , num. . and also of the demy-canon drake chambred , num. . with their seuerall names and parts discribed . note first that a peece of ordnance is diuided into three parts . . the breech , or chamber , the trunions , & the muzzle , or neck , and the length of the whole peece is called the chase , or colume . a. is the cornish , brow , or base ring of the peece . b. is thee peeces neck . c. the peeces boutill , or astragall called the mussel ringe . d. the reinforced ring , e the tronion-ring , & these a tronions are two spyndles , vpon which the peece lieth in its carriage . e h. is that part of the peece , betweene the breech , the tronions , & the eares . f i. is the calibre , mould , or the bore of the peece . g. is the touch-hole , and all the metall behinde the touh-hole , is called the breech . f h. is the coile of the peece . h. the casacabel , or the out most pommel or button of the peece . f l , is the mettaline substance , & thicknesse of the coile , about the breech of the peece about the concave cillender , otherwise , called the sowle of the peece . m. is the mettaline substance at her eares , and stayes of gravitie , by which shee is hoised vp into her carriage . so much of her bore , as contayneth the powder , and shoot , is called the chamber , or charge cillender ; the rest the vacant cillender , & all the rings circles , andeminences at her mouth & breech are called the friezes . to conclude , the ordinarie canons of batterie is seuen eights of substance in their chambers fiue eights at their . trunions , & three eights at the muzzle , or necks of the dyamitre of their calibres , or boores in thicknesse of mettall . and thus much briefly for the demonstrating of anyother peece of ordnance whatfoeuer . the demomstration of the next figures following , and first of a block , or a long waggon : the third chapter the first figure underneath number . sheweth you of what singular use and accommodation your block , or lisng waggon o for the carriage , and drawing of a peece of ordnance , or for the carrying of small punts , or boats to clapp on a sunden over a river , or a brooke , when occasion may serue : therefore there is no one instrument more usefull for the traine of ordnance then this is , and are excellent good also to stopan avenue or a passage croswise , where an enemies horse may breake in upon an armie unawares , especially , when one hath no time to cast vp a trench , or a traverse vpon it . besides , a peece of canon will be easilyer drawne , through moorish , foule , and sandie wayes vpon this , because the peece lieth more steddie , and is not subject to so much wrenching afide in durtie and ruttie waies , then vpon its proper carriage . now whensoever an enemie should draw neere unto an armie by the helpe of the fearne , you may quickly hoize it vp , and laye it vpon its own carriage . the forme and moddle whereof is represented unto you in the figure following , noted number . the second figure number . demonstrates to your eye a halfe canon mounted vpon its carriage , drawne with seven couple of horse , and a thiller horse , and this to be understood in a good way : but if the way be foule , morish , and durty , then for a whole canon , weighing . li. weight , you must spanne in . couple of horse and a thiller ; for a halfe cannon eleuen couple and a thiller ; for a feild peece or a quarter canon six couple and a thiller ; for a falconet two couple and a thiller ; and for a small drake weighing . pound weight . one horse . you must obserue also that the mettle of one of the states half canons weigheth ( as is said before ) pound weight , the carriage and yron worke thereunto belonging about . pound , so that these horses are to draw in all the weight of . pound , and the other peeces proportionably . the third figure , number . represents unto you this , that when you want or cannot use canon horses and athrals , how you may then by the helpe and strength of men , drawe a peece of ordnance to the topp of a hill , and there to make a platforme for the battering of a castle : now presuppose you are to batter it with . peeces of ordnance ; to wit , eight demy canon , and quarter canon , the first carrying a bullet of . li. and the second of . li. and are to carry along with you all necessaries , as powder , bullets , match , bedding , traces and diverse other materials . the question is how many souldiers , pyonniers , and workemen are able to doe this ? which diego vffano in his . dialogue resolveth in this manner following . of a block waggon , and drawing of ordnance . first for . halfe canon bullets , each bullet weighing . pound , the whole weight of them will come to . pound . now if you lay three of these bullets , in a wheele-barrow , they will make . pound for every souldier to wheele , and will require . men to doe it . and for . quarter canon bullets , weighing . pound a peece , the weight of the whole will be . li : now putting . of these into a wheele-barrow , for every mans share to driue , you must haue . men in all , and every man as before . pound weight . item for . weight of powder , for to charge these . peeces of ordnance withall , each halfe canon requiring pound of good powder for its charge , and for your quarter canon , or field peece . pound ; you must have . small firkins , or so many leather powder baggs to carry it in , and giving to euery souldier . pound weight of powder , it will require the like number of . men to carry it , as is represented vnto you in the fourth plate and . figure following . now for the attelage or drawing ropes for these peeces of ordnance , represented vnto you also in this fourth plate and . figure , is shown you the manner of it , by dividing your men into three drawing files or teames , according to the greatnesse of the peece which your men are to draw up , for a demy-canon , carriage , attelage , and all will weigh a matter of . pound weight , now giving to every man . pound weight to draw such a halfe canon will require a . men to draw it , and proportionably the . half canons . men . for a quarter canon , carriage , attelage and all , will weigh . pound weight , now allowing to every . pound weight to draw , every of these . peeces will require . men , so that for these . quarter canons you must have in all . men , which being ( as is said ) divided into three equall files and distances , each drawing rope must have . men and one odde man over to go by . and because it may sometimes happen , that by reason of the steepinesse , badnesse , and unevennesse of the way , you may be driven to dismount and remount your peece ere you get up to the top of the hill , you must carry along with you a fearne , a winch , or a scalet , with all appurtenances thereunto belonging , as winding roaps , an iron goats foot , with a crow , pinns , truckles , pullies to help you withall at a dead lift . all these engines and materials may conveniently be carryed on the shoulders of . men , insomuch that if you make your calculation you shall find that you must have for the drawing of these . peeces of ordnance , and for all things above specified , the number of a . men without any difficulty will do the deed and draw these ordnance whithersoever you please . the fearn the figure and its necessaries shall be described unto you in the next chapter following . now for your attirals or drawing harnesse , to the end that every man may draw alike share you must fasten a crossebeame or barre to the end of the fore waggon marked as you see with a. b. through which you put your drawing roaps into an equall distance , that your men may not hinder one another drawing , having behind it three men to steer the peece aright , when you come to any winding or turning in the way . again , if it be a whole canon or a peece of ordnance , which you are to draw through a trench to a battery , or some other place , where you would plant it , and find these drawing ropes to short for the men that are to draw it , then you must lengthen the ropes and fasten an other crosse barre just in the very midst , and this will guide your peece from wrenching aside for certain , the shorter your drawing ropes be , the more steddier and easier your peece will be drawn , to every drawing rope also you must have as many necklines to cast about your mens shoulders as you have men , to the end they may draw with more ease , strength , and take firmer footing . neverthelesse if you draw your peece after this manner up to some steepy hill least the peece should fall downward and overturn them , for the avoiding of this danger , they must in an instant whip these lines over their heads to loosen themselves from them , or else cut them on a suddain , but then it is safer to draw with their hands . this manner of drawing of ordnance is no new thing , but hath been practised by the first conquerours of the west indies , as pizarre , ferdinand cortes , and diverse others , who with the strength of men drew their ordnance over hils and mountains to the city of mexico . likewise henry . king of france , of immortall memory , used this manner of drawing of his ordnance over the alphes in his last warres of burgundie , and instead of pyoniers used lusty swissers to do it the . rings called in dutch , mailles , number . is to try whether the bullets which you are to choose in the arsenall will fall through them , which if they do , then they will fit your peece to a hair , the severall bores and calibres of your . peece of ordnance described before . the rvle calibre , teaching acanonier how by the helpe of these fiue mailes or yron ringed hanels , numbred a. b. c. d. e. he may fit the calibres , or boores of these . seuerall peeces of ordnance , figured out aboue , as also by the middle figure of a canon bullet marked h. and decifered also by letter . the decyfering of a cannon bullet , or any other peece by letters , as followeth . besides this manner abouesaid , by fitting your bullets out of the magazin , for the calibres and bores of any peece of ordnance , by the helpe of the mailes , the caeron bullet marked h. shewes you also another way to fitt the calibre of a peece of ordnance , with a right bullet , by giuing it the requisite vent . as for example , take the iust diamiter of the mouth of your peece with a paire of straight compasses , and then devide the ouertur thereof into two equall parts , and draw from the center the circle marked b. a. and e. whose center also is noted to be d. which is the forme and circumference of your peeces mouth orbore , then set the two points of your compasse vpon the points a. and b. in drawing one after another , the crossoe - lines vnder c. from whence you shall draw a line parpendicular to d. downe to the bottome of the circle marked e. and from thence another line to the point a. then set one of the points of your compasse vpon the point e. and the other vpon the line which you haue drawne from thence towards a. and marke well the point which the circle makes thereof from f. where letting rest the point of your compasse , you shall raise the other which was in the point e. vpon the first line perpendicular , which you haue made from the crosse-line at c. by the center to d. where the point c. will shew you how much lesse the bullet must be . then the dyamiter or calibre of the mouth of your peece , for giuing it the necessary vent , so that putting the one point of your compasse upon the center d. and draw in the other which is sett vpon the edge of the circumference and largenesse of the peeces mouth o. to the point g. and so in making an other circle the dyamiter thereof will be the iust and requisite calibre and circumference of your bullet , and which will fit thebore of a whole canon , or any other peece which you shall desire . there is a third way found out byskillfull canoniers , by abating the twentieth part of the calibre of your peece in the circumference thereof , to the bullet which with a sufficient abatement and vent for your peece , which rule is easily found out by takeing the iust dyamiter of the mouth of your peece . of a fearne , a scalet , and a winch . the description of a fearne , called in french a guindall , in netherdutch a bock , from a goate , with a scallet and a winch , being of excellent use about the traine of ordnance , represented unto you in the fift plate , and . . and . figures following . the carriage being placed in a readinesse , you are then to hoise up your peece into it , which in regard of the weight of it , be it a canon or any other great peece of ordnance , cannot be well done without the ingenious help of the fearne or ghynne , ropes , a goats foot or an yron crow , leavers to wind up the rouler , &c. especially when a wheel is graveled , and sticks fast in some deepe rutt , or rotten ground , then you must use the helpe of the scallet or winch , demonstrated unto you in the figures following . first then you must make and frame your fearn , according to this model used in the states service , which is accounted the best , number . and for the goodnesse of it ought to be preferred before all others , and for the lightnesse of it may upon a march be laid upon a waggon to be carried along in the train of the ordnance with the scallet , winch , and all appurtenances thereunto belonging . it is made upon three feet , beames or supporters , triangular-wise , upon which it stands . the demonstration is this a. a. a. are the three feet , which at the top or head of it are industriously joyned together , from b. to c. is the length of it some . or . foot long : it is framed a foot broad , and half a foot thick , d. and e. showes a great iron bolt with a round head , and at the other end a crosse wedge to clench and joyne it close together , f. g. is the copper hook and ring , upon which the uppermost pullie or truckle hangeth , h. the uppermost truckle itself , through which the ropes are let down and woundup , i. i. the cable or winding roap , k. the lower truckle above the rouler , l. l. the plate-work within which the rowler turns in its bed and sockets , m. is the rowler it self , n. n are the ends of the two roaps well pleated and bound about , which are to be put through the eares of your peece which is to be hoised up , o. o. the two oblique yron plated feet , upon which it stands and rests upon the ground , and by reason they are so made , cannot so easily slip away , or sinck into the earth , but makes the fearn to stand stedfast and firm , p. p. are the holes into which the two wooden leavers are put into the rowler and wound up by two men , the one taking out his leaver to put it into an other hole , while the other with all his strength holds the rouler fast , q. are the two winding leavers , r. the goats foot or yron crow , necessary both for the fearne , scallet , and winch. one of the winding roaps must be at least . foot long , and in circumference a geometricall inch , and one fift part , the ends whereof must be so wreathed and bound fast together , that they must not loosen . the main roap must be . foot long , and . and three foure parts of a foot about , the slip must be well wrought and bound about with packthred , which is put through the two holes of the rowler . of a scallet . the other engine is called in french a scalet or a ladderet , in netherdutch a knape , which must have likewise a strong iron crow belonging to it , a thicke oaken board upon which the pillars or supporters of the weight stands , which are well nigh two foot long and a foot broad and about halfe a foot in thicknesse . the two pillars of the scalet must be enchased a quarter of a foot in the thick board , to give it the more firmnesse whereupon they stand , and must be a matter of . geometricall foote high about the said board , and ⅗ and ¼ part of a foot thick each pillar as you see having . holes boored through them at an equall distance one from another , through which you are to put your great yron bolt , which with the iron crow must sustain and beare up the ponderosity : unto this bolt there is an iron chain fastned to it , and nailed to the right hand pillar as you may mark : the bolt it self ought to be one and one fifth part of a geometricall inch round , and one an a half of a foot long , each pillar must stand at least half a foot one from an other . vpon this yron bolt , which may be put into any of the holes as you raise vp the peece , and as occasion serues , resteth your yron crow and leavers , and receiveth strength from it to lift vp your wheel peece , and all at a dead lift out of any rutt , moorish ground , or place when it sticks fast in it , and as you raise it , by this engine , you may clap thick fagots , or boards vnder the wheele , till you advance it higher to an other hole . the winch or windlace represented here unto you in the . figure , is called in netherdutch a windaes , or a dumcracht ; and is a differing engine from the former , but of singular use also for the heaving vp of a peece of ordnance , carriage , and all , let it be never so great , or any ponderous weight , as blocks loggs &c. yea it is of such great strength and force that it is able to overturne a house , and hath no neede but of one man to put it a worke . now to make it stronge and sufficient , it must be two foote long at the least , foot and a half broad , and half a foot thick , with avice , and a teethed scrue comming out of the midst of the woodworke of it , and winding up its teeth by the force of two secret wheeles turning within the midst of the woodworke . this engine may also be used ( as the former ) for the lifting up of a peece of ordnance out of adeep rutt , morish ground , or any durt or mire into which it is sunck ; by laying of thick boards , and faggots vnder the wheele , as is said ; and this will be done quickly , so that you need not loose much time vpon a march : and thus much in brief for the making and use of these three instruments . the figures whereof follow in the next page . how one is to movnt a peece vpon its carriage , by the helpe of a fearne , or a ghynne . the fifth chapter . before you are to mount your peece , above all things you must have a singular care that the fearn be so firmly set , that it doth not recoil or slip away in any manner , and so that the rope , and pullie , or truckle , comming downe from the head fall just vpon the eares of the peece : whereof to be assured , you may let fall downeward from the pullie aboue , a whipcoard with a plummet , or some small stone hanging downe : and turning the said fearn , till the plummet falls just in the very midst , as is said . if it be in a plaine , even , and fast ground , you may have the lesse care in setting firme and steadfast the feete of your fearn vpon it , but if it be a sandie and a soft earth into which the feete may sinke , or give back , according to the greatnesse of the weight , then you must put plancks , blocks , or some solid thing vnder the feete , setting tent pinnes about it , according as necessity shall require , and as opportunity will permit you . your fearn then being thus firmly placed and setled , the gunner shall get vp by a ladder , or some stepps to the head or top of it , having the rope in his hand , shall put it through the vppermost truckle of the head , and let it fall downe to the other , that he which catches it may put it through the left side of the peece in his hand , to fasten it , ( as wee shall shew hereafter ) into the eares of the peece , and so having put it through them , he drawes it vp till he can give it to him that is aboue him , and then he puts it againe through the hole of the right hand truckle , and gives it downe to him that is vnder him , who reaches it againe to him that is above : and so he fastens it to the head of the fearn , giving it some turnes , till it comes under the vppermost truckle , as you see . this done , he must fasten it ( with great discretion ) to the lower truckle , by puting the rope through the eares of the peece , putting the end of it thorow three times , as well through the eares , as through the ring which is under the said truckle : after this , you shall begin to hoise your peece , putting a great , and a long peece of timber into the mouth of the peece to guide it aright , that it doth not swagg from one side to an other ; a dangerous thing , which stricking against one of the feete of the fearn or against the rouler , may break it , and so hinder the whole worke . those which mounts it , must have a care to keepe the peece steddie and right , untill the weight of the peece is well setled . the generall or his lieutenant generall , in the meane while having a watchfull eye , as well vpon the ropes , as vpon the feete of the fearne ; that the feet do not slip away , or the rope be cadgeld one among an other , or drawing not alike , may breake . therefore , when they begin to hoise the peece vp , they must give a blow or two with a staff vpon the ropes , to part them a sunder , one from an other , that each may beare an equall weight . if you perceive that your fearne beginnes to give back , then you must presently let your peece sinke , and underlaye , and settle well the feete of it , and that as gently as may be , to the end the crosse beame , or rouler may not be disjoynted , or broken . finally , giving two or three turnes to the maine rope , vpon the rouler or winder of the fearn , you must wind it vp carefully , and very gently with the help of two men only : in such sort , that when one of the levers or handles hath gone about , the other must be held fast till that the other man hath put this in its place to make likewise its turne about : or else the other man shall stay his hand , till that his fellow drawing out his , hath put it also in its hole ; which must be done so often till the peece be hoised so high , that you may put your carriage vnder it . also you must take heede that your peece knocketh not against any part of your fearne , which might cause any disaster , or that the fearne might breake , and letting the peece fall , a mischiefe may happen , and put all into disorder : wherefore you must put the carriage under it very gently , that the tronions may fall just into the holes or clasping sockets of the carriage and so guide your peece by the beame which it hath in its mouth , that it falls softly to rest upon its carriage , and then locking it well in , and fastning it with the wedges , you may then loosen your ropes , and taking away the fearne , your peece being thus mounted you may draw it whithersoever you please . how a canonier ought to charge a peece . chapter vi. a peece being brought to a batterie , and planted upon a platforme , having powder , bullets , his linstock , scowrers , rammers , and all things else in a readinesse , after he hath stuck down his linstockin some place under the winde , and first carefully cleared his peece with his scowrer and sheepe-skin within , and sees that the touch-hole be not stopped , or any dust or filth cleaving to it , then one of his companions , which is to assist him , ( for commonly there must bee two canoniers to every canon , or great peece of ordnance ) brings him the pouch barrell , with powder iust before the mouth of the peeee , and putting his ladle or charger into it , fils it , and least it might be overfull , giues it a little iogg , that the surplus may fall down againe into the barrell , after this he puts it gently into the mouth of his peece , even till the end of his ladle comes up to the very brich and touch-hole of his peece , and then turnes his ladle softly , and lets it lye within the chamber of the peece , and drawing out his ladle almost to the mouth of his peece , puts it back againe to take up the loose cornes which were spilt by the way , and to bring them up to the charge of powder : this done he drawes out his ladle , and takes out of the pouch-barrell a second ladle full ( for by triall before , he knowes the weight and charge of powder , which his ladle will hold , and which his peece well require ) and so putting in his second ladle full up to the former , drawes it out , and doth as he did before , that no loose cornes may lie in the bottome of the mould of his peece , and in drawing out of his ladle , he must haue a care , that he let fall any powder upon the ground , for it is a thing unseemely for a cannonier , to trample it under his feete . then he takes a wispe of straw , hay , or any other thing : and puts it so hard into the mouth of the peece ( turning his ladle to come to the end of his rammer ) hee driues up the wispe and carries up with it the loose cornes , which happily may be by the way in the mould of the peece , even up to the charge of powder , and then giving the stopper and powder , two or three shoues , to make it lie close together in the chamber of his peece , he drawes out his rammer , puts in his bullet , which roules gently into his peece up to the wispe or stopper which keepes up the powder ( all this while his companion stopping the touch-hole with his finger , that no powder flies out of it , but that it be also well fild and stopt with powder which hee may do out of his touch-horne afterwards ) and then puts in his second wispe after his bullet . and the canonier is to be forwarned , that he stands not iust before the mouth of his peece , while this is a doing , but aside of it , least a danger or mischelfe might happen to him , and thus the peece having its due charge both of powder and bullet , he shall cover his touch-hole with a dry sheepskin , after he hath levelled his peece , and setting away his pouch barrell of powder with the rest , in some concaue , or hollow hutt into the ground covered over with sodds or earth , he shall attend the gentleman 's of the ordnance his command before he giues fire . an other observation for a canonier . touching the charging of a peece frons-berghen maintaineth , that one ought to take in powder one half of the weight of the bullet . rivius and some others are of the opinion , that the more powder one puts in , the swifter and further the bullet wil fly shewing many reasons to proue it . but experience the mistris of this art teacheth us otherwise : for a peece being loaded with two third parts of the bullets weight in powder , sends the bullet going more swiftly , and will carry it further , which hath bin so often tryed , that it is without all contradiction , giving this reason , that the exhencia is so swift and violent , that it bursteth out of the mould before the two third parts of the powder be fired , and this hath beene found irrefutable . again others maintain , that if one should forcibly ramme in the bullet then the powder might take fire , ere it could cast out the bullet , and then would cause the bullet to fly further then otherwise it would do , but you must consider in so doing , you either indanger the break ing of your peece , or else make it crooked and unserviceable , because your ordinary peeces will not bear so great a charg of powder , this hath bin tryed upon the sea strand at scheveling by the hagh in holland , before his excellency prince maurice of famous memory , where first one and the same peece was loaded with ten pound of fine powder to see how far she would carry her bullet . the place being marked where the bullet rested , shee was loaden again with . pounds , which shot as far as the ten pound did , but last of all shee was charged but with . pounds of the same powder , which carried her bullet further then the two former shots : whence one may obserue , that a peece of ordnance may be overcharged , and therefore a good gunner ought to haue a singular care to giue his peece her due measure and charge . of the gunners service in generall . now forasmuch as ordnance are engins of force , reason , waight , and measure : and the gunners men exercised and experienced in them and their apurtenances , in making platforms with defences , troniers , gabbions , loopes , parapets of earth , and faggots about . or . foot high , of faggots of . foot high of earth , bed upon bed vnto eleven foot high , and after . foot of terraplene , to raise the troniers and loopes , so that for the canon it be . foot wide in the barb and within . foot wide without the lower part therof to descend scarpwise the better to discover the enemies avenews , and offend them the more freely , for avoyding the blast and smoake , and ruine , it would else make : for the culverings foot and a halfe within , and foot without will suffice , and for lesse peeces , lesse measures . if the battery be to be made with gabbions , they being filled with earth without stones , moistned , and rammed . foot a peece in dyametre , . rankes betwen . peeces , if the place will permit or . at the least , and . rowes also one before another , setting one betwen two , so if the . ranke haue . the second will haue two , and the third one , but it will be hard to make a safe battery with gabbions , canon , or culvering proofe : and each platforme is to haue . foot for the reverse of the canon , and . foot for the demy canon , he ought to see that it be levelled , or rising . foot for . backwards the better to stay the reverse and facility , the bringing the peece being loaded to the loop : he ought to search and examine , the goodnesse of the peeces , their ladels , rammers spunges and tampion , fitnesse and roundnesse of the shot , force and goodnesse of the powder and match ; and to see all fitted accordingly , and to place the powder covertly , hid safe from the fire of his owne as also of the enemies ordnance , to see the gunners take their markes toward the under part , giving each under gunner his charge . how a cannonier ovght to lay and levell his peece and to amend a bad shott , chapter vii . having time and command to lay and levell a peece , according to the ordinary ayme , to try how farr it will carry , the canonier shall take a long ruler , and laying it vpon the midst of the frizes , aswell of the brich , as of the muzzle of the peece , and a levell upon it , he shall raise or sinke it , untill the plummet of the levell be iust in the midst : then taking away both the ruler and the levell , he shall see even with the frizes , the point or marke which this ayme discovers , which without doubt will be the place it wil carry to ; with which according to the levell of the mettell , whereof wee will speake hereafter , it will make but the half . but if he hath no leisure so to use the ruler and levell , he may take his ayme , or lay his peece , as he finds good , according to the charge and proportion of his peece . if he strickes his marke , he may then be assured , that his ayme is right , and using the like weight of powder , will alwaies make the same shot . but if his bullet carries over , he shall level his peece againe as he did before , and having got the first marke in his sight , he shall neither stirre nor mooue his peece : but shall take away asmuch of the frizes of the brich , till he sees the blow which the bullet gaue , and which will bee the true , and right sight , which he presently may trie by laying his peece upon his first marke , which without any doubt he will strike . now if his first shot fals short , then he must doe as he did before , levelling his peece again and then without mooving it , he shall goe and take away the frizes from the muzzle till hee discovers the blow of the bullet , and then he shall haue the true sight ; according to which , laying his peece upon the first marke , hee will surely strike it , if that there bee no fault in the powder . there is an other way of levelling of a peece , and amending of a bad shott , in adding or diminishing the elevation , according to discretion . to witt , when he shootes short of his mark , the peece is remooved and layd as before , afterward he raises up the muzzle as he shall judg , and as need shall require , that he may strike his desired mark , observing well alwaies how much this elevation is made higher then his first ayme taken , which he shall perceiue if looking even with the mettell , he shall see what marke it will show him . how a canonier ought to levell his peece . then giving fire , and striking the marke before aymed at , he may be assured , that his peece carries right , to which henceforward hee shall giue as much height aboue the naturall levell : if it failes , that is , if he over shootes his marke , let him dispart that which his firstshot fell too short , with the length of the same , for the lessening of the elevation proportionably ; in doing whereof , without all question hee shall see his shott remedied , and a right shott made . and this is your common and ordinary way in which gunners do most exercise themselues in , with assurance that he which knowes not by this meanes to giue the right elevation and range to his peece , is not worthy of the name of a canonier . now for his better understanding i will giue him this example . suppose a canon be mounted upon his carriage , and planted upon a plateforme , and is to mark a shot at some white-stone or marke in a wall. to doe this , your gunner must take his ayme as curiously as possibly he can levell with the mettell of his peece , but if his shot fals to short , to helpe it he shall take his ayme againe , and shall lay his peece as hath beene taught before : afterward he shall raise it a point higher , so that whereas he had but . before , now he hath . points of the elevation , and afterward giues fire . if he striks his mark let him alwaies take the same ayme and levell , but if he over shootes his marke , let him levell his peece as is taught before : by disparting the difference of the first , from . with that of seven points , as discretion shall guide him , according to the carriage of the first shot , and giving fire , ( without all doubt ) he shall hit his desired marke . and his peece being thus raised he must keep in his sight the point or marke which is showne him , and obserue wel the height which is aboue his marke , with assurance that when he is to make more shot by keeping this elevation he wil never faile . but if the first shot lying upon the . points be to high , then he shall helpe that by the same rule in laying his peece lower , and so shall strike his marke whereby he shall get credit and commendations for it . a new devise by any staffe , to levell , mount , and imbase any peece . also any peece may with a field linstock , rammer , or spunge , or other staffe be mounted to any degree of the quadrant , being thus prepared , first mark from one end of that staffe a distance equal unto the height of the pomel or caskabel of the peece , placed levell upon her platform , & then take the distance between the centre of the tronions , and the pomell or caskabell , which make or imagine a semidiametre of a circle , and divide it by diagonals or paralels , or otherwise into a . equal parts . lastly out of the table of sines , take the number answering to every degree out of the said . parts , and set that distance from the said mark downwards , and if the totall syne of the table be . omit the two last figures of each number thereof toward the right hand , and if it be . then omit . figures of each number you find in that table , and the remaining number will shew how many of those . equall parts are to be set downwards from the mark beneath the said levell for each severall degree : then drawing also . paralels or diagonals from the first degree to the second , and from the second to the third , &c. successively continued from each to his next , noting every degree with arithmeticall characters , so you may from six minutes to six minutes by those right signes mount the peece , so set forth for any peece which it shal be prepared for . this may also be described upon such a staffe without the table of synes in a mechanical manner thus , if you describe a quadrant or quarter of a circle with a semidiametre , equall to the distance from the centre of the trunions , to the centre of the pomel or caskabel , & devide the arch of that quadrant into . equall parts or degrees , and then from each degree letting a line fall perpendicularly upon the base side of the said quadrant , and lastly , each of those right lines being thence transferred from the said first marke downwards upon the said staffe , and marking them with arithmeticall figures for each degree , thereupon making also paralels and diagonals as aforesaid , you may thereby geometrically and mechanically marke the same from . to . minutes as before . the use of them is plain and easie , for if you bring downe the centre of the caskabel or pomel of the peece to any number of the degrees thereon so marked , for that peece , you setting the lower end of the staffe to the platform being even , although it be rising or descending backwards , i say then the axis of the bore of that peece wil be found to be elevated to the degree assigned : if you be to imbase the peece , those lines and number also set above the first named mark , will perform the like office there , in the thing required . of a qvadrant levell , and other instruments for ordnance , and the use of them the forme , proportion , and making of aquadrant and a levell , with an instrument to shew the use of it , is very necessary for master-gunners ; and canoniers , for the levelling and ayming of canon , other ordnance , and morters demonstrated in the fift plate , and . . and figures following . chapter viii . to make a quadrant , as is fitting , one must first make the whole circle marked . which is devided by lines , running from its center into equall parts ; at the end of each is noted the number thereof , inclosed in a space between two little lines within an other circle , and between two vergets or small rings , where you see there is a space also , by which the said line is devided equally in the midst . with a quarter of this circle is made your quadrant marked ( ) being from l devided into twelue points , making seven degrees and a halfe , so that in all they make , which is iust the fourth part of the degrees of the whole circumference of the world . it may also be devided , as you see upon the white , each one the outside , into points , wherof every of them make degrees : so that the whole degres are comprehended within them , according to this form and devision is made your other quadrant , noted ( ) and is marked with , a. b. and c. devided into equall parts , each of them making degrees . now by these two quadrant , the plummet hanging in the midst from the point of the degree , which are also devided into two equall parts , is showne to you the highest elevation and range of a peece , yea as ever the peece is able to carry at length , as you may see in the figrues following of a canon and a culvering . the like is also showne you by the levell marked ( ) for the ayming , and levelling of peeces , when you are to take your marke aright , which also is usefull for the making of your platformes , and beddings for ordnance , all which are necessarie for the art of gunnerie . this may also be made by a quart of the former circle , if you devide it into equall points , and so noted and ordered , that you must beginn to count from the midst of it , towards the ends or sides to the point , so that your plummet , being upon the point iust as the others , you shall , finde that your peece is layd at its highest elevation and range . the cartabon ( or your fouresquare levell ) marked , comprehends also all the circle abouesaid , and is devided into pointes , according to the foure quarters of the world , that is , east , south , north , and west , making also foure particular quadrants , whereof the forked dart comming from the center or midst ; showes all the lines , not onely of the circle , but also of the quadrant , or your foure square levell , and running in a line from the midst , marked with o and n or with o and s , it will make a levell , and is in the first degree of the right quadrant , but comming from the midst , and betweene the said lines , it will shew you your highest elevation , as the other quadrants haue done . the handle noted e. f. ( if it be possible ) must be foote and a halfe long , whereof each foote must be ynches , to the end it may make iust inches , that in foote and foure inches of our ordinary foote , which is an ordinary pace , or halfe a geometricall one . of a quadrant levell , and the use of them . each of these ought to haue in the midst , and at the end a little hole going from the one side of the handle to the other , which serue for this use , that this instrument being set upon the brich of your peece , looking through one of them aboue the highest frizes : you may giue a shreud gesse how farre your peece will carry the bullet , according to the length , condition , and proportion thereof . the two pins which you see on the sides of it , marked c f serue to this end , that thereby you may discerne the quality of the place , which you would measure , the point dessigning by its fall from the east towards the north , the length , bredth depth , and height of the same . finally this instrument contayneth many misteries of great consequence , and is of excellent use both for an inginer , and a canonier . the common rule , whereby a canonier may know how farre his peece will carrie , and how farre from one degree to an other , according to the elevation thereof , let him first see how many paces it will carry being laid even with the mettle , which afterward he shall devide by . and multiply the quotient by . and that will bring out the number of the further digression or range , which if he devides again by . he shall then find the quotient to be the just number of paces which the bullet will loose in the other ranges , degree by degree , as for example a battering canon will shoot its bullet being laid even with the mettle a thousand ordinarie paces , at two foot and a half the pace , which being devided by . your quotient will give which being multiplyed again by . it will give . paces , which is the number of the next digression , made in the second degree of the quadrant , or the first after the levell abovesaid . but all the other digressions or ranges , do alwaies diminish even unto the . degree . to know then what this diminishing is from degree to degree , even unto the . which is the highest elevation , you must take the just number of the digressions from the first to the . which will be . now deviding them by the former number of . paces , you shall find your quotient to be . which is the number which goes alwaies , decreasing from the first to the last digression , so that your canon being laid upon its naturall mark , in which it is raised a degree above the levell , even with the mettle , making a . paces as is said , being laid upon the second degree , adding . paces to it as an advantage , then it will carry the bullet . paces before it stops . again , you may add the same to the third degree , but the former being the greatest digression , as we have taught , this then , and all the others will alwaies diminish . paces , and will make but . above the . of the second degree , so that you shal have in your third degree . paces . in the fourth degree . in the fift degree paces , in the sixt . paces , in the seventh , . paces , in the eighth , . in the ninth . paces , in the tenth degree which is the first of the quadrant of . points , it will be . paces , in the eleventh , . in the twelft , . in the thirteenth , . in the fourteenth , . paces , in the fifteenth , . in the sixteenth , . in the seventeenth , . in the eighteenth . in the nineteenth . in the twentieth degree , which is the first of the second point , . paces , in the one and twentieth , . in the two and twentieth , . in the three and twentieth , . in the twenty fourth , . in the twenty fift , . in the twenty sixt , . in the twenty seventh , . in the twenty eight , . in the twenty ninth . paces , in the thirtieth which is the beginning of the third point , . paces , in the thirty one , . paces , in the two and thirty , . in the three and thirty , . in the four and thirty , . in the five and thirty , . in the six and thirty , . in the seven and thirty . in the eight and thirty , . and in the nine and thirty degree , . paces , in the forty point which is the beginning of the fourth point , . in the . . in the . . in the . . in . . lastly in the . when you reckon but foure halfe points of the quadrant , you have the highest elevation or range , as you shall see in the figure following , which maketh paces . to conclude , a skilfull canonier exercising himself herein , will easily conceive and know certainly how to levell his peece upon any one of these degrees and points , and how farre it will carry , be it great or little : for this calculation will never fail him , by observing this , that in giving the chase or elevation of his peece , in what point soever it be of this rule or degree reaches from . inch to . which is a geometricall foot . the next chapter following shall shew you the use of it in levelling of ordnance after three manner of wayes , to wit , even or levell with the mettle , point-blanke , or upon a higher elevation at a range . showing how a cannonier shall shoot levell by the mettle of his peece , otherwise called the horiozontall levell . secondly , or by the levell axis vulgarly called by some gunners the levell point blanck . and lastly at the highest elevation and range , as the figure following shall demonstrate . the ninth chapter . to do this , he must first take a crooked compasse , therewith take the highest frizes to or base ring of the brich , and marking well the distance of the two points which make the diamiter of the circumference upon a right line , then he must do the like upon the frizes of the peeces muzzle or mouth , and set the points of his compasse upon the said line in such sort , that setting the one upon the first point which he had taken before , extending the other to the second , he shall divide the distance between the two points towards the lower part of the line , into the two equall parts , of which each will show him how much the frizes of the brich doth differ , or are higher then those of the mouth . therefore to lay his peece right , so that it may be levelled even with the mouth , he must trace out this height upon a peece of wood or some such thing , and put it to the highest frizes of the mouth , and upon that a rule , which is so long that it will lye upon the frize of the brich , upon which , hanging a levell with a line and a plummet , he shall raise the peece or sinck it , till that the plummet comes to fall just in the midst , and then he shall have the boore thereof , right in the levell . then taking away the rule , and taking his aim upon the highest frize of the brich , and the height which is upon the frize of the mouth , he shal mark well the point which it showes him and surely in giving fire to his peece he shall without fail hit his mark . but it is needlesse alwaies to set the said height upon the frize of the mouth , therefore the canonier shall hold it in his hand , whensoever he would shoot upon this point ( which he is to do upon batteries , which have the mark neer enough ) and shall take his aime levell by the mettle of his peece , as usually he doth , till he hath in his sight the mark he meanes to hitt , but because the distance being too near , and that the bullet may carry over , letting his peece stand without stirring it , he shall set the heigth which he hath in his hand upon the frize of the brich and observe well the point which it showes above the said height , and after he hath it , he shall lay his peece again levell by the mettle upon the said point , and he shal without fail hit his desired mark . but this being something obscure , i will explain it by an example , suppose there be three points , as d. a. c. and that you would shoot even by the boore of the levell upon the point a. you must lay your peece levell by the mettle , but questionlesse you shall shoot over it , the distance being too near at hand for his aime , so that in giving fire to your peece the bullet will come to strike the point c. to hit then just upon the point a. you must set the said height upon the brich and taking from thence your aim ( without moving your peece downwards ) you shal have in your sight the point d. from which having taken away the said height you shall lay your peece again levell by the mettle as before , and giving fire , the bullet will fly over d. and strike just upon your desired mark a. if occasion were that you would shoot at a mark which is too far for the aime , levell by the boore , and notwithstanding is so neer for the ordnance levell , a canonier must use this discretion , to wit , the distance being a third part further , he must then take away a third part of the height , and if it exceeds the carriage of the levell two parts , then he must also take away two parts , and he shall snoot so right , that if it were for a wager he would hit a shilling or at least a hat without fayling . this is your ordnance pointeries against batteries , which according to the instruction given before , one ought to approach as neere an enemie as one can , so that if you do not take heed to lay alwaies this heigth upon the brich of your peece , you will alwaies overshoot your mark , contrary to the desire of a good canonier , which is alwaies to beat upon the foot or foundation of a wall , that it may tumble down , and be battered the sooner , for the easier entrance of a breach , observing that it is one of the principallest considerations in all shoots , that in making a good shot one levels his peece at the foot of his mark , especially in shooting at a troup of horse , or a company of foot . but in a stony place , a canonier doth willingly shoot short , because in striking upon the stones or bricks , in razing them , he makes a hole much greater then the bullet which goeth through them . but in a plaine place one must lay his peece so , as the bullet may take them iust in the middle , or about the girdle , and so may kill a whole file , or a rank at a shot , yea though they should all fall flat down upon the ground , yet they cannot all escape , otherwise if you levell too high , it may be accounted but as a lost shot . to amend then a shot too high for this mark , you must levell your peece upon the white or marke you shoot at , then going to the mouth of your peece with a levell line and a plummer , and take there the height of the highest frize or ring to the bottome of the boore , which you shall set to the frize of the brich , and from thence , and aboue the frize of the mouth , you shall take ( without stirring the peece ) your aime , marking well the place it will shew you , then taking away the said heigth , you shall lay your peece againe upon the point it showed you , and so without fayling , you shall hitt the mark you desired . but if you peece carries to short , it must be amended in this manner , lay the peece as before , then going to the mouth with your line and plummet , take all the heigth of the frize from the top to the bottome , in such sort , that your line may take the whole dyamiter of all the circumference thereof , and by this dyamiter , you shall take the thicknesse of the ●ettle from the bottome of the boore , even to the lowest part of the said frize , and laying this heigth upon the brich of the peece , and levelling it upon the mark dessigned , which you would shoot at , you shall see the good effect it will take : now for a shot that is made on either side of your mark , it is to be helpt in this manner following , if the bullet fals on the right side of it , then you must lay or mooue your peece , and take your aime so much on the left hand , and that you may not faile a hairesbreadth , now to make the distance of the other side alike , you shall level your peece as before , right upon your white , then take a long ruler , which you shall lay upon the frizes , aswell of the brich , as of the muzzle , and leaving it upon the mouth , you shal take your aime removing it at the brich so long , till you haue got in your sight the place of the side shot which your bullet made , and without taking away your eye , or your hand from this fight , removing the brich of your carriage , till the brich of your peece , comes to be right in the midst under the said ruler , which being done , take away the ruler , and take your aime level by the mettle of the peece , and you shall find your peece to be turned iust as much towards your left hand , as it shot before on your right hand . moreouer , there are many occasions , which may cause a bullet to straggle either on the one side or on the other . the first is , when the boore is boored more on the one then vpon the other side , or by reason of the inequallity of the mettle , or that the mould is not right : this cannot be imputed a fault in the canonier but in the founder : neuerthelesse , if he be ingenious , he may helpe this fault by his discretion trying his peece by his creuset in , or scaling primer , and so help it as the fault may require . a peece also will carry sidelings , if the tronions be not iust right the one ouer against the other . also if the platforme be not layd even , but that the one part is higher then the other . item if a canonier it taking of his aime stirs his eye from the iust middle of the frizes of the peece , and though he hath it , yet he may faile in not taking his aime iust in the middle of his mark . item if one wheele be higher then the other , the shot will fly alwaies toward the lower side . item if one of the wheeles should stay upon a naile , and the other not , as likewise when the one turns more easily then the other , and if one wheel should stand upon dirty ground and the other on hard , or when one of the cubes or heads of the wheele is longer then he other . item when the bullet is not driven home alike , or lies more upon the one side of the boore then upon the other : and finally , the straying of the bullet upon the one side may be caused by the vehemency of the wind , when it cannot be holpen . likewise a short or an overshot may be occasioned either by the force or the weakenesse of the powder , or by reason of the unskilfullnesse of the gunner which knowes not to lay and levell his peece aright , neither knowes the true distance of the mark whereat he shootes . all which i have marked at large , not as a matter to excuse an unexpert canonier but to give advice to the wise to have a vigilant eye upon all things , and to follow the rules abovesaid ; and so to prevent all inconveniences , for to faile the first time may passe , the second may be pardoned , but the third time is too much , and cannot be excused , because it is a certain signe of indiscretion and want of iudgement ; and indeed there is no fault which we have shown , but by discretion it may be remedied , whereof we have seen many examples at the famous siege of ostend , wherein a sound iudgement was shown in this kind , whereof i will relate two examples . a ship running into the haven to get into the town , which brought the enemy some provision , a woman sat at the helm to make us ashamed , order was given to a canonier that he should make a shot at this steeresse , who thinking it was too cruell a thing to shoot at so weak a sexe , offered to take away the helme from between her hands , and to make the boat come floating towards us with the floud , if she were not provided with an other , which he presently put in practice , levelling his peece so right and discreetly , that indeed shooting of the helme it fell in the water , and the boat came floating towards our quarter , where it was pillaged and burnt in sight of our enemies . an other ship lying at anckor , staying for a high water to come into the towne , our men to sinck it made many canon shot at it in vaine , judging that the distance was too far to do it any harme , whereupon they were forbidden to shoot any more at it , and not to spend their powder to no purpose : but at last there came a canonier who promised not onely to strike the ship , but also to shoot the cable in sunder , so that by favour of the water the boat should come floating to our mercy , and indeed , levelling and giving fire to his peece , he shot the cable in peeces , and to the great admiration of all our army , the boat came swimming to our quarter . these examples i have related and will do others in the following chapters , to shew the skill of a good canonier that hath discretion and judgement in such occurrences , and to give encouragement to all canoniers and gunners to do the like when occasion shall serve . the first dialogue . betweene the master , or generall of the ordnance , and a captaine , to know whether a demy canon or a culvering will carry furthest at the highest range , and how a canonier must levell , and raise his canon , and culvering to try it , as the two next figures following shall demonstrate . generallo . senor captaine , i haue often heard that in trying of a canon with a culvering , at randome , it hath bin found that the canon will carry its bullet further then a culvering , and indeede i should be of the same opinion , if your discourse perswade mee not to the contrary . capt. my lord there are many reasons , which one must yeeld vnto , that a culvering will carry its bullet further then a canon . gen. it may be so , yet i haue heard many men say , who haue tryed it , that a canon will carry further , then the culvering . capt. it may well be , but i would fain see the tryall thereof , to the end it might be certainly known . gen. how ought then a due tryall to be made thereof . capt. sure it is , that a culvering is mounted vpon a higher and a longer carriage , then a canon is , and that the crosse-beames vpon which the brich of the canon resteth , being higher then that of a canon , and the peece being longer cannot stoope so much as to elevate its mouth so high as a canon can , that hath its carriage shorter , then the crossebeames lower , for the shorter a peece is , the easier it may be elevated even to degrees of the quadrant aboue said , whence will follow , that a canon being raised to a higher elevation , must needs carry its bullet further then a culvering , not that the fault is in it , but that it wants its due elevation , for if it could be raised to the same elevation and degree the canon is , then you should see the culvering , would ouer shoot the canon by far . generall . how so ? then there must bee some fault in the inginier , that made the mettall of it , or else in the carpenter in the makeing or frameing of the carriage . capt it may be in both of them , though they have done their best endeavour , because they haue not attained vnto the heigth of this perfection : for as in the art of gunnerie , so in the fabricking and framing of the other engines and instruments , there are many secrets in them , which a common capacity cannot so easely find out . gen. how shall we then discouer this mistery , and to haue a sure tryall therof , that the one peece may haue no more advantage then the other . capt. to haue a true tryall thereof , first the carriages of the one and of the other must be so rightly fitted , and locked with crosse-beames low enough , to giue both the peece one and the same elevation , as you may see in the figures following . secondly . they must be planted upon two plaine and euen plate formes . thirdly , if the culvering cannot be laid vpon the same height as the canon is , then you must take away so much of the crosse beame of the carriage , that the brich of it may sinck , and the muzzle lie vpon the same elevation as the canon doth . generall . what need is it then to take away so much of the crosse-beames , and so to weaken the carriage , which may easelie bee remedyed by digging a hole in the ground , to make the brich of the carriage sink into it , till the muzzle of the peece be raised high enough . capt. it may well be done , when there is no strife nor dispute about it , to which the contrary parties will never agree , because of giuing an advantage . gen. what advantage can there be in this , to haue a peece to lye vpon a plat-forme , and to haue the brich of the carriage sunke a little into the ground . capt. i am of that mind , that a peece , which hath the brich of the carriage stept from trary part is will never agree , because of giuing an advantage . gen. what advantage can there be in this , to haue a peece to ly vpon a plate-forme , and to haue the brich of the carriage sunke a little into the ground . capt. i am of that mind , that a peece , which hath the brich of the carriage stept from recoyling , will shoot its bullet with a greater force and violence , then that which lies freer upon an explanado , or a plat-form , and therefore to giue no advantage to a culvering , it is better to shaue of some of the crossebeames , to cause it to sinke lower , then to ly in such a ditch by raiseing the muzzell to the required height as you may see in the figures following . gen. i haue heard diverse disputes among good canoniers touching this point , who thought that a culvering , could not carry so farre as a canon , because this peece being long , the bullet must go a longer way from out the chamber to the mouth , and that before the bullet comes out , the powder in that while may loose some of the strength thereof , whereas a canon being shorter , and the flying of a bullet out of the canon shorter , the powder will send it going with a greater strength . capt. i beleeue well that there is some reason for what you alledge for the length of a culvering , and the shortnesse of a canon , when they are charged with that quantity of powder as their bullets require : but for your culvering , in regard of the length of it , you giue it a greater charge , whereas for the charging of your canon , you giue it in powder but halfe the weight of his bullet , and to an ordinary culvering , you give it , in powder , or the weight of the bullet , but being a culvering renforced , you may giue it as many pound of powder as the weight of your bullet . gen i will demaund of you sir one question more , and therewith conclude this discourse , if you were to shoot at ships upon the sea , what peeces would you choose to be best either your canon or your whole culvering ? capt. of this you may be assured from one that hath found it by experience , that there is no better peeces to do this then your canon . gen. giue me your reason ? capt. your canon being shorter , may be laid lower , and better levelled , considering also that their bullets are weightier then the others , and fly more certain , because neither the wind , nor the humidity of the water , can haue any such great power to dead or hinder their sight . gen. how so ? seeing your culvering taketh a greater charge of powder , then your canon , as you even now confessed is better , and will ding away the bullet with a more violent force . capt. my reason is that the wind and the moistnesse of the water haue more power over a lighter , then of canon bullet , which is heavier then a culvering , now if you were to shoot at a ship of a like distance , you must raise your culvering to your thinking two pikes length higher then the ship is , whereas your canon will require but one pikes length of elevation aboue it . therefore i haue made many a tryall of it at the siege of ostend , both of a canon and of a culvering . gen. well sir you haue satisfied mee , and given mee good reasons for what you say : but i pray you tell me whether a peece will carrie furthest , which is shot out of the sea to the landward , or that which is shot from the shoare side , along the superfices of the water capt. this were a hard question to resolue , if one had not made experience of it , neverthelesse i will tell you what i haue seen , that wee shooting into the sea from our batteries in dunkirke at the enemies shipping , which rid before the town , we could scarce reach them , but i haue seen with admiration , that the enemy shooting from their shipping to us ward , their bullets flew from that place , fiue hundred paces further , then ours did , where wee stood , yea some of them into the very towne of dunkirke . gen. surely i was of a contrary opinion , thinking that a peece planted upon the firme ground , the bullet would flie further , and with a more violent force , then that which is shot from a floating ship , because the peece in recoyling shakes the ship , and by the shaking therof , the bullet may loose some of its strength , but these are secrets in nature , more admirable then apprehensible . capt. true it is , that there are many hidden and secret misteries in nature , but for this one may alledg some naturall causes : for a bullet shot from a ship to the land-ward , seeketh its naturall resting place : but that which is shot from the land along the surface of the water , the bullet is forced to striue against two elements , that is first against the aire , which retaineth it with all might , and secondly against the moistnesse of the water , which also deads the bullet , causing it to stoope , for this hath bin found by experience to be true , that a bullet will shoot further into the sea at a low water , then it will doe at a high sea. gen. if a peece were so planted , that one could shoot both into the land , and also into the sea , by turning the said peece , the question is , whether the bullet would flye furthest over the land , or upon the sea. capt. a canon will carry its bullet a thousand paces further over the land , then it will do upon the superficies of the water , and though we haue had no certain tryall of it : yet the siege of ostend hath taught us this experience , that we may be assured of it : for in the channell by newport , when the battle in flaunders was fought anno. . we shot at the enemyes shipping and men of warre , to make them giue back , that our men might come up along the strand with more safety , and lesse danger to fight , we found that our bullets , which were shot at them from the land , could not reach them to doe them any harme , but the enemies bullets , which were shot from their men of warre , shot amongst us , and flew fiue or sixe hundred paces over our heads . gen. that might well be , for perhaps the enemies peeces were either greater or longer then ours , or else that they had finer , and stronger powder then ours had . capt. the calibres and boores of the one and of the other were alike , for their bullets fitted our peeces , but indeed in the goodnesse of the powder there might be some difference , and for our parts to charge them well , we put a ladle full of powder more then ordinary into ours , but this would not help . this question i haue asked many times , both of gunners , and marriners , who haue given me alwaies this reason , that it was for some secret cause in nature , that a shot being made into the land , should fly further , then that which was made from the land into the water . gen. though this troubled me a little yet i am glad to heare your reasons , and the experience you have had . but i had almost forgotten to haue asked you one question more , which now i call to mind how comes it to passe , that all the charge of the powder takes not fire , and is not consumed in a canon , aswell as in a culvering . capt. this is not any fault or advantage in the peeces , for one would thinke that a canon being shorter , and of a larger bore then a culvering a small part of the powder might bee expulsed or driuen out before it be all fired , and that a culvering being longe and straight , might keept in the powder till it takes all fire , but this is done at a venture , and yet notwithstanding it happens oftner in a canon , by reason of the biggnesse of the boore , then in a culvering , for after you haue giuen your peece its due charge of powder to ramme it vp some what close into the chamber of your peece , you give it two or shoues with the end of your rammer , the powder being well corned ; there lies ordinarily some loose cornes and dust by the way in the bottome of the mould , which the wispe or stopping hath not driven home , so that if a canonier , doth not take very good heed , there will alwaies be some part of the powder shed in the peece , which will ly before the bullet , and when the rest of powder takes fire those loose cornes flyes out , and cannot take fire , like as you see also that some shreds and peeces of the stopping after the shot is made , and smoaks without being consumed by fire . so that your lo. may be assured that any peece of ordnance be it either short or long , if the charge of the powder be well stopped and rammed home and some loose cornes which will fly back gathered well up by the wisp , there will not be so much as one corn , but will all take fire . this is seen also in the tryall of bombards and morters , which though they be short , and large mouthed , fire and consume , all their powder , without loosing so much as a graine . gen. now i vnderstand well , and confesse that hitherto i haue bin of the vulgar opinion attributing the cause to the shortnesse of the peece and herewith we will conclude . here follows the figure of a canon and a culvering elevated by levell vpon one and the same degree of the quadrant to try which will carry furthest at range . contayning the demonstration of morters , and the vse of them . the tenth chapter . your great and small morters , are not onely serviceable in a warre offensiue , by shooting and casting of great granadoes , as of a , , pound weight , and smaller of and pound , but also by casting of fire-balles , stones , old rubbidge , and peeces of yron into cities , townes , and fortresses , and may be used also defensiuely , to be shot from townes , and forts besieged , into any enemies workes , and approaches , especially they are of singular use , when an enemy hath covertly approached , and lodged himselfe under some bulwark , tower , or turret , and is a beginning to undermine them , which if they do , you may plant one of these morters at a reasonable distance , on the inside of your wall , and shooting your granado , as it were bolt upright into the aire , by its naturall fall , it may light iust into the enemies workes , and there with great violence , breaking among them , it w ●ll make them cry , flye , and forsake the place , you may also fire them out of a place , by casting good store of hand-granadoes down among them , and so annoy them , that the work will be too hot for them . two of these morters are represented unto you , in the plate and figurs following number . now for the shooting away of your great granadoes or firebals , you must ever remember , but to take ⅕ or / part of fine powder of the weight of your grandoe or thing which you shoot , but if you are to shoot away a bullet without any fire workes in it , or some massie stone , or such like solid thing , then you must take but halfe the weight of it in fine powder , which having given fire to the morter , will send it going merrily . the use of them is not to shoot in a right line , as other ordance doe , but in an oblique line , as you may see by the two figures following , unlesse your morter be mounted to degrees , mounting them usually aboue degrees , namely to . and sometimes more or lesse , as the distance , and fall of your granadoe or shot shall require . having before shown you the making and use of the quadrant , it remaines now , that i come to the charging and use of a morter , now before you put in your powder , it must be well sponged and cleared , whether you charge it with loose powder , or cartouch , turning the mouth almost bolt upright , the powder being put into the chamber , you must stop it with a wade , either of hay or okam , and after a tamkin of some soft wood , and this with the powder that was put in first , it must fill up the whole chamber thereof , that there may be no vacuity , between the powder , and the wadd , or betweene the wadd , and the shot , this done the shot shall be put in at the mouth , with another wadd after it , but you must haue a care that your morter be not much mounted , least your shot flies out too soon , and the wadd between the tampkin , and the shot will not onely saue the shot from the tampkins breaking of it , but also is to avoid vacuities , which may endanger the breaking of the peece by second expansions . now then having resolved of the premisses , touching your peece , shot , and powder , as aboue said , and upon the distance and monture of your mark , as the rules and tables following shall direct you , then for the bending and disposing of it to the assigned mark , lay first a straight ruler upon the mouth of your morter , and upon it place a quadrant ( as you may see by the figures , or some other instrument crosse-wise , to set the morter vpright for shuning of wide shooting , and then placeing them fore - ●ight to elevate it into the resolved degree of monture , to avoid short or overshooting accordingly , as the tables following will teach you , for having made one shot , you may thereby , proportion the rest considering whether you are to shoot with or against the wind , or whether it blowes towards the right or the left hand , whether weakely , or strongly , and so accordingly to giue or abate the advantage , or disadvantage , which iudgment and discretion will induce you thereunto , and the helpe of the rules following . now wee will come to the use of a morter , and that in this example following , suppose an enemy be approached to the basis , or foot of a wall , or a bulwark , and there is a rooting , and begins to make a mine , and having chambred his powder , intends to blow it up , and that there is no other meanes left you , to repulse , and hinder their egresse and regresse into it : but by shooting out of your morters some granadoes firebals , stones and rubish among them , or at least by casting many hand-granadoes down uponthem . to do this either by force or policy , it behoveth a good canonier , or fire-worker , to know first ( as hath bin taught ) how far his morter will carry a granado , or any solid thing else , which shal be shot out of it , being set upon such and such a degree & elevation as the morter figure will show you . as for example , takey our aime levell with the mould or mouth of your morter , noted a upon the quadrant , and it will carry paces , where you see the granado fals upon the letter a. but your morter being elevated to the mark b it then will carry its bullet paces , if to the second c , then paces , if to the third d , it will carry paces , if to the fourth e , then paces , if to the fifth elevation f , then paces , if to the sixth g , which is in the midst of the quadrant , and lies then upon its highest elevation it will carry paces , as you may see by the severall fals of the bullets upon every letter ▪ the second figure showes you a morter casting a granado upon a castle , as you may see by the example . another table of diego vffane ●s for morter peeces , with their randoms , made for every degree , betweene the levell , and degrees , as followeth . degr. pac. deg , ●     treating of compositions , mixtures and ingrediences for the making of yovr concaue , or hollow granadoes , both great and small , to be shot , or cast out of a morter , and also of your hand-granadoes , to be cast into a trench , a sapp , or the worke of an enemy . the eleventh chapter . first , take three parts of canon powder well pounded , and sifted , one third part of greekish pitch , & halfe the weight thereof in brimstone , mingle these two lightly together , and then add to them a half part of ordinary salt , and afterwards knead them well together , with oyle of linseed . this done , fill the pipe of a cain , with some of this paste , and commixture for a tryall of it : if it carryes the flame cleare and faire , and blowes out of the pipe , with an offensiue force , without cleaving to the pipe , into which it was put , then without all question it is a signe and token of the goodnesse and perfection thereof . now to charge a granado for your morter or bombard with this mixture , and ingredience : first you must take a round stick , to turn them about withall , of the bignes that it may go iust into the touch-hole of your granado , which you are to charge by reaching down to the very bottome of it , and giue it a stamp or two with the said stick , continuing so , filling and stamping it , untill you haue filled up the concaue of your granado up to the touch-hole of it within three or foure fingers breadth , then put into the pipe , or hole of your granado , an artificiall match , and fill it up round about the match , with the aforesaid ingrediences even up to the very top of it , which you may do with your finger , without the help of the stick , because the match will stand bolt upright in the hole , and in the verymidst of it . lastly take a peece of course linnen cloath and smeare it over with pitch and waxe well melted together , and lay it over the mouth of your touch-hole , in such sort , that the upper end of your match may peepe up a little through a small hole , made in your cloth , and then you must bind it hard about , by making your cloth fast to the mouth of the morter . there are divers other receits , both for the making of your compositions , for great and small granadoes , much differing one from the other , but of all others , this aboue is of excellent vse , and therefore it is needlesse for me to spend more time in the further search and discription of them : onely remember this for a generall rule , that in all compositions , mixtures , and ingrediences , they must all be well dryed , pounsed , and pulverized , but for your great morters , it will suffice if they be lightly broken , the fall , breaking , and operation of them , are able to teare , rend , and breake downe houses in peeces . the figures of the granadoes are marked abc vnder , the morter figure . the same ingrediences will serue also for your hand-granadoes if they be finely dryed , pounced and pulverized as is aboue-said , and thus much for your bombards morters and granadoes both great and small . treating of a pettard , which is a kind of a short peece of ordnance , devised of late yeares , for the blowing open of gates , ports and breaking down of draw-bridges , their making , use , and manner of charging are here discribed . the eleventh chapter . the modell or forme of a pettard , represented unto you in the next plate and figure , is not much unlike to a grocers , or an apothecaries spice-morter , and some are tapred much like a coopers payle , little deeper then the dyamiter of their mouthes but being not aboue ¾ in dyamitre at their bottome , or breech of their mouthes calibre , and in thicknesse of mettell ● of the dyamitre at their breech , and lessening by degrees in thick nes towards their mouthes , their magnitudes are some to hold but one pound of i owder , or lesse , and others to hold pound or more , and they vsually allow foure pound of brasse , or fiue pound of yron , to cast a pettard for one pound of powder , and two hundred pound of brasse , or hundred pound for a pettard that shall hold fifty pound of powder , using those proportions diminished for lesser , and augmented for greater , as mr norton in his practize of artillery describeth . the demonstration thereof out of diego vffano . being massie and heavie ( whereof the figure a is the mouth , b the breech neere the touch-hole ) it must be carried upon a thick-board or planck , marked e e , and then layd upon a karr noted c d , which serues not only for the use of it , but also to raise it , when you are to hang and fasten it upon a port. this planchier in the midst , hath a round hole in it marked h , through which the nose , or mouth of your pettard is enchased . aboue it there are two yron rings to hang it on to two crochets marked g screwed fast into the port marked a with a match to giue fire unto it . a a are the bungs , or tampkins wherewith the mouth of the pettard is bunged up or stopped . the outside on which the planchier is enchased being three inches thicke is even and plaine , armed with strong plates of yron to defend it from splitting : it is also to be underpropped with the forked rest , and stayed in the ground at the hirder end to keepe it from recoyling . when you charge your pettard , you put a round stick into the very midst of the mouth of it down to the bottome , about the length of halfe a cube and some two fingers in circumference , & put no more into it at a time , then the better part of a pound of fine come powder , and so fill it litle and litle , stamping it well in , round about the said stick , with yron drifts or wodden stampers within the concaue of the pettard , vntill it be filled within one fingers breadth of the top and haue its due charge , then tume your stick in the midst about draw it out gently and fill up the hole out of which you draw the sticke with fine powder that when you are to giue fire at the touch-hole , the whole charge within may be fired in the twinckling of an eye , and having thus giuen it the full charge , then stop the mouth of it closse with the bung or tampkin noted a , which must be of the thicknesse of your litle finger , and lastly couer the mouth thereof with a thick waxed cloath , and power melted waxe vpon it some two fingers thick aboue the tampkin , & thus much for the charg ing of a pettard . now we come to the fastning and hanging it on a gate , to do this well , you must first scrue in fast into the gate the crochets marked g. and make choice as neere as you can of the weakest place of the gate or port , where it may easiliest be broken open , upon this hang your planchier and put the mouth of your pettard through the hole of the planchier aboue mentioned , then fasten it firmly to the port. there is also a third ring or a crochet , and the eare of your pettard through which you put a roap to bind your pettard fast to the port. and being thus fastened , and hung vpon a port , nothing remaines then , but to give fire to it , but your pettardier must haue a singular care , that he orders his match so , within the touch-hole , that is giues not fire too soon , but that he and the men which help him may haue leasure and time to come of with safety , before the pettard burst open the gate , least any be mischeived with the violence of the breaking of this diabolicall engine , which hauing taken its operation , and the gate flying open , your men must presently enter , but one caviat i must giue you by the way , that while they are a fastning and hanging on your pettard , to the gate , you must haue a speciall care , to look to the percullies , that it be well vnderpropped to keep it from falling , for i my selfe was onee vpon a peece of service at venlo , that yeere as the marquis spinola took in rhyn-berg , and having burst open one gate of the town , the petardier hanging his pettard vpon a second gate , a woman throwing a great stone down from the top of the wall fel'd the pettardier while he was a doing his businesse , which gaue the enemy so much time that they knocked down their percullis , and so catched some of mounseur chastilons company between the last gate and the percullies , who first should haue entred the town , and being massacred and taken pirsoners , the surprising of that town by this accident failed . the figures following doth demonstrate all things vnto you that it may be the better vnderstood . a question propounded to the batavian inginiers , by master john baptista mathematician of antwerp , for the battering of a horne-worke . according to the proverb . let skill appeare by good demonstration . and dissolved and resolved by that famous mathematitian , master john stampion of the hagh in holland . the report ( ingenious batavians ) of some of your unskilfullnesse , hath spread it selfe farre abroad , and flown i know not into what country , and yet no speciall thing is come to the view of the world , whether out of your own selfe conceit , or from some blast of superbitie : it is so that i my selfe have thought good to propose this question unto your ingenuity , as a touchstone , that it may be dissolved , according to the true touchstone of that noble science of the mathematicks by which it may be known . the proposition is this . suppose a generall having approached to a certain hornwork which is here decyfered by the letter h. and hath come with his line or fapp near unto the moat of this horne-work , and there desires to cast up a royall battery in the place noted a. for to flanck upon e. d. and d. c. in such sort , that the force of the canon may beat aswell upon the face as upon the i lanck , to wit , proportio equalis , by an equall proportion . together that the two wings c. d. and g. i. and the distance g. d. which are all alike to each other , may be flancked with the lines and blowes , yet so , as the distance of the battery a. to the point c. be no more then sixty rodd or six hundred foot , and the breadth of the hom-work to be as m. n. or o. p. and being measured , is found to be . rodd , . foot , and . inches . the question is how this must be wrought . moreover of the same hom-work the face is as much as the two greatest valuation of . a. there a. . aaaaaaaa . . aaaaa . . aaaa . . aa . . a. are alike to . aa aaaaa . . aaaaaa . . aaa . . and the distance a. c. no surther then . foot . o. a. and the rest of the conditions as abovesaid . the question is to find out the breadth of the horne-work , and also the other parts as is abovesaid . the mathematicall dessolvtion vpon this antwerpian question : dedicated to all the lovers of that noble science , by master john stampion de john , mathematician . sirs . the wing of fame hath of late fluttered out that now our ingenuity is brought to the tryall of the touchstone , by proposing of a certain question under the name of senior john baptista of antwerp , whose pate is swoln with selfe conceitednesse and pride , which being not worth the answering , i will come to the solution of it , ra ●her to give satisfact on to our batavians , then to fulfill the desire of the propounder : and this may serve as an introduction unto it , to the end , that the honour which he doth assume unto himself , may not wholy be appropriated to him . the dessolvtion . let this figure above of a horn-work ( as hee saith ) be decyfered by h. whose breadth m. n. is known to be . rodds , . foot , and . inches , and the required battered noted a. whose place is likewise found out by the known conditions . the first co ●dition is , that the violence of the canon planted upon the battery a. beates with as much force upon the flanck e. d. as it doth upon the face c. d. whence it is manifest , that the angle of the espaule or shoulder edc . being devided into two equall parts with the right line t. v. d. a. that then this battery of necessity must come to be in the right line t. d a. secondly , that the face d. c. and i. g. and the distance d. g. may with the like canon shot be flancked and beaten upon by the battery a. that is , when as the angles i. a. g. g. a d. d. a. c. are alike one to the other , whence will follow , that through the five points , c. d. g. i and a. a circular circumference will passe . now for that which concernes the third known part , namely , as that the batterie a. must be no further from c. then sixty rodd , or six hundred foot , a. being the greatest distance in the circumference as is in the third booke and fifteenth proposition which is taken from of the middle-line of euclids propositions , we have found out according to this preparation , the middle line as c. y. to be sixty rodds , the right line c. i. to be nine . rodds , . foot , and . inches , or . / and the lines i. g. g. d. and d. c. to be answerable one to another . let g. now be the center , then substract i. g. and q. d. cutting through c. i. in a. and f. then will i. a. or i. c. be alike to one of the lines , i. g. &c. because now q. i. stands alike to i. g. as i. g. is alike to g. a. and by the fourth proposition of the sixt book , as q. a. is alike to a. f. so also q. g. is to g. d. or as i. g. is to g. a. the cube upon i. g. with the corps which is made upon the quadrate i. q. as superficies , and the depth i. c. are together alike to the corps upon the quadrate i. q. as superficies , and the depth to be three times the length of i. g. whence will follow , aswell by the corporall cutting of a dye , as we have shown in our new algebra which shall shortly god willing come out in english , as by sectione com. by which i. g. is found to make . ½ — v . ¼ so doth e. f. or d. c. likewise , and lastly the angle e. d. c. being devided into two equall parts by the precedent t. d. then you have the cutting of a. in the circumference out of q. where your battery is to be cast up . now whereas mr stampion hath not expressed the finding out of the face g. i. by reason of the little space contained therein , the more because he hath fully shown the dissolution thereof in his new algebra , we will here demonstrate the whole working thereof , how the face g. j. by his new algebra annexed hereunto is to be found out . the operation . setting down for g. i. x. so comes xxx + alike to . x. or xxx — . x like to — . which is an equality in the third case of the algebra of mr. john stampion , which being changed by the second case comes to be xxx — x. as . is alike , out of this vacant number . is extracted a cubice-root , . times , the side as mr. stampion teacheth in his new algebra , pag. . and . comes the valuation of x . whereof the whole working shall here be set down as followeth . the finding out of the first letter . the finding out of the second letter . this . is now the valuation of x as xxx . x is like to . for the same value the signe — set down commeth , for the least valuation of the equality then in xxx — x is alike to . now to find out by this . the length of the face , g. i. as followeth in the rule fol. . of his new algebra , that is , taking the half of . which is . ½ and multiply the same quadrate , and the product will be ¼ . whose tripple is ¾ . and being substracted out of . the number x. remaines ; ¼ whose square root is v. . and being deducted from the half of . as being ½ there remaines ½ . — v . for the length of the face g. i. and e. f. and d. c. doth as much also . observe the manner of the operation . a dialogue . chapter ix . generall . having brought your approches neere unto a towne or a forttesse , whether would you choose a bulwarke or a curtaine to be battered with your ordnance ? captaine a. towne may be assaulted in divers places , sometimes you assault one side , when as you make your batterie on an other , sometimes you choose a bulwarke , otherwhiles a curtaine to be battered , with this intention , to take in the towne , assoone as possible may bee . as for mee , if i were to take in a great towne which is populous , i had rather choose to batter a curtaine , then a bulwarke , which hath a high catt , or mount upon it : especially , seeing that in great townes the bulwarkes lying one far from an other , they doe show the skirt of the curtaine very open . gen. why would you rather choose a curtain then a bulwark ? capt. because your bulwarks are alwaies stronger and better fortified then your curtain , and being as it is the principall strength of a place , and better furnished with platformes , flancks , &c. will require more time , labour , and charge to batter then your curtaine . gen. but what generall is so ill experienced , as to labour to batter a curtaine , having two strong bulwarkes on both sides of him , to flanker him when hee is to put over his gallerie , and to giue an assault upon the curtaine : peradventure for his labour and paines , hee may bee well beaten . capt. soft ( good sir , ) suppose that after a great deale of labour and paines you haue battered a bulwarke , and falling up to the breach to assault it , you finde it cut off , and an enemy lodged in it , must you not then beginne to sap forward againe , to make a new batterie , whereas on a curtaine there is not that meanes of cutting it off , as upon a large bulwarke . gen. haue you ever seene the experience of it ? capt. yes sir , the prince of orange tooke in the bosch by a bulwark , and also breda , but mastricht was taken in by making a breach , and springing of a mine , upon the curtain between jonger port and a bulwark , howsoever the town of cortes upon the frontiers of france , was first battered by the arch-duke of austria upon the point of a bulwark , neer unto the very ioynt of the curtain , where a high , and a strong turret stood , which did annoy us much , so that we could not advance forward , but were constrayned to leaue off our approach on that side , and began to make a new batterie for a breach in a curtain on the field-side , where there lay a strong bulwark to defend it , which did our men a great deal of harm , but wohsoever with great difficulty and much adoe , we took in the town that way , by lodging our selues in the curtain : likewise the city of cambray was battered , and taken in upon a curtain , for all there were two strong bulwarks that flanked it , which if we had run our line upon a bulwark , we should not haue forced it so soon , yea such an occasion might present it self , that a generall may be forced to batter both the one and the other , or to find out some secret way by undermining a wall , and blowing it up with powder . gen. this is for your great townes , but what say you to a castle , a cattadel , or some narrow fortresse , how will you goe to worke to take in those with the best advantage . capt. as for your forts , and castles , it is much better to batter them upon a mount or a bulwark , then upon a curtain : my reason is this , that in these your bulwarks lying close one by an other , will flank one an other with the greater force , and hide the curtain much better to defend it , so that one cannot so easily force it , if the said defences be not taken away . gen. go to then ; a town then being to be battered , either upon a curtain or a bulwark how many peeces of ordnance would you haue to do it , and how , and in what manner would you place , and plant your ordnance upon your batteries to make a good breach ? capt to effect this , i would haue . peeces of canon and halfe canon , ( for lesser peeces for batterie are novv grovvne out of use ) . gen. whether would you choose more whole canon or halfe canon ? capt. to batter a place well either upon an stony or a earthy wall , you may assure your self , the more whole canon you haue , the greater and the moresufficient your breach will be : for your great battering peeces doe spoile , and beate downe any thing , which doth meete with their great force and violence : howsoever of late yeares , experience hath taught at divers seiges that your halfe canon vvhich are more portable , having good store of them , vvill doe the businesse asvvell as your vvhole canon . gen. but at what distance would you make your batteries , for these . peece . of canons and how neere unto the place , which you intend to batter . capt. i would counsell a generall to approach as neere unto that place as possible may bee , and make his batteries some two or three hundred paces one from an other , and that if it were possible to advance covertly the approch and sap , even up to the counter-scharfe , and very brinke of the moate , to prepare a way for his gallerie : not onely to batter that place being at hand with the greater force , but also to keepe in , and hinder an enemie from sallying out upon the beseigers , to discover and dismount their ordnance in casemates , or if they haue sunke any in their walles or false-bray , and so to terrifie them , that they dare not stirre out . gen. i am also of your opinion , and hold it for good , yet i feare this will not be so soon done , and is sooner spoken , then executed , and that before you can bring your approach and sapp so far it will cost you warme blood , and a great many mens liues , if you haue a stout enemie within to deale withall , and one that is very vigilant , and carefull to stand upon his guard , and his defence . capt. t' is true , this cannot bee done without danger , and the losse of men , but hee that is fearefull must stay at home , and not come into the warres where there is neither place nor time , which doth free or exempt him from danger : yet the danger is not alwaies so great , especially in such places , where you haue earth enough to worke with , to cast up your sapps , and to heighthen and deepen your approaches , which will show you the more higher you finde the ground in approching to the edge of the moate , the deeper trenches you may make and cover your selfe by casting up of blinds continually , to keepe you from the sight of the besieged , and it is better when you haue brought your approach as it were under them , then if you were . or . paces distant from them . gene. i pray you good sir , how would you plant , and devide these . peeces of canon ? capt. i would make a great batterie with . of them to beate upon a right line , either upon a curtaine or the point of a bulwarke ( which the generall shall finde fittest ) two batteries with each . canon to play slope-wise from the great batterie as the ninth plate and . and . figures showes , and two batteries , with two halfe canon a peece to play as it were cross-wise upon the breach , and thus you see your . peeees planted upon . bateries , as you may obserue in the ninth plate and the two figures of a curtaine and of a bulwarke following . gen. good sir tell mee i pray you how many shot will these . peeces of canon make in . howers , and how much powder will they require . capt. in . howres they may make some . shott , and will require a matter of . pound weight of powder , that is . barrels full , each barrell contayning . pound weight in it . gen. you make your account then that every peece in the space of . howers is to shoot . shot , that is . shot an hower for every peece . capt. you may make shot in an howre if you please , if your peeces be renforced , but as for your ordinary peeces , they haue not mettailline substance enough to beare it : considering also that after you haue made . shot out of a peece , it will be so heated , that it must haue a cooling time , which must bee at least an hower , for otherwise your peece being growne over hot , it may cause danger . gen. me thinkes that . shot for a peece in so long a time were too little , having often heard , that in that while , a peece may wellbe shot of . times , can you giue me your resolution upon this ? capt. i will tell you sir what hapned once in the iland of bomble anno . we planted a peece by a mill , by which we did annoy the enemy very much , so that they were forced to make a battery , and planted a whole canon and a demy-canon upon it , seeking to dismount ours . now shooting with this peece from foure of the clock in the morning , till eleven toward noone , this peece had a cooling time the space of two howers , and about one of the clock , wee began to play with it againe , and continued shooting with it till . a clock in the afternoon : but this peece being not able to endure the force and heating of so many shot , we were constrain'd to leaue off with it and yet ceased not shooting with our other peeces from an other batterie by command from don lewes de valasco generall of our ordnance , and shooting croswise with some other of our peeces , wee put the enemies two peeces to silence in the space of an hower , a souldier of ours standing by , was curious to keepe a taily of the number of all the shot we made from the morning till foure a clock in the afternoone , and showed mee . notches , which deducting the two howers cooling , our peece planted at the mill made shot in an hower , which was as much as could be required of it . senior diego vffano giue your translatour leaue to interrupt you a little , and so to conclude this discourse . if you remember at the seige of ostend which you mention often in your chapters and dialogues you were without , and i was within the towne , that on the seventh of january anno . stilo novo , after sir francis vere of famous memory ( who defended and kept the towne against you ) had deluded you with a parley , onely to gaine time , and to make up our canon and sea-beaten workes , along the skirt of the old towne , his highnesse the archduke resolved to assault us , and that morning began to batter sand-hill and schotenburgh , to make a breach for you against that night , with intent to assault us ( as you did ) and to haue entred the towne , and haue put us all to the sword , the relation whereof you shall heare in the end of this booke . now you had placed and planted your . peeces of canon to batter them in this manner , . from your batterie at the foote of the downes , . from a batterie on the right hand of the downes , . more which you had made upon the sand , and as it were raised out of the sea : the first shot upon the breach in a right line , and the other . slopewise , as your two figures following doe demonstrate . these . peeces of canon towards noone had a cooling time , for a matter of some . howers , just as you haue said , and afterward you began to batter the breach and old towne againe , till it was almost twilight , and then they cooled againe , till you were readie to giue us an assault , and before you fell on as i doe well remember , you shot of one of your canons with a hollow bullet which flew over the towne and made a great humming noise as a warning peece to the count of bucquoy , who lay on the east side , that you were then ready to fall on , and that he should doe the like , this was your signall : now generall vere knowing well your intent , gaue order to the gentleman of our ordnance who had the guard upon sandhill , that hee should keepe a true taily , and an account of all the shot you made that day with your . peeces of canon upon the breach and the old towne which being cast up , there were found to be made that day from morning till night . shot , which was found to be an . shotfor every peece , and shot an houre for every peece , which is more then . but i verely beleeue your peeces were renforced . this by the way , and so i returne againe to your owne dialogue . gen. ( good sir ) i pray you show mee how you would batter the point of a bulwarke ( as the figure . following demonstrates , ) and giue mee some reasons aswell defensiue as offensiue . capt. i am willing to giue your lordship content , and say , if i were to batter the point of a bulwarke or a bastion , i would haue the same number of battering canon , and planted in the same for me and manner as they were for the curtaine and to shoot sloope and crosswise also , and if your approaches were advanced so farre they should be planted upon the very brinke of the moate and upon the counterscharfe , i would plant . of them so , that they should dismount the enemies canon in their casemates , or any if they had sunk them in their falsebray which should waite vpon that occasion . gen. i am of your mind and preferre such a battery before all others who are of the opinion that they had rather choose a curtaine then a bulwarke to be battered . capt. you haue heard my reasons for that , and see the figures following traced out to you . but as for your bulwark the besieged may cut it off ( as you may mark in the figurs of retrenchments and cuttings off in the second part of this booke ) for indeed it will be a hard matter to force an enemy out of a bulwark , who is resolved to loose it by peecemeale and degrees and there is not so much danger in assaulting of a curtaine , which being once well battered and beaten down with your ordnance , you have an easier way and entrance to fall on with your troupes of men , to enter the towne or fortresse , but for the defence which is made from your flanking bulwarks , or your casemates , you must make batteries upon the brinke of the moate against them , ( as is said ) to dismount the enemies peeces , and to flanker with your ordnance the parapets of the bulwarkes to beate them about their eares , that the bulwarks may lie the more open to you , and i think this way is the least danger . gen. but the besieged their cuttings off , may they not be made aswell upon a curtaine as upon a bulwark ? cap. no , for the rampier being thinner , you have neither so much ground , nor the like accommodation in a curtain as in a bulwark , and indeed , a governour of a town or of a fortresse if he were put to his choise , had rather to be assaulted on a bulwark ( then on a curtain ) by cutting it off into the form of a halfe moone , that he might make a new resistance , and defend it with a lesse number of men : besides , in a bulwark the besieged have this advantage over the assailants , which is very dangerous for them , that they may make a mine within the bowels of their bulwark , when an enemy shall attempt to assault it , and thinking to enter the breach , and take the town , they may be blown up into the aire by a countermine , the like also may happen to the besieged , the assaillants springing their mine also in a bulwark , when they think they stand upon their best defence . gen. may not the like be done also in a curtain ? cap. no , it will not take the like effect as in a bulwark , for a breach being once made in a curtaine , for as an enemy may assault it at large , so they may bring a greater number of men to fight to help to defend it , whereas in a bulwark they are pend up and straighted in a narrow place , which may be cut off , and will require a fewer number of men to defend it , whereas those which are to force it , must be constrayned to bring up a great many men to assault , who in an instant may be in danger of blowing up . gen. your reasons ( good captain ) are not to be slighted , but as for me , i hold it safer to batter and assault the breach of a bulwark then of a curtaine . for though the besieged may cut it off , and defend it with a fewer number of men , yet the assaulters have this advantage over the besieged defendants , that they have more place and elbow room , and may find a lesse resistance then in a curtain , seeing that one may make as great a breach in a bulwarke , as in a curtain , because your ordnance may beat it flat and levell with the ground , and choosing rather a bulwark : i will here with conclude this discourse , and now shew you the figures both of the one and of the other in this plate following . how a canonier ovght to governe himselfe in makeing of a good shott . chap. x. an occasion may happen sometimes , that a peece must be curiously , and iustly levelled , especially , when one is to dismount an enemies peece , which lies in some secret port hole or casemate , which may hinder and annoy the besiegers of a towne , or fortresse . it behooves then a good gunner , to know well the condition and quality of his peece , having had the triall of it many times . for it is impossible , that a canonier can , let him be never so expert , know what his peece will do before he hath practize and experience of it . he must not shoote at all adventures , neither must he in charging of it , ramme and stopp the powder too hard , but that it may take fire in the twinkling of an eye , and that his peece may not recoyle to much , for it is most certaine , the lesse the powder is rammed in , the lesse will be the recoyling of the peece , and the easier is the shott . the like consideration must he also obserue in his bullet , that it be not driven in too hard , but that it lies gently in the mould , and have such vent as is requisite . finally , hee must lay his peece by the quadrant aboue taught , and levell as they ordinarily use to do , taking his aime iust in the midst of the frizes , having marked wel with a small file the point or button of the sight , and this may be done very easily , if he hath a care to prevent all the accidents reckoned up in the chapter especially , those which makes a peece shoot aside , considering that a good shot makes a canonier to be beloved and respected . the fittest peeces for this effect are your ordinary cannons , demy and quarter canon , your culverings , demy and quarter . such a good shot the generall ought to take notice of , and to recompence such a canonier liberallie , not onely to encourage him that made it , but also the other canoniers to do the like lewes collade in his manuell practize writeth , that at the seige of sienna there was a peece planted upon the lead , or walking place of the great church which overlooked the besiegers approches and did them much harme , and though many shot were made at it , yet they could not dismount it , till at last there was a germaine canonier found , which at the very first shot , did not onely dismount it , but also shot the canonier , and some that stood by him , making their leggs and armes fly vp into the aire . which the marquesse of martinia , generall of that army seeing , it pleased him so much , that he tooke a chaine of gold from off his neck , and gave it to this canonier , which had made so brave a shot , which did not onely encourage this canonier , but also stirred up others thereby to gaine the like recompence and reputation , when as occasion might present it selfe . the like was done also ( though not of that account ) at the fiege of ostend , there was a boat , which would come through the chanell into the towne , and running in , the rudder was shot off by one of our canon bullets , whereat the shippers were much affrighted , and withall let their anker fall , and were glad to save themselves by swimming into the towne , leaving so their boate riding at an ankor between the dike and the towne , which marques spinola perceiving , enquired among his captaines if there were ever a souldier so venturous as to swim to the boat and cut the cable of it , for which he should not onely be advanced but also he should be liberally rewarded . vpon this there were many brave souldiers offred to do it : but when it came to the push , and had stript themselues to go into the water , the enemy within powred so volley of shot upon them , that they began to flinch and grow faint-harted , the marquis being loath to venter his men , and to employ so great a courage for so small a matter , called them back againe . but at last there came an excellent canonier considering aswell the service that he might do to his marie , as the pleasure which the marquesse might take in it : offred himselfe , and intreated me being then generall of the ordnance , that i would be pleased to give him leave , that he might make some shot at it , with promise , that within two or three shot he would shoot the cable asunder , and make the boat come floating to us to the downes side . vpon this i gave him leave , though i feared , both powder , and bullets would be mispent : with the first shot he missed , but with the second he strake the cable in peeces : so that the boat indeed came floating to us . this brave shot pleased the marquesse exceedingly , and commending this canonier greatly , gave him a good peece of gold , or two & besides promised to advance him . it is true senior diego vffano , your translator being then page unto generall francis vere , who then commanded within this towne , was then a spectatour of it , and sir francis vere and divers officers which looked on , commended also your canonier highly , for making so brave a shot , but i will put you in mind of two or three other , more famous then that . if you remember , there lay a whole canon of ours upon the west bulwarke , which carried a bullet of . or pound weight , and as it was a brave peece , so had it an excellent canonier , one francis nelson an englishman , who served queen elizabeth , of ever blessed memory , in the brill , he shooting so sure with it , that he dismounted . or . of your peeces which were planted vpon your high catt upon the downes , for a revenge you did make a battery of . or . canon to dismount our peece , and one of your canoniers made so good a shot , that he shot his bullet just into the very bore or month of our canon , ours being charged , your bullet and ours striking together in our canon , from that violent blow flew sparkes which gave fire to some loose cornes of powder which were not well driven home , and so our peece giving fire to it selfe , sent you backe your owne bullet , and ours to accompany it , without breaking or doing any harme to our peece , and this is most true , for there are some officers yet living that saw it . the second was this , you had a halfe canon that indevoured to dismount one of ours , which also sought to dismount yours , both canoniers having levelled their peeces as right as possibly they could , and giving fire at an instant together , your bullet and ours meeting one another in the aire , with the violence of that encounter , both bullets breaking , the peeces of them flew up as high into the aire as pauls steeple , if vandermyle the controuler of the states ordnance were alive , he could tell you that this strange shot is true , aswell as i. and now you are a discoursing , i will truly relate two or three more unto you which came from your catt , some of our run-awaies could tell and show you almost in what house generall vere lay in ostend , and you had a shrewd spight at him , for some dayes you have shot eight or nine canon shot through the upper part of his lodging , and one night amongst the rest , having bin the round , for he was very vigilant and careful to look to your proceedings , and by all means possible to hinder your approaches , comming home after sun rising , when he knew there was no danger , he went to take his rest for . or . houres , and lay downe and slept upon his bed in an upper chamber , awaking he called for a clean shirt , and while his footman was ayring of it before a charcoale fire in the chimney , while one that was then his page was a pulling a silke quilted was-coate over his eares , and calling for the shirt to put it over his head , his footman comming with it , just came a canon bullet of nine and forty pound weight , through a winescot bedstead just by sir francis vere and his page , the lacquey comming with the shirt , shot both his bowels and the shirt to pash , which bloud light and sprang on him and his page : was not this a narrow escape ? after this sir francis vere would lye no more in this upper chamber , but removed his owne lodging to another lower roome , howsoever from your high catt or mount you could finde us out againe . for a while after , sir francis vere going every night the round , and visiting the guards without the town , to discover how you did advance your approaches , and to make you buy that ground full dearly , the sunne being up came home to take his wonted rest , till ten a clock before noone , making our nights the dayes , and part of the day our night , for a resting time the same page after sir francis vere had called for him , came into his chamber , and having a little firkin standing by the hearth , in taking up a few charcoale ashes into it , comes an other bullet of some pound weight from your catt , shootes through the utmost part of the chimney , a little above the mantle tree , and the bullet having come through a good part of the forehouse , and being somewhat deaded , fals just by the pages eares , into the very firkin , which the page was a putting the ashes into , brake it , and made a dint upon the hearth , all the ashes flying out , the page giving a leape towards his masters bed , for we could scarce see one another , because the ashes made such a dust , and presently fell downe above twenty great brick-bats , which the bullet had loosened in the chimney ( had he not leapt away ) upon his head , this was an other escape , but for a revenge the page got one of sir francis veres centinels , that stood in the streete before his dore , to crue up this bullet in a wheel-barrow up to the west bulwarke , to the english canonier before mentioned , and because you write in your former dialogue , that one bullet may fitt the calibre or bore of another peece , this bullet fitted so justly our canon above mentioned to a a haire , which was sent going to you again , piping hot out of our canon to your catt : and he made so good a shot , that i verily beleeve , he sent some of you to purgatory , for we could discover some armes and legges which flew up into the aire , and so you were paid with your owne coine . one or two more , and then i have done , you may remember the seventh of ianuary , that day which you did batter sandhill , and the skirt of the old town afore mentioned , for all your often shooting , yet there was one halfe canon lay upon it , not farre from your breach undismounted . the same page , after he had taken his levell , gave fire upon two horses and a waggon which came riding along the strand from albertus sconce , towards your pile battery , it seemes laden with powder or bullets , he made so direct a shot , that he strook his mark , killed one of your horses , and the waggon shot a peeces . the page being overjoyed with this shot , he would needes make an other , and whiles he was a levelling his peece at an other marke , one of your canoniers turnes a peece aside from the pile batterie , and shoots just in at the very port-hole of our halfe canon , and came so right , that it licked off a pound or two of the mettle of the muzzle upon the upper frizes of our halfe canon , some peeces of this mettle killed a gentleman that stood by as a spectatour , and shot sir john ogles cooke into his belly , which was there likewise , but the page which stood behind the brich , a levelling the peece with his thumbe , escaped , and had no harme , but your bullet flying by his eare made such a humming noise in his head , that he thought there had been a swarme of bees in it . this i have written , not for any ostentation , but onely to shew you how miraculously ( yea even in the greatest dangers ) god can preserve his servants , according to his promise : psal. . verse . a thousand shall fall at thy side , and ten thousand at thy right hand , yet it shall not come nigh thee . one more , and then i will end my digression : at the last seige of the bosch the yeere we took it in , anno . we having advanced our approaches close under your little skonce , a musketteir of ours , putting the nose of his musket through the musket baskets to give fire , one of your firelocks lying upon the snap for him , gave fire upon him iust at the very same instant , and shot his firelock bullet right into the very mouth or boore of his musket , so that the bullet striking against the scrue of his brich , brust open the touch-hole of his musket , and a peece of the bullet came out of the said touch-hole , while the prince of orange , sir horace vere , colonell generall of the english , and diverse other officers stood by , and thus you see how wonderfully it pleased god sometimes to preserue his creature . now i come to you againe , where you exhort all master-gunners , and canoniers , that will studie this art , that they with great care and diligence practise these rules abouesaid , for the levelling , ayming , and taking their markes right , remembring , that there is more dexterity , and cunning to be showne in shooting at a ship , sayling away swiftly before the winde then at a troupe of horse , or men marching softly upon the land , or to dismount a peece planted upon a tower or a bulwarke , where you haue an immoveable marke , especially when as you are to shoot upward . this art must be learned and practised , when you haue not much to doe , that when necessity cals for your employment , you may then not onely be able to doe your prince and countrey service against their enemies , but also gain your selfe fame and reputarion . now hauing treated at large in the former chapter , how you shall levell your peece point blanck , levell with the mettle or at a range ; according to the elavation you giue it , to shut vp all , take this observation along with you , that if the muzzle of your peece , or the button of it be higher then those of the brich , then it will carry ouer , againe , if you take your aime from the button resting onely vpon the thicknesse of the mettaline-substance , your bullet will alwaies fall short . but if your frizes , be alike , aswell at the muzzle as at your brich , then you shall be sure to shoot levell with the mettell of your peece , & shall not faile to strike the marke you shoote at if it lies within the termes of the pointes aboue esaid . now and in what manner a generall of the ordnance ought to plant his canon in a day of battell , whereby hee may most annoy an enemy . lutracted out of the second treatise of don diego vffano his fift dialogue between the generall of the ordnance , and a captain , as followeth . generall , sir , i would fain know of you , how ordnance ought to be placed in a day of battell , for to gaule the enemie most ? captain , i make no question but your lordship having had experience in the wars of savoy and hungarie , can tell better then i am able to speak , and if i should use a tedious discourse , it might then seem that the scholler might presume to teach his master . gen. howsoever , in such a case i would willingly take the advice of an old experienced souldier , and especially of such a one , who hath served in these parts . as for me , i dare not boast of any great experience , having had enough to do to look unto my owne affaires , neither have i had much leasure to inform my self well about artillerie . but now seeing i am to receive that charge upon me , i pray you tell me , as a man who hath been beaten thereunto , and hath had long experience in the warres , how they do use to plant ordnance in these quarters . capt. sir , there hath been but a few battel 's fought in these parts , and to speak truly i am not able to satisfie you touching this point . neverthelesse , i will tell you what i have seen in two , wherein i was present . in the one the ordnance was planted in the head of the battalions , and in the other between them , two by two , and three by three , upon the flanks and wings of the muskettiers , and blinded with the wings of the cavallerie . but as for me , i am of the opinion that it is best to plant some peeces in the front of the armie , which may play upon the enemies troopes on all sides : seeking out alwaies for this effect , some places of advantage to place them in , that you may not be in danger of loosing your peeces . and though you cannot get such an advantage , yet your peeces being in the head of your battell , will be of lesse service , because when you are to come to the chock and ioyning of battels , they may in some wise annoy your own men , which i saw in one of these battels abovesaid . gen. therefore i think it were fitter they should be placed upon both the flanks , and in the reere of the battaillions , by leaving a free place of armes , which may give no offence to our own men . capt. i can hardly beleeve ( illustrious sir ) that that would be so expedient , for an enemie perceiving that the front is left bare without ordnance , he will take the more courage to fall on , and come up to the charge : therefore , i hold it more fitting , that the artillerie may be devided some here some there , both before the front , and upon the flanks , placed some fifty or an hundred paces one from another , and then there will be no danger when the enemie shall come up to chock , to encounter you , or offend our own men , especially when they are fastened to them by drawing-ropes and yron rings , that upon an instant they may be remooved and turned for the advantage of our own troops , and give fire as fast as they can charge and discharge among the enemies troops , which is a matter of great moment for the obtaining of a victorie . but it happens very seldome that such convenient places can be found for the planting of ordnance in a battell , as were to be wished , for oftentimes one shall be driven of necessity to make choice of such places as the ground will afford , by reason of woods , hills , marish grounds , and such like disadvantagious places as you may meet withall , and for which one can give no certain rule , but that the generall by his wisedome and discretion may make choice of the best advantages , which may annoy the enemy most , and give the least offence to his owne men , either by dazling them by the sun , the raising of dust , and which way the wind drives the smoak , both of ordnance and small shot , which though little in themselves , yet may prove to his men great impediments and disadvantagious . but leaving these things , we will now return again to our former discourse , because your lordship is of the opinion that the ordnance ought rather to be planted upon the wings and flanks of the battailions then otherwise , which i dare not approve of , in regard that when the troops are to encounter with the enemy , and come up to the charge , our own men may be more annoyed by our own ordnance ( which may breed a confusion ) then the enemies ; when as the wings of our horse which are upon the flanks shall come up to charge the enemie , so that our own peeces might puzzle them greatly , when as they are to play from the flanks , besides the mischief which might happen among our own men . therefore one ought to be very carefull and circumspect in planting them , and this is that which out of my own experience i am able to say upon this question . wherefore i do advise every captain of the ordnance , and master-gunners , to use some light field peeces , and small drakes , which upon every occasion may be remooved from one place to another , and couragiously advanced to the places of most advantage , which might offend the enemie . gen. sir , the reasons you use have given me good satisfaction , but i pray you resolve me of one thing more , that is , how a generall of the ordnance ought to carrie himself in the day of battell . capt. in such a time the generall is to show most his wisedom , discretion and experience , which chiefly consists herein , that he and his lieutenant keep their train together in good order , to have a vigilant eye upon all accidents that may fall out , and to make choice of such ground for the planting of his ordnance as the generall of the army and he shall think best , to see that all things be in a readinesse , the ordnance well placed , and that the master-gunners , gentlemen of the ordnance , and canoniers do their best endevour , and acquit themselves like men . it is partly also his charge to see that the whole army be well provided with munition , as powder , bullets , and match , because the ammunition marches under his train , he is to be near the generall of the armie upon all occasions , to receive his directions and commands , and to see them executed speedily , and to know of him after what forr ● he will make his battell , that he may plant his ordnance accordingly , and so to find out hils and heights , to play over his own men , and offend the enemie most . and when an enemy shall present himself , and come up to the charge , to draw and plant his ordnance as neer their horse as possible may be , to hinder them from breaking in upon the divisions of foot , taking along with him saylors and pioniers to help to draw up the ordnance , and sufficient guards to defend them , and this is that which in so great a businesse is the charge and duty of the generall of the ordnance , and which may be required of him . gen. captain , this discourse hath pleased me well , and given me good contentment , and i am glad that i met with you upon this occasion . adieu . the tenth chapter . treating of the divers sorts of bridges used in the service of the lords the states of the vnited provinces . many a brave occasion in the warres hath bin lost for want of bridges to passe over a river a brook , or a moate , therefore the states for any peece of service , have alwaies diverse bridges in a readinesse , both small and great . the smaller sort for any suddain enterprise , or for putting over the moat of a town , a hom-work , or a half moon are . as first a corke bridge now not in use , secondly a bulrush bridge , the peeces whereof are ten foot long , and six or seven foot broad , that foure men may go over them in front , described unto you in my second part in the chapter of approches , figure . whereof many peeces being joyned fast together with ropes and ankors , will lay a bridge over a moate , a brook , or a ditch for men to passe over , the third sort is a wicker , or a basket bridge , as shall be hereafter described . moreover they have three sorts of other bridges , namely , a small boat bridge , with beames , plancks , roaps and ankors , which are carried upon long waggons in the army , whereof you may see one of them in this treatise , chapter the third , figure ten , of these we have commonly twelve , that goes along with our army upon a long waggon , drawne with . couple of horses , and a thillet horse . besides those above mentioned , there are two great bridges , the one called a punt bridge , which is laid longwaies , end to end over the rhine , or any other great river , and the other a maze schip bridge , as you shall see in the figure following . command then being given to the captain of the bridges and his men , for the first they lade ordnance , and all manner of equipage in those great punts , as beames , plancks , cordage , cables , anckors , windlasses , winches , and all other necessaries , to bring them up to the rendevous . now when the captain of the bridge is to lay a great punt bridge over the rhyne , or the whale , as at nemegen , schencksconce , wesell , or at rhenebergh , taking first the breadth , and distance of the river from the one side to the other , they can easily give a gesse , how many of these punts being foot long , and . foot broad , will serve to reach over the river . the first punt then being laid longwise from the edge of the one side of the river being fastened to two great stakes ( and anckers ) driven into the ground , they then lay at the furthest end of the first punt . and other punt laying brush at both ends of the punts , which rises and falls , that horse and waggons may passe over them , and alwaies fasten and bind them together with ropes and cables which stayes the punts , by casting out ankors and cables into the streame , to hold them fast together , and thus they do till they have laid over . or . of these long punts which will reach over from the one to the other side of the river , at the end whereof there are cast up two halfe moones , ( if it be not neare a town , and a steckado or two gats made , that none may passe over it without leave , having alwaies a guard to defend it and keep it from burning . number is the figure of a peece of a basket bridge , such a one as was used at our last enterprise upon hulst , made of wicket , about the bignesse of ones middle finger , with supporters of wickers within it , as hedges , a foot distant one from another , to strengthen it , and helpe it from bending , when one goes over it , being also matted in the bottom , and covered round about with waxed canvas , being carried between two men , with two coole staves some foot long , as two men carries a hand barrow , being laid crossewise peece to peece , and fastened together with ropes , and at both ends anckors , the length whereof from a to b is . foot , and the breadth from c to d two foot and a half , and is a foot in heigth , so that men in front may go over a moat upon any surprisall of a towne . number is a maze bridge laid crossewaies , such a one as our army passed over the maze at the grave , venlo , and mastricht , having beames some or foot long , and crosse beames over the maze schips , with plancks from the one side of the river to the other , and is held fast together by cables and anckors , as the figure following of such a bridge doth demonstrate . number is the figure of a mathematicall horse watermill , first invented by vitrivius , and is of singular use for the drayning out of water in marrish groundes and places , being drawne but with one horse , as the figure demonstrates , and by relieving it with fresh horses and a driver may go night and day : the experience whereof we saw at the seige of the bosch , what abundance of water twenty of them drayned out of the overflowne meddowes and the river of the dummell , which did helpe and further our approaches greatly . number . is the figure of a water scoupe , made after this manner following , first you take three long pooles or sparrs , and at the top bind them together with a match or a cord , from the top whereof discends an other cord , which is bound fast to the hast of the scoupe , as you may see , and the feet of the sparrs put into the ground triangular wise , with which you see the figure of a man casting water out of a moate or a ditch . this plate p following will shew you the figures of all that is said above . the demonstration of a copper oven , a kneading trough , and a bread chest , with the appurtenances thereunt o belonging . nvmber . is the figure of a new invented copper oven , set upon three iron chimnies for the baking of bread for an armie , having at both ends two mouths or doores , which opens and shuts , whereof the length of one of them from a to b is nine foot long , the breadth from c to d is three foot , the heigth from e to f to the top is a foot and a halfe , and the bottome upon which the bread bakes marked g h is two foot and a halfe . this oven ( as is said ) stands upon three iron chimnies , noted . into which fuel and turf is put to heat this oven , how many loafes , and pounds of bread it will bake in three houres , the list following will show you . number . is the figure of a kneading trough , which from k to i is seven foot long , and from m to n is two foot broad , the ledge or cover o is three foot high , and the bottome p is almost two foot broad , to this kneading trough , you must have water pailes , dow knives , peeles , to draw out the batches of bread , and all other necessaries belonging to a baker . number . is the figure of a bread chest very usefull in the warres for the carrying of bread and bisket upon a march , whereof the length from q to r is eight foot long , the bredth from s to t is foure foot long , the height from u to w is three foot to the cover , and the roofe or cover from w to x is likewise three foot high . this bread-chest being set up a waggon , and drawne with three lustie horses , will carry a thousand , yea twelve hundred pounds of bread or bisket , if need require the figures follow . the demonstration of materials vsed in ovr warres for the making of trenches , approches , saps , and works of fortification , as followeth . number . is a short plated shovell to work in a sapp or in a gallery . number . is a long plated shovell . number . is an iron crow , or a goats foot . number . is a hatchet to cut wood with . number . is a mattock . number . is a spade with plated iron . number . is a sod-spitter . number . is a pickaxe . number . is a two handed rammer to drive palizadoes into the ground . number . is a wheele-barrow to carry earth and sodds in , for the making up of workes palizadoes of two sorts you shall find in my second part in the chapter of approaches . figure . and frize ruyters or turne-pikes in the same chapter , figure . and foot angles or foot tanternailes in the same chapter figure . all other warrlike preparations , and neceessaries you shall find in the list following . the office , and charge of the generall , or master of the ordnance , and all other officers subordinate vnder his traine of artillerie munition , and victuals , as the particular lists of all preparations , and necessaries belonging to an armie shall be here demonstrated . the generall or master of the artillerie ( as is showne in my second part of the chiefe officers of the feild pag. . ) is a very honorable charge and hath command and super intendencie ouer all the ordnance , armes , munitions , engines , materials & instruments for worke , yea , of all things belonging to the ordnance , and hath also absolute commaund ouer all inferiour officers appartayning to the traine of the ordnance , as ouer the lieutenant of the ordnance , the controuler , the clarke , of the amunition , and materials , the gentlemen , of the ordnance , and master gunners , canoniers , armores , inginiers , the captaines of the pyonters , and mineurs , ouer all smiths . carpenthers , and wheel wrights , ouer all artificers , and handie-crafts-men , and all such as doe attend vpon the tràine of the artillerie , munition , and materials . and when the armie is to goe into the feild , he sends his wartants and patents out to all officers vnder his charge , to meete him at the rendevous . now for the better helpe , and discharging of his office , he hath a lieutenant of the ordnance allowed him , who in his absence hath absolute commaund also ouer this traine , and is giuen him as an assistant , to helpe him in the execution of his commands . and because the generall , or master of the ordnance , is commaunded in his commission , and perticular instruction , to keepe a perfect account of all great , and small peeces of ordnance , equipages , munitions , materials , &c. he hath allowed him a controuler of the ordnance , which controuler is obliged , and bound to keepe a pertinent list of all the peeces of ordnance great & small in the arsenals , and magazines , belonging to the land , registring the weight of them , the armes , and other things , that stand vpon them , as likewile what weight euery bullet is , which euery peece of ordnance doth shoote , who cast them , how they came to belong vnto the land , moreouer , to keepe notice of all carriages , wheeles , plated , or vnplated , yea off all thingselfe belonging to the traine of the artillerie , as maye appeare more at large in his instruction . vnto this traine of the ordnance there are allowed two commisses , or clarkes , one for all things appertaining to the ordnance , the other ouer the munition , armes , materials , tooles , and ouer all other necessaris , belonging to the armie , as shall appeare in the list following . the councill of state , having resolued for the feild , they send for the controuler of the ordnance , and giues him a list of all necessaries belonging to the canon , where of the controuler deliuers a coppie of yt to the clarke of the ordnance , who receiues charge to take on certaine conductours to the number of some , that by their helpe and care , all things contayned in the list , maye be in good order taken out of the arsenals and magazins of the land , and to see them well embarked , or put vpon wagons to be brought with all expedition to the rendevous appointed , and because the ordnance , munitions , and materials maye be taken out of seuerall townes and magazins , he gives to euery conductour his charge in writting , to lade such ordnance , munition , & meterials , in those places as he is appointed which they are to shipp , and bring them vp to the place designed , as they will enswere to the contrarie , if any thing should be lost . a list , or supposition . what ordnance , munition , matterials , and other necessaries , are vsefull to be carried into the feild with an arime , as followeth . imprimes for batterie . whole canons reinforced , demy canons reinforced , long feild peeces , carrying a bullet of ó lb. weight , short demy drakes , of lb. bullet , quatre canon drakes of lb. bullet , short drakes , or sakers of lb. bullet , & small drakes of lb. bullet making in all . for ó whole canon spare cariages , for the demy canon drakes for the quarter canon drakes , . for the faulconets , and saker drakes , facit in all . spare ship carriages for these severall peeces of ordnance . spare wheeles proportionally for the ordnance aboue speecifyed of all sorts . . fore-waggons , or carriages . spare wheeles for the fore sayd carriages . block waggons & long waggons to lay , ordnance on , . spare fore and after wheeles . spare thillers for the block wagone . spare long waggons for the block waggons . spare axeltrees , and draughts . sledges , to draw ordnance on . fearnes , or windlaces compleat . eshellets , ormartinets . . yron crowes , or goats feete , handspikes , and levers of all soorts . . brasse pullies , or truckles . winches , or the endless screwes . yron bolts . . spare kanns of salett oyle , for the engines abouesaid . tarr , or grease boxses , . spare hoggs-grease for the carriages . . for every peece of these ordnauce abouesaid , three ladies , three rammers , and sponges a peece facit . spunge copper nailes . sheepe skinnes , to make spunges off . wooden levers for the ordnance . yron crowes . for whole canons bullets of lb. . for demy canons , bullets of lb. . for feild peeces , o ● demy culvering of lb. . for faulconets of lb. bullet . for the demy canon drakes of lb. . for the quarter canon drakes of lb. . for the sakers of ib. bullet . for the small drakes of lb. bullet . the gabinen and canon bassketts , are made in the feild , some . or . and a halfe foote high , and . foote in dyamiter , and costs . sts . d'peece latton , boxses for the cartredge shoot for every peece . facit in all . powder for these peeces of ordnance lb. match in bundles . pouch-barrils for the charging of ordnance with each a wodden hammer , and his dich . haire-cloaths . hurdles to plant ordnance on which are stiff . hand barrowes . musket baskets of all soorts . . woodden hoockes . thiller harnase compleate . spare roapes & other harnase . . plated crosse staves for the drawing roapes after every couple of horses . whip cord to binde with all paire . horse collars . . drawing roapes of fadome a peece . half drawing roapes . steering-roapes . windlasse roapes . strycking roapes . drawing lines ● . neck lines to drawe up shipping , or use full about ordnance . ramming blocks to drive in piles , in the ground . small rammers to drive in piles . spare roapes . great yron hammers . beames , and underlayers for plat-formes , and other vses . . foote longe . planckes for bedding & other vses . sparres . spades . showells . axses . hatches . hand billes . pick axses . mattocks . yron hammers for the greacers of ordnance . lanternes lb. candlet . frie-lights to putt in pitcht roopes . leather pailes to quench frie with all . canvas peeces , to make blinds with . pack thred . saile yarne lb. firkins of ronnd pitcht roopes . bolts , and clenchers for the axeltrees of carriages , and the block-waggons . bolts for the thiller carriages . bolts and clenchers for the long waggons . after hookes for the carriages . after nailes . spare clenchers and wedges for the ordnance . wedges for the block and long waggons . small sheires , with bolts and rings . shieres with chaines . nailes for the bolts . great yron nailes . yron staples . latton boxses with cartriedge shott . towe of diverse sorts lb. bundles of roapes and cordage . nailes ynches long . nailes ynches long . nailes ynches long . nailes ynches long . double sizd nailes . single sized nailes . small nailes and lath nailes of all sorts . bundles of barre yron lb. plate yron , and small barres for smiths lb. of staue steele lb. item all smiths tooles , and vtensiles . all carpenrers tooles , as many as shal be need full . two great morters , mounted vpon their carriages . one small morter for each granades of lb. fore he great , and granadoes of lb. for the esser . hand granadoes to cast into saps , trenches , and workes . a list of some other materials , and necessaires , which the clarke of the materials vses to carrie with him to the feild , to make a magazine of in the army as followeth . pouder for muskettiers lb. match in bundles . sow-lead to cast muskett bullets with . moulds of bullets a peece to cast in . haire-cloaths to cover the powder with . a great many of old peeces of sailes to make blinds with . spare musketts . spare musket rests . spare bandeliers . spare muskett stockes . pikes foote long besides the head . half-pikes with loops staue-feete . corslets , and head peeces . armors of proofe with caskets of proofe . iavelines double pointed , with yron to putt through the tres of turnepikes . match-hornes to blinde light matches vpon an enterprize . running waggons with two wheeles , and iavelins put through the axeltres . short palissadoes to driue into the ground with long tenter nailes . yron hammers to strick the nailes in . wodden hammers to breck open the barrils of powder . great boorers to boore holes with 〈◊〉 . twelue firkins of foote angles , or foure square tenter nailes . yce spurcs with lachets . peeces of bulrush bridges for an enterprise to passe ouer a moate , or ditch peeces . hand-barrowes to carry sodds . shippers hookes short and long . long yron rakes with or foure teeth . great beetlets . water scupps . mathematicall water horse miles , to drayne out water , se figure . . spiters to spit sodds with all . bagger netts to worke in a gallery . crooked yron showels , with long hafts to worke in a gallery . spades . showells plated . . mattocks . pickaxses . great yron hammers to breake stone walles with . axses of all sorts . hatchets and hand bills . great pincers . great and small hammers . tron crowes of all sorts . draggs . nailes both greate and small enenuto lath nailes of all sorts . lanterns and blinde lanterns of all forts . candles lb. torches . fire-lights and pitch roapes peeces . barrils of pitch . barrils of tarre . woll-sacks . howerglasses . vntempered chaulk in barrils a last . ship-katroles of all sorts single . double ship katroles . drawing lines to draw shipping against the streame . baggs to fill earth withall vpon an approach . ammanition chests to put them in . blinds of kanuas foote long each peece . plancks , sparrs , heames of all forteg ood slore for ordnance , palissadoes , galleries , and other workes , some shorter , and some longer as occasion maye serve . great block pile-driuers , with al their roepes , and appurtenances . tow-handed rammers for two men to driue in pallissadoes with . peeces of bulrush bridges , couvered ouer with kanvas , with their ropes , & coards to fasten them one to on other and ankors each peeces being foote long , & of ●ote broad , corke bridges each bridg contayning peeces ioyned to gether , & each foote long . cordage of all soorts lb. windlases or winches . leather pailes to quench fire with . handsawes , two handed sawes , and great timber sawes . anger 's of all sorts , wimbles , & adases . good slore of carpenters . all things necessarie for karres , to carry earth in compleate wheele barrowes . spare wheels and yron pinne for them . single sawne plāckes for the wheele barrowes . quarter staues , or great beacons to lay out the quarters with all with flaggs . haspels , and turne pikes , with their iavelins small and great . by this list abouesaid , one maye eassely vnderstand , what munitions , materials , and necessaries are need full to be carryed into an armie , of all which the clarks of the amu nition , and the materials shalldeliuer them out by the helpe of their conductors , as the occasion of the maye service require , and also receiues them into their custodie againe . the waggon master generall , his lieutenant , and conductours march vnder the traine of the ordnance . before the armie rises to the feild , the lord generall sends out writs for the waggon master generall , that he shall send for his conductours , to presse and take , vp so many waggons , as the greatnesse , or litleness of the army maye require , it maye be in every quarter , , . yea . waggons , and each waggon to be furnished with three lusty horses , and a dryver , every weggon having gilders a day , so long as the armie is in the feild , and the conductours . stivers per diem . a list of the waggons to beemployed as followed . first for the generall of the ordnance his traine . for the lord generall him self , as many as his traine shall require . for princes earles , and lords voluntiers as many as they shall have vse for . for the lords the deputed states for the armie as many as they have vse for . for the clarke of the munition , and his traine ineluding also the controuler , inginiers and conductour two compaines of pyoniers , and the carpenters . for the sariant majour generall of the armie . for the commisse or klark of the victuals and his traine . for the quarter-master generall of the foote . for the provost marshall generall . for the three principall chiurgians of the army . for the treasurer of the armie . for the waggon-master generall , his lieutenant , conductours , wheele-makers , smiths , & tow-workers . for the quarter-master of the horse . for the lieutenant generall of the horse . for every colonell of the foote some some , according to the greatnesse of their traine , a lieutonant co ●onell . for every sariant majour . for every quarter-master of the foote . for the preachter of a regiment . for every foote companie in the armie . the bridgmaster hath vnder his charge all sorts of punt bridges & small boate bridges : the ordnance and all things else carried vp to the rendevous in punts . the commise generall or clarke of the shipping when the armie is to goe into feild is to send forth two conductours to presse so manye ships in every towne and quarter , as the generall shall give hrm order for , and as the greatnesse of the armie maye require . a list of the baggage shipps , and for all officers that followes the army . for every colonell and the chiefe officers of his regiment ships . for every troupes three of horsse . for the lord generall and his traine . for the lord marshall . forforrain lords and earles . the quartter-master & the provost goe in the ship appointed for the officers of the feild for each captaine of the pyoniers a ship . for the theasieier of the army . for the advocate fiscall & his recorder . for the chiefe master gunner . for the captaines of the carpenters . for the prevost marshall generall . for the generall of the ordnance . for the klarke of the ammunition . for the klark of the ordnance . for the klarke of the victuals . the waggon-master generall . the captaine of the kanon horses . the commise or klark of the shipping . the sariant majour generall of the amy . the quarter-master generall . the controuler of the artillerie & munition . the controuler of the fortifications . the inginiers , and their assistants . the prevost marshall ouer the shippers , and saylours . ships allowell for the transporting of sick and wounded souldiers . spare ships for forraine lords and voluntiers . for the prevost marshall generall of the cavaillerie . for the physician and apothecarye of the armie . besides all these every companie so long as they lye a ship board have three , foure , or fiue ships comming out of garrison till they march a land , where of some of these ships have three gilders , some a rixe dalder , others two gilders a day , according to their hurden . the commisse or klark generall ouer the victuals , hath superintendence and care ouer all manner of victuals , as also victuallers and sutlars , which followes the armie , and hath under his charge diverse conductours , and bakers as the service maye require . first if be a long expedition , so that noe bread , or victualls can come vp to the army from the shipping by convoy , or to any towne beseiged it wil be needfull for him to have meale barriled vp lb. in a barrill barrils which . barrils will require waggons . for the keeping of it in shipping before it be loaded on waggons he must have . conductours , and ships all necessaries must he have also belonging to bakers , and bakers . as also . kopper ovens such as yow see figure . each oven carryed vpon a waggon , troughs , dowknifs , pailes for these . kopper ovens sixe great kitchin tents , with two or three chimneies in them . now one oven being . foote longe , and ½ in breath , wil bake in three howers a batch of . long loaves of bread each loafe a foote long , & . ynches broad , which bakes at a time , lb of bread , and one oven will bake in . howers loaues of bread , which makes . lb. and of these ovens being well heated , will backe . times in . howers , . loaves , which at . lb. each loase , comes for one day to . lb. and for two dayes if the armie rests . lb. a reasonable proportion of bread lb. item chiefe for the army in store lb. the demonstration for the quartering of the generall , or master of the ordnance , and all subordinate officers marching vnder the traine of the artillerie . first this quarter is in breadth , or front from a. to b. . foote , and from b. to c. is . foote in depth , which never takes vp any more ground in depth , but onely the ordinary measure , for all the streets in yt , are but . foote broade , and are marked d. e , & is the parke or empalement of the generall of the ordnance is ground , with his attendants , men , and horses , as yon maye evidently see in the raized figure . num. . is here a parke or a square of . foote : in which parke his tents , and measures are sett vp as the first is as followeth , a hall or place of foote in square , and a gallerie beyound that , and the great hall of foote long , and foote broade . the great hall or dyning roome is . foote broade , and foote deepe . the two pavillions are foote square . the gallerie reaching from the one pavillon to the other is foote long , and foote broade . the gallerie from the great hall to the gallerie of the two pavillions is foote long , and foote broade . the curtaines of the tents are all of them sixe foote deepe , and the two first pavillions are likewise foote square , and the kitchin is foote long , and foote broade . f. is the parke , or quarter of the lieutenant generall of the artillerie , and for the master gunners , and gentlemen of the ordnance , their servants , & horses , which park is foote broade , and foote in depth . the tents of the lieut. generall , are of this measure following . the great hall is foote in depth , & . foote broade . the gallerie foote long , & foote broade . the pavillions are foote in square . g. is the parke for the matterials of amunition , as spades , showelles , hatches , billes , axes , pickaxses , mattocks . planckes , beddings for ordnances , beames , wheele barrowes , and diverse other things . this parke is foote in depth & foote broad . number . is the hutt , or a tent for the clarke of the matterials . number , is a hutt , into which all things are layd , which must not take wett . as match , candles , and otherthings . number . is a common kitchin for all the conductours , to dresse their victualls in , and made there to keepe the quarter from fyring . number are the conductours hutts , some or foote in square . h. is the parke into which are layd , all the materialls ; instruments , & tooles belonging to the ordnance , as also anckours , powder , and bullets , & diverse other things , which parke is foote in depth , and foote in bredth . number . is the tent or hutt of the clark of the ordnance . number . is a hutt with all manner of amunition , belonging to the ordnance , which ought not to receiue wett . number . is the common kitchin. number . is a cave , or sellar to laye in gun-powder . number are hutts for the conductours of the traine . i. is the park or quarter for the master gunners , or gentlemen of the ordnance the ordinarie gunners , & canoniers whose depth is foote , & foote broade . k. is the parke or lodging of the master of the fire workes , with his conductours , & men , whose parke likewise is foote in depth , & foote in breath . l. is the parke , or quarter of the petardiers , and their men , which is also foote in depth , & foote in breath . m. is the parke of the master of the batteries , & his men of the same greatnesse . n. are three tents , or hutts for the captaines of the saylours , & marriners to attend vpon the ordnance , the attiralls , & drawing harnasses for the ordnance and for the mineurs . o. are all hutts foote in square , each for two saylours , and two mineurs , the sreetes alsoo betweene every row of hutts is foote broade . their quarter is foote in depth & foote in breath . p. is the parke , or quarter of the clarke of the fortifications , and his conductours , being foote in square . q. is the parke and quarter of the inginiers , & their conductours , being foote in depth , & foote in breath . r. is the quarter-master of this traine his quarter , or lodging being foote in square . s. is the parke or quarter of the captaine of the canon , or drawing horses , and his conductours , being also foote in depth , & foote in breath . t. is the quarter , or parke for the makers of gabions , or canon baskets , & musket baskets , being foote in bredth & foote in depth . v. is the armourers parke , & the quarter for the general of the ordnance , with their workemen . farriers , & smiths belonging to this traine , being foote in depth , and foote in bredth . w. is the chirurgians parke of this traine , foote in depth , and foote broad . x. is the provost marshall of this traine , foote in depth , & foote broade . y. is the farriers , or master smith his parke foote in depth , & . foote in bredth . z. is the carters or waggon mens and labourers , foote deepe , and foote broade . a. is the coopers parke foote in depth , & . foote in breath . b. is three hutts or tents for the three captaines of the pionniers , a. are the hutts of the pionniers with their lieutenants , whose hutts , are in the front of the rows , and each hutt is foote in square , whose parke is foote in breath , & foote in depth . . is the parke , where in is sett the carriages of waggons , & drawing horses for the ordnance , which is to be vnderstood such as are to passe vpon the watch , and canon for any suddaine peece of service , & to thend , the horses maye not be then to seeke . the two hutts within the parke marked . are for the conductours & waggon men. this parke is . foote in depth , & . foote in breath . thus much for the geometricall modell of a quarter for the artillerie . an index , of the principle points handled in this third part . the first chapter , of the leagues alligations and commixtures of mettalls , wherewith ordance are made . pag. . of the mouldes , & founding of ordance . pag. . the demonstration of eight severall peeces of ordnance , founded in the states generall their service . pag. . the second chapter is of a ladle , a rammer a sponge and feild carriage for a peece of ordnance , and the demonstration and terciating of any peece of ordnance , and a carriage . pag . the third chapter of a block , or along waggon , and the sigures of a peece of ordnance drawne both with horse and men . pag. . the rule of calibre for these peeces of ordnance . pag. . the fourth chapter of a fearne , or a ghynne , a scallet and a winch , otherwise called the endlesse screw . pag. . the fifth chapter how a peece of ordnance is to be mounted vpon it carriage . pag. . the sixth chapter is observations how a canonier ought to charge a peece , and of the gunners service in generall . pag. . . the seventh chapter how a canonier ought to levell his peece , & to amend abad shott . pag. . a new devise by any staff or ruler , how to leuell mount , or imbase a peece out of mr. nortons practize of artillerie . pag. . the eight chapter of seuerall quadrants , a levell , and other instruments for ordnance and the vses of them . pag. . . the ninth chapter , shewing how a canonier shall shoote levell by the mettall of his peece , or by the levell axis , otherwise called point blanck . pag. . . . the first dialogue betweene a generall of the artillerie and a captayne to know this question whether a culvering or a demy-canon wil carry furtherst . pag. . . . . the tenth chapter is of the demonstration of morters , and the vse of them . p. . . . the eleventh chapter of the compositions , mixtures , & ingredients for the makeing of great and small granades . pag . the th . chapter of a petard , the manner of charging of it , and the fasting of it to a gate or port . pag. . . a question betweene two mathematicians for the battering of a horne-worke proued by the rule of algebra . pag. . . . . the second dialogue betweene a generall of the ordnance and a captaine whether it is better to batter a curtaine or a bulwarke . pag . . . . the th . chapter how a canonier ought to governe him self in makeing a good shott . pag. . . . the third dialogue how and in what manner a generall of the artillerie ought to plant his ordnance in a day of battle . pag . . . . the th . chapter of diverse sorts of bridges vsed in the service of the states generall of a mathematiciall horse-water-mil , & a water-scoupe , of a copper-oven , a kneadingh-tsough a bread , or biscuit-chest , & of diverse sorts of matterials vsed in the warres . pag. . . , . finally , the office , and charge of the generall and master of the ordnance , and all officers vnder his traine , wit a list , & supposition of what sorts of ordnance , munition matterials , and other necessarie , & preparations , are vsefull to be carryed into the field with an armie . pag. . . . . the demonstration of a modell and sigure of a quarter for the generall of the orduance with all subordinate officers , marching vnder his traine . pag. . proclamation indemnifying deserters, and declaring what passes will be sufficient. scotland. privy council. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). b wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) proclamation indemnifying deserters, and declaring what passes will be sufficient. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign ( - : william ii) sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. . caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twenty sixth day of february, and of our reign the sixth year, . signed: gilb: eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -- legal status, laws, etc. -- scotland -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proclamation , indemnifying deserters , and declaring what passes will be sufficient . william by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to _____ macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as , vve have allowed and ordained , that all deserters from our regiments in flanders , since their being there , be seized as deserters by our officers , lately come from flanders for recruits ; as also , that such of these deserters who ingaged in any of our regiments abiding in scotland , be delivered to the saids officers , to be transported again to flanders ; and least the foresaids deserters may apprehend that they may still be lyable to punishment as deserters ; therefore vve with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby fully pardon and indemnifie all such of the saids deserters as shall happen to be transported to flanders in manner foresaid for their said desertion , remitting to the saids deserters their foresaid crime of desertion , as fully and freely in all respects , as if the said crime had never been committed and incurred , but that all other deserters may be duly punished , and none may presume for hereafter to desert on any pretence . vve further hereby with advice foresaid , ratifie and revive all former proclamations against deserters , ordaining the same to be put to execution against all deserters not hereby pardoned , or presently engaged in our service , with all rigour ; and that for hereafter no question may be moved about passes , vve hereby with advice foresaid , ordain all collonels of the regiments in our service , to intimat to their inferiour officers , that none of them presume to give a pass to any souldier under their command , unless the said inferiour officer be a field officer , and in absence of the saids collonels out of the kingdom : declaring , likeas it is hereby declared , that all passes to be hereafter given contrair to the present order , shall be void and of no effect to the persons bearers and users thereof : our vvill is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the several shires of this kingdom , and there , in our name and authority make publication hereof , that none may pretend ignorance . and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty sixth day of february , and of our reign the sixth year , . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . gilb : eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anno dom. . pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled: or, eight military aphorismes, demonstrating the uselesness, unprofitableness, hurtfulness, and prodigall expensivenes of all standing english forts and garrisons, to the people of england: their inability to protect them from invasions, depredations of enemies or pyrates by sea or land: the great mischiefs, pressures, inconveniences they draw upon the inhabitants, country, and adjacent places in times of open wars, when pretended most usefull: and the grand oversight, mistake, injury in continuing them for the present or furure [sic] reall defence of the peoples lives, liberties, estates, the only ends pretended for them. / penned by william prynne of swainswick, esquire, during his close imprisonment in pendennis castle. and now published for the common benefit, ease, information of the whole nation. prynne, william, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing p thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled: or, eight military aphorismes, demonstrating the uselesness, unprofitableness, hurtfulness, and prodigall expensivenes of all standing english forts and garrisons, to the people of england: their inability to protect them from invasions, depredations of enemies or pyrates by sea or land: the great mischiefs, pressures, inconveniences they draw upon the inhabitants, country, and adjacent places in times of open wars, when pretended most usefull: and the grand oversight, mistake, injury in continuing them for the present or furure [sic] reall defence of the peoples lives, liberties, estates, the only ends pretended for them. / penned by william prynne of swainswick, esquire, during his close imprisonment in pendennis castle. and now published for the common benefit, ease, information of the whole nation. prynne, william, - . [ ], , [ ] p., - leaves, - p. printed for the author, and are to be sold by edward thomas in green-arbour, london, : [i.e. ] the page after p. is numbered . annotation on thomason copy: "dec: "; the in the imprint date has been crossed out and replaced with a " ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -- army -- early works to . standing army -- early works to . military bases -- great britain -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled: or, eight military aphorismes,: demonstrating the uselesness, unprofitableness, hurtfuln prynne, william f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pendennis and all other standing forts dismantled : or , eight military aphorismes , demonstrating the vselesness , unprofitableness , hurtfulness , and prodigall expensivenes of all standing english forts and garrisons , to the people of england : their inability to protect them from invasions , depredations of enemies or pyrates by sea or land : the great mischiefs , pressures , inconveniences they draw upon the inhabitants , country , and adjacent places in times of open wars , when pretended most usefull : and the grand oversight , mistake , injury in continuing them for the present or furure reall defence of the peoples lives , liberties , estates , the only ends pretended for them . penned by william prynne of swainswick , esquire , during his close imprisonment in pendennis castle . and now published for the common benefit , ease , information of the whole nation . habak. . . they shall deride every strong hold , for they shall heap dust , and take it . hosea . . iudah hath multiplied fenced cities , but i will send a fire upon his cities which shall devoure the palaces thereof . chron. . . and he took the fenced cities which appertained to judah . dan. . . the king of the north shall come , and cast up a mount , and take the most fenced cities ; neither shall there be any strength to withstand . ezeck. . , . he shall slay thy people by the sword , and thy strong garrisons shall go down to the ground : and they shall make a spoile of thy riches , and make a prey of thy merchandise ; and they shall break down thy wals , and destroy thy pleasant houses , and they shall lay thy stones , and thy timber , and thy dust in the middest of the water . london , printed for the author , and are to be sold by edward thomas in green-arbour , ▪ to the ingenuous reader . during my neer years causeless close imprisonments , ( without the least accusation , hearing , crime , then or since suggested against me ) by john bradshaw and ●his whitehall associates , in the since slighted disgarrison'd castles of dunster & taunton in sumersetshire , and yet continued garrison of pendennis castle in cornwell ; i had severall discourses with their officers and souldiers ( who , though seeming zealous professors of the gospell , i found very unwilling , * to beat their swords into ploughshares , and their spears into pruning hooks , and not to lift up a sword against any christian nation , nor to leavy wars any more , as the god and gospell of peace prescribe them ) concerning the vselessenesse , hurtfulnesse , and prodigall unnecessary annuall expensivenesse of those and other standing forts , garrisons , in-land and maritine , both in times of warr and peace , as being unable to defend the realm , or countrey round about them from invading forraign enemies , or pillaging pyrates , much lesse any parts of the kingdome remoter from them , and drawing many intollerable pressures , mischiefs upon the inhabitants in or near them , and on the whole nation ( especially in times of hostility when pretended most beneficiall ) infinitely over-ballancing all the advantages that could be alleadged either for their originall erection , or future continuation , if duly pondered in the scales of right reason . which being a theam never yet ( to my knowledge ) publickly debated in print , tending much to the common ease and benefit of the whole nation from these unnecessary pests and burdens , i did thereupon in my dark pendennis cell ( where i had few books and lesse light to read ) in september . to passe away idle hours , digest the substance of my discourses against forts , and garrisous ( to which i could receive no satisfactory replies from any officers or souldiers ) into these ensuing aphorisms , which i sent from thence to a since deceased friend in london . where gods providence ( after his death and my enlargement ) unexpectedly bringing them to my hands , i was thereupon induced to make them publick ; humbly submitting them to the serious consideration , approbation , or correction of every candid reader , and publick spirited statesman , sword-man , preferring the commonwealth , ease , interest of the over-exhausted nation , before his own personall pay , honour , command , and self-respects . a very rare vertue in this self-seeking age ; wherein few christian souldiers can truly say of themselves , as the thebaean christian legion under dioclesian the emperour did ; * offerimus nostras in quemlibet hostem manus , quas sanguine innocentium cruentare nefas ducimus . dextrae ipsae pugnare adversus impios & inimicos sciunt , laniare pios & cives nesciunt . meminimus nos pro civibus potius quam adversus cives arma sumpsisse . pugnavimus semper pro justitia , pro pietate , pro innocentium salute ; haec fuerunt hactenus pretia periculorum . pugnavimus pro fide , quam quo pacto censeruemus tibi , si hanc deo nostro non exhibemus ? and wherein we may justly take up the apostles sad complaint in his time , as suited to ours , phil. . . . i have no man like minded , who will naturally care for your estate : for all seeke their own , not the things that are jesus christs , or things really tending to the publick liberty , ease , wealth , and happinesse of the nation ; pretended to by all , for self-advantages alone ; but sincerely intended , endeavoured by few or none , if vox populi , or dei , may be credited . accept and peruse this treatise ( i beseech thee ) as a new light , springing out of darknesse , first compiled , and now divulged , onely for the generall ease and welfare of our english nation , by him who hath ever studied , to promote gods glory , and his countries publick liberty , interest , ease , more than his own private safety , or self-advantage , and desires to live no longer then he shall manifest himself upon all occasions to be , lincolns inne . december . . his native countries faithfull freind and servant , william prynne . errata . pag. . l. ●lay . r. stay . l. . r. rovers . p. . l. . if of . p. . l. . pruda penda ▪ margin . p. . l. ▪ gul. nubrig ▪ l. . ecclesiae . l. . bromten . ( ) eight military aphorisms ; demonstrating the uselesness , unprofitableness , hurtfulness and prodigal expensivenesse of all standing english garrisons to the people of ●ngland ; their inability to protect them from enemies invasions , depredations by sea or land , the great mischiefs they occasion in peace & open war , the oversight , injury of continuing them at the peoples excessive expence , ( or any other mercinary land-forces for the present or future real defence of the peoples persons , liberties , laws or estates . ) though garrisons in three or four of our greatest , richest , strongest cities ( which are as so many magazenes and places of refuge ) may in some respects be necessarie and convenient in times of war ; especially when guarded by the cities own arms and forces yet that our ordinary standing mercenary garrisons ( especially in small castles and blockhouses ) are not only altogether uselesse , but most dangerous , oppressive and mischievous grievances to the nation , both in times of war and peace , i shall briefly evidence by these ensuing aphorisms . . that the principal use , end of garrisons is onely to keep a * forraign conquered enemy or countrey in constant subjection and contribution to the conquerers ; therefore not to be contniued in our own free nation by those who pretend its freedom and enfranchisement from bondage , unlesse they resolve to make us their conquered vassals and ●ributaries , instead of english-freemen . . that all garrisons , castles , forts & block-houses throughout england if their works and fortifications were demolish't , would be nothing else but meer despicable , worthless , barren hills , or clods of earth , scarce worth two hundred pounds a yeer at their best improved value ; which no wise state●man or enemy , upon due consideration , would either value , look after ▪ or go about to fortifie , more then those many thousand unfortified rocks , hills upon the sea-coast or in inland counties , which any forraign or domestick enemies might , with as much advantage to themselves , and prejudice to the nation , soon fortifie and garrison with ●ase and advantage , if they would bestow so much charge & pains , as on those now fortified & furnished to their hands at the peoples cost , if once but masters of the field ▪ wch for●s would stand the enemies in no more stead , if now sleighted , then any other unfortified hills , rocks , or those garrison'd hills and rocks would do before they were fortified and garrison'd , being altogether as unuseful , unable to defend or secure the nation and people near them from the invasion● , plunder● , conquests of any po●ent enemy or party stronger then these petty garrisons , as any other unfortified , ungarrison hills or rocks throughout the island of like , or as strong a situation , and really serving only to defend the bare mercenary garrison-soldiers in them ; and the barren rocks , hills alone whereon they stand , not the whole nation or counties adjoining , in time of such invasion , danger , till they be either taken by , or surrendred to the prevailing party & enemy . therefore to put the nation , countrey to a vast annual expence of many thousand pounds each yeer to fortifie , furnish and man such garrison'd fruitlesse rocks and clods of earth , ( not worth . l. a yeer at utmost value ) which can neither secure the whole island nor people near them from forraign or domestick , enemi●s , and to continue them garrison'd at such a prodigal expence , is as great a solecis● , mad●ess● , prodigality in true martial & state politicks , as it would be ill countrey husbandry for the whole nation or private statesmen to bestow one hundred thousand pounds every yeer in planting , sowing the hills and rocks whereon these garrisons now stand , to reap a barren crop only of . l. a yeer at most ; which ( as they are now garrison'd ) yeild them not one farthing towards the pub●ike ●evenue , and yet have cost the nation very many thousand pounds out of their purses every yeer , to no use or end at all , but to cast away so much money on lazie garrison-soldiers , to smoke t●bacco , and cry one to another , who goes there ? ( as if we had stil too much mony in our dry-dra●n●d-purses ) and to continue them at this grand charge , only because the island and places near them , might be endangered , if slighted , & their ruins supprised regarrison d by an enemy ( who wil never certainly be so mad or sottish , as to fortifie any slighted garrisons , unlesse able to defend them against the whole nation ) is as grosse an absurdity , as to argue ; we must forthwith fortifie , garrison , all other advantagious sea-●oasts , rocks , hills , ●asses in england , because else any enemy might master , seise and fortifie them to the nations , peoples danger , damage ; and repair , fortifie all old late demolished castles , forts , block-houses , upon the same reason and accompt , ( which all the indian mines would not suffice to garrison ) . that england being subject to the forraign invasions , depredation● of enemies or pirates , only by sea with ships , which no fixed land-garrisons can incounter , assault , board , take , sink , or pursue from place to place , nor hinder from landing under their noses , if stronger then they ; muchlesse in any other place out of their command ▪ ( as is undeniable by our ancient seising of cadez and sundry townes , garrisons in the indies by sir francis drak , & others , and our late invading and taking in of the isles of silly , gersey , ga●nsey , the barbadoes and scottish island● , without the losse of any one ship , and of very few men , notwithstanding all their bl●ckhouses , forts , garrisons , for to secure them they are altogether useless prodigalities ; our victorious puissant navy being the sole , best , sufficient defence against them , and only able to resist , take , sink and surprise them : that england ( as mr. cambden and † others write ) being . miles in compasse , all invironed with the sea , except for some few miles space next to scotland ; it is as great a mistake in point of state-policy & as grosse an absurdity in military-skill , to assert or believe , that . or . standing garrisons , forts and block ▪ houses , distant sundry miles one from the other , not taking up or securing . whole miles of this vast circuit , and leaving no lesse then . miles thereof , and near as many ●an●ing places for enemies and rovers open to their invasions ; without any defence at all , can hinder either their landing or pillaging , or secure the island from invasions , by any considerable fleet and forces now , which they never could do in former ages , as its frequent invasions and conquests too by the romans , saxons , danes , normans and others , notwithstanding all our ancient castles and garrisons attest . and to continue them for this very end upon the impoverished nations drained-purses , by imposing unusual , unsupportable taxes , excises on them for their support , is as grosse a conceit , as to assert , that the garrison and guns in dover gast●e can forciblie keep off any forraign fleet of enemies or pirates from landing or plundering at the lands-end , lizards poin● , or whitsand-bay in cornwall , or at st. davids in wales ; or ▪ that the fortifying of the tower of london alone , or the uselesse block-●ouse● at graves-end ( which can neither slay , hurt nor sink any resolute ship or vessel , much less an whole fleet in a sunshine-day , nor yet discern them in a mist or darksome night , and can discharge their guns at them only at roves but once at most , with more expence of powder and bullet to the state , then harm to the vessels they shoot at ) will hinder a whery-boat or navy fraighted with soldiers at brainford from landing in ●u●●le-fields or vvindsor ; or the guarding and locking up of crippl●-gate alone , hinder an whole army or br●gade from entring into london at newgate , or any other gate of the city , though they all stood open , unguarded , & though all its walls and works ( like the late line about it ) were levelled to the ground . yea , as vain 〈◊〉 state , a military policy , as formerly to have built a fort onely at tyburn to secure all london , westminster and southwark , against the late kings army , without drawing any line of communication round about them , or placing any other guards then those in tyburn fort for their defence against them ; or to have placed a single company of the london militia at vvhite-chapp●l , to guard both houses whiles they sate at westminster , without auy other guardians to secure them nearer hand ; it being both vanity and folly to fortifie only one inconsiderable part of a town or garrison ( and so if the island ) if all therest be unfortified , and lie alwaies open to all enemies invasions without defence . . that in all times of publick peace , or when and whiles there is no enemy near , it is peace it self alone , and want or absence of enemies that secures the peoples , nations persons estates from danger , plunder ; not garisons or field armies ; which cannot universally protect their lives or goods in all places and at all times , when there is any open war or enemie in the field , as peace alone always doth , and will do still , without cost or trouble : therefore it must needs be very ill hu●bandry and no good state-●olicy [ in these or other times of inland p●ace ] to keep up land-forces and garrisons throughout the nation at the peoples intolerable costs , now there is no enemie at all in arms amongst us , to protect the peoples persons and estates from spoil and danger , when as our very peace it self and want of armed enemies , doth and will absolutely secure them both , without any charge at all , or either of these costly lordly superfluous guardi●n● ; which could not secure the greatest part of the nation from the late kings forces , power and plunder in times of ●●r nor yet the kings forts , his friends or quarters from the parliaments forces . . that in times of open war , no garrisons throughout the nation can secure themselves and those within them against a puissant army , or any party stronger then these garrisons ; which will soon * take them by force , stratagem , composition ; or for want of provision , ammunition , and ot her necessaries ; or by 〈◊〉 reachery or mutiny within themselves , unless timely relieved by a ●arching field-army able to raise their seiges , as late experience and all histories attest : yea oft-times a small party , far less and nothing so numerous as those garrisons , by some stratagem of war , sodain surprize , or through security or negligence of the garrison soldiers , or by the casual death of some eminent commander ; unexpected forcing of a passe or routing of some of the garrison soldiers in their sa●l●●s ▪ and entring with them in their retreat ; the successful springing up of some mine ▪ the blowing up of a magezine ; the stopping of all provisions for their relief , advantage of ground ▪ divisions amongst the garrisons , treachery , bribery in officers , soldiers , centinels , or townsmen , and a thousand other casualties , have in all former ages ( and will hereafter do the like ) conquered sundry strong garrisons throughout our three nations , and in all other parts of the world : besides no garrisons in our nation , without the assistance of a field army , either are or ever were yet able to protect themselves by their own strength against any powerful enemies seige , who resolved for to gain them , in times of war . it can be therefore little less then apparent folly or frenzy for us , to perpetuate and maintain them still at so vast a charge in these times of in-land peace throughout the nation , to protect and secure the whole land or country about them ; being thus unable to defend and secure themselves in the heat o●●war from foreign or intestine enemies . . that garrisons both in times of peace and war , are so far from being a benefit , safeguard or protection to the whole nattor , or to the inhabitants within them , the country about them , and the contributers towards them ; that in truth they are commonly their greatest grievance , oppression , loss , damage , mischief , and frequent occasions of their u●ter ruine both in peace and war , as shall be evidently demonstrated for our soldiers , state●-men , and nations future in formation , and speedy suppression of these grandest grievances , by these particulars . . in all times of peace , they put the whole nation , inhabitants , country , to an excessive prodigal expence of moneys , which would be better imployed in relieving and setting poor people on work , advancing trade , manufactures , merchandize , improving lands , and supplying the peoples particular occasions ; to all which , and the better relief of maimed soldiers , their continuance is and will be still extreamly prejudicial : they much impoverish , grieve , oppress , discontent the people by endless taxes , excises to maintain them ; by billeting , quartering , and oft-times free-quartering the garrison soldiers on them ; by the frequent mutinies , misdemeanors , abuses , outrages of garrison soldiers , and lordly imperiousnesse of their governors and officers , over-topping , over-ruling , and sometimes abusing in many places the nobility , gentry , ministry , and civil magistracy , as well as common people ; and interrupting the course of justice , by protecting both themselves and their soldiers from arrests and executions for just debts , duties , trespasses to the people ; by entertaining , listing and detaining children against their parents , servants and apprentices against their masters , husbands against their wives and families good wills , to their great grief and prejudice ; by keeping of many thousands of able , young , lusty men in meer idlenesse , spending their time in eating , drinking , gaming , whoring , sleeping , lewdnesse , or easie uselesse duties day and night , onely to gaze about them ; to call to one another , stand , &c. and to spend much match and powder to no purpose , but to waste them and our treasure in complements ; and in the mean time robbing the nation of the benefit of their honest painful labors in their callings ; by their frequent running away upon discontents or misdemeanors● , leaving their wives , children , and not a few great bellies and bastards on the inhabitants and countries charge ; running into their scores and debts for quarters and necessaries , and then departing without payment of them ; by infecting the inhabitants and country with the vices , errors , blasphemies , sins , corruptions , diseases of the worst and deboysest soldiers ▪ by occasioning many murders , men-slaughters , blood-sheds , quarrels , brawls , robberies , thefts burglaries , dlsorders , oppressions , drunkennesse , idlenesse , gaming , whoring , swearing , neglect contempt of magistracie , ministry cods publike ordinances , sacraments , sabbaths disturbances of our ministers and publike assemblies in and near the garrisons by dangerous practices to undoe or vex many innocent persons , which else would be prevented ; by hindring peoples free ingresse into , and egresse out of garrisons about their urgent occasions , concerning which their centinels , corporals , governors strictlie interrogate them ex officio , and force them to dance attendance on them sometimes many hours space ▪ to extort beer or money from them before they can passe or repasse about their businesse ; by searching the houses , studies , seising the persons letters , writings of divers persons by their own bare authorities or others unlawful warrants ▪ against all law and the peoples native freedom upon feigned pretences , causeless jealousies , idle rumors vain fears , and sometimes secret conspiracies against their very lives and estates , which are made a prey to these soldiers : by sundry other abuses , in seising their arms . birding and fowling piec s , moneys plate , horses , goods ; and impresting their horses , ploughs carts upon needless , or wrongful publike or private occasions and pretences . in all which , and sundry other respects they are extraordinary grievances to the nation , garrison'd places and countrey adjoining even in time of peace . therefore not to be continued upon any vain pretence whatsoever . . in times of war , when they are pretended most necessarie , they are then most chiefly prejudicial , pernicious , destructive both to the whole nation in general ; the places garrison'd ; the adjacent country and all contributing towards them , as these experimental demonstrations will undeniablie evidence against the erroneous opinions and practise of all pseud●-politicians and soldiers contrary pretences , wherewith they delude , yea , cheat the ignorant people : for , in times of actual wars ( especially civil , when they are most pernicious ) they bring a general mischief on the whole nation , and that in these respects : . by length ning and drawing out their intestine wars with the plagues and miseries attending them , for many yeers space , as our ancient and late wars manifest ) by a tedious and successive seige of their garrisons , till reduced ; to the great waste , spoile , destruction and impoverishing of the people ; the innumerable increase of fatherlesse children , widdows , poor and maimed persons , the slaughters , deaths of thousands more then if there were no such garrisons . . by multiplying the peoples taxes , expences , to furnish and maintain these garrisons , and raise , pay a great field army besides , for these garrisons security , which would be a sufficient safeguard to the nation without them . . by lessening the number , weakning the strength , substracting the military provisions with all other supplies and recruits of the field armies , in whose good or bad successe , strength or weaknesse , the safety or ruine , preservation or conquest of the nation ( next under god ) doth alone principally consist ; and whose victories or ill successes the whole nation , with all garrisons usually do , will and must of necessity follow ; their garrisons being unable to defend them from plunder , total and final conquest , if their field armies be quite routed or destroyed ; which would speedily end the wars by pitched battels in the field in a few dayes , weeks , months at furthest , were it not for besieging and taking in garrisons , which ( through the artifice of mercenary o●ficers and soldiers ) protract the wars for many yeers , and continue the plagues and miseries of war upon the nation far longer then if there were no garrisons in it as , ancient and present experience must and will attest . . they are in times of actual war most prejudicial to the towns and places garrisond in these ensuing regards . . by doubling , trebling their taxes , contributions , payments , charges to new fortifie and furnish these garrisons with ammunition , artillery , cannons , provisions , magazines of all sorts ; augmenting their mercenary guards and soldiers by hundreds and thousands in some places , to their great impoverishing and vexation ; and that oft times , to betray them to the enemy at last ; yea , to lose those garrisons in a few dayes or howrs , which they have thus ( to their vast expence and trouble ) been fortifying , furnishing , guarding many moneths or yeers space together , as the late presidents of bristol , hereford , with other garrisons belonging both to the king and parliament in england , ireland , scotland and elsewhere , demonstrate ; and the histories of all ages , countries testifie . . by continual billetting ▪ quartering and free-quartering the garrison soldiers and officers on the inhabitants , within or near the garrisons , to their great oppression , vexation ( superadded to their taxes ) oft times to their utter undoing . . by drawing the field-forces likewise into them , and free quartering them all the winter long , or when they are out of action , for their better accommodation and safety , to add to their former affliction ; and by continual uncessant qnartering of other marching soldiers on them upon all expeditions , parties sent out upon emergent occasions ; from which heavy pressures , ungarrison d places and villages remote from garrisons , are either totally exempted or ten times more free then garrisons ; which would be as free as they , were they not made garrisons . . by exposing them to all the forementioned mischiefs and inconveniences of officers and garrison soldiers in times of peace ▪ doubled and trebled in seasons of warre , when the soldiers are farre more unruly , deboist , injurious imperious over them in all kindes then in peace . . by inviting , inducing or necessitating the enemies forces to besiege , and inflict upon them the saddest calamities and plagues of war , from which ungarrisoned towns , and places far from garrisons are usually exempted ; or not so liable to , especially in civil wars . to enumerate some particular miseries accompanying seiges . . burning , wasting , destroying their own suburbs , neighboring houses , villages , orchards , gardens , trees in or near their garrisons , walls or works , and that frequently by their own officers and garrison soldiers , to prevent the enemies quartering in them or some annoyances from them ; or to contract their works for their better and easier defence of what remaiins unburnt or unwasted , to the undoing of hundreds and thousands , left houslesse and harborless by this inhumane policy , as bad or worse then any enemies rage ; as the sad late presidents of the firing the suburbs of bristol , excester , taunton , lincoln , york , colchester , and other garrisons , experiment ; with some stately houses , and whole villages adjoyning to them : to which may be added , the like frequent furious devastations of them by the enemies , if spared by themselves . secondly , losse of all trading , commerce ▪ and markets , during the leaguers about them , when they need them most of all . thirdly , perpetual fears , alarms , disturbances , watchings , frights , day and night ; continual hard military duties and skirmishes with the enemy , even by the inhabitants themselves at their free cost , notwithstanding their hired , dear-waged guardian soldiers to secure them . fourthly , forcible seisures of the inhabitants houshold-provisions of all sorts , with their beds , bedding , arms , money , plate , to feed , lodge , arm , pay , their mercenary servants ( then in all things , their most absolute lording masters ) who extort and will take from them and theirs all they have , of purpose forsooth to protect them , though those their protected pay-masters and their whole families starve , lye cold or naked on the boards , want money to buy them bread , necessaries , or lie sick in greatest distress . fifthly , the losse of many of the inhabitants lives by assaults , granadoes , fire-works , sallies , shots , wounds , famines , plagues , feavers , and other sicknesses ( usually accompanying sieges and wars ) by invented false accusations , suspitions of holding intelligence with the enemies , or plotting to betray the garrison to them ; by suddain fears , frights , discontents , firing or beating down houses , springing of mines , and the li●e , during their seiges ; in many whereof if sharp or long , or accompanyed with plagues and sicknesses , above half the inhabitants or more have frequently been quite consumed , and the rest utterly undone , though the enemies left the seige at last . sixthly , the wounding , maiming , loss of limbs of many of the inhabitants , multiplying of their poor widows , desolate orphans by seiges , and their new charge to relieve them . seventhly , the total banishment , captivity , slaughter and extirpation of all the inhabitants and mercenary soldiers too in garrisons , if taken by storm or assault , by putting them all to the sword , man , woman , and childe , without distinction , or the greatest number of them , and carrying the rest captives thence , whereof there are hundreds of sad presidents in * sacred and prophane history . the famous protestant town of magdeburgh in germany , of late years was by bloody general tilly , put totally to the sword , and then burnt to ashes : and tredagh in ireland , though for the most part protestants , always constant to the parliament , enduring many long and sharp seiges by the irish popish rebels ; yet submitting to marquesse ormond ( a sincere protestant , formerly general for the parliament in ireland , and then for the king ) and receiving a garrison from him at the last , when their governor entred into an offensive and defensive league with owen roe-oneal ( the general of the popish rebels ) their greatest enemy , and chief contriver , fomenter of the irish massacre and rebellion ; upon the late taking of it by storm , most of the inhabitants were thereupon put to t●e sword , without distinction , together with all the garrison soldiers , by gen. cromwel himself and his forces , to the great grief of many good protestants there ; which fatal desolation and total destruction they had all escaped , had they not been a garrison . eightly , the total demolition and burning to the very ground , of sundry private garrisons , castles , strong magnificent houses of ancient nobles and gentlemen , and of some fair churches too , when taken ; whereof our late wars have produced many sad spectacles , as rag land castle , basing house , rowden house , cambden house , litchfiel● clos● , banbury , pomfret castles , with sundry more : and which is yet more grievous , the burning to the ground , and total desolation , depopulation , ruine of many great famous garrisons , cities and towns ; as troy , jerusalem , tyrus , athens , with hundreds more ; and of the best and greatest part of other stately cities , never since repaired , re-peopled , whereof * sacred and prophane stories of former ages , our own annals , and late experience can furnish us with multitudes of sad presidents : which fatal subversions , devastations , they had all escaped , had they not been garrisoned and stood out a siege . ninthly , the total spoil , plunder , confiscation of all the inhabitants goods and estates ( if not their lives ) to the enemy , if taken by assault or stratagem , to their universal undoing ; and yet putting them to future fines , ransoms , and heavy taxes afterward , to buy their peace , or save them from the general subsequent plunder of all not formerly spoiled by the soldiers ; all which they had escaped , if un-garrisoned . tenthly , the unavoidable reception of greater , and usually worse domineering new garrisons from the conquering enemies ; oft spoiling , plundering , firing ransoming , executing the wealthiest of the inhabitants ( notwithstanding all articles of agreement for their indempnity and security ) though taken by surrender onely , not by storm ; which articles are usually much violated , and very seldome kept by faithlesse , greedy , rude , plundering officers or soldiers , who add affliction to affliction , and a new undoing to the old ; to whose new lording lawlesse power , orders , pleasures , government , the inhabitants must all submit , or else they & their families must be forthwith banished out of their native habitations , as enemies , stript naked of all they have , and forced to wander cold & naked about the countrey like vagrants for bread , clothes , relief , houseroom , which they plentifully enjoyed before , to the breaking of their hearts , and shortning of their lives . eleventhly , these garrisons are oft taken & re-taken over and over ▪ and so as oft plundered , re ▪ plundered , spoiled , ransomed , and new garrison d by both sides yea those of them who were protected as friends and favorites to the one side , are sure to be most spoiled , plundered , oppressed , persecuted by the other ▪ and to suffer thus in their successive turns till they be quite undone and ruined by their frequent takings and re-takings on both sides ; as bristol , exeter , with other places ▪ have found by late sad experience : the vicissitudes and miseries of these garrisons never ceasing till their wars and garrisons cease , and they became no garrisons . twelfly : if any besieged garrisons escape taking in the wars by seige ( as gloces●er , hull and l●me did in our late wars ; but scarce any else ▪ ) yet , as it was more through gods mercy , and the valor , vigilancie and strength of their own inhabitants and other volunteers then of their hired mercenaries ; so the length of losses and damages by their very leaguers , did more indammage , impoverish them , then an honorable composition with the enemy at first , or the leaving their towns quite ungarrison'd would have done ; besides their exemption from all those fears ; hardships and other miseries accompanying their leaguers . there was no garrison in the late wars throu ghout the nation , but if left ungarrison'd by either side , might with the quarter or half quarter of its unnecessary expences to make and keep it a garrison , have avoided all the miseries , losses , devastations , plunders , pressures it suffered as a garrison on both or either side , without an● great danger or pillage to the inhabitants , persons or estates by either side : and half the charges of our garrisons on both sides , would have defrayed the whole charges of both the field armies , and ended the wars in far lesse then half the time they were protracted by means of garrisons . in brief , our small castles and garrisons even in times of wars , are , & can be no defence at all , but great oppressions and grievances to the people and countrey ; our great garrisons are then but small defences and greater burdens and grievances to the people then smaller ; yea , all of them after all their fortifications , costs & expences , are , or may be taken by * forc● , stratagem ▪ famine or treachery at the last , by any enemy who is but master of the field ; witnesse the strongest of cities , ●yrus , ezek. . and ierusalem gods own most fortified city , of which the prophet thus writes , lam. . . the kings of the earth and all the inhabitants of the world would not have believed , that the adversary and the enemy should have entred into the gates of jerusalem ; yet was it often taken , pillaged , dismantled and burnt by the enemies , chron . . &c. chron. . , , to . yea , our own garrisons were the principal seats , theaters of all our former and late wars , epsecially when besieged by either party : whence a siege is usually termed le-guerre , from the f●ench , that is to say , the war ; because there is no war to speak of , till then : battels in the field being fought and ended usually in half a day or lesse , and oft within one hour or two at most ; when as sieges ( accompanied alwaies with frequent skirmishes , constant batteries , sundry assaults , sallies , stormings on all hands , or in some quarter or other ) continue many dayes , weeks , months and yeers , sometimes with far greater danger and losse of men on both sides ; and are usually seconded with many skirmishes , bloody battels and incounters of armies or parties sent to victual , relieve the besieged , or raise the siege , occasioning more and greater slaughters then a pitched battel in the field alone , as all histories and experience manifest . upon all which confiderations , all statesmen , soldiers and intelligent inhabitants of garrisons , who have any brains remaining in their heads , or consciences in their brests ) must ingenuouslye ( after due deliberation ) acknowledge ; that garrisons even in times of open wars ( especially intestine ) are so far from being a benefit , blessing , security or protection to their inhabitants and owners , that they are the extreamest pressures , grievances , curses , plagues , dangers , and most destructive , desolating instruments that possible can befall them ; as bringing all the furies , plagues , miseries and extremities of war upon them in perfection , so as it were better , safer for the inhabitants of all or most garrisons at least , and more conducing to their safety in respect of bodies , goods , and freedom from all sorts of inconveniences by war , to continue disgarrison'd , and lye open to both parties armies , as countrey villages do , thereby to escape all the forementioned plagues , to which garrisons are exposed ; or else ( if there be cause ) to fire their own houses before hand , or leave them empty , and flie with their families , goods , moneys , and what else they have , into bogs , woods , rocks , caves , wildernesses ( as the the wilde irish , high-landers , scythi●ns , and all nations wanting garrisons do ) and there to secure themselves from the enemies , till withdrawn thence , routed , or the wars ended ; and thereby to save all or most they have for their own and families uses ; then unadvisedly of their own heads , or by the command of any in power over them , to put themselves to an extraordinary vast expence to erect , fortifie , furnish and maintain garrisons of mercenaries to no other purpose at all , if seriously considered ( unlesse able to defend themselves without any mercenaries or taxes , but meerly voluntary , when and where there is occasion only and no longer ) but meerly to expose themselves to all the premised calamities of war and garrisons , under a brain●esse pretext and lying imposture of defending their persons and estates from ! danger or molestation by the enemies or others , the contrary effects whereunto they ever occasion , both in peace and war . thirdly , in times of open wars garrisons bring these manifold evils and miseries on the adjacent countrey villages and contributing friends and neighbors near them , instead of any real benefit or protection from them ▪ which they neither do , will nor can afford them in their greatest needs , though they voluntarily or by co-action ( against all reason ▪ and conscience largely contribute to their fortifying and supplying for this end . , upon the approach of any enemy to besiege them , these very garrisons ( their friends and protectors ) like professed enemies , oft fire their adjourning houses , cut , pull down their trees , orchards , fences , ditches , walls , pales , drive away all their cattel , carry away all their goods , money , plate , arms , houshold-stuff , with their very houshold provisions into their garrisons ; by meer violence against their wills , intreaties , cryes , tears , without any price or consideration at all , to victual and furnish the garrisons with necessaries against the siege , or else to preserve them ( before the enemies approach ) from the enemies possession or plunder , who else would seise them to their disadvantage , when as the enemies for their own better accommodation , would use them more favorably , and not plunder them half so much as these their pretended friends and new protectors . secondly , they are more frequently visited , plundred , spoiled , captivated , fined , ransomed by the enemy upon all advantages and occasions , when there is no siege , then places more remote from garrisons , and not contributing to them for protection , upon these two accompts . . to deprive or straiten these garrisons the more of all provisions , necessaries , supplies and contributions from them , if not totally to withdraw them from them . . because they accompt them their professed enemies , for being contributers , friends , neighbors to these garrisons , & so all they have is lawful plunder without dispute , unlesse they will redeem it , by fines or ransom s , or by paying as great or greater constant contributions to them and their nex t adjoyning garrisons , as they do to those , to live in peace ; being thus made a double prey to both sides , under colour of protection by and from both . an intolerable double pressure and imposition , of which our late wars afforded many experimental presidents , in most places next to garrisons ; who if the pillaging enemies be strong at any time , neither will , dare not ought ( as they hold by the laws of war to stir out of their garrisons to encounter or protect their country neighboring contributors from their plunder , even under their walls and view , for fear of being cut off , and losing the garrison to them : such notable useful protectors are they to the adjacent countrey , as not to stir one foot to help them at their greatest needs , but expose them to their enemies spoil without resistance , if unato protect themselves . thirdly , they are more frequently then any others of the country further of , oppressed , vexed , hindred , impoverished , with the seising impresting of their servants , children , ploughs , carts , horses , and sometimes taking them quite away , by both sides alike , either for publick services or private occasions , to their vexation or undoing . fourthly , they are more oppressed by laboring in , and contributing to these garrisons fortifications , carrying in their ammunition and other provisions cost-free , or for little pay & that long ere received ) constant contributions to their garrisons ; quartering , free-quartering , insolences , outrages ▪ abuses of the garrison soldiers , of marc●ing parties of the field army it self , when drawn into quarters , then any parties more remote from garrisons ▪ and their persons more oft imprisoned , beaten , wounded , their wives , children , servants , more abused , their houses more ransacked ; goods , monies , more frequently seised and taken away upon malice , jealousies , pretences by crafty knaves , officers and pillaging soldiers , then others farther off them . fifthly , when these garrisons are besieged ( as usually and frequently they are ) their pressures and miseries are beyond expression : the men , if well affected to the garrisons , are all forced by fear or otherwise from their houses into the garrisons , woods or other counties ▪ if not their wives , children , and whole families likewise , to avoid the fury , pressures , troubles , insolencies of the besieging enemies , who fill all their houses with their free-quartering rude abusive soldiers , eating , drinking up all their beer and other provisions whatsoever for man or beast , both within & without , not leaving them or their families bread to eat , or beer to drink , nor yet any bed , bolster , cushion , or ought else to rest their heads on , or straw to lie in : tread and eat out all their grasse , hay , corn standing or cut , with their horses : kill , devour , drive away all their stock , cattel , which the garrisons have left them , as good booty ; burn up all their pales , houses , wood , timber-trees , fruit-trees , for firing , & soon make them all as poor as job himself . . they are more frequently then any others of the countrey further off , oppressed , vexed , hindred , impoverished , as aforesaid ; and every new siege by either party reiterates the same or worse effects as the first , to their reiterated beggerie , as many late experiments fresh in peoples minds about plimouth , excester , lime , ●aunton , bristoll , glocest r , worcester , oxford , york , hull ( whose first siege produced the drowning of all the countrey round it in the beginning of our wars ) and most besieged garrisons evidence beyond contradiction ; which miseries countries void of garrisons , or remoter from them , doe not sustain ; the quarterings on them being neither so frequent , thick , long-lasting , or oppressive , as in places next to garrisons , especially in sieges . . in these garrison'd leaguers their gardens , grounds , orchards houses , are frequentlie destroyed , digged up , or pulled down , their trees and timber felled , their men , women , children , ploughs , carts , horses forced day after day , to toile and labour in making trenches , sconces , batteries , approacees , mines , redoubts , or carry timber , provisions , artillery , armes , and other baggage , which remoter parishes are free from ; and themselves would be so too , but for these garrisons , which occasion and enforce these sieges . . if the opposites field armie or strong parties from them during the sieges , approach to raise them , or to victual or relieve the garrisons , the oppressions of the adjoyning parts ate then doubled , trebled , and spread wider round about these garrisons , till the whole country , ten , twenty ▪ or thirty miles about , by the long quartering and lying of so many armies , parties upon them , and marches to and fro to take or relieve the garrisons , be quite undone and eaten out ; and so one or both armies necessitated to seek out fresh quarters ; or the garrisons taken or relieved . after this the necessitated neer-starved garrisons requiring new supplies of all sorts , if not taken , extort them from the adjacent countries , if they be to be had above ground , which addes much to all their former afflictions : and then again some other new sieges or occasions drawing one or both armies thither afresh , so soon as the miserable country people have gotten any thing about them , they are , to their endlesse vexation , exposed afresh to all the fformer miseries of wars , s●eges , and never eased of them till the garrisons either be demolished or disbanded . from all which experimentall arguments , and real demonstrations of undoubted verity , all rational men whatsoever , and no doubt the whole nation , country , inhabitants of garrisons , with all consciencious self-denying statesmen and souldiers , who really intend or affect the peoples true weal , ease , or safety ( the supream law , the prrncipal end of war , peace , garrisons , armies , parliaments , councils , magistrates , government and higher powers ) as the army-officers themselves ●emonstrated , in the very worst of their remonstrances ▪ nov. . making it the basis of all their exorbitant unparallel●d demands therein , & of their violent proceedings in pursuit of them ever since ) will and must henceforth confesse , conclude against all erroneous opinions and practises to the contrary ; that t●e raising , fortifying and holding up of garrisons , ●ept by mercenary soldiers , even in times of civil or other wars , is so farre from being a protection , advantage , security to the nation in general , the garison inhabitants , owners of garrison'd castles , or houses themselves , or the country adjoyning to and contributing towards them ; that they are their greatest oppression● , gri●vances , calamities , plagues , burdens , vexations , damages , ●or●ures , heart-●reakings , and usually the chief occasions of their oppressio● , utter ruin● , desolati●n , devastation in war and peace ; and so in reason , justice , conscience , prudence , ought to be eternally exploded , dismantled , disgarrison'd ( as well as sundry heretofore and of late , there being the selfe same reason for all as for any ) for the nations , inhabitants , countries ease , peace , weal , and future exemption from all the forementioned evils and miseries attending them both in peace and war , without delay or further dispute , by all in present power , or by the supream authority of the people themselves in their wilful neglect or delay ▪ out of any sinister or self seeking ends or designs whatsoever , which their publike ease and benefit should outvie . . that in all times of civil or other wars within the nation , the true interest , safety , preservation and protection of the island and peoples persons , estates , laws , liberties , inheritances , rights , consist not in our garrisons , or any mercenary officers and ●oldiers , english or forraigners , modelled or new modelled into a field army , since mercenaries , as well domestick as forraign , in all ages have ever sought nought else but their own private lucre , honor , power , advancement to places of greatest authority , gain , trust , and frequently ( after good successe in wars ( presuming on their strength and merits ) have supplanted , subverted , suppressed , destroyed those very powers and persons who first raised , paid and confided in them for their preservation , and preferred their own mercenary officers and generals by treachery , murther , perjury and open violence to the imperial and royal thrones of their lawful soveraigns and superiors ( murdered and deposed by them ) as the * roman histories and others ; the practice of the m●maluhes — in egy● ; of alexander the great his own captains , who notwithstanding their extraordinary pretences of honor and respect unto him and his , not only poysoned himself ( as some authors write ) but murdered his own son , heir to his empires & conquests , together with his mother , wife , & all his remotest 〈◊〉 that might lay claim to his dominions by hereditary right & then divided his territories between themselves made , crowned & styled themselves kings ; and then by gods avenging justice out of covetous , ambitious spirits , warred upon each other so long , till they had all murdered and slain each other , as arrianus , plutarch , justin , curtius , diodorus siculus and dr. usher in his ecclesiastical annals of the old testament record at large ; with † other innumerable presidents abroad ; and the practice of vortigerr , heng●st , horsa and divers others at home , sufficiently manifest in all times , with scripture presidents likewise : but our real interest , protection , safety resides ( next under god ) in the nobilities , gentries , and peoples united voluntary , unmercenary defence and protection of themselves in and by their own persons , with their own arms , servants , sons , tenants , retainers , according to their respective abilities ; as appears by the politique original institution of ancient * ●enures in knight●-service , escuage , castle-guards , and the like ; the old charters of our corporations and cinque-ports , obligi●g them to finde a certain number of men and ships at their own costs , to defend the realm in times of war ; with all ancient writs , commissions , p●ecepts for arraying the people of the realm in times of war and danger , according to their tenures , estates , customs , to defend the realm and themselves from invading enemies at all times ( cited in the printed argument● concerning ship-money , and the * declarati●ns bo●h of the king and par●iament concerning the commission of array ) all former statutes concerning arrays , arms , musters ; and the old long continued practice of our ●rain'●-bard in each county and corporation , formerly reputed the nations chief ●●curity in intestine and invasive wars , with the late militia'● raised on and by each county at their own vast expence to defend it and the nation , as the best & safestguard when all sorts were commanded to serve in person , ( notwithstanding all garrisons , mercenary field-forces , and the army then and since continued ) as our fafety . and indeed common reason proves , that as every man loves and prefers his own person , family , estate before a strangers , or any others ; so he will more vigilantly , sincerely , effectually defend and protect them from enemies or dangers then a y mercenaries , how trusty and valiant soever they be . and as every true s●epherd and owner of sheep is more careful to defend and preserve them from thieves and robbers with the hazard of his own ●●fe , then any stranger or hireling whose the shee● are no● , who will s●ie and desert , or else he●p to prey upon them , and play the ●hief himself in times of danger or advantage , as christ himself resolves john . so every able private person , family , parish , town county , association ( and by like consequence the whole nation ) will better , cheaper , and with lesse inconveniences by far , defend and secure themselves by their own unmercenary persons & arms , voluntarily united according to their respective abilities , without any general forced taxes and illegal excises imposed and continued on them against their wills , then any mercenary officers and soldiers whatsoever , ( who making onely a trade and gain of war wil therefore spin it out as long as the nation or people have any moneys or estates to pay and inrich them ) and will sooner conclude and settle peace upon their own terms upon all overtures and occasions , then mercenaries , who neither desire nor intend our publike peace in reality but interrupt it all they may , when neer concluded , ( as in the late treaty ) with armed violence both against king and parliament . uup ▪ on which grounds our a●cestors never usually entrusted any mercenary armies , but themselves alone with their own and the kingdoms defence , scarce ever imposed any taxes on the people by publike parliamentary authority in any civil wars and very rarely ( except a subsidy , or fifteen now and then ) for the kingdoms defence against forraign invasion ; but onely for their inva●ive , de●ensive forraign wars in fr●nce or elsewhere . why then the whole nation , nobility , gentry and people of all sorts , should not now again be trusted with their own arms and self-defence , as well as in former ages , being their native priviledg● and b●r●hr●gh , their onely best security and prevention against all publike enemies and invaders , but are forced to pur their armes , lives , estates protection into the hands of mercenary officers ▪ soldiers garrisons , who notwithstanding ● their vast endlesse expences for their pay , have so often abused , violated their trusts , lengthned our old , engaged us since in successive new wars against our protestant brethren and confederates themselves ▪ and have almost eaten up all our real & personal private estates , with , the whole publike ancient inheritance and standing revenues of the nation ; let all prudent statesmen , and patrons of their countreys rights and priviledges resolve ; the rather , because our mercenary soldiers ▪ garrisons , forts , are so far perverted from their primitive use , to preserve our persons and estates from enemies and violence , that they are now made the only janazaries , goalers , goa●s , prisons forcibly to seise , imprison , close imprison the persons , ransack ●t he houses ▪ studies of the emminentest parliament member● , patrons and freemen sufferers for our publike libe●tie● , laws , propertiesr , religion ; and the onely instruments under the new guardians of our libertye ▪ , to bring the whole nation and all english freemen of full age , into perpetual wardship to these new seigniours , since the old cour● of ward ▪ for ●nfants , only till they came of full age , is quite voted down as a grievance , though not comparable unto this ▪ of men of full age ; yea , parliament members new strictest wardships and close restraints under armed garrisons and centinels of meanest quality in these garrison'd new courts of wards . . that maritine garrisons , forts , blockhouses at the entrance of our harbors ( as pendennis and s. mawdits castles at the mouth of falmouth haven , harwich , and others of that nature ) are altogether useless , unnecessary expensive charges to the republike , unable to hinder the ingress , egress , or regress of any warlike ship , ships , or navy into the harbors , much less to sinck them , with all their cannon-shot , which i shall thus demonstrat● . . in dark nights , and misty days , mornings , evenings ( which take up neer halfe the space every yeere ) they can neither clearly see nor discern any ship or vessel passing into or out of their harbo●s , muchlesse then hinder their free ingress or egr●ss by shot or otherwise , when they cannot so much as see them . . in clear sunshine dayes , and moon-shine nights , any small vessels ( much more then resolute men of war , and whole squadrons , navies ) may safely pass and repass into or out of these harbors , or anchor in them without any great danger , harm , or sinking by their cannons ; which standing for the most part high upon the land ( especially at new flood , half tide or ebbe ) and not levell with the sea at full tide ; an● being likewise not halfe so many in number , nor so large in boar , as most men of warre now carry in one tire or side , discharged for the most part at rovers by unskilfull gunners and matrosses one after another , and fixed upon one platform , whence they cannot easily or speedily bee removed , can hardly in several shoots so much as hit any one single vessell , much lesse hurt or sink it in its passage under saile by these forts and blockhouses , being past their levell and danger at the first discharge of their cannons over against them , and quite out of it ere they can be recharged ; much lesse then can they stopp , sinke or mischiefe an whole navy or squadron of men of warre , which i shall demonstrate by several instances old and new , beyond contradiction . . sir francis drake in his famous voyage to the west-indies with a small squadron of ships , entred five of the chiefe ports the spaniards there held ▪ took and fired their ships there riding under their castles , forts , blockhouses , and pillaged their towns themselves , notwithstanding all their cannons and artiliry playing upon his ships , both from their forts , castles , blockhouses and ships there riding , and that without the losse , sinking or spoyling of any one of his vessels : and some other english sea ▪ captains then and since did the like , as mr. harkluit in his printed voyages at large relates . . our english navy in queen elizabeths reign , in their expedition against cadez , tooke the whole iland and city in one day , burnt and tooke all their ships , treasure , magazine and ordnance there , notwithstanding all their forts , block-houses , numerous mounted cannons discharged against them , without the loss or spoil of any one ship , and of very few men , as mr. cambden , speed , and others inform us in her life . . the hollanders both in the east and west-indies have frequently entred the spanish havens with their ships , in despite of all their cannons , forts and blockhouses , anchored in them , and pillaged , fired , took the spanish vessels riding in them under their castles , without the sinking of any one man of warre by their cannons firing , as the history of the netherlands , purchas and hackluit in their voyages , and others record . . the dutch men of warre , and other vessels have sundry times in a drunken bravado , at mid-day passed in and out of our harbors at harwich , plimouth , falmouth , & southampton , without striking sail to the forts there , and gone away without any hurt , danger , stop , notwithstanding all their cannon-shot to bring them in , as i have heard by many credible eye-witnesses . . sir robert mansel in his voyage against algier , with his boats fired sundry of their ships , drawn on shore under their castle-walls & blockhouses , without the loss of one boat or ship , and very few men , notwithstanding many thousands of cannon and more of musket-shot from the castle and ships , as captain george carteret who saw it , and was active in it , informed mee whiles i was prisoner in jersey . . since our late unhappy wars , two very small squadrons of our ships successively landed the parliaments forces under the very blockhouses and forts of scilly and jersey , without the loss or hurt of one ship or barque by their cannon shot , and with the loss of very few men , and reduced the castles and ilands too with a farre lesser land-force then the king had there in arms to defend them . since this , sir george ascough with a smal navy entred into the chief part & harbor at the barbadoes , took & brought out thence fourteen or more dutch vessels , and others riding therein , passing and repassing , without the loss , sinking , hurt , of any one ship , or slaughter of one man , within half pistol shot of their castle and blockhouses , which plaid upon his ships all the time with their cannon & musket shot ; and soon after he reduced the whole iland notwithstanding all their forts and forces ; as the printed diurnalls and relation of its taking , and letters thence inform us . . since this i read in our diurnalls , that prince rupert took some of our merchants ships riding under the castles and blockhouses of our english plantations in the indies , which played upon him with their cannon without hurt , he returning them two cannon shot for one , and riding within musket shot of them without any fear or hurt . . to come home to pendennis castle and st. mawdits , so much cryed up as the most usefull and considerable of all other : whiles they were in the kings power since these warres , as the inhabitants and some souldiers assure me , a single man of warre of the parliaments party in the day-time entred the harbor , boorded , took and carried away thence a rich ship there riding in the view of both the garrisons , notwithstanding all their cannon shot and blockhouses , without any harm at all , shee shooting as fast at the castles as they shot at her , and so departed with her prize . . since my imprisonment in pendennis castle , a turkish man of warr at mid-day , in the view of all the garrison , and my selfe , came up to the mouth of the harbor , and very neer the blockhouse , took a great english lighter of thirty tun , sunk the vessell in the place , and carried away some twelve persons in it prisoners into sally or tunis ; after which , she came close up to the harbor two or three mornings together till chased away from thence by a man of warre ; one stout ship of warre being a better guard against pyrates and sea-enemies then all the maritine forts and garrisons , being able to pursue , fight and take them , which no forts or garrisons can do . not long after a little pink , not above nine or ten ●un , anchored some three dayes together just between pendennis castle and st. mawdits , to carry away tinne , as was supposed ; sir george ascough sailing within view of the castles with his whole fleet towards plimouth , ▪ some eight days before his fight with ruttier ) sent four men of warre to convey such ships as were in the harbour to plymouth ; two of them came into the harbour , the other two plied up and downe at the mouth of it , till the other two came out of the harbour to them ▪ this little pink thereupon hoysed saile , as if she were bound for plymouth with them , without any discharge or leave from the castles ; whereupon they shot two warning pieces over , and under her , to bring her in for this affront , and to make her pay for the shot and custome of tinne , which they imagined she had stollen ; i looking on , the captain , gunners , and souldiers told mee , they would warrant mee shee would come in and submit ; but i observing her course , told them , shee would no more come in to their lure then a wilde hawke got loose ; whereupon both castles discharged their cannons in earnest , to hit , sink , or bring her back through fear , but shee in despite of them ( though there were two men of warre before , and two behinde her under saile ) got away from them all without any hurt or stop , the whole garrison looking on . vvhereupon i laughing at their confidence , and uselessness of these castles , ( serving only to shoot away * powder and bullet in salutes and frollicks ) told them , that our wise statesmen and the kingdome were very much overseen to keep two castles , three or four blockhouses , so many score cannons , gunners , souldiers , and matrosses there , as cost them eight or ten thonsand pounds a yeer , under pretence to secure the haven and nation against enemies and pirates , when they could not at noon day ( as they now saw by experience ) so much as stay , take , hurt or sink one little pink of nine or ten tun with foure or five sea-men onely , and not one gun in her , whenas there were four men of war under sail so near her , and she had stollen customes : much lesse then could they stop , hurt sinck any stout man of war , or an whole squadron of ships or navy , or hinder them from entring the harbor , riding or landing there , and returning at their pleasures , their pieces and bl●●khouses not commanding one half quarter of the harbor when entred , not being able to hurt or sink them in their entry or retiring , as i clearly demonstrated to them , then and afterwards , especially by these unanswerable experiments in our late sea fights . collonel blake ( my countrey-man ) in his first sea fight with van trump , as his and others printed letters relate , had many scores ( if no● hundreds ) of broad sides discharged against his ship by the dutch , at nearest distance , by far greater better cannons , cannoneers and tyres of ordinance , charged with chain and crossbard shot as well as bullet , lying nearer the water then any guns in pendennis or st. maudits castles , blockhouses , or in any other of our forts , receiving no less then . cannon shot in his hull , tackling masts , sails , after which he received in his ship as many or more broad sides and shots in his third fight with the dutch in their return from france with their merchant ships ; and sir george ascough received neer as many in his ship in his fight with ruttier : yet all these broad sides & thousands of shot , did neither sink split , fire , nor make unservicable either of these ships , which were soon repaired , neither did they kill any store of their men with their cannons , their musket shot and boording only doing their men most harm . therefore questionless so many thousand cannon shot discharged agaiust any other stout single ship or man of war from these castles and blockhouses at greater distance , uncertainty , and higher level , with smaller ordnance balls , by worser guners can neither sink nor spoil her , muchless sink , hurt , spoil , stop or take an whole squadron of ships of war ( which our whole fleets can hardly do ) when they cannot come neare to board or fire them ; & by this proportion , all the powder , cannon shot , bullets , guns in both castles would not be sufficient to sink or spoil one single ship riding at anchor within their command , muchlesse in her passage in or out , since . shot in her bulk , sails , masts and tackling would not do it ; and half of the cannons discharged would not hit , but passe besides her : therefore to keep up such castles and blockhouses to secure harbours , sink●ships , and hinder any fleets or squadrons of ships from entring or harbouring in them , was but a prodigal oversight and mistake : there being never any warlike ship yet sunk by our forts & blockhouses since their first erection , for ought i could read in history , or hear by information from credible witnesses ; nor any navy repelled from entring , riding , or landing by them ▪ had they a resolution to do it , as the premised instances with sundry others manifest . ( and one since these aphorisins penned , namely general blakes fireing the turkish ships lying under their very strongest castle walls , notwithstanding all their cannons , blockhouses , ships playing upon our ships , assaulting them and beating down their castle about their wars , with the cannon from our ships , without the loss , sinking , spoile of any of our ships . ) a sufficient demonstrative evidence of the uselesness of maritine forts and blockhouses , which in truth are meer idle scarecrows and bugbears to fright raw cowardly sea-men , not daunt or keep off experienced resolute ships or marriners . vvherefore to draw towards a conclusion , i shall onely adde , that the onely pretended use of mereenary garrisons and souldiers , , being but to defend the peoples persons and estates in times of necessity , when and whiles end angered by a potent enemy in actuall armes , who are secure enough without them , when , where and whiles there is no such visible enemy to assault them ; it can be neither justice , equity , conscience , honesty , good husbandry nor true state-policy , to continue any such garisons or feild souldiers on them to their vast expence and undoing , ( now there is no armed enemy in the island , and so strong a fleet at sea to secure them against forraigners ) upon endlesse , full and constant former pay , without any necessity or actuall service till the next spring or summer , because then peradventure , there may be some new imployments for them , ( at home or abroad , ) onely to enrich the mercinary officers , souldiers , and oppresse , undoe the undone people , lying down like issachars under both these heavy burthens of mercenary garrisons and a mercenary field army too , even with broken backes and bleeding hearts , without ease or commisseration , notwithstanding all their clamours . no present ruling potentates or states-men ( who should help and right them ) will be such prodigals or ill husbands of their owne purses and estates , as to keep those reapers , mowers , who have cut down their corne and done their harvest work the last summer , in ful constant harvest pay all the following autumne , winter and all the succeeding spring till the summer harvest come again , without any other usefull work or imployment for them , till then , because peradventure they may then imploy them again for a month or two in reaping and inning their next yeares crop , which they have not so much as sowen , and are yet uncertaine whether to sow or not ; which if they did , would render them ridiculous to every country clown , who hath so much policy , and frugality , as to discharge his mercenary harvest folke so soone as they have ended their harv st worke ▪ and not to keep them still idle and pay them harvest wages till the next summer ; because he can then , if need be , soon hire them or other reapers , mowers , when his corne is ripe for cutting , not before , for lesse then one quarter of the money their pay would come to if kept in hire till that time , without doing him any other service : and shall our wise new statesmen then be such prodigals and ill husbands of the exhausted peoples purses and estates ; as to keep many thousands of mercinary field and garrison horse and foot in constant full pay , ( who many moneths since have done all their sommer and present publick worke for the peoples safety , ) all the censuing autumne , winter , spring in no actuall necessary service for them a● all , onely because perhaps they may make use of them the sommer following , or a year or two hence ( if then ) to cut down imaginary armed enemies in the field or island , if any then appeare to invade the peoples persons and estates ; of which there is yet no probability . verily if they shall still do thus , every country peasant will despise , deride and ensure this their folly and unthriftinesse , and the whole exhausted oppressed nation condemne , if not casheir them for such grosse imprudence . certainly every rich private statesmans , noblemans , gentlemans , peasants house , person , in these necessitous times , when theives are so busy in all parts of the nation , are in greater danger of being robbed , plundred , murdred by murderers and robbers , then any garrison , towne or village to be piliaged by any forraigne forces or domestick enemies , appearing in no parts of the isle , nor likely to do it ; yet none of them will be so ridiculous , prodigall , or distrustfull of gods protecting providence , as upon their owne purses to hire any horse , or foot perpetually to guard their persons , houses day and night till the next sommer , because some theeves and robbers ( these long tedious winter nights ) may probably assault their houses , steal their moneyes , plate , goods , or murder their persons , but will ease themselves of this cost and charge , till they be certainly informed of a company of robbers conspiring for to plunder , rob , or kill them about some certain time , or have news that they are ready to execute this designe ; and then they will time enough summon their domestik servants & freinds to encounter , and surprise them if they come : and should they not then intrust the peoples persons , estates to gods protection and their owne , at this present , without any mercenary garrisons or forces to guard them against their wills or desires , to their superfluous vast expence , when there is farr lesse probability or feare of danger to them in generall from armed enemies , then to their owne private persons , houses or moneys , from theeves and robbers ? if they be thus continued on them , onely to enrich the officers , souldiers , and secure their own usurpations , intrusions , or over ruling powers ( preferred before the peoples ease or weal ) under a pretext of danger from some enemies that may or will infest , plunder , destroy the people so soone as the army and garrisons are disbanded ; we shall then desire , that all officers , souldiers unwilling to disband upon this pretence of great imminent danger for the peoples more certaine security from enemies , and meriting of their future pay , may be strictly enjoyned to put on all their armes , and draw up all their forces in battalio , where they most feare the enemies , in the field ; and all their garrisons likewise kept in a constant standing posture ▪ to receive the enemy , in their respective forts ; and there to stand night and day in their compleat armes ▪ in a perpetuall readinesse and posture of defence , till the next sommer and our fears be ended ▪ without putting off their arms ; as our * king richard the first kept the bishop of bev●ies taken prisoner by his forces in the field , harnessed from head to foot , in his iron armes night and day , above two months space , without suffering him all that time to put them off , lest some enemies should surprise them , our island & garrisons on a sudden , ere they could arme or put themselves in an actuall posture to receive them , if permitted once to retire into their winter quarters for their ease ; and then we suppose these pretenders of imminent danger , only to get pay , when and where they neither do nor can do the people the least reall publick service , but greatest prejudice ▪ as the premises evince ; will soone become as humble and earnest petitioners to our present swaying powers who continue them , and to the people ( who desire it ) to be forthwith disbanded and sent home again to their friends & further imployments as this harnessed bishop was to our king richard himselfe , the pope and his brother prelates , to be disrobed , disarmed of his heavy iron rochet , so long keept on his back and body to his little ease and lesse content ; it being altogether as just , equitable , and reasonable for them to keep the army and garrison soldiers in this unreasonable hard constant duty and armed posture day and night till they be disbanded , as to lay unsupportable endlesse taxes , excises on the oppressed peoples backs to maintain them in constant pay to their intolerable oppression , till the next sommer or longer upon the premised pretences . if any now demand ( as many officers and souldiers oft do , being their chief plea against disbanding ) how shall the officers and souldiers live , after all their good service in the wars , if they shall be now at last disbanded to ease and pleasure the people ? the answer is very obvious , just and equall . . how shall the poor people live or maintain themselves and families , if these garrisons and mercinary forces be still continued , being already like to starve ? . how do the poor people live who are still enforced to give them full pay and maintain them in idlenesse without any labour , to do very little duty , & that wholly useless , in field or garrisons ; wherein their onely necessary , uselesse , present dutie is , to stand centinell once or twice a week , one houre or two ; to take tobacco , play , sleep , drink , and cry stand ; or , who goes there ? to one another in the night , as they passe by the centinels ; to as much purpose , in relation to the peoples safety , as one night . owles crying , hallowing is to another ; or to demand of those that enter into the garrisons in the day time whence come you ? what are you ? what is your name ? businesse ? whom would you speak with ? have you taken the new engagement ? else you must not enter the fort or garrison , no not alone in these times of no danger , as if one disarmed non engager might surprise an whole lasie fortified garrison , in the day time , aswell as a sleeping one in the night ; how much more then an armed enemy ? which learned questions standing the nation in very many thousand pounds every year in garisons now kept up , as much concern the peoples security from enemies , as the ministers interrogating of children formerly in the church , what is your name ? who gave you this name ? and to maintain near a thousand block-headed slothfull-gunners in blockhouses and garrisons only to shoot away above six or seaven thousand pounds worth of powder in courtship , and frolicks to ships , and visitors every year , who deserve rather cashiering for this their prodigal and onely dutie , for which they receive great constant pay . certainly their country pay-masters live not by such idle , uselesse , fruitlesse , rare duties ; but by hard studying , sweating , labouring night and day in their honest lawfull callings usefull for the publick ( the whole profits whereof these idle lurdanes must still monthly devoure for such ridiculous services , and new kinde of catechising the people ex officio like our cashiered unpreaching curates ; ) and so must these officers and souldiers too , if they cannot otherwise live aswell as they . . how did they live and maintain themselves before they were listed souldiers ? surely not as now but like other christian people , by labouring daily in their lawfull callings , living frugally , soberly , obediently like others of their equals , not in such idlenesse , luxury , pride , & state as since : and is it not possible that they may , yea just & equal that they should thus live and maintain themselves now , and not still live like idle drones in great sloath , pompe , state , and honour upon the honey of the poore painfull bees . how do many hundreds of formerly disbanded officers , souldiers now live and maintain themselves , who did as much , and good service as those now in pay ? doubtlesse by returning to the diligent exercise of their former callings , or some other good imployments , or going to some lawfull forraign wars . . if any old officers and souldiers in present service be so poor , that they know not yet how to live if they be now disbanded , certainly it is through their own ill husbandry , pride , or prodigality ; never officers or souldiers in the world being more royally , duly , justly paid and rewarded ( especially in a civill war ) than they have been ; whereby thou●●●●● of them ( especially generals , colonells , captains , and superiour officers , with many inferiour ones likewise ) are grown exceeding rich and wealthy over what they were before the wars ( which have undone most others ) and are lately beyond expectation , become the greatest purchasers in the nation of the richest publick and private mannors , seates , revenues , offices ; this civill war being the richest trade they ever yet met withall in their lives , which makes them so unwilling now to give it over ; & to continue these poor unthrifty souldiers still in pay till they grow as rich as these their fellowes , is to be worse husbands for the nation for the future , than these unthriving officers and souldiers ( who have not yet gotten enough to live by the wars ) have been for themselves in time past , and that onely to maintain and enrich them with the whole nations ruine . . the plain meaning of those who make this demand is , that they expect and intend our mercinary armies , and garrisons shall by one means or other , be continued in pay , and our wars not ended , our peace not settled till doomsday , or at least so long as the people have either lands , stock , goods , or moneys left , to pay heavy unceasing taxes and excises for them to live upon , at that high , lasie rate as now they do . but better ten thousand times such idle wretches should be disbanded , though they starve and perish , if they will not betake themselves to some honest vocation to live by it ; then that the whole nation should starve or perish , to keep them and our unnaturall , unchristian wars still a live , to murther our own christian brethren or allies , of purpose to keep our armies and garrisons in action and preserve them from present or future disbanding . as * war and the oppressing sword of war ( especially when civill ) are in gods own judgement and all wise mens , the severest curse ▪ plague , punishment , that god in his wrath can here inflict upon any people for their sinns and wickednesse , as includiug all sorts of other evills , spirituall and temporall , in its bowells ; so for any to make a trade of war , & to continue , perpetuate this heaviest plague and curse upon their own native country without absolute necessity , or just grounds , is the worst of crimes and treasons ; and those that are guilty thereof the worst of traytors , of christian men , unworthy the name of saints or christians , whatever their pretences be to colour it . if therefore machiavills atheisticall infernal paradox ( applauded and oft justified in print by his new disciple * politicus ) he that hath once drawn his sword against his lawfull soveraign , must throw away the scabbard , and never sheath it more ; no , not after he hath cut off his soveraigns head therewith ; hath prevailed more with any machivilian states ▪ men or sword-men , than our saviours own more sacred christian gospell precept and speech to peter , when he drew his sword , and onely cut off ma●chus his ear ( not head ) coming then forcibly to apprehend our saviour ( who presently cured his ear again , and gave this command to peter , though certain himself to be crucified ▪ if then apprehended ) * put up thy sword into his sheath again ; for all they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword ; and therefore upon his diabolicall advise they peremptorily resolve to keep our mercinary armies garrisons swords still drawn , and unsheathed amongst us , without ever putting them up again , upon the peoples dry drained purses , notwithstanding all their cries and premised reasons against it ; ( not for the peoples safey , which cannot now be so much as henceforth surmised , after this discovery of its grosse imposture , but for their own private present and future indempnity alone . ) let all such cheating oppressing unrighteous machivilians assuredly know ▪ that these words of christ will certainly prove true and take hold of them in conclusion , he * being truth it selfe that spake them ; and that such who resolve to live in warre still , shall never die nor rest in peace , but perish by and with * the sword at last ( as pompey , cyrus , pruda , and others have done , ) though they had all the garrisons and armies on earth to protect them ; whom god in his justice , if other instruments be wanting , can make their unexpected executioners in stead of guardians , when they wander out of his protection in wayes of violence , oppression , rapine , blood , warre , discord , and will neither know nor pursue the wayes of peace and christian unity , for the peoples publick ease and whole nations welfare . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- * isay . . mic. . . lu. . . heb. , . jam. . , . * grotius de jure belli & pacis l. . c. . p. . notes for div a e- * sam. . . chr. . . , sam. . , , , . c. . . , . c. . † m●rcator , heylyn , sir thomas smith . * kings ● . . sam. . , ▪ hab. . . dan. ● . . * josh. . , . c. . , . c. . . to . sam. . , . kings . . . chr. . ● , &c. * josh. . ● , ' . c. . , , . kings . . c. . , , , &c. isa. . , . c. . . jer. . . ezek. . . to . — amos . , , , , . c. . , , . isa. . . c. . , . ez. . , , . * hab. . . josh. . . to . king. . . chron. . . c . , . sam. . . dan. ▪ ● zeph. . . * see entropius zonarus , and grimstous imperial history . † heylyns microcosm , p. . , , , , , , , , . to . * see cocks . inst. * exact coll . ct. . p. . & . . &c. * they have often discharged , , , , cannons or more at a time to ships coming in , & the ships as many to them , since my imprisonment there : a strange prodigality ! * rogerde hovesd●n annal par● posterior p. ▪ mat west in an. . p. . gal. nubigensis . ● . c. in antique ecclesia . brit. p. hol nshed p. . . chron johanis bucōt con●cor . . . quest . answ. * deut . . c. . to . l●vit . . to . kings . . ezr. . job . . . isay . ● . . c ▪ . . c. . jer. . . to c. . . c. . . to . c. . . to . c. . c. . . to . c. . . c. . . and c. . . c. . . to . c. . , c. . . , ● , . ezech. . . to . c. . . c. . . to . jer. . . . tos . ay . . . cron. . . * who hath printed it man● times with approbation ▪ mat. . . ▪ * lam. . . rev. . . . * john . . gen. . . a proclamation, appointing a rendezvous of the militia-regiments in several shires, & calling out the heretors, &c. proclamations. - - scotland. sovereign ( - : james vii) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proclamation, appointing a rendezvous of the militia-regiments in several shires, & calling out the heretors, &c. proclamations. - - scotland. sovereign ( - : james vii) james ii, king of england, - . scotland. privy council. sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. . "militia to meet with best arms and hours' provisions. ... all persons between and to repair to the rendezvous when beacons are fired." -- steele. at end of text: given under our signet at edinburgh, the eighteenth day of september, one thousand six hundred and eighty eight years. and of our reign the fourth year. arms ; steele notation: faith, of this. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military maneuvers -- early works to . scotland -- history -- - -- early works to . scotland -- militia -- mobilization -- early works to . scotland -- politics and government -- - -- early works to . broadsides - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion i●r honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , appointing a rendezvous of the militia-regiments in several shires , & calling out the heretors , &c. james by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , macers of our privy council , pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch , as by the thirty second act of our first parliament , we were graciously pleased , for the ease of our people , to discharge the ordinary rendezvouzes of our established militia , during our royal pleasure . and now we having thought fit for the good of our service , and security of our royal government , that the foot-regiments of our militia of the town of edinburgh , mid , east and west-lothians , fife and kinross , perth , stirling , mers and forfar , should be rendezvouzed , at the times , and places , and under the commanders after-mentioned : therefore we with advice of our privy council , do hereby strictly require and command , that all persons lyable in outriek of the said militia-foot regiments , in the foresaid shires , do peremptorly send out their respective proportions , as formerly , with their best arms , and with fourty eight hours provision , viz. the regiment of our good town of edinburgh , at the links of leith , upon tuesday next , the instant , at ten a clock in the forenoon , under the command of the lord provost of edinburgh , and in his absence , under the command of the first baillie ; the regiment of mid-lothian , at the said time and place , under the command of the earl of lauderdale ; the regiment of east-lothian , the said time , at the burgh of haddingtoun , under the command of sir james hay of linplum ; the regiment of-west - lothian , the said time , at the burgh of linlithgow , under the command of the earl of linlithgow , our justice general ; the east regiment of fife , at the town of levin , the said day and time , under the command of the earl of belcarras ; the west-regiment of that shire , upon wednesday thereafter , the instant , the said time , at the burgh of kirkcaldie , under the command of the said earl of belcarras ; the regiment of stirling-shire , at sauchenfoord , the instant , at the above-written hour , under the command of the earl of callendar ; the regiment of berwick-shire , the foresaid time , at the town of dunce , under the command of the earl of hume ; the regiment of forfar , at the burgh of forfar , the said day and time , under the command of the earl of strathmore ; the west regiment of perth-shire , at auchterardor , the foresaid time , under the command of sir john drummond of machany , or in his absence , james grahame of urchle ; and the east regiment of that shire , at the same time , at the inch of st. johnstoun , under the command of the marquess of athole , lord privy-seal , or whom he shall appoint : and ordains the saids regiments to continue in the respective places above-written , in a body , for the space of hours : in which time they are to receive further orders from us , or our privy council . hereby strictly charging and commanding all heretors , liferenters , leaders , and others , any manner of way lyable in out-reik of the said regiments , to give punctual obedience to this our royal will and pleasure , under the pains contained in the acts of parliament anent our militia : requiring also the saids persons now nominat by us , to send in exact accounts from their said first meeting , to our chancellor , what commissionar officers are wanting in their respective regiments , that we may supply the same , as in our royal wisdom we shall think fit ; hereby likewise requiring and commanding all persons , whether officers or souldiers of the saids regiments , to give cheerful obedience to those intrusted by us in this command , and that as they will be answerable at their highest peril , and appoints and commands the respective sheriffs and their deputs , to cause prepare beacons at north-berwick-law , gairlntoun-hill , st. abbs-head , coldinghame-moor , arthures-seat , dininicker-law , kellie-law , largo-law , easter-lowmont in fife , and the bass ; upon which places the respective sheriffs are hereby ordered to cause kindle beacons , how soon they see any considerable number of ships appearing on the coasts of this kingdom . and strictly requires and commands all fencible persons , our leidges in the saids bounds , betwixt sixty and sixteen , in their best arms , to repair to the respective places appointed for the rendezvous of the said shires , and that immediatly upon their having notice of the firing of the saids beacons , or either of them . and likewise hereby requiring all heretors , liferenters , and wodsetters , to be ready with their best horses and arms , to attend our host , whenever they shall be requi●●d tereto , and that under the pains and pe●alties contained in the acts of parliament anent absents from our host . and to the end our royal pleasure in the premisses may be made publick and known , our will is , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent , these our letters ●een , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and whole remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the shires of this kingdom , and other places needful , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of our royal pleasure in the premisses . and recommends to the most reverend the arch-bishops , and right reverend bishops , to caus read this our royal proclamation in all the pulpits of this kingdom , upon the first next lords day , in the forenoon , immediatly after divine service , that none pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the eighteenth day of september , one thousand six hundred and eighty eight years . and of our reign the fourth year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . will. paterson , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , prin●●r to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. . a treatise of the arms and engines of vvar of fire-works, ensigns, and military instruments, both ancient and modern; with the manner they are at present used, as well in french armies, as amongst other nations. inriched with many figures. written originally in french by lewis de gaya, author of the treatise called the art of war. translated for publick advantage. gaya, louis de. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing g a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a treatise of the arms and engines of vvar of fire-works, ensigns, and military instruments, both ancient and modern; with the manner they are at present used, as well in french armies, as amongst other nations. inriched with many figures. written originally in french by lewis de gaya, author of the treatise called the art of war. translated for publick advantage. gaya, louis de. [ ], , [ ] p., [ ] leaves of plate printed for robert hartford, at the sign of the angel in corn-hill, near the royal exchange, london : . includes table of contents and a final page of advertisement. reproduction of the original in the christ church library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -- armée -- early works to . military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion printed for rohert hanford at the signe of the angell in cornhill ▪ a treatise of the arms and engines of war , of fire-works , ensigns , and military instruments , both ancient and modern ; with the manner they are at present used , as well in french armies , as amongst other nations . inriched with many figures . written originally in french by lowis de gaya , author of the treatise called the art of war . translated for publick advantage . london , printed for robert harford , at the sign of the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange ; . to the right worshipful sir jonas moore knight , surveyor general of his majesties ordnance and armories . honoured sir , be pleased to accept the patronage of these few sheets ; which as they contain a treatise of arms , &c. can no where more securely shelter themselves than under the banner of your protection : for being cherished by your allowance , the world may well imagine that there is something more than ordinary comprehended in them which may merit a serious reading and a generous practice ; especially at such a time , as this , for warlike preparation . i must confess the trust you have , deserves far nobler presents of this nature than what here i make . nor am i ignorant how far my presumption has carry'd me in this attempt . in excuse whereof , i have onely , with your kind permission to plead the encouragment of your continual favours , and advantagions obligations to a young beginner ; of which should i be once ingratefully forgetful , when the least mite of opportunity offers , i should incur a crime that would deprive me of one of the chiefest happinesses whereto i aspire ; which is to acknowledge my self sir your most obedient and most obliged servant r. h. the contents . an elogy on the profession of arms , and the original of true nobility . p . the first book . chap. i. of sharp-weapons . sect. . of the sword p. . sect. . of the shable and cimeter , p. . sect. . of the bayonet and poniard , or dagger p. . sect. . of the espadon or two-handed sword , p. . chap. ii. of fire-arms . sect. . of the musket p. . sect. . of the fusil or fire-lock p. . sect. , of the musket p. . sect. . of the pistol p. . sect. . of carabines p. . of staff-arms . sect. . of the pike p. . sect. . of spoutons or half-pikes p. . sect. . of the partisan p. . sect. . of the halbard p. . sect. . of sythes , forks , axes , and clubs or maces ibid. sect. . of the quarter-staff , with a pike at each end p. . chap. iv. of the arms of the ancients . sect. . of swords , shables , and cutlasses p. . sect. . of the pike p. . sect. . of the lance p. . sect. . of the javelot or dart p. . sect. . of the sling p. . sect. . of bows and arrows p. . sect. . of cross-bows . p. . chap. v. of defensive arms. sect. . p. . sect. . of the coat of mail p. . sect. . of the buff-coat p. . sect. of casks or head-pieces p. . sect. . of cuirasses p. . sect. . of bucklers and shields p. . the second book of powder and artificial fires . chap. i. of powder p. . chap. ii. of a mine . p. . chap. iii. of artificial fire-works . sect. . of the fuse p. . sect. . of the sulphur match p. . sect. . how to make the quick match ibid. sect. . how to prepare the matter of fire-rockets p. . sect. . how to charge fire-balls p. . sect. . how to make a fire-lance p. . sect. . how to make tourteaus , to shew light or port lights p. . sect . of burning fagots p. . sect. . of fire-hoops p. . sect. . how to charge granadoes p. . sect. . how to make artificial fire-works that burn under water ibid. sect. . of provision for artificial fire-works p. . chap. iv. of the roman fire-works . p. . the third book of war-engines . p. . chap. i. of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . p. . chap. ii. of a canon , its carriage , its vtensils and service . p. . sect. . of a canon p. . sect. . of the charge of a piece p. . sect. . how to level or bring a gun to pass p. . sect. . of the ammunition and vtensils of a canon p. . sect. . of the carriage of a gun p. . chap. iii. of pieces of calibre or size . sect. . of the canon p. . sect. . of the culverin p. sect. . of the bastard canon p. sect. . of the minion p. . sect. . of the faucon p. . sect. . of the fauconet p. . sect. . of the effect and execution of the canon p. . sect. . the way of nailing up a canon p. . chap. iv. of mortar-pieces , arquebusses a crock , bombes , bullets , the carcass , &c. p. . sect. . of stone-guns p. . sect. . of the arquebuss a crock p. . sect. . of mortar-pieces p. . sect. . of bombes p. . sect. . of the carcass p. . sect. . of the granadoes p. . sect. . of hollow bullets p. . sect. . of red bullets p. . sect. . of cartouches p. . chap v. of petards , and of the way how they are to be used p. . sect. . of petards p. . sect. . of the arrow and flying bridge p. . sect. . of the way of using and applying a petard p. . sect. . of tortoises p. . chap vi. of the warlike engines of the romans . p. . sect. . of machines or engines in general p. . sect. . of the tortoise or testudo p. . sect. . of ladders p. . sect. . of bull-warks p. . sect. . of towers p. . sect. . of the battering ram p. . sect. . of counter-engines p. . the fourth book of ensigns , trumpets , and other instruments of war , p. . chap. i. of ensigns p. . sect. . of the oriflamme p. . sect. . of the goufanon p. . sect. . of the banner and penon p. . sect. . of banderolls , panonceaux , and faillions p. chap. ii. of the roman ensigns , p. . chap. iii. of trumpets , drums , and other instruments of war ; p. . chap. iv. of the instruments of war used by the romans , p. a particular chapter of the arms whic● are at present in use as well among t●● french as other nations p. ● of the arms of the french cavalry p. ● of the arms of the french infantry p. ● of the spanish cavalry p. ● of the spanish foot p. ● of the english forces p. ● of the german forces p. ● of hungarian forces p. ● of polonian troops p. ● of the turkish cavalry p. ● of the turkish infantry p. ● of the persians , moors , and arabians p. ● of the arms of the ancient french milit●●● and first of the infantry p. ● of the cavalry p. ● of the cavalry under henry the fourth , 〈◊〉 lowis the thirteenth p. ●● the author's design . in the profession of war there are three things onely requisite , men , arms , and fortifications . so many able men hath already treated of fortifications , that i thought it would be to no purpose to speak on that subject , unless i intended to be an eccho , and repeat what others have already said . i have spoken of men lately in a book , which i called , the art of war ; but if i mistake not , no man hath hitherto treated of arms. and therefore that these three parts may be compleat , i thought fit to publish this little treatise , wherein i shall explain as clearly , and in as few words as possibly i can , the use of all arms , which are at present to be found in armies , as well as of those that were heretofore in use among the romans . an advertisement for the better understanding of all that is said in this treatise concerning arms ; you must know ( reader ) that the french pound contains two marks , the mark eight ounces , the ounce eight gros or drams , the dram three deniers , and the denier twenty four grains . the fathom contains six foot , the foot twelve inches , and the inch twelve lignes . the cubit of the ancients consisted of two hands and three fingers breadth . the hand of twelve fingers breadth , and the fingers breadth of eight lignes . the talent weighs threescore pounds , the roman pound contains twelve ounces , the ounce eight drams , the dram three scruples , the scruple six siliques , and the silique one grain . the small sexterce weighed twenty four pounds . an elogy on the profession of arms , and the original of trve nobility . the profession of arms hath in all ages been the most honourable and glorious of all professions ; and no man in rome could rise to the civil magistracy , who had not served ten years in the wars . by arms kingdoms subsist , justice flourishes , the wicked are punished , and the proud humbled to their duty ; and from them alone true nobility derives its original . before , all men were born equal , and the difference of estates and offices , made the sole distinction of persons . war in ancient times was neither the refuge of the wretched , nor the sanctuary of the banished ; and the romans received none but chosen men into service , who were obliged to put themselves in equipage , and for the space of twenty years serve at their own expences , either among the horse or foot ; and when they had fulfilled the term of their service , they received from the common-wealth rewards suitable to the merit of their actions , either by being promoted to the most honourable charges , or being endowed with lands and inheritances in the conquered provinces , where after the fatigues of war they quietly enjoyed the sweetness of peace . and that the natives of the countrey might not be banished , but means of subsisting afforded them , they gave them lands to labour , for payment of a yearly tribute . hence have sprung tenures , dependancies , quit-rents and duties , which vassals owe to their lords and superiors . these new masters made themselves at first considerable by that politeness which was so natural to the romans , by that way of living , which puts a distinction between those that have carried arms and such as have not , and by the reputation of their brave exploits , which they had engraven on their shields , as a mark of the nobility which they had acquired by their valour . and from thence we have scutcheons , and the name of esquire or gentlemen . all rewards were not of equal value , and were distributed according to merit , as i have already said . he who in an assault first mounted the wall of a town , was honoured with a mural crown ; and on him who had rescued a roman citizen , was conferred a civick crown , which was put upon his head by the persons own hands whom he had relieved from danger . those whose actions were brave and more commendable , were likewise more highly rewarded than others , and had allotted them a larger share of lands . such , i say , were of chiefest note amongst the nobility , as well in respect of their wealth , as in consideration of those glorious crowns , which they carried on their scutcheons : and from them are descended the illustrious families of great lords , who carry coronets over their arms , and who in progress of time have changed their ancient crowns into those which they bear at present , according to the new dignities wherewith sovereigns have been pleased to honour them ; as of duke , marquess , earl , viscount , and baron . and though the quality of baron be wholly banished from the court of france , yet it was the first , and i may say , the onely dignity that was heretofore in france ; as may be seen in the ancient chronicles of the kingdom , when they speak of kings accompanied with the chief barons , who were in that time , what the dukes and peers of france are at present . this puts me in mind of an epistle in gaulish verse ; which is yearly sung at high mass in the parish church of st. stephen of rheims , on the twenty sixth of december , the feast day of that saint ; which thus begins : or ecoutez la passion de saint estienne le baron , &c. now hearken to the passion of saint stephen the baron . the good people of past ages would have thought themselves wanting in respect and veneration towards the saints , if they had not qualified them with the name of baron ; which was the noblest title of the great lords of their times . i thought fit to adduce this instance , to prove the antiquity of baronies ; but that i may return to my subject , i affirm that arms have not onely made dukes , marquisses , earls , and gentlemen ; but that they have also raised to the throne men of a low and despicable birth . king david was a shepherd , as well as saul his predecessor . antipater king of macedonia , was the son of a jugler ; agathocles king of syracusa , the son of a potter ; cambyses king of persia , the son of a beggar ; king darius , the son of a carter ; king sibaris had been a servant in an inne ; and the ottomans , who at this day possess the greatest empire in the world , are descended from grooms , or men that drove camels . these examples oblige us to acknowledge , that it is by arms alone that men render themselves worthy of the most glorious employments . so likewise in that profession is to be learnt that brave and gentile way of demeanor , which is found no where but among the nobility and gentry . there , every thing goes by honour , and without any hopes of lucre and profit . there , men learn to be generous , liberal and faithful . there is nothing to be found in the histories of the greatest captains , but acts of honour and vertue . the valour of alexander , the piety of eneas , the prudence of caesar , the modesty of tiberius , the complaisance of antonius pius , the justice of aulus fulvius , the clemency of augustus , the magnificence of titus vespasian , the chastity of scipio affricanus , and the integrity of attilius regulus ; are sufficient proofs of what i have alleadged . to conclude , i shall repeat what i said in the beginning of this discourse , that the profession of arms has been in all ages , not onely the most glorious and honourable of professions ; but likewise that which has produced the greatest men . these two books newly published , are to be sold by robert harford at his shop at the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange . the art of war , and the way that is at present practised in france . two parts . wherein the duties and functions of all the officers of horse and foot , artillery and provisions , from the general of the army to the private souldier , are treated of : with the method of conducting armies , encamping , besieging , and giving of battel : as also an account of all offices and charges ; and the names of the towns , places , citadels , castles and forts , where the most christian king keeps garison ; with the general and particular terms of war. written in french by lovis de gaya , an expert officer of the french army , and dedicated to his most christian majesty . translated for publick satisfaction and advantage . in ● . the military duties of the officers of horse , containing the exercise of the cavalry , according to the present practice of the imes . with the motions of horse , and the functions of every officer , from the chief captain , to the brigadeer . written in french , by an ingeneer in ordinary to his most christian majesty . and translated for publick satisfaction and advantage . in ● . a treatise of arms , of engines , artificial fires , ensignes ; and of all military instruments . the first book . of the arms of a souldier . chap. i. of sharp weapons . sect. . of the sword. the sword , whereof the invention comes to us from tubal-cain , the son of lamech and zilla , is the first of all weapons , without which a souldier should never appear in publick ; because it serves him for ornament as well as defence . it is not necessary it should be too long , for it becomes thereby cumbersome in a battallion ; especially during the time of the motions : nor must it be too short neither , but of an indifferent length ; the blade must be good , and about an inch broad the most common length of blades is two foot and a half and two inches , and the handles three inches and a half . all blades are kept in scabberds , made of wood covered with cloath or leather , having a chape at the end of iron , steel , copper or silver . the sword is carried in a shoulder belt of buff or other leather , and hangs down from the right shoulder upon the left thigh ; in the same manner as was heretofore in use , according to the report of virgil. — humero cum apparuit alto balteus . and of silvius in his tenth book . — tergo qua balteus imo sinuatur ; coxaque sedet munimen utraque . nevertheless we find by the words of the royal prophet , that the belts which we have since called waste-belts , are more ancient than those we call shoulder-belts , when he says , gird your sword on your thigh , &c. when a man would stand right to his guard , he ought to keep his body straight , bending a little on the left thigh ; his legs not too far asunder , his feet on a strait line one after another , the handle of the sword off of the haunch , the point just opposite to the shoulder , the arm stretched half out ; and the left hand as high as the eye . the enemies sword may be put by the line of the body by a little motion of the handle either inward or outward . souldiers in a battel or attack , do not regularly alwayes observe this method ; and most part thrust on any way , without troubling themselves much with the tierce , guart , or feint ; but make use of their swords to attack or to defend themselves , according to the small talent that god almighty has given them . the figure of a souldier on his guard. sect. . of the shable and cimeter . the shable is more in use amongst the horse , than other . bodies of men , it is not altogether so long as the sword ; but to make amends for that , the blade is twice so broad and edged on one side ; and therefore it is more used for cutting than thrusting . the usual length of shables is two foot and four inches , taking it from the guard , and two foot and a half and three inches , from the button of the pommel to the point . the cimeter is a kind of fauchin , broader and more crooked than the shable ; used more by the turks , persians and hungarians , than others . a souldier on his guard. the espadon or two handed sword. the shable . the cimeter the bayonet . the ponyard . sect. . of the bayonet and poniard , or dagger . the bayonet is much of the same length as the poniard ; it hath neither guard nor handle , but onely a haft of wood eight or nine inches long . the blade is sharp-pointed , and two edged , a foot in length , and a large inch in breadth . the bayonet is very useful to dragoons , fufiliers , and souldiers , that are often commanded out on parties ; because that when they have fired their discharges , and want powder and shot , they put the haft of it into the mouth of the barrel of their pieces , and defend themselves therewith as well as with a partizan . the poniard or dagger is a little sword , in length but about twelve or thirteen inches , which is carried at the girdle . it is nor long ago since duelists fought with sword and dagger . sect. . of the espadon or two-handed sword. the espadon is a kind of a sword , whose two-edged blade is very long and broad , and whereof the haft , which i dare not call handle , because it is a foot and a half long , is made cross-wayes . it cannot be used but with both hands , in a breach or behind a palissadoe . i never saw so many espadons , as among the hollanders . the ramparts of all their towns were furnished with them , each distant from the other six paces ; with a like number of clubs or maces : and indeed to consider such preparatives , one would have thought their designs had been furious , and that they had had a great mind to defend themselves stoutly . but there is great appearance , that they onely placed these arms there to adorn their parapets . swords of all fashions . swords of all sorts . the explication of this figure . a , a stick-sword , called by the ancients sica . b , a sword for a rancounter , after the french mode . c , a swisser's sword. d , a tuck , or long sword with a narrow blade , such as were in use not thirty years ago . e , a spanish sword. f , a braquemart fauchin , or short sword. g , a hunting cutlass , with a handle of horn. chap. ii. of fire-arms . sect. . of the musket . the usual arms of souldiers , are not onely the sword , shable , dagger and bayonet , but also the musket , fire-lock , mousqueton , pistol , and many others : and the first thing they should learn , is to make the right use of such as their officers have given them . the musket is a weapon for foot , the barrel of which is three foot and eight inches long , mounted on a stock of four foot and eight inches in length . it was not invented till long after the canon . the bullet of size contains in diameter eight lignes and a half ( every ligne a third part of a barley corn ) and the charge of powder should weigh half an ounce and a dram of magazin powder . a musket carries commonly six score fathoms , and if it be re-inforced , a hundred and forty , or an hundred and fifty fathoms . the half of this distance or less , is sufficient for a good discharge ; for it is by chance if they hit and do execution at the full distance . the priming should be of a finer powder than the charge , and the match dry and hard . for the musket may be used double-headed shot , which are two bullets fastned together , by a little piece of iron , about half an inch long ; as may be seen by the figure . to present aright to fire , according to the rules of exercising of arms ; the butt of the musket must be put to the breast , half a foot below the chin ; the left hand under the stock , or upon the scouring stick , if it be in its place ; the right hand-thumb , four or five fingers breadth behind the breech , and the other fingers of the same hand under the tricker , to draw and make the cock play , when one has a mind to fire : the muzzel of the musket must always be as high as the chest of the body of the enemy : skilful souldiers never aim at the head , because that part being too small , the least motion of either of the two is enough to make the bullet miss ▪ but when one fires at the body , whether the motion make the shot rise too high , or fall too low , or decline too much to one side , the execution is always good , and puts him who hath received the shot out of condition of fighting . bandeliers are a kind of portable magazine , which contains all the ammunition necessary to a soulder . the usual breadth of their belt is four inches , and the length four foot . all bandeliers are furnished with a dozen of little flasks , commonly called charges , and a little bag or purse of sheeps leather . the flasks serve to keep the powder , and the bag or purse the bullets . the horse make use of carabin or mousketon-belts , in bigness much like that of the bandeliers , but without any charges . the arms of a french souldier and the posture of a musketteer , who presents to fire . a , the musket . b , the sword. c , the bandeliers . d , the souldiers belt. e , the bag or purse . f , the flasks or charges . g , the match . the armature of a musketeer presenting to fire . the musket . the fire lock . double headed shot . an explication of the parts of a musket . . the lock . . the pan. . the cock. . the tricker . . the barrel . . the breech . . the stock . . the butt . . the scouring-stick . sect. . of the fusil , or fire-lock . the fusils or fire-locks which we at present use in the army , especially amongst the fusiliers and granadiers , are of the same size , and carry as far as muskets . with a fire-lock one may shoot juster than what a musket , because it is presented in a quite different way ; that is to say , the end of the butt to the shoulder , the side to the cheek , shutting the left eye , and aiming with the other through the sight-hole , which answers to the little button on the muzzel of the barrel . when one would shoot on a level , he must aim streight at the mark ; and if a man shoot from a low place to a higher , he is to take his aim four fingers breadth underneath the mark. fire-locks are apter to mis-give than muskets , through the defect of the flints and springs . sect. . of the mousqueton . the mousqueton is not so long as the fusil or fire-lock ; nor does it by a third part carry so far , unless the barrel be screwed and rifled ; its usual charge is an ounce of powder , and it is presented in the same manner as a fire-lock . sect. . of the pistol . pistols are not all of the same length nor size . the usual length of the barrels of those which are at present used among the horse is a foot , and of stock and all a foot and a half , or thereabouts . the bullet sized for the bore is five lignes in diameter , the charge a dram of powder ; and it will carry forty paces , more or less , according to the goodness of the powder . pistols are fired with one hand . sect. . of carabins . carabins are a kind of fire-arms , which take their name from those ancient souldiers , called carabins , who commonly made use of them in the wars . they are of two kinds , the common , and the extraordinary . the common are those which were used by the kings guards not long ago , and are usually called carabins with great locks ; which differ in nothing as to length , size , and carrying , from fusils and mousquetons , but oneiy that they had wheel-works . the extraordinary are those which the french call arquebusses guttieres : such as are those which are still used by all the arquebusiers , whose little wheel-work is provided of a double spring for facilitating and speeding the discharge ; and whose barrel being thicker than that of common carabins , can carry blank about a thousand paces , with the same proportion of powder as is necessary for a fusil ; because it is screwed and rifled : that is to say , wrought and crevassed in the inside from the muzzel to the breech , in form of a screw ; and from thence proceeds the justness of arquebusses . all carabins or arquebusses have wheel-works , as well those of great as small locks , which are bent with a spanner proportionated to the thickness of the axel-tree of the wheel ; upon which , when one intends to fire , he puts down the snaphaunce , which in stead of a flint , ought to be provided with a true mine-stone . heretofore were used arquebusses , which fired with a match , in the same manner as muskets ; but these arms are now out of use . the king commands at present that in every troop of his guards be carried eight rifled or screwed carabins , with locks like to those of fusils , mousquetons and pistols . heretofore wheel-locks , arquebusses with match locks , choques , and carabins , that bend with a spanner , were in use ; and strangers use them still . it is true , they are surer than others , but they are far more cumbersome . all sorts of arms may be charged , without any other way of measuring the powder , than by the following rule ; put the bullet into the hollow of your hand , and pour powder thereon , until it be covered and appear no more . this is the natural measure of all small fire-arms . i saw in a gentlemans house of picardy near st. quentin , an arquebusse or wind gun , that was charged with the wind , whose bullet at thirty paces distance pierced a door two inches thick . the armature of a french trooper . a , the buffe coat with elk-skin-sleeves . b , the buffe belt. c , the shable . d , the scarffe . e , the carabin-belt of buff. f , the holster pistol . g , the mousqueton or carabin . h , the boots . i , the spurs . k , the spur-leathers . of staffe-arms . sect. . of the pike . the pike is a weapon wherewith foot defend themselves against horse in an open field . the armature of a french trooper . the musqueton . the pistoll . the carabine . the armature of a pike man on his guard. the pike . the halfe pike . the quarter staff. the halbard . the partisan . this figure will shew the way of pikes charging to the horse . the armature of pike-man of the guards . the explication of this figure . a , the helmet , which the french call pot on head. b , the corcelet . c , the vambraces . d , the tassets or thigh pieces . e , the sword. f , the pike . all pikes now adayes are of the same length , made of strong ashe , and very streight ; about fourteen or fifteen foot long between the head and the foot. the head is four inches long , and two and a half broad at the largest place . the iron bands at the head must be long and strong , otherwayes it would be an easie matter for the horse to cut off the ends of the pikes with their shables . the french , according to diodorus , were the first that made use of the pike ; jaceunt hastas , quas ipsi lanceas appellant . and from thence the people of the chief province of france , have the name of picars ; but their pikes were more like spanish lances than grecian pikes , which were twenty four foot long between the head and foot. sect. . of spontons or half pikes . the spontons or half pikes , are made of the same wood as pikes are , and have heads alike ; their the pensioners halbard a the hungarian partisan . b the battle axe d partisans and halbards according to the swisse and antient custome . c pole axes e length is much the same as that of partisans , and we have the use of them from the ancients ; who carried pikes six cubits long , as arrianus testifies . hastas habebant senum cubitorum . these arms are much used amongst the venetians and the knights of malta . sect. . of the partisan . a partisan is an excellent weapon in a trench , in a sally , to force and defend a lodging , to mount a breach ; and in many other occasions , where the pike would be but cumbersome . the staffe of a partisan is much of the bigness of a pike , and is seven or eight foot long between the head and foot. the iron head is a foot in length , and four inches broad at the largest place ; the exercise of the partisan differs in nothing from that of the pike . sect. . of the halbard . the halbard is likewise a very convenient weapon , especially when men come to blows . it s staff is neither so big nor high as that of a partisan , and the head of it both narrower and shorter , but it is armed with little hooks , which serve to pull out fagots , paniers , and gabions , and to take hold of any thing , when one mounts an assault or sca-lado . sect. . of sythes , forkes , axes , and clubs , or maces . clubs or massues . a b the axe . c the forke . d sithes . e — quo turbine cestum sauromates , falcemque getes . stat. achill . the forks are the same with the common forks , but they have little hooks . there are two sorts of clubs : the first is , as it were the staff of a partisan , at the end whereof there is a wooden ball of the bigness of an eight pound bullet ; stuck full of iron pikes a finger long . the other has a boul like to the first , hanging at the end of the staff by an iron chain , two foot and a half long ; and is used as a flail for threshing . in salleys , or in the defence of a breach , axes are likewise used , such as not long ago were used by the regiment of clerambaud , or sourches , whose heads are very broad , an● their handles or staves , longer an● stronger than those of partisans , 〈◊〉 may be seen in the figure . the turks have another kind o● club or mace of arms , which the● carry at the pommel of their saddle to make use of in a fight , like 〈◊〉 that which the poets bestow on hercules , called by the latines , militaris clava . maces are no more in use . sect. . of the quarter-staff with a pike a● each end . we may also reckon among weapons the staff , commonly called the piked quarter-staff , and by the french , the staff with two ends 〈◊〉 because of the pikes of iron which i● has at each end : it is made of a very strong and eaven wood , somewhat bigger and heavier than the wood of a pike , six foot and a half in length between the verrils , that keep fast the two pikes of iron stuck into the ends of the staff , which are in length four inches and a half . it is carried on the haunch like the halbard , but handled in a different manner , because a man may stand to his guard with it by turning and flourishing it , and making the half moulinets every way , and in approaches make use either of the point thereof , or in giving a down right blow therewith . chap. iv. of the arms of the ancients . sect. . of the swords , shables , and cutlasses . the romans of old made use of short , stiff , sharp-pointed , and two-edged spanish blades . polibius says , that the roman souldiers carried their swords on the right side , and that they only made use of it for thrusting , in distinction from the gauls , who used flat-pointed two-edged swords , only to cut with ▪ proprium gallicani usus pugnare , coesim . the medes , parthians , and persians , used a kind of cutlass , which they called cinacis , and in english cimeter . cateia is a shable in form of a sickle , in great use among the germans . quintus curtius makes mention of a kind of sword , which he calls copidas , which was a little crooked like to a syth , wherewith the ancients cut to pieces wild beasts . the knife which the latines call cultrum , and the grecians machaera , was properly the sword which the priests used in their sacrifices , to cut up the victims ; as well as that other which they named cluna culum , because therewith they cut the buttocks of beasts : they had also a pretty long iron knife with an ivory haft , which they called secespita a secundo . pa-tazonium was a shable carried by the tribunes in a girdle . the poniard which the latines termed pugio a pungendo , is a little sword thirteen or fourteen inches long , which was invented in spain . pugiunculus is a diminutive poniard , which the spaniards and catalonians use still to this day . sica with the romans , was a sword hid in a staff or stick , wherewith men walk , as most of the peasants of france do at this time . lingula was a little sword made in the shape of a tongue . spatha was likewise a sword of the ancients , whereof julius capitolinus speaks , upon occasion of the emperour maximinus , fecit & spathas argenteas , fecit & aureas . hence comes the italian sword spada , and the spanish espada . sect. . of the pike . the hastarii or roman pikeman , had pikes for arms , which were afterward taken from them and given to the triarii , instead of the pili , which they were wont to carry . and though their pikes were not so long as those of the grecians or of souldiers now adays ; yet they defended themselves therewith against the horse and fraized their cohortes or companies with them , as we at present fraize our battaillions : quibus acies velut vallo septa inhorrebat . they carried likewise javelins , six cubits long , which were not armed with iron at the head , but had onely a point burnt and hardened in the fire , as arrianus reports . mucro autem illis ferrrea non erat , sed caput igne duratum eundem usum dabat . these pikes were called hastae purae , and were used by the strongest souldiers . the germans carried pikes , which they called trameae , with a very short and narrow head ; but so fine and commodious , that they used to fight with them at distance , and near at hand . the armature of a roman souldier of the triary . the armature of a slinger . the lance. the sling . sect. . of the lance. the lance was a kind of half-pike , like to that of our standards , which was invented in spain , and only used among the horses . it is not a hundred years ago , since in france we had troops of lancers . polybius saith , that these lances were useless , because being too slender , they broke to pieces by their own motion before they could do execution ; and left no more in the hand but a short truncheon , which could do no more service . sect. . of the javelot or dart. the ancients called every thing that may be thrown , javelot jaculum a jaciendo . the dart or pilum was the weapon which the romans gave to their velites or skirmishers ; it was in length two cubits , and a fingers breadth in thickness : the head of it was of iron , a foot long , but so thin and sharp-pointed , that being once thrown , it bowed and became crooked ; so that the enemies could not use it any more . they had likewise other javelots or darts , with three feathers at the lower end , like to the arrows and darts which the polonians and many others still use , especially the moors , who call them zogayes . aelicles was the ancientest of darts , a cubit and a half long , with a double point , which was tied to the wrist with a leather strap or cord , to pull it back with when the blow was given . aeganea , was a very light javelot or dart. ancyle , was a dart which gave the name of ancilista , to those that used it . ansatae , were darts thrown by handles . dolones , were javelots , which had their name from the greek word dolos , which signifies hurt . geum , was a javelot wholly of iron . manobarbulus , was a javelot or dart , like to the leaden piles , and the souldiers that used them were called manobarbuli . materis , was a javelot not fully so long as a lance. the pile was a kind of half pike , about five foot long . the roman pile was but three foot long , with a head barb'd , like a serpents tongue , which weighed nine ounces . romphea , was the thracian javelot . runa , was a javelot with a very large broad head. spara , was a very little dart , called so aspargendo . tragula , was a javelot or screw , with which they drew towards them the enemies buckler . triphorum , vvas a shaft three cubits long , which the french call materas , in english a quarel , and was shot out of a cross-bow . the ancients had also other javelots or darts , which they variously named according to their different figures ; as sibina , gesa , sigimnum , vrbina , vervina , verutum , and venabulum . the latter was used by hunts-men , and gesa by the gauls . sect. . of the sling . the romans had in their armies companies of slingers , whom they called funditores a funda , quod ex ea fundantur lapides ; because the sling served to cast stones and bullets of lead , which at that time did the same execution as our mukets do now-a-days . the sling was made of thread , larger in the middle than elsewhere , its figure was oval , and insensibly diminished ; it would cast a stone or bullet six hundred paces . the cross bow man of the antients . the quiver . bow and arrows . darts . sect. . of bows and arrows . the use of bows and arrows is not in all places abolished . the turks retain them still in their armies , as well as the affricans , americans , and most part of the people of asia ; but none are so skilful as the tartars , in shooting with a bow backwards and forwards . the wounds made by arrows are more dangerous and harder to be cured than those that are made by musket bullets , because their heads being barbed , it is difficult to pull them out of the body , without tearing the parts about the wound , and danger of breaking the shaft . the original of bows and arrows is uncertain , some attribute the invention of them to the candiots ; others to the scythians and persians : but there is no doubt but that the arabians have been always esteemed the most skilful in the exercise of the bow , and those who have used the greatest . the goths carried hardly any other arms but bows and arrows ; yet the romans had no bow-men in their armies , but such as came with the auxiliary forces . the quiver was a little magazine of arrows , which the archers carried on the left shoulder . sect. . of cross-bows . the armature of a bow man of the roman allies . the armature of a roman centurion . it would nevertheless seem ( according to appius ) that the catapulta served to shoot both darts and stones ; for he saith catapultae turribus impositae & quae spicula milterent , & quae saxa . the invention of cross-bows came from the sicilians , as diodorus reports . they made both great and little cross-bows : the great were drawn on wheels , as our canon are , and threw darts three cubits long . the little ones were carried by foot souldiers , who were called cross-bow-men , but their quarrels were not half so long as the darts of the other ; which were of such a greatness that they could throw stones six score pound weight . there were an other kind of cross-bows of a middle size , that were carried on wagons , and were called orcubalistae , and carobalistae . others there were which served to throw artificial fire , and darts called phalaricae , or fire-brands , because they were covered with sulpher , pitch , tar , and tow dipped in oyl . the scorpion was likewise a kind of hand-cross-bow , invented by the grecians , which they used in shooting of little shafts , whose heads were extreamly small and pointed . chap. v. of defensive arms. sect. . all weapons are both offensive and defensive , because with the same one may both attack and defend ; but there are some arms which are meerly defensive ; as for instance , the head-piece , termed the cask or casket , morions , cuirasses , corcelets , gorgets , vambraces , tassets , or thigh-pieces , knee-pieces , guard-reins or rein-pieces , gantlets , and round targets or bucklers , which were used in times past , and which are still in use in many remote countries , especially among the turks and moors . the romans armed part of their cavalry cap-a-pie , in imitation of the grecians ; the french retained the same custom , and from that comes the name of gens-d'arms : that armour was onely good to resist swords , stones , pikes , arrows , and javelots or darts . the armour which is made now-a-days , is proof against musket and pistol-shot ; but none but the officers carry them on the most dangerous occasions . the head-pieces , and the fore part of cuirasses , are musket-proof , and the other parts pistol or carabine-proof ; but that such armour may prove good , it is needful they be beaten out of cold iron . head armour has different names , as cask or casket , helmet , head-piece , burgonet or spanish marron , salade , morion , cabasset , pot , hat , and steel-bonnet . of all these pieces of armour some have visieres , and are musket-proof : others are plain and onely proof against a cut or blow . the cuirass is musket-proof , and heavier than the breast-plate , the corslet which is of the same shape as the cuirass , serves to defend the noble parts . the neck is defended by the gorget , the arms by the vambraces , the shoulder-pieces , fore-arm-pieces , gossets , and gantlets ; the thighs and legs , by tassets , cuissots or thigh-pieces , greves , or shin-pieces , knee-pieces , and supeters or foot-pieces . sect. . of the coat of mail. the coat of mail , by the romans called hamatus thorax , was a kind of steel jacket ; made of little rings and links of mail , interwoven together , wherewith their gend'arms defended themselves against arrows , darts and swords . the light horse , in time of lovis the eleventh , made vambraces and gantlets of the same , and therewith guarded the void spaces betwixt their armour . though these jackets be now no more in publick use , yet there are some who still carry them under their shirts , especially such as are in fear of fighting duels , or of being set upon . none at this time in france are armed cap-a-pie , except the pikes of the kings regiments of guards ; but their armour is onely proof against a cut. sect. . of the buff-coat . though to speak properly , buff-coats be but an apparel of horsemen , yet we may reckon them among their defensive arms , seeing they may easily resist a sword , if they be made of a good skin . they are of the same use to our horse , that these hard skins , whereof they made breast-plates or stomachers , were to the roman souldiers ; of which varo makes mention . buffe-coats are made in form of a just au corps , or close bodied coat , with four skirts reaching down to the knee . there is no trooper in the french army but has his buffe-coat , since harnass has been laid aside ; and from thence comes the name of light-horse , in imitation of the ancient horse , who never carried cuirass , but fought always in light-cloaths ; as polibus saith , antiquit : us equites loricas non habebant , sed in veste succincta pugnabant . sect. . of casks or head-pieces . helmet . gorget curiasse . thigh peeces or tasset's . vambrasse . gantelet . the generals and principal officers , wore head-pieces guilt and set with precious stones ; the top whereof was adorned with feathers and rich plumaches , which made them conspicuous among the rest . cristaque tegit galea aurea rubra . the original of head-pieces came from the lacedemonians , and cares was the first that beautified them with plumaches . sect. . of cuirasses . the souldiers of the roman militia , made to themselves at first stomachers or breast-plates of unwrought leather ; according to varro de corio crudo pectoralia faciebant . they had them afterward of iron or brass ; but these half cuirasses were onely invented to hinder them from turning their backs in battel . the generals made use of corslets of guilt leather , which covered them on all sides . some wore coats of mail , loricae homatae , like to the shirts which are still in use ; others had them of iron or brass , which i cannot better compare than to the shells of fish . loricae squammeae ; for so isidorus calls them . squammea est lorica , ex laminis aereis vel fereis concatenata in modum squammarum piscis . none of all the roman infantrie , but the hastarii , the principes and triarii ; were armed with head-pieces , cuirasses and bucklers . the velites , of whom some were slingers , and others archers , were onely lightly armed , that is to say , with a buckler and helmet of leather . pelta . parma . a round buckler or ronache sheilds sect. . of bucklers and shields . the shields and targets which the ancients carried on the left arm to defend and parie blows , in imitation of the samnites , who invented them , were convex , two foot and a half broad , and four foot long ; some with angles , and others of an oval figure ; but were all made of willow or fig-tree strengthened with the nerves and sinews of an oxe , on which was streatched linnen cloath , and that afterward covered with a bullock or calf's hide : the top , middle , and lower part were guarded with plates of iron , to resist the cuts of shables , stones , and shafts that were darted or shot with violence . ovid in his metamorphosis tells us , that general ajax had a buckler covered with seven skins . — clipei dominus septemplicis ajax . the grecian pikes covered themselves with rondaches or round bucklers of brass , and the bow-men had onely bucklers made of osier . the moors make use of shields of the height of their bodies , which they imbellish with warious painting . the bucklers which the ancients called clipei , differed onely from the shield in that they were compleatly round , and therefore the french have given them the name of rondach . the spaniards and affricans wore bucklers of thongs of leather , interwoven together , which they called caetrae , as lucan reports . illic pugnaces commovit iberia caetras the amazonians made use of a buckler in form of a cressant , which they called pelta . ducit amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis . virgil. in the reign of numa pompilius , the romans used little narrow and long shields , which they named ancylia . heretofore , such as began the profession of war , carried only parmis , or little white bucklers , without any imbellishment ; until that by some brave action they had signalized themselves ; then were they permitted to use greater , and to adorn them with the marks of their glorious exploits ; from thence we have the custom of arms which we commonly call scutcheons or shields a scuto , because they are in reallity the shields or bucklers of gentlemen , whereon they usually carry a representation of the brave deeds of their illustrious progenitours . the whole armature of a roman souldier weighed no more than a talent . the end of the first book the second book . of powder and artificial fires . chap. . of powder . we have had the invention of gun-powder from china , by means of the communication that a monk named bertoldus , had with the tartars , in his travels in moscovy , about the year . and therefore the portugese were never so much surprized as when upon their accosting these unknown countreys , they saw a great many ships equipped and ranked in bataillia , adorned with streamers , penons , and ropes of several colours of silk ; but their surprize augmented when they heard the guns fire : when they expected no such thing . so that it is not true that the monk was the first inventer of gun-powder ; he was no more but the publisher of a secret which he learnt from the tartars , and which he had better kept to himself , without trying an experiment of it , that cost him so dear , and which buried him in the furnace which he himself contrived . the royal prophet had reason to say , that we fall commonly into the snares which we have laid for others ; the authors of pernicious things , which tend onely to the destruction of their fellow creatures , have always miserably perished by the very same things whereof they have been the inventers . we have besides the example of that poor monk , the instance likewise of perillus the ingeneer of king phalaris , who was the first that was burnt in the brazen bull which he had made for the punishment of malefactors . arantius paterculus , was the first that was put into the burning horse which he invented , by the order of aemilius censorinus , governour of aegesta in scicily ; and engueran-de marigny , was the first man that was hanged in the gibbet of mount-faucon , which he caused to be erected at the gates of paris . history is full of such examples ; but that i may return to my subject , there is no doubt but that powder hath been a diabolical invention , the effects whereof are no less dangerous than terrible , and thunder-claps are not more to be feared . nevertheless , all that havock , all that noise , and all these overturnings , are onely caused by small grains , whereof this is the composition . the composition of gun-powder . take eight parts of salt-peter , one part of sulphur , one part and a fifth of char-cole ; pound them well together in a mortar , with a wooden pestle , sprinkle thereon excellent vinager or brandy , and then reduce the mass to a powder . chap. ii. of a mine . having spoken of powder , i thought fit next to discourse of its effects , and of the way how it is to be used for mines and artificial fires . molet's to put at the end of a torch . a fire arrow a wall of bustion with a mine . when a mine is made in a place where the earth is soft and yielding , the ground is to be supported by planks underpropt with little posts or girders , as fast as the chambers are wrought . the ancients made use of mines or subterranean wayes , but their designe was very different from ours ; they made them onely for a passage to go to the sap , or to enter towns , when our mines are intended to bow up and overturn the face of the bastion . chap. iii. of artifical fire-works . sect. . of the fuse . the fuses that are made for petards , bombes , hollow bullets and granado's , ought to be slow , otherwayes these pieces would do their effects before the time . this is the manner of the composition of fuses . take three parts of powder : six of sulphur , and nine of salt-peter , beat them apart into a subtile powder , then mingle them altogether with a small stick in a platter or charger , pouring thereon by degrees the oyl of peter , until all be made into a paste ; let it be dried in the shade , and the fuses charged therewith . sect. . of the sulphur match . the sulphur match is no more but cotton made into wieks , which are first steeped in brandy , and then in molten sulphur , and afterward dried in the shade . sect. . how to make the quick-match . take half a quartern of powder , a quartern of salt-peter , two ounces of brandy , half a septier or the fourth part of a french pint of vinegar , and a french pint of urine , melt all these together , and when they are dissolved , put therein cotton drawn out into gross threads : when the cotton has drank up all the warm matter , take it out whilst it is moist , and role it up into little matches or cords two , three , or four foot long , with the hand upon a table besprinkled with the dust of fine powder ; then stretch them out to dry in the shade ; and keep them in a dry place : that quick-match is very violent . sect. . how to prepare the matter of fire-rockets . take one part of common sulphur , melt it in an earthen pot , when it is dissolved put thereunto half a part of gross powder very dry , three fourth parts of a part of salt-peter , and half a fourth part of the powder of char-cole ; mingle all these materials together leisurely , and when they are well mingled , pour them on the floor , and this is the matter of fire-rockets . sect. . how to charge fire-balls . when one has a mind to charge bombes , hollow bullets , fire-pots , and all sorts of fire-balls ; let him take one part of the matter of fire-rockets , one part of salt-peter , the eight part of a part of camphire , and as much fine powdet , mingled therewith with the hand , and put all into a hollow bullet with quick match . sect. . how to make a fire-lance . take a piece of light wood three foot and a half or four foot long , bore it from one end to the other , and let the bore be an inch in diameter ; make the wood very smooth , both in the inside and out-side , which ought to be an inch thick in all parts : place into one of the ends a half pike , which must enter half a foot into the trunck , and be very well fastned . the trunck of the lance must be wooped round with strong pack-thread , well waxed with rosin and melted wax to defend it against water . the proportion of the mixture of the powders is twelve parts of salt-peter , six of sulphur , six of canon-powder , six of the dust of lead , two of glass beaten but indefferently small , two of quick-silver , and one of salarmoniac ; when all these materials have been beaten a-part , they are to be mingled together , and made into a paste , with the oyl of peter rather hard than soft : put afterwards hards into that composition , and incorporate them therewith , and make thereof pellets , or small balls suited to the bigness of the bore of the lance , which aro to be dried and tied up with fine wire . to charge the lance , put into the bottom of the trunck a charge of beaten powder ; without ramming it , but very little ; over that put a pellet , with a little of the composition , renew that until the wood be full , still encreasing the charges of the powder ; so that the last lay contain two charges . fire is to be set to this lance , with a quick match at the mouth . sect. . how to make tourteaus to shew light , or port-lights . take twelve pounds of black pitch , six pounds of suet , six pounds of linseed oyl , six pounds of colophonia , and two pounds of turpentine , in which steep arquebush match until it have drank up all the matter , and be incorporated therewith , then make it in tourteaus . sect. . of burning fagots . take fagots and rub them with the matter of the fire-rockets , or otherways with turpentine , or steep them if you please in melted pitch ; afterwards put fire to them , they not onely give light in the ditches , but serve likewise to burn the galleries , that the enemies may have made there . to make stuffed fagots for burning the cross works , take fagots steeped in liquid pitch , and stuff them with granadoes ; let them be lighted and thrown down from the ramparts upon the galleries , and the granadoes take fire instantly , and give such claps on all hands as suffer not any man to come near to quench the fire . sect. . of fire-hoops . fire-hoops are very proper for the defence of a breach , by rolling them down upon the enemies when they mount the assault . this is the way of making them , which i have learnt of a very skilful artist . take three large hoops , tie them together , furnish them with artificial fires , and with a dozen and half of common granadoes , which you are to tie to the in-side of the hoops , with good wire , that those which play first may not break off the others ; put fire to the wild-fire , just as you role down the hoop , the granadoes will take fire of themselves and do cruel execution . sect. . how to charge granadoes . take a pound of salt-peter , ten ounces of sulphur , six ounces of fine gun-powder ; pound them together , with two or three spoonfulls of brandy , and a little camphire ; and granadoes that are so made are excellent . sect. . how to make artificial fire-works , that burn under water . take tar , sulphur , camphire , colophonia , turpentine , rosin , quick-lime , lintseed oyl , of each a pound , incorporate them together with a french pint of brandy , and half a septier of aqua fortis ; put them into a barrel , to which add if you please , charged granadoes , pommels of swords , pistol-barrels , charged with powder and shot ; set fire to all at the bung-hole , with a slow fuse ; throw that engine upon what you please , you will see it burn , even under water , and no man dares approach it to quench the fire . the carcasses which have been lately invented produce the same effect . sect. . of provision for artificial fire-works . the arsenals and magazines of frontier places , should not onely be provided of arms and necessary instruments for the defence and attacking of towns , but likewise of all ingredients fit for the composition of fire-works , and therefore provision should be made of salt-peter , charcole , camphire , sulphur , pine rosin , oyl of peter , lintseed oyl , oyl of aspick , tar , venice turpentine , aliquitran of spain , black pitch , grecian pitch , or colophonia , spanish pitch , wax , tallow , varnish in grain , mastick , salarmoniac , common salt , quick-silver , vitriol , brandy , aqua fortis , vinegar , frankincense , dust of lead , pounded glass , of all sorts of fat and dry woods , hemp , ship-pitch , burning balls , granado's-burning or fire-hoops , lances and fire-trunks . chap. iv. of the roman fire-works . the romans , as well as we , made use of fire-works , and amongst others of those they called malleoloi , which were arrows of canes , encompassed with pitched-tow , to those they put fire , and instantly threw them against the engines of the enemies , which they quickly burnt , unless the fire was put out with dust , there being no other way to quench it ; and our fire-lances or trunks do very much resemble them both in shape and operation . they were besides accustomed to fill earthen pots with pitch , sulphur and tow , to which having set fire , they threw them with slings into besieged places : the flame of these spread on all hands and consumed every thing it met with . they made use also of torches of rosin , at the end whereof they had shard-pointed iron-heads , like to the rowels of spurs , which fastned in the engines , that the fire of the torches might the more easily consume them . infixae inhaerentesque machinis facile eas concremabant . besides the fire-works which they shot out of cross-bows , they likewise threw upon those who mounted an assault , boyling-hot oyl , pitch , melted lead , hot water , godrons or ship-pitch , lighted torches , and several other burning materials , as caesar affirms . picem re liquasque res , quibus ignis excitari potest fundabant . the third book of vvar-engines . amongst war-engines , we reckon all pieces that serve to overthrow and ruine the enemies works , and facilitate the taking of their places . it is my design to speak of every piece particularly ; yet i have thought that i should not swerve much from my subject , if i began this third book by a chapter of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . chap. i. of the casting and framing of pieces of artillery . in casting of pieces of artillery , there is commonly allowed for every hundred weight of fine copper , twenty pound of metal ; by metal i understand bell-metal . in defect of this metal the finest tin is used ; and then for every hundred weight of fine copper , there must ten pound of the best tin be allowed ; or otherwayes ten pound of lattin , and eight of the finest tin ; but because the casting of pieces cannot be without some loss ; for every six pounds of metal , there is a pound allowed in over-plus . founders should have a special care of the preparing and mixing of the metals , as well as of the internal smoothness and neatness of the pieces , and therefore they ought to chuse the most proper materials , and take heed that the clay of the moulds be good , well beaten and wrought as they ought to be with flocks and hair , that the moulds and all that the piece is cast upon , be well greased with tallow , well bound and banded with iron , well baked and prepared , well placed and laid , that the tronions be so exactly set , that the piece may be almost in an equal balance , weighing as much in the chase as in the charged cilinder and breech ; so that a single man may easily either raise or let her down in her carriage . a piece must be alwayes strong at the place of the tronions , because there is the greatest stress , and the beginning of motion . a piece must be well repaired , tryed , and proved before she be mounted on her carriage ; and care must be had that there be no cracks , flaws , crevasses , nor honey-combs in her cylender or chace , which commonly happens when the metal is run too cold , when the mould is not well tempered , or when the tin is not well mingled and incorporated as it ought to be . chap. ii. of a canon , its carriage , its vtensils and service . sect. . of a canon . there are six sizes of artillery , to wit , the canon , the culverin , the bastard , the minion , the faucon , and the fauconet . i intend to speak particularly of each piece , and to explain their size , their range , or carrying , their length and weight ; but i judged it not amiss first to give a representation of a canon , and its carriage , with an explication of theirs parts both internal and external . the coine . the linstock the rammer . the ladle . the spunge . the wheele . the explication of this figure . ab , the diameter of the bore or mouth of a canon is six inches and two lignes . cd , the thickness of the sides and metal , two inches . eg , the thickness of the metal at the breech , six inches . eb , the whole chase nine foot long , and the cylinder all of the same largeness . rs , the tronions six inches in diameter . k , the murrion or moulding of the muzzel . na , the chace of the gun five foot and a half long . nx , the chamber or charged cylinder in length four foot and a half and three lignes . l , the base ring . ex , the breech . tt , the cornish ring . ee , the re-inforce ring , distant from the mouth four foot and a half , and from the trunions half a foot .. i , the touch-hole . sect. . of the charge of a piece . the powder for the charge of any piece whatsoever , is a third part of the weight of the bullet , and the ladle of each piece ought to be made in such a manner , that it contain exactly the quantity of powder that is necessary for the charge . a piece that has just fired should never be charged again , untill it be first cooled with water , which does as well as vinegar , which was heretofore used , and which is at present thought fitter for sallades . sect. . how to level , or bring a gun to pass . every piece in a battery must have its necessary utensils , its magazine , men to traverse and serve it , and a gunner to level it , guiding his sight from the breech to the muzzel , which he causes to be raised or made lower , according as he judges convenient , by advancing or drawing back the coins that are under the breech . sect. . of the ammunition and vtensils of a canon . when pieces of artillery go into the field , they are always attended with wagons which carry their ammunition . wagons drawn by four horses carry each a thousand or twelve hundred weight ; one wagon carries thirty three canon bullets , there are therefore required six wagons and twenty four horses for the carriage of the ammunition that a canon may spend in a day , which is a hundred bullets , and two thousand four hundred weight of powder . a canon must likewise have its ropes and tackling , a cable fifteen fadom long , four inches and a half about , threescore ten pound in weight , and other smaller ropes and tackling which are known to all artists , and those that belong to the artillery . the utensils belonging to pieces , are the spunge , which is a long staff , the end whereof is covered with wooll , and serves to cool the guns ; an iron ladle to put the powder into the piece , the rammer to ram down the charge , and leavers or handspakes to re-place the gun into the port-holes or gaps after she hath fired . the linkstock , which is a staff of the length of a cane , the end whereof is furnished with a kind of double musket-lock ; wherein is put a match lighted at both ends . the coins or quoins , which are properly great wedges of wood , with a peg or pin that serves them for an handle to thrust them forward or pull them back , according as the gunner shall direct . the figure will represent all more intelligibly . sect. . of the carriage of a gun. the carriage of a canon consists of two sides , in length fourteen foot and a half , half a foot thick , and a foot and eight inches broad , the carriage in the timber towards the head , is thirteen inches broad , and at the end eighteen . the axel-tree is seven foot long , and the wheels , if they be shod , are five foot high . a a , the sides of the carriage . b b , the length of the carriage . c c , the body of the carriage . d , the axel-tree . e e , the drought-hooks . f f , the cape-squares . g g , the iron bands at the end of the carriage . h h , the ends of the axel-tree . i , the wheel of the carriage . chap. iii. of pieces of calibre or size . sect. . of the canon . the canon of france is in length about ten foot , its carriage fourteen , and being mounted on its carriage nineteen . the breadth on the axel-tree is seven foot , its metal weighs four thousand eight hundred weight , the bullet thereof is six inches in diameter , and weighs thirty three pound and a third part ; it carries blank about seven hundred common paces , three foot a pace , or three hundred and fifty fathom . the same piece may be fired an hundred times in one day . the bed of a canon ought to be fifteen foot broad , and twenty in length , for its recoiling ; for that end there is usually made a strong floor of good oaken boards , which sloaps a little towards the parapet , that the canon may not recoil too much , and that it may be the more easily again traversed into its place . sect. . of the culverin . the culverin is a foot longer than the canon , and being mounted on its carriage , is nineteen foot long , and on the axel-tree seven foot broad . the weight of its metal is three thousand seven hundred weight , the bullet of it is four inches and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs sixteen pound and a half . it s reach is three hundred and fifty fathom , and may be fired an hundred times a day . sect. . of the bastard canon . the bastard is nine foot long , mounted on its carriage sixteen , and on the axel-tree six foot broad ; it weighs two thousand five hundred weight ; its bullet is three inches and eight lignes in diameter , and weighs seven pound and a half : it carries about a thousand paces , and may be in one day fired an hundred and twenty five times . sect. . of the minion . the minion is eight foot in length , mounted on its carriage sixteen , and six foot in breadth ; the bullet is in diameter three inches and three lignes , and weighs two pounds three quarters : it carries not so far as the bastard , but may be fired in one day and hundred and fifty times . sect. . of the faucon . the faucon is near seven foot long , on its carriage eleven , and five and a half broad . it weighs eight hundred weight . the bullet of it is two inches and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs a pound and a half ; it may be fired in one day an hundred and fourscore times . sect. . of the fauconet . the fauconet is near five foot long , mounted on its carriage nine and a half , and four foot and a half in breadth . the metal thereof weighs seven hundred and forty weight . it s bullet is an inch and ten lignes in diameter , and weighs three quarters of a pound and a half . it carries two hundred and fifty fathom , and in one day may be fired two hundred times . fauconets are commonly planted in low places , or on the flancks of bastions , for scouring the ditches and ruining the galleries . a low place whereon are two canons planted , is commonly six fathom square . sect. . the effect and execution of the canon . the pieces of artillery which are most frequently used to ruin and demolish the works , are such as carry shot from thirty to forty five pound weight . a canon shot at two hundred paces , or a hundred fathom distance , may pierce between fifteen and seventeen foot into ground that is but indifferently setled , ten or twelve foot into ground long setled and well fastened ; two or three and twenty foot into sand or loose ground ; and a canon fired to purpose against a ground-work , within the distance that i have been speaking of , will ruin more than can be repaired with fifty baskets full of earth . the force of a canon shot from low to high , or from high to low , or on a level , is equal , as to the canon ; but in respect of the body which receives the shot , that which is fired from a low ground to a higher , shakes and over-turns more . sect. . the way of nailing up a canon . besieged make sometimes salleys out to nail up the canon , and attempt the batteries ; and whilst some throw down the parapets , others break or burn the carriages , some drive in a nail of steel which is hacked and notched , and break it in the touch-holes of the pieces , which afterward are good for nothing but to be cast again . chap. iv. of mortar-pieces , arquebusses a crock , bombes , bullets , the carcass , &c. sect. . of stone guns . stone guns are for most part of iron , much of the shape of mortar-pieces that shoot bombes . they carry not far , and therefore are not used but in fortified places , to incommode the besiegers when they make their approaches ; the powder for the charge is regulated according to the number of stones and pieces of iron that are put into them ; and they are commonly filled up to the mouth . sect. . of the arquebuss a crock . the arquebuss a crock is made of iron , in form of a great musket . it may be fired three hundred times a day ; which comes to five and twenty shot an hour . the bullet of it weighs three ounces , and the charge of powder an ounce and a half . sect. . of mortar pieces . mortar-pieces are of iron or of cast metal , and serve to shoot bombes , they are not so long as stone-guns , and their bore is wider or narrower , according to the bigness of the bombes which they are to contain ; their carriages have no wheels , and are quite otherwayes shaped than those of a canon ; as may be seen in the figure . sect. . of bombes . bombes are of a late invention , and were never used in france before the year at the siege of dole . they are made all of iron , and are hollow , with two handles to carry them by ; but they are not all of the same size , nor of the same shape : some are round and others long . the first are called bombes and the other fire-pots . they are filled with fire-works and powder , and then are stopped with a bung or stopple well closed ; in the middle of which is left a hole to apply the fuse to . when bombes are to be shot , a convenient ground is chosen , not too far distant from the place which is intended to be galled ; and there , a platform is erected , which is provided with plancks of timber , on which the mortar-pieces are planted . before a bombe be put into the mortar-piece , there is thrown into the bottom of it a charge of powder proportioned to the weight of the bombe , which is laid above the bung-hole aloft . so soon as the mortar-piece is charged , the artist takes his heights and measures , that the bombe may directly fall into the place that he intends ; that is to say , he gives less or more elevation to his mortar-piece , according as he is near or distant from the place and stops it either with a coin , or with an iron pin , which he thrusts cross the carriage ; that being done , he sets fire to the fuse of the bombe , and then to the powder of the mortar-piece , which forces out the bombe and carries it up in the air : when it is come to its full reach , it falls and breaks in a thousand pieces . the shivers and pieces of it break and bruise every thing they meet with , and the fire-works that are within it , set fire in all places where it chances to fall . nothing gives greater terror to the towns-people of a besieged town , than bombes ; and the ravage that there they do is so extraordinary , and so gall men , women , and children , that they know not where to be in safety . sect. . of the carcass . the carcass is a warlike engine of very late invention , or rather it is a late imitation of these burning barrels , that keep fire under water ; whereof i have spoken before , in the book of powder and chapter of artificial fire or fire-works , and which takes its name from the figure , because it is made of two hoops of iron two inches broad , and two lignes thick , crossed oval ▪ wayes , and is filled with a bag of pitched canvas , stuffed with granadoes , and ends of musket barrels charged with small iron shot . carcasses are shot out of mortar-pieces , in the same manner as bombes , and the fire they make lasts above half an hour , no body daring to put it out . sect. . of the granadoe . there are granadoes of all sizes , but those which are used by our granadiers are all almost alike , and are commonly two inches and a half and two lignes in diameter . they are charged with powder within a finger of the hole , the rest is filled with hard pressed tow , and then the hole is stopped with a bung of wood made very close ; in the middle whereof is left a little hole or vent , through which is put a fuse or wild-fire of fine powder mingled with aqua vitae or brandy . granadoes are thrown with the hand , and must not be held long after they are fired . they are commonly used to drive enemies from trenches , in a covered way and in a lodging . the granadoes break so soon as the train is spent , and their shivers and pieces wound all they hit . sect. . of hollow bullets . we have at present long and hollow bullets , which are filled with powder , and put into guns as the others are ; all the difference betwixt them is , that they work a double effect ; they perform in the first place that which plain bullets might do , and besides they burst and break in the hole that they have made , either in a wall or in a ground , and blow up as much earth or as many stones as a small fourneau might ; and in this manner they are charged : when these bullets are filled with powder , their vent or opening is stopped with a bung , wherein is left a passage for a fuse ; to which afterward is put a sulpher match , by which the fire of the gun is communicated to the train of the hollow bullet at the same time that it is forced out of the piece . sect. . of red bullets . other bullets are likewise made use of , which the french call red bullets , because they are made red hot , before they are put into the canon . their effect is to burn what they meet with , but that succeeds not alwayes . sect. . of cartouches . cartouches may be called boxes of white lattin , half a foot deep , and sized to the bore of the piece , which are filled with great musket bullets , that scatter as they come out and spread abroad on all hands . canons are sometimes charged with nails , pieces of old iron , and chains with bullets fastened to their ends . canons charged with cartouches carry not so far , as when they are charged with bullets ; but they do greater havock , especially in approaches . chap. v. of petards , and of the way how they are to be used . sect. . of petards . the petard is a kind of fire-pot , made of red copper , with a tenth part of brass , which is filled with powder , and is applied to the gates of places upon a surprise , to break them and throw them back ; as may be seen in the figure . the petard of a bridge ought to be twelve inches long , and without the breech seven inches and a half wide , and within five . the metal at the bombes . a morter peice . hollow bullet . grenade . petard . carcasse . cartouche . chaine bullets . breech ought ro be fifteen lignes thick , and six at the muzzel , without reckoning the murrion or moulding ; it hath ten inches in bore at the mouth , three handles , and the fuse joyning to the breech . the metal of it weighs from threescore to threescore and ten pound weight , and is charged with five or six pound of powder . petards of gates with cross-bars , ought to be nine inches long , five lignes thick at the muzzel , and an inch at the breech ; having seven inches in bore , six without the breech and four within ; it weighs forty pound weight , and its charge is from three to four pound of powder . the petard for gates with plain bars or palissadoes , ought to be seven inches long , at the muzzel four lignes thick , and at the breech nine ▪ the mouth four inches wide , without the breech three inches and a half , and within two ; it weighs about fifteen pound weight , and from one pound and a half to two pound of powder , is the charge of it . between the petard and bridge is put a madrier or plank of wood a foot and a half broad , two foot long , and three inches thick ; when the wood is not strong , it is covered with plates of iron laid on the one side cross-wayes , and on the other in length . petards are to be charged with the finest powder that can be had , knocked hard down into the petard , which must be stopped with a woodden trencher or woodden roler an inch thick ; which must be exactly applied , and whereon a little waxe is to be melted for stopping the chinks , and hindering the water to enter . a petard is charged within three fingers of the mouth , the rest is filled up with tow pressed very hard ; afterward a canvas cloth is put before the mouth of the petard , which is to be tied very fast with a cord about the muzzel , least the charge drop out . a flying bridg. a crow's foot or casting caltrop . a turn pike . a percullis . a battering ram. sect. . of the arrow and flying-bridge . petards are applied to a bridge with an arrow made in the manner following : the arrow ought to have a weight or counterpoise behind , it is mounted on two wheels three foot and a half high , and two foot and a half thick . the point of the arrow should be at least a foot wide , that it may contain the petard . the arrow is composed of three planks twenty six foot in length , each plank made up of four pieces , which are fastened together with iron rings , and are taken a sunder that they may be portable , and are joyned again with an iron pin. these three planks are made fast together by barrs an inch thick , two inches broad , and a foot distant from one another . on one of the planks is made a hollow crany to lay a train in , to give fire to the petard . the flying or roling bridge is made in the same manner as the arrow , except that it is as broad at one end as at the other , and that it is covered with planks ; as may be seen by the figure . sect. . the way of vsing and applying a petard . when there is a design to petard a gate ; the scituation of it is first to be viewed , and when a day is pitched upon for the execution , the petards , instruments and necessary utensils are loaded on mules ; detachments are made , and every one is ordered what to do ; all things being well disposed , they march out in good order about the evening , that by mid-night they may arrive in the neighbour-hood of the place which is intended to be surprized . the mules are unloaded half a quarter of a league from the gate , and every one takes hold of the tools whereof they are to make use . the petardier makes him that carries the madrier march first ; afterward he calls three for the petard , two to carry it , and the third to help , if need be . if the petard be fastened to the madrier , the four ease one another two and two by turns , and the two who carry not the petard , have each of them a smiths great hammer : after them the petardier commands two others to march , carrying each of them a great hatchet ; then another with a goats-foot ( or fearn ) another with a dark lanthorn , another with three or four pieces of lighted match ; and another with a turrel or good nails , and a club , so that every petard to be rightly served , requires at least ten men . when a petard is to be applied to a draw-bridge , the petardier makes the flying-bridge march first , or the arrow with seven or eight men , as well to carry as to push them . next he makes the madrier and the petard advance in the same order as i have said before ; after follow those who carry the ladders , and the floor of planks , to be thrown upon the breach which the petard may have made , who are followed by those who carry the hammers , hatchets , pinsers , and other instruments to pull out the barrs , and cut the chains . there is need rather of too many instruments , than that any one should be wanting ; and when the petardier asks any thing , he that carries it should be ready at hand to give it without making the least noise . all things being thus disposed , the petardier covers himself with a round buckler , or some planks made on purpose to secure him from musket-shot , or fire-works that may be thrown upon him ; he applies his petard , commands those that are to fall on to be in readiness , sets fire to the fuse , and with-draws whilst the petard is playing ; so soon as a breach is made , those that are commanded for the first brush , enter the place , and force all that resists them ; they who are to back them , do as much , and so successively do all who have any thing to put in execution . sect. . of tortoises . when a bridge joyns ill to a wall , it may be beaten down without a petard , with a brazen tortoise placed between the wall and the bridge , which by its shivers and pieces breaks it . this is the way of making it : take two shells of brass five inches deep , a foot wide , and two inches thick ; place the one upon the other , and fill them with powder , putting thereto a fuse . we may reckon among our engines of war , the herses , sarrasins , or cataracts , and the orgues , which are great pieces of hanging wood , and are let fall down thorow holes , when there is any fear of a surprise , or of the effort of a petard . turn-pikes , which are beam stuck full of sharp-pointed piles , which roles upon a pivot to stop a passage . the crow-foot , or casting caltrop , are iron pricks , made in such manner , that what way soever they be turned they have alwayes the point upwards . chap. vi. of the warlike engines of the romans . sect. . of machines or engines in general . we call all things engines , whereof the art and contrivance surpasses the matter , materiam superabat opus , says ovid. from thence comes the name of ingeneer . the ancients called all things that serve to attaque or defend places , warlike engines ; so does moses call them in the th chapter of deuteronomy , the last verse . onely those trees which thou knowest are not for meat , those shalt thou destroy and cut down , and make forts against the city that maketh war with thee , until thou subdue it . all these ancient engines were onely made of wood pieced together and made fast with iron ; which were placed upon the turrets and corners of the walls , to throw darts and stones of an extraordinary bigness : others there were onely for beating down of walls , and others for mounting an assault , and for a scalado . sect. . of the tortoise or testudo . the tortoise of the ancient gauls which the romans used , and called testudo , was nothing else but the crouding together of many souldiers , who covered themselves on the head and sides with a great many bucklers . the former ranks carried them higher than the following in manner of the tiles of a house ; that so whatever might be thrown upon them from the walls , might not stick , but more easily slide to the ground . homer speaks of these tortoises in this manner : scutum scuto haeret , galeae galea , atque vir viro. they made use of that invention for scaling of walls , by mounting one upon another ; as titus liviusdescribes it . testudine parti muri ad mota , cum armati spuerstantes subissent propugnatoribus , muri fastigio altitudinis aequabantur . tacitus calls that engine a reiterated tortoise . super iteratum testudinem scandentes . they not only made use of these tortoises in attacking of places , but also in battels ; breaking through the legions of the enemy . all these tortoises were not in this manner composed of men and bucklers ; they had besides certain sheds of wood twenty five foot square , and covered with a shelving roof , which they called tortoises , whereof some served to cover the lodgings , others to shelter the workmen against stones and arrows from the town , and others to hang the battering-ram , and cover those who were to swing it ; these were called testudines arictariae . sect. . of ladders . the romans had ladders of all fashions , which were alwayes two foot higher than the walls they intended to scale . some folded , and could with little inconvenience be carried any whither ; these were called scalae compactiles . others were called reticulatae aut stupeae , because they were made with cords provided at the ends with strong hooks , to fasten them with to the walls . they had others that opened and shut in manner of zizack . and others at the end of which was a kind of a little watch-house ; whereinto they put some body to spie what was doing on the ramparts . they had besides another kind of ladder , which they termed rolling ladders ; at the end of which were bridges : and others which they called sambucae , which were carried in boats , to scale walls that were encompassed with water . sect. . of bulwarks . when the romans intended to attaque a place they caused bulwarks to be raised round the walls , which were in height twenty four foot , and in breadth three hundred ; upon which they built towers of vvood armed with iron on all sides ; which commanded the ramparts , and from which the besiegers threw upon the people of the town stones , darts , artificial fire , that they might thereby facilitate the approach of the battering rams and other engines for taking of places . sect. . of towers . the towers which were used by the romans in the attacking of places , went on vvheels , were very high , and on all sides covered with plates of iron , which rendered them more weighty , more difficult to be overthrown , and less obnoxious to the danger of fire . these towers were invented by one diades a souldier under alexander the great ; they had also other towers which carried bridges and battering rams . caesar caused to be built before marseillis towers of masons work five foot thick , and near the towers of the enemies , from whence he might incommode them , he caused moveable roofs to be made for them , from which hung skreens made of cables or other ship-ropes , behind which the workmen might under covert labour in the raising of the towers . sect. . of the battering ram. the original of battering rams which paulus diaconus calls , exterminatorium iustrumentum , is very ancient ; some attribute the invention of them to the greeks , and others to the carthaginians . however it be , they performed in those days what our canon and mines do at present , seing the onely use they were put to was to beat down the walls of towns which they intended to take . the battering ram was made of a large tree , like to the mast of a ship , which was in length six and twenty cubits , and five hand breadths in diameter , and within six cubits of the head was guarded with iron rings ; the head was of a knotty wood covered with iron , and represented the head of a ram with horns , and therefore the name of battering ram was given to that engine . the battering ram hung betwixt great beams of wood , by massive iron chains , and required a hundred men to swing and push it violently against the walls . repulsus magna virorum manu ; says flavius , the shape of it may be seen in the figure . sect. . of counter-engines . to hinder assaults and storms , the besieged made use of huge stones , wheels , wagons with four wheels filled with weighty matters , columns , cylinders , mill-stones , tuns , and artificial fire , which they threw upon the besiegers and their engines , with purpose to break them , or to reduce them to ashes . they hindered the effects of the battering rams , by opposing to them packs of wooll , or by catching hold of them with snares , or iron engines made in form of pinsers , which they called woolves , meaning that such woolves could catch the ram , because with these engines they drew the battering rams up , or broke them in the middle . the end of the third book . the fourth book of ensigns , trumpets , and other instruments of war . it may perhaps seem strange , that i have comprehended in one and th● same book , and under one sole title , ensings , trumpets , and other instruments of war , considering the small analogy they have to one another . i frankly confess , that as to the form there is none at all ; but as to the use and property , i maintain there is a great deal . we call that a sign whichmarks any thing to us , signum a significatione . now ensigns have onely been so called because they signified to souldiers their camps , marches , their fields of batrel , and the places of their gathering together and rallying . are not drums and trumpets the signs of notice and advertisement ? do not the different sounds of both the one and other signifie the different commands which the souldiers are to put in execution , as to take arms , come to their colours , draw out into the field , charge , retreat , and many other things which they understand by the sound of those instruments : and therefore i thought it unnecessary to separate them from colours , standards , ensignes and guidons ; whereof i shall trea● in the following chapters . chap. i. of ensigns . the trojans were the first that made use of ensigns in their armies , that they might accustom young souldiers to know their companies , and facilitate their rallying , when they happened to be in a fight . vt tyrones assuescerent signa sequi , & in acie cognoscere ordines suos . says livie . the ancients in the beginning had no other ensigns but bundles of hay which they fastened on long poles : from whence comes the word manipule , a manipulis foeni , by the report of ovid. pertica suspensos portabat longa maniplos , vnde maniplaris nomina miles habet . but the mode of the rustick and wild ancients lasted not long , the roman custom came in place of it ; and then succeded ours which we at present carry , and which are different from the former ; both in form and matter . we give them several names according to their various shapes : to wit , colours , standards , ensigns , and guidons . the foot carry colours , which are of taffata , an ell and a half square , fastened to a half pike eight or nine foot long . every regiment has a particular colour to it self , except the crosses and the collonels colours , which are always white , because white is the colour of france , as the black eagles shew us the colour of the empire ; the red that of spain , and the orange that of holland . the horse carry ensigns , guidons , and standards . the first two are for the troops of the gens-d'arms . ensigns are above a foot and a half square , and are made of stuff embroidered with gold and silver , adorned with ciphers and devises , and fastened to a lance eight or nine foot long . guidons are longer than broad , of a stuff like to that of ensigns , divided in two points at the end , which are made a little round ; their lances are eight or nine foot long . standards are for the troops of the light horse , but a foot and a half square , and of a stuff embroidered , furnished with the arms and devises of the masters de camp of the regiments , and their lances a like to those of ensigns and guidons . the figures will more easily give you the meaning of what i say . sect. . of the oriflamme . the royal banner of france , to which the flames of gold , wherewith it was bespangled , have given the name of oriflamme , was properly the ensign general of the kingdom , which never came out of the church of st. denis , where it lay in custody ; but when the kings marched out to the wars : it was made of a red stuff , about two foot long , pointed and cloven , like the banderolle or penon of a ship , which was fastened to a lance , in the manner of the banners of the church . it was left off to be carried in the reign of charles the seventh ; and since that time , the oriflamme-bearer , which was one of the chief officers of the kingdom , has remained extinct . he that wrote the life of lowis the young , distinguishes the royal banner , from the banner of st. denis ; when he says , that geoffry of ranconay , one of the noblest barons of poictou , carried the kings banner , which according to custom came after that of st. denis , which was commonly called oriflamme . they who make a distinction between these two banners , call the kings oriflor , oriflour , oriflamme , karlir , and make it of azure taffeta , spangled with golden flowers de luce. it is the common opinion that it was presented to charlemain by pope leo the third , when he made him protector and defender of the church of saint peter . guidon enseigne coulours standard gonfanon or standard of the church oriflame , or the royall banner of s t. denys . sect. . of the gonfanon . the gonfanon is in the church , what the oriflamme was heretofore in france , and the office of great gonfanonier , is one of the most honourable charges of the ecclesiastick state. the colour of the gonfanon is red , and differs not in shape from the banners of the ancient cavalry , but that it is cloven into three ends a little rounded . most kingdoms have their ensigns or standards general in imitation of the romans , who had the banner of the consul , or of the general of the army , which they called labrum , of a purple coloured stuff , enriched with fringes of gold and precious stones . sect. . of the banner and penon . the difference between the banner and penon was , that the banner was square , fastened to a lance like colours and cornets ; and the penon had a long tail , which might be easily made a banner , by cutting off the tail. from these penons is derived the name of penonages , which has been given to the companies of the quarters of the city of lyons , whose captains are called captains penons . in england the penon of st. george was the chief banner of the kingdom . every lord carried his arms in his banner , or in his penon ; but none but lords banerets , were suffered to carry a banner to the wars . when a lord having for many years carried arms , had estate enough to entertain a troop of gentlemen to accompany a banner , he was allowed to raise a banner ; for that end he carried at the first battel where he was , a penon of his arms , and presented himself before the constable , or him who commanded the army for the prince ; from whom he asked leave to carry a banner ; and that being granted him , he took the heraulds at arms witnesses of it , who cut off the tail of his penon , and made a banner thereof . princes , mareshals , and barons , had their banners having their coats of arms quartered on them , carried before them by squires , to assemble their men about them in day of battel . sect. . of banderolles , pannonceaux , and faillions . the banderoll was a kind of little banner ; carried by knights in turnements , with which they made the sign of the cross , when they entered the lists , before they began to fight ; as oliver de la march reports in the eighteen chapter of his memoires . when the king gives holy bread , the swisses and officers that serve at these ceremonies , carry these banderolls with the kings arms quartered on them . panronceaux were little pennons , wherewith ships , the tops of towers , and the houses of gentlemen of quality , were beautified . the faillion , is a kind of standard made use of in the army , for assembling the baggage , and every regiment ought to have one of its colour , which conducts the baggage to the faillion general . s. p. q. r. the ensigne of the roman horse . the ensigne of the manipule . the ensigne of the roman legion . chap. ii. of the roman ensigns . the romans had one kind of ensigns for foot , and another for horse . every legion had its ensign general , which was the roman eagle , as we have a collonels colours in every regiment of foot , which is always of white taffeta ; besides that the manipules or companies had their particular ensigns , which were silvered pikes , at whose end was a little piece of wood laid a thwart , in form of a cross , with little globes fastened down along to the pikes , on which was the names of the emperours , as suetonius reports . artabanus transgressus euphratem aquilas & romana , caesarumque imagines adoravitsigna . the armies were reckoned by eagles ; as hirtius says . erat pompeii acies tredecem aquilis constituta . to intimate that the army of pompey was composed of thirteen legions . we have retained the same way of expressing the number of the horse , which we have in our armies ; for instance we say , the king hath detached or sent into the field , two hundred cornets , to signifie two hundred troops . the ensigns of the cavalry were of a shape different from those of the infantry . the romans named them vexilla , which to speak properly were little square sails , almost of the bigness of our standards , which were carried hanging at a pike , like to the banners of our churches . these sails were for most part of a purple stuff embroidered , whereon were set in golden letters , the names of their emperours , or of their commanders . aurea clarum not a nomen ducum vexillis praescriptum feriunt . the same is in use amongst our horse , whereof most part of the masters de camp cause their arms or devises to be put upon the standards of the troops of their regiments . the persians had eagles for ensigns , and the ancient germans carried the figures of wild beasts . chap. iii. of trumpets , drums , and other instruments of war. the instruments of military symphony are not onely proper to give the souldiers the signal of what they are to do ; but likewise to animate them to fight after the manner of the lacedemonians . the cavalry make use of trumpets and kettle drums . the trumpet is an instrument of brass doubly crooked , which heginus says , was invented by thireime son of hercules . this definition vegetius gives of it : buccina quae in semetipso aereo circulo reflectitur . ovid in this manner describes it to us . — cava buccina sumitur illi , tortilis in latium quae turbine cresct ab imo . there is no troop of our gend'arms , nor light horse , which has not at least one trumpet , to sound to boots and saddle , to the standard , to horse , the charge , the challenge , and the retreat . kettle-drums are two brazen vessels , round at the bottom , and covered above with goat-skin , which is made to sound by beating on it with sticks . kettle-drums were more in use among the germans and spaniards , than among the french , who heretofore never carried any but when they won them from their enemies . that ancient formality is now out of date , and the king bestows them on whom he thinks fit ; especially on the troops of his houshold . drums , fifes , bagpipes and hautbois , are for foot , musketeers , dragoons , fusiliers , and horse-grandaiers . drums are made of a chesnut wood , hollow and covered at both ends with skins of parchment , which are braced with cords , and with snares underneath . these instruments serve to beat the reveilly , the general , the call , the march , the charge , the parley , the retreat , the banks or proclamations , and all the commands . the invention of them is not late ; as may be seen in the following chapter . chap. iv. of the instruments of war used by the romans . the instruments of the roman militia , whereof they made use to signifie all the orders to the souldiers , were trumpets , horns , cornets , and hautbois , as well for horse as foot ; and the legions , cohortes and manipules , had each their several instruments . cohortium , turmarum , & legionum tubicines simul omnes canere jubet ; says salust . though drums and kettle-drums were not in use among the romans , yet other nations , and especially the indians , used them . indi tympana suo more pulsantes . curtius lib. . and suidas , tubis indi non utuntur , sed pro iis sunt flagella & tympana horribilem quendam bombum emittentia . the parthians made use of them also , but in all appearance ( according to the description that we have of them in suidas and plutarch ) the instruments of these people were rather kettle-drums than drums , because they were made of plam-tree wood , hollow and filled with little brazen bells , the mouth whereof was covered with a bulls-hide . isidorus defines the word ( tympanum ) in these terms : tympanum est pellis vel corium ligno ex una parte extensum . and that is the very shape and figure of our kettle-drums . he describes also another instrument which he calls symphony , which can be nothing else but our drums . symphonia , says he , vulgo appellatur lignum cavum ex utraque parte pelle extensa , quam virgulis hinc & inde musici feriunt . that instrument resembles the little tabers or drums which the turks carry before them , and which they beat on both sides with sticks . however it be , there is no doubt but that the invention of drums is as ancient as that of trumpets : i build not onely on the authority of prophane history , but on the testimony of the royal prophet , who says , let them praise his name with the flute ; let them sing praises to him with the timbrel and harp , psal . . praise him timbrel and flute , &c. psal . . a particular chapter of the arms which are at present in use , as well among the french as other nations . since gun-powder hath been invented , there is no people in europe but makes use of fire-arms , to which they have given several names , according to their different shapes , as muskets , arquebusses with match-lock , arquebusses with wheel-lock , carabines , choques , pistols with wheel-locks , holster or pocket pistols , musketons , and fusils or fire-locks ; as the ancients changed the names of their shields , pikes , swords , and darts , according to the divers alterations that happened , either in the form or matter : for instance , they called a●lides a kind of ancient dart , which they carried tied to the wrist with a long strap or thong , that thereby they might more easily draw it back when they wounded any therewith ; and they called gevum a dart that was intirely of iron : nevertheless these arms were still darts : as muskets , musketons , carabins , choques , and fusils or fire-locks , are all of them kinds of arquebusse of different lengths ; of which some fire with a match , others with a flint , and others with the wheel . arms with wheels are now no in use in use in france , the king hath not long ago taken them from the gardes du corps , and given them musketons ; and at present in the wars , are onely used the musket , fire-lock , musketon , and pistol ; as may be seen in the sequel of this chapter . the arms of the french cavalry . the kings guards du corps , the gens-d'armes , light-horse , cravats , the troops of light-horse , are armed with shables , musketons , snap-lock pistols ; and for instruments of war , have trumpets and kettle-drums . the guards du corps carry ensigns , the gens-d ' armes ensigns and guidons , and the light-horse standards . the kings musketeers , who fight sometime on foot , and sometime on horse-back ( like the dragoons of alexander called dimachae ) have for arms the half-shable , the bandeliers , the musket and pistols ; and for instruments , drums , and haut-bois , with an ensign and guidon ; and when they are on foot the officers march with the sword , the pike , and the gorget ; the ensign with the colours , and the quarter-masters with the halbard . the dragoons who fight on foot and on horseback , have for arms the sword , the fire-lock , and the bayonet ; for ensign the standard somewhat larger than that of the light horse , and for instruments of war , drums , bag-pipes , and hautbois : and when they march on foot , the officers carry the partisan , and the sergeants the halberd . none of the cavalry but the officers and the troopers of the regiment of the kings cuirassiers , now carry cuirasses . the horse-granadiers of the kings houshold , have for arms the cimeter , the battle-axe , the fire-lock , and the pouch or budget filled with granadoes ; and for instruments drums and haut-bois . the arms of the french infantry . the arms of the officers of foot , are the sword , the pike , and the gorget . the arms of the sergeants , the sword and the halberd ; and of the souldiers , the sword , the bandelier , the musket , and the pike . the instruments are drums , fifes , and haut-bois . the pikes of the kings guards carry the burgonet , corslet , vambraces , and tassets , or thigh pieces . the granadiers have for arms the sword and fire-lock , with a budget stuffed with granadoes , and a little battle-axe ; and the officers the partisan and gorget . the fusiliers have for arms the sword , the bayonet , and fusil or fire-lock , and the officers the pike and gorget . the suissers have no need of horse , because they live in a hilly countrey ; and therefore they make onely use of the sword with a great branched hilt , the bandeliers , musket , halbard , and partisan , and carry hardly any pikes , but when they serve foreign princes . their instruments of war are drums and fifes ; and their officers carry the pike and gorget . the pikes in the suisse-guards are armed with murrions , gorget , corslets , vambraces and tassets ; and the officers with the pike , gorget , cuirasse , tassets , and no more . the spanish cavalry . the spanish horse have for arms the shable , pistol , and musketon , or choque ; for ensign the standard , and for instruments , trumpets and kettle-drums . they have also some troops of lancers armed cap-a-pied , which they have retained for ostentation and to serve near the kings person . they have also troops of dragoons armed in the same manner as ours are . the spanish foot. the foot have for arms the sword , with a hilt so extreamly wide and deep , that it might very well serve for a drinking cup ; bandeliers which are none of the largest , the musket as heavy again as ours , and of a bigger size , which they cannot fire without leaning it on a rest ; and the pike longer and bigger than ours : and for instruments , drums and fifes . the officers carry no gorgets , but onely the pike , and the sergeants the halbard . the officers of the regiments of guards , mount the kings guard on horse-back , armed cap-a-pied , with a rondache or round buckler on the left arm. english forces . the english cavalry have for arms the shable , musketon , or carabin and pistol : and the infantry the musket and pike . the foot make but little use of their swords ; for when they have discharged , they fall on with the buts of their muskets . the officers carry the sword , pike , and gorget , and the serjeants the halbard and partisan . german forces . the german horse have for arms the shable , carabine , and wheel-lock pistol , with a shable hanging at the pommel of their saddles ; some of their troopers are armed with cuirasses and head-pieces . the foot carry the sword , musket , espadon , or two-handed sword , and the pike . the officers make use of swords , pikes , and gorgets , and some of partisans or half-pikes . hungarian forces . the hungarians , besides fire-arms , carry likewise shables , battle axes , partisans , half-pikes , &c. polonian troops . the polonians use fire-arms , pikes , partisans , the axes ( whereof we have spoken in the first chapter of staff-arms , the fifth sect. of the first book ) and darts or javelots . turkish cavalry . the turkish cavalry have no other arms but the damask shable , and some of them carry clubs or maces at the pommel of the saddle . they have some troops of lancers , whom they call fool-hardy ; these make use of shables , lances and bucklers : their ensigns are small guidons which they carry tied on their backs . turkish infantry . the infantry carry shables , long knives at their girdle , great muskets , bows , arrows , and darts , and their instruments are little tabors or drums ; on both sides of which they beat : haut-bois , bag-pipes , and musical cornets . persians , moors , and arabians . the persians , moors , and arabians , besides fire-arms , make use of zagayes , arrows and darts ; and most part of the people who have been lately discovered , used no other arms , but arrows , darts , and half-pikes . of the arms of the ancient french militia . infantry . the regiments of french infantry were divided into companies of arquebussiers , musketons and pikes . the companies of arquebussiers consisted of three hundred men a piece , whereof fifty were armed with the breast-plate , murrion that was proof , with sleeves of mail , the sword hanging at the girdle and halbards ; fifty were armed with swords , muskets , bandeliers , and musket rests , and two hundred were armed with swords , match-lock arquebusses , and a case , such as huntsmen carry , the charge whereof held half an ounce of powder . the captains of the arquebussiers , mounting the guard , or passing before the king or the general at a muster , carried the arquebuss , the case and murrion , with a great plume of feathers . the pikemen were armed with swords , pikes eighteen foot long , murrions , corslets , vambraces , and tassets ; and the captains were armed with compleat armor , a pike and murrion after the milanese-fashion , adorned with feathers , and caused their lackeys carry rondaches or round bucklers before them . the lieutenants and ensigns arms were the same with the arms of the captains , and the serjeants carried the cuirasse proof , with sleeves of mail , the plain murrion , and the halbards without swords . cavalry . from the reign of lowis the eleventh , to the time of henry the second , the cavalry was divided into men of arms , light horse , argolets and estradiots or albanian horsemen . the men of arms had for armature the corslet with the breast-plate , the cuirasse with tassets , the gorget of mail , supeters , whole greaves , tasses , gantlets , helmet with banners , arm-pieces , gossets , poldrons , all guarded with mail in the void spaces or intervals . their horses were barded and caparisoned , with the crannet and frontstall . for offensive arms they had , the sword by the side , the tuck at one side of the pommel of the saddle , and the battle-axe at the other , a long and great lance in hand ; a cassock which they called the souldiers coat , which was of the colour of their ensign , and guidon of the troop , and bigger than that of the light horse . the light-horse were armed with gorgets , corslet with tassets below the knee , gantlets , arm-pieces , great shoulder-pieces , head-pieces , with open visers , and the cassock of the colour of the standard . and for offensive arms , a large broad sword by the side , the battle-axe at the pommel of the saddle , and the lance in hand . the estradiots were armed in the same manner as the light-horse , and and instead of arm-pieces and gantlets , had sleeves and gloves of mail , a broad sword by the side , the battle-axe at the pommel of the saddle , and the zagaye in hand , which they called arzegaye , ten or twelve foot long , and headed with iron at the two ends . their coat over their arms was short , and instead of a cornet , they had a great banderoll hanging at the end of a lance. the argolets were armed in the same way as the estradiots , except the head ; which they covercd with a cabasset or casket , that hindered them not to take aim : their offensive arms were the sword by the side , the battle-axe at the left side of the pommel of the saddle , and at the right an arquebuss two foot and a half long , in a case of tanned leather , over their arms a short coat , like to that of the estradiots , and a long banderoll ( as they had ) to rally by . the cavalry under henry the fourth , and lowis the thirteenth . in the reigns of henry the fourth and lowis the thirteenth , the cavalry were divided into gens-d'armes , light-horse and carabins . the gens-d'armes were armed with compleat armour , and carried greaves and knee-pieces under or over the boots , the cuirasse carabin-proof before and behind ; and instead of a lance an escopette or petronel , which carried five hundred paces ; the holster pistols charged with a slugg of steel , a long and stiff tuck without an edge . their horses were armed with the frontstall and petrel . the light-horse were armed with compleat armour , a cuirass , that was proof , and the rest but slight ; they carried the pistol at the pommel of the saddle , under the bridle-hand , and on the other side the salade or head-piece . the carabins had for arms a cuirass voided and cut in the right shoulder , that they might the better present and take aim ; a gantlet reaching the elbow for the bridle-hand , a casket on head : and for defensive arms , a long sword , a long escopett or carabin , three foot and a half in length , a pistol at the pommel of the saddle , and two cartouches , after the manner of the reistres . the word ( carabin ) comes from the spanish word cara ▪ which signifies the visage or face , and the latine word binus , which signifies double ; as if one should say , men of double faces , because of their way of fighting . sometimes flying , and sometimes facing about . we have changed the carabins into souldiers that fight , both on foot and horse , whom we have called dragoons , in imitation of the dimachae of alexander the great ; which name comes from the greek word dimas , that signifies terror and fear ; because they carried dragons for their ensigns . finis . books printed for robert harford at the sign of the angel in corn-hill , near the royal exchange . . mare clasum , or the right dominion and owner-ship of our brittish seas , in two books , by john selden esq ; in folio . . a new description of the country of surinam , in . . the history of the turkish wars , in hungaria , transilvania , austria , silvesia , and other provinces of the german empire , from the first invasion of annirath the se-second , ; to which is added a short discourse of the state and goverment of the said provinces in . . the sage senator , or a discourse on the wisdom of such as are called to publick imployments for their country , prescribing a method to discharge a publick trust . in . . the history of portugal , describing the said country , with the customs aud uses among them . in . . an historical essay , endeavouring a probability that the language of the empire of china is the primitive language . in . and also you may there have all sorts of paper and paper books , and the best ink for records , military discipline: or, the yong artillery man wherein is discoursed and showne the postures both of musket and pike: the exactest way, &c. together with the motions which are to be used, in the excercising of a foot-company. with divers and severall formes and figures of battell; with their reducements; very necessary for all such as are studious in the art military. by william barriff. barriffe, william. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) military discipline: or, the yong artillery man wherein is discoursed and showne the postures both of musket and pike: the exactest way, &c. together with the motions which are to be used, in the excercising of a foot-company. with divers and severall formes and figures of battell; with their reducements; very necessary for all such as are studious in the art military. by william barriff. barriffe, william. [ ], , [ ] p., plates : ill., port. printed by thomas harper, for ralph mab, london : . with four final contents leaves. the last leaf is blank. p is a cancel. the last printed page has errata. some copies have an additional slip with errata including the previous . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military art and science -- early works to . strategy -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - derek lee sampled and proofread - derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion coat of arms of the honourable artillery company arma pacis fvlcra vera effigies gvleielmi barriff aetatis svae . portrait of william barriffe though this effigies here does represent and portray forth his faces liniament yet read his booke , and you therin will finde that he hath pictur'd there a soldiers minde . g glouer fecit . military discipline : or , the yong artillery man. wherein is discoursed and showne the postures both of musket and pike : the exactest way , &c. together with the motions which are to be used , in the exercising of a foot-company . with divers and severall formes and figures of battell ; with their reducements ; very necessary for all such as are studious in the art military . by william barriff . psal. . . blessed be the lord my strength which teacheth my hands to warre , and my fingers to fight . london , printed by thomas harper , for ralph mab , . to the right honovrable algernonne , earle of northumberland , lord of the honours of cockermouth and petworth : lord percy , lucy , poynings , fitz-pain , bryan and lattimer : lord lieutenant of his maiesties forces in the counties of northumberland and cumberland ; and knight of the most noble order of the garter . right honorable : the glory of the meridian sun , is the more resplendently set off ; by the foile and darknesse of a shadow : which is a perpetuall follower of his light ; as my ambition in all humble service is , to be unto your lordship : the memory of so many heroicall ancestors , as ( in all ages ) have ennobliz'd your potent family ; together with their martiall and renowned atchievements : doe for ever stand recorded , in the booke of honour and of fame . and that ( were occasion fairly offered ) your honour hath spirit and bravery enough , in a military emulation , to arrive up to the heighth of their glory : your constant and noble deportment ( as well in your private carriage ; as of late dayes in your publike triumph , when you were installed into that most noble order of the garter ) doe most evidently presage of you . this as it hath attracted all eyes and expectations : so hath it incouraged my low ambition ( among the rest ) to esteeme your honour a fit patrone for a booke of this nature , your innate and inbred vertues ; together with that courtesie , noblenesse , and affabilitie , ( the inseperable companions of anciently descended honour ) speak you so easie , of accesse ; that my yong artillery-man despaireth not of acceptance & admission , to kisse the hands of your great lordship . the first-fruits , it is , of my weak endevours : and a collection , meerly of my private observations . such as it is , my humble request unto your good lordship is , that out of the accustomed freedom and goodnesse of your nature ; you would be pleased to deigne acceptance of it . and i withall beseech your honour , to give pardon unto that presumption , which hath proceeded from devotion . i confesse it an ambition in mee , to soare so loftily in my dedication . but as alexander ( sometimes ) refused not a mean present of fruit , from the hands of a simple gardiner : so my hope is , your honour will hold mee excused for offering so worthlesse and meane a mite to so great and honorable a personage . but considering that the subiect of my discourse is intended for the bettering of the souldiers knowledge of the trained bands ; and that your lordship is one of his majesties lieutenants : it may prove a good inducement to your honours liking ( who are known to be so great a lover of your country ) to vouchsafe the protection and patronage of these my first endevours , whereby i shall for ever stand obliged in all humilitie , and remayne , your honours most humble and devoted servant , william barriff . to the right vvorshipfull , sir ralph bosvile , knight , captaine of a select company of foot in the county of kent . you may be pleased to remember ( noble sir ) how often you have importunde me to write something ( by way of instruction ) for the bettering of the judgements of such young gentlemen and souldiers whose mindes stand this way affected . and although ( for my own part ) i can better mannage the pike then the pen ; yet that i might not be wanting in all acknowledgement , i have taken upon me to satisfie your request ; which shall ever carry the authority of a command with it . expect not ( i beseech you sir ) to finde my booke set forth with fine phrases , nor to be deckt with historicall discourses , of forraine fought battels : this being the onely thing by me intended in it ; to set forth the exact grounds of this our moderne discipline , for the exercising of a foot company . nor is it to be esteemed a small advancement to the knowledge of the art military ; even to have taught this little , seeing it must be confessed to have beene one of the chiefest meanes to make philip from a poore prince , to become a powerfull monarch ; and his sonne alexander amighty conquerer . i meane his exact observance of the true grounds of military discipline , which beginneth with the instruction of a private company . adde hereunto ( which i have also toucht upon ) his frequent practise and inuring of his souldiers to the use of armes : together with his well ordering and contriving the severall formes and figures of his battels . alwaies ( by the way ) observing how to make his advantage , either from the time , the number , or the place , or some other such like oportunity . but not to cloy your quainter eares with impertinent discourses : who are not onely a master of armes , but of arts ; also a gentleman that hath beene captaine either over horse or foot ; for the space of these last forty yeeres : and from your very infancy brought up in the very bosome of the muses . so that you are now become a nestor for counsell , an apollo for musicke , and a mars for the field . but lest by acknowledging your worthy parts , ( your native modesty being such , that you never love to heare your owne due deserved praises ) i purchase a frowne for a recompence : i forbeare . my humble desire now is , that your worship will be pleased to accept of my well meaning : and although i be wanting in artfull expressions , yet to rest assured , that i am yours in all humble and heartie affection , and shall still continue your , though unworthy , yet obedient lievetenant , william barriff . to the worthy captaines , captaine edvvard dichfield , and captaine henry sanders , and to all the gentlemen of the private and loving societie of cripplegate meeting . w. b. wisheth all health and long continuance . right worthy ▪ captaines , it is now something morethen seven yeares , since the beginning of that private and commendable exercise of armes by your two companies together ; how much experience it hath begot in your souldiers , your selues be the iudges . this must be confessed , that it is so orderly contrived , as to become no hinderance to mens more necessary callings . yea it rather calls them the earlier unto it : for that the exercise continueth onely one houre the thursday of every weeke ; and in the summer time , ending at seven of the clocke in the morning . some there have been notwithstanding , that have held a prejudicate opinion of this meeting : conceiving that it would prove an hinderance to the artillery ground . neverthelesse the proofe hath reported the quite contrarie : for that it hath become a great meanes towards the advancement thereof . and that by sending divers gentlemen thither to enter themselues therein , who before had not the least conceit or purpose that way . as for the souldiers of that meeting , they neither beat drumme , display ensigne , nor discharge musket : but onely exercise their postures , motions , and formes of battell , with false fire in their pannes . which is the cause , that the souldiers having attained some little skill in the handling of their armes : presently desire , to exercise with more liberty ; and so enter upon the artillery garden . wherefore ( most worthy captains ) you shall do well to cherish your diligent and industrious souldiers : that so they may be heartened to persist , in so honourable and commendable an entendment . it being such an exercise whereby god may gaine glory , the king and kingdome , honour ; your selues , credit ; and your souldiers , skill : for my owne part , i professe and acknowledge my selfe to be one of the first beginners of it : and do still continue a member of the same . and this maketh me the more silent , though still i wish in heart the continuance of so friendly a societie . and therefore ( fellow souldiers ) i pray you accept of my good will for the deed : for were i as able as i am willing ; i then , with the poet , would consecrate your memories to time , that yours might live , when i am turn'd to slime . yours in all service , william barriff . to all worthy commanders , and brave souldiers . gallant brave sonnes of mars you must not looke that here 's ought worth your reading in this book , since i intend not further for to goe then to the letters of our christ-crosse-row : to shew the vowels , or to learn to spell in disciplines high strains i will not mell . but if , perhaps , you have a mind to scan or spie faults in the yong artillery-man , i pray you for your credits as mine owne you 'l picke no fault till you be sure 't is one and then ( perhaps ) when reason taking place , opinion must retreit with foule disgrace . yet if you truly shall an errour spie tell me my fault , i 'le not in error die . then worthy followers in great mars his traine , that to peruse my worthlesse worke will deigne , iudge but the best , and you , perhaps , shall see the next i write shall a farre better bee in the , mean time , this is the best i have prove and approve . and more i will not crave . w. b. to captaine walter neale , now captaine of the artillery garden : and to all the rest of the worthy captaines , lieftenants , ensignes , serjeants , and other gentlemen of that noble society : w. b. wisheth all increase of knowledge and continuance of love and vnity . right worthy souldiers of th' artillery , me thinkes i see some of you looke awry , telling me i 've done our garden wrong and that in souldier-ship i am too yong : that the worst souldier of three hundred men should dare in discipline to use his pen , and he that th' other day scarce knew a ranke to write a booke should now be growne so cranke : but spare your anger for this booke you see can neither bring reproch to you nor mee : if for meane matter i shall be detected from a yong souldier much is not expected : if any say i have done prety well they needs must thinke should you write 't would excell , like lads at wasters i but lead the way that better gamesters may come in to play . therefore be pleas'd if any fault be found no shame at all can unto you redound . if ought be good ' i th' garden 't was me showne if ought be ill the errour is mine owne . then as i from amongst you learn't my skill , so grant me love your favour and good will. yours ever william barriff . faults escaped in the printing . page . line . for and , reade ad , p. l. the last , for betweene before , p. . first line of the ● . chap. for off , r. , p. . in the margens , for particular , r. particle , p l. for armes , r. armies , p , . l. . for also , r. all , p. l. . for left , r. least , p. . l. . instead of for , r. or , p. . l. . for into , r. to , p. l. . for with , r. without , p. . l . for drawne figure , r. drawne a figure p . l . for e●ft , r. left , p. . l. . for likewise , r. file wise , p. . l the last , for gratifie , r. satisfie , p. . l. . for ne , r. one , p. . l. . instead of for , r. in , p. l. . for beh●nde , r. before , p. . l. . r. file-leaders , p. ● . l. & . instead of , or with the chorean it holds affinity , r. and with the chorean it holds no affinity , p. . the last line , r. be as at first . p. . the m s which stand for the outmost file-leaders to the right , stand quite contrary . p. . l. for in , r. to p. . the figure set wrong . pa ● l. . or in , r. too p. . l. . for flanke , r. flanks . p. . l. . for innermost , r. outermost . p. . l. . for figures , r. figures . p. . l for command , r. commanded . p. . l . for to , r. up . p. . l. for figure , r firing . p. . l. . for tm , r. them . p. . l. ● . for arme , r. armes . p ●● . l. . for flanke , r. flanks p. . the title of the figure , for polium , r. plesium . p. . l. . for their severall , r. to their severall , &c. p. . the marginall note opposite to the ●● line , r. instead of one file and close . one file of muskettiers to give fire , and close , p. l. the . for ho●swise , r herswise , p. . l. . for leader , r. leaders , p . l. for over-head , r. overhand . to the reader . courteous reader , although i have set forth this small treatise , principally ayming at the benefit of my country , yet i know that some will not be wanting , to disparage both the workman and the worke , the matter and the manner . for such is the misery of the times , and the malice of men ; that the frothy depraver , shall found ( in some men ) an opinion of his worth , by detracting and undervaluing other mens merits : for mine own part , i ingenuously confesse , that amongst many in our owne ground , i was the meanest both for skill and schollership , to have undertaken a worke of this nature ; but being continually prest by my acquaintance : some for the postures , others for the motions , and by some againe for figures , i being alwaies willing to further men this way affected ; granted and gave to some men copies , and suffered others to peruse my notes , which i had placed in an old waste paper-booke . but at length , time and mens tongues together , had begot an opinion , that i had writ a booke . which was so freely divulged , that i was requested by some , to know when it would come forth of the presse ; when as yet i had not the least conceit , to put pen to paper tending to this purpose . so that being engaged something in my credit , and withall requested by a right worthy knight , my captaine , who had power to command : and lastly , being thrust on by the importunity of some of my familiar friends : i haue put my card amongst the rest into the bunch to bee shuffled : not much caring where it be dealt , so it be not mixt with the — if any carpe at the plainenesse of the stile , i conceiue that it fits best with the subiect : workes of this nature , chiefly requiring it . if such , whom opinion hath made proud , and custome , captious ; shall happen to be my supervisors , to them i say , that it is easier to finde faults , then mend them ; and to mend bookes , then to make them . but to the courteous and skilfull , whose better parts will yeeld better fruits , i shall request their favourable censure , and that with their judgements , they will mend what by over-sight i have mist . for which their loves , i shall ever stand engaged : and remaine their thankefull friend and servant , william barriff to my loving friend , the author . homer eterniz'd is for writing what achilles and his myrmidons did at the siege of troy. i envie not his fame , but needs must future ages greatly blame , if they forget to memorise thee too , that show'st not what was done , but how to doo . rowland gwyn . to his much esteemed friend , and fellow souldier , the author . critticke , observe thy distance , censure not , nor spend thy judgement like an ideot that nothing knows ; if knowing , know thou then , thou must be rank't amongst the envious men . if once thou dost attempt to contradict the matter that this booke conteins in it : the method's plaine ; not deckt with complements , those frivolous , idle , needlesse supplements . the substance ponderous is ; no fond conceit affronts thee , friend . with shame they shall retreit ; and so retrit , as not to charge againe in front , in reere , or flanks . thou shalt disdaine all formalists , that faine would souldiers seeme ; who much expressive are , in judgement greene . andrew wheatley . ex hospitio gray . in amicum willielmum barriff . young , and so old in martiall discipline ? distrust will say , this work is none of thine . but i , that know it , will averre the same to be thine owne , and not anothers fame . a noble souldier scorns to be so base by others worth to purchase his owne grace . aud such is barriff . what his booke doth speake , it is his owne : let envie swell and breake . amicus h. p. the art military ( how e're suppos'd ) is hard like other arts ; yet here disclo'd , in such a manner that who e're he be that hath in it but learn'd his a b c. without difficulty , with little paine , such knowledge in this noblest art may gaine : that he may say , and do as much as some , that for this art , have travel'd christendome . all by the learned helpe of barriffs skill , learned , i say , say others what they will. but if they speake ' gainst this he hath put forth , they will betray in them there 's no such worth : for this in him there is no fault at all . except in this , to teach this art to all . persist then noble friend , to th' world descry what worth lyes hid in our artillery . and we that long to learne this art shall say , thanks be to barriff , he hath showne the way . rich. clement . on his much esteemed friend , the author . as london , englands farre fam'd emperie , in her brave garden of artillery , with reason glory may : because therin is exercis'd exacter discipline , by motions and apt firings ; than is done in any other place of christendome . so maythat garden as deservedly , ( accomplisht barriff ) joy and boast in thee : who stil'st thy selfe the young artillery-man , of thy abounding modesty . yet can thy knowne experience thereby vailed be no more than sun-beames by a tyffanie : why young ? is 't cause chou'lt still a learner be ? " even so must all that ayme at excellencie . new accidents , and expert mens direction , brings th' arte of warre still neerer to perfection . 't is said , great alexander wept , for that he no more worlds could finde to subjugate . and yet if hee before ostend had beene , he might have easier wept , than gotten in . thy practicke part of drilling : i approve , as meriting thy countries thankes and love . the rather , that i oft have seene thee doe a captaines office , and a souldiers too . with such exact dexterity , as none could say thou cam'st short in perfection , to forraine discipliners ( neere or farre , ) though daily train'd up in the schoole of warre . yet as in thy assum'd title : so , th' art modest in thy faire expressions too . for thou adorn'st not thy book 's frontispiece , with glorious titles , to endeere its price . as th' art of warre : or souldiers academy . but thee confin'st within a company , or squadrons exercise . and yet a way to set a greater body in array ; thereby discover'st . onwards then , and stead , thy nation for supplying at her need . thy country with large troupes well-disciplin'd , for which , occasion will hereafter finde , a meane to crowne thy merit . whilst thy friends wish thy designes , acquire their hop'd for ends . ia. hayward ex hospitio graiensij . chap. i. concerning postures and handling armes . the first rudiments for the discipline of infantry ought to be an instruction , for the well mannaging of their armes ; whereby they may be brought , to use them with ease and delight : whereas to the contrary ( without exercise ) both sorts of armes , wil become a troublesom burden , unto the unskilfull bearers . no man is borne a souldier , neither can any attain , to be kilfull in the art military without practice . but by practice is gained knowledge , knowledge begets courage and confidence ; few or none being fearefull to execute what by frequent practice they have throughly learned . wherefore it is necessary for every one that intends any proficiency in this part of the art military , to be instructed in the postures and well handling of their armes ; a thing much to be desired in our trained bands , though small hope of amendment . seeing the souldiers are scarce called forth to exercise either posture , or motion once in foure or five yeares . whos 's the fault is i know not , only i pray god that it may be amēded , lest shame and infamy be the least of euils which our carelesse security may bring upon us : yet pardon this digression , for my zeale to my countries good had almost transported mee beyond the bounds of my intent , but of this no more . i will now come to the postures of the musket and pike : which , i conceive , are fittest to begin from the taking up of their armes , and arming the souldiers concluding them with the laying down of their armes , or disarming them . but before i begin the postures : mee thinks i heare some already inquiring what is a posture . wherefore that i may satisfie them , and not be troublesome to others . in briefe thus . posture in a souldier is the garbe or figure , that he useth in the handling of his armes , consisting of severall motions for atchieving of each posture . the motion being the working part , the posture the alteration or act , either in circumstance or matter . as to rest your musket being one posture , to shoulder your musket another , so likewise for the rest , howbeit some perchance will object , ( as formerly hath bin to one of athens , making a long oration in the praise of hercules his valour ) who ever doubted of it . so to me who ever questioned these for postures : yet i have known them not only questioned , but written against , peremptorily concluding that there are but three postures to be used for the musket , whose errours i shal easily confute . but more of this after the postures of the musket . wherefore for the more orderly proceeding conceive their armes to lie before them on the ground , and then the first command will be , to stand to their armes . the postures of the musket . take up your bandeliers . put on your bandeliers . take up your match . place your match . take up your musket and rest . rest your musket . now if you please you may performe your saluting posture . poyse your musket . shoulder your musket . take your rest into your right hand , and you are armed ready to march. now to begin to make ready , which may be done either standing or marching . take your match between the fingers of your right hand . put your rest string about your left wrist , and carry your rest in your left hand . return your match between the fingers of your left hand . unshoulder your musket and poyse . ioyn your rest to the outside of your musket . open your pan. cleer prime shut cast off your loose corns . blow off your loose corns , and bring about your musket to the left side . treile your rest , & ballance your musket in your left hand . charge with powder . bullet . draw forth your scowring stick . shorten put your scowring stick into your musket . ram home your charge . withdraw your scowring stick . shorten return bring forward your musket and rest . poyse your musket and recover your rest . ioyn your rest to the outside of your musket . draw forth your match . blow your coale . cock your match . fit guard your pan. blow the ash from your coale . open your pan. present upon your rest . give fire brest high . dismount your musket , joyning your rest to the outside of your musket . uncock and return your match . cleer your pan shut poise your musket . shoulder take your match between the fingers of the right hand . take your rest into your right hand , cleering your string from your wrist . return your rest into the left hand , the string loose . return your match into your left hand . unshoulder your musket and poyse . rest your musket . set the but-end of your musket on the ground . lay down your musket and rest . match . take off your bandeliers . lay down march from your armes . there is likewise the sentinell posture , which is , the muskettier having his musket charged with bullet , his match cockt , his pan guarded , stands with his musket rested to performe such duty as shall be commanded or given him in charge . some have likewise taught to make ready on , or from the sentinell posture : but note that as none comes to stand sentinell but comes ready charged : so if any occasion happen that he must give fire in the time of his standing sentinel , it causeth a generall alarme . so that he will have no fit time to make ready upon his rest : wherefore , i conceive it superfluous ; but will ever conforme to better judgement . we have also the funerall posture , which from the rest is to be performed at . motions , which cannot so well be exprest in writing , as it will expresse it selfe in action . wherefore seeing that it is rather an ornament to obsequies , than truly necessary for armies i will not spend more time about it , but come to the postures of the pike . yet before i passe upon them , give me leave to answer some , which out of a criticall humour will alwayes be carping at others , condemning these postures , saying , there are more by halfe , then are either good or usefull ; and that there are no more postures to be used , but make ready , present , give fire . the which wee will not deny that in service there are any other usefull : notwithstanding i would have them to know , that make ready is no posture , but a word of command , including all postures , from the first arming of the souldier to the present : or if the muskettier be charged , shouldered or both , then the word ( make ready ) commands the prosecution of the rest of your postures which are between the posture you then immediatly are at , when the word is given , and the other posture , present for which reason when wee teach muskettiers at first it is most necessary to instruct them punctually , from posture to posture : which being once attained , he manageth his armes more surely more comely , with more celerity , and with better execution : and at the first may as easily be taught the best way . but if he have got an habit of doing ill there wil be as much or more pains spent in reclayming his errours , as at first to teach him the best , safest , and readiest way . chap. ii. of the postures of the pike . that which followeth next of course is the posture of the pike . wherefore that we may observe order in our proceeding ; we will likewise conceive their pikes to lie in like manner before them on the ground ▪ and then , as before , the first command will be , to stand to their armes . handle your pikes . order to your open order . close charge with the but-end of your pike at the inside of your right foot , your pike in the left hand , drawing your sword over the left arme. charge to the right , left , reere . order your pikes , and put up your swords . note that these charges at the foot are to receive a desperate enemy on horse , upon a stand in some strait , or other place of advantage ▪ the muskettiers to give fire over the pikemens heads , or else-where , at the discretion of the commander . port your pikes . comport cheeke treile order charge to the front order as you were . right left reere   shoulder your pikes advance your pikes . port comport cheeke treile your pikes   advance as you were . charge to the front right left reere shoulder your pikes . port comport cheeke treile shoulder your pikes   shoulder as you were . charge to the front right left reere from comport , cheeke , or treile , the pikeman may at the discretion of the commander charge either to the front , reere , or both flanks , as shall be necessary or thought expedient . wherfore we shall not need to do it but once over , for the charges will be all alike , whether you comport from order , from advance , or shoulder . and so likewise for cheek and treile , &c. from comport charge to the front comport as you were . right left reere cheek your pikes .     from the cheek charge to the front cheek as you were . right left reere treile your pikes .     from the treile charge to the front treile as you were . right left reere order your pikes . lay down i shall undergo the censure of some , for that they will finde more postures of the pike here then formerly they knew of , and so by their conclusion more then there is any need of ; for now-a-dayes there are such that will limit discipline , to the verge of their owne knowledge , and whatsoever else they shall see either acted or written by others that is without the lists of their kenning , they will peremptorily conclude for superfluous and improper , howsoever i shall alwayes referre my selfe to the judgment of the more judicious . the charges of the pike are twofold either for defense or offence . charges underhand or over-hand ▪ but divers and different they are from their severall wayes and postures from which they are or may be done , although they are not all alwayes usefull , yet at sometimes they may be usefull , and therefore very requisite to be known to all such as either are , or at lest would be accounted for good souldiers . as i have set down the postures themselves both of musket and pike , so it were not much amisse , if that the motions of posture were likewise here exprest . but because they will take up too much time , & fill too much paper , and the subject it selfe not pleasing unto many ; i will spare my labour , and my booke the lines , rather suffering the censure of curtail'd brevity , then tedious prolixity . chap. iii. of the drum. ovr souldiers being sufficiently instructed in the postures of such armes as they carry , or are appointed to use : the next thing they are to learn , is the knowledge of the severall beats of the drum , which is as requisite to be learnt of the souldier , as any thing else in this way . for the drum is the voice of the commander , the spurre of the valiant , the heart of the coward , and by it they must receive their directions when the roring canon , the clashing of armes , the neighing of horses , and other confused noise causeth , that neither captaine nor other officer can be heard . wherefore it will be most necessary for him to learne these sixe severall beats , viz. a call. a troope . a march. a preparative . a battaile . a retreit . by a call , you must understand to prepare to heare-present proclamation , or else to repaire to your ensigne . by a troope understand to shoulder your muskets , to advance your pikes , to close your rankes and files to their order , and to troope along with ( or follow ) your officer to the place of randesvous or elsewhere . by a march you are to understand to take your open order in ranke , to shoulder both muskets and pikes , and to direct your march either quicker or slower , according to the beat of the drum. by a preparative you are to understand to close to your due distance , for skirmish both for ranke and file , and to make ready , that so you may execute upon the first command . by the battaile or charge , understand the continuation or pressing forward in order of battaile without lagging behind , rather boldly stepping forward into the place of him that fals dead , or wounded before thee . by a retreit understand an orderly retiring backward , either for reliefe , for advantage of ground , or for some other politicall end , as to draw the enemy into some ambushment , or such like . much more might be written concerning the drum , but this may suffice for the present . chap. iv. of rankes and files , their places and dignities . now that our souldiers are somewhat skilfull in managing of their armes , and no lesse capable of the severall beats of the drum , it is high time for them to know the difference between a ranke , and a file . wherefore know that a ranke is a row of men , sometimes more , sometimes fewer , standing , moving , or marching even a breast , or ( as some write ) pouldron to pouldron , or shoulder to shoulder . a file is a sequence of men , standing one behinde another , backe to belly in a straight line from front to reere , consisting sometimes of . . or . men . on some occasions the spaniards make them . deepe . but when any one would shew much variety of exercise , then . will be the more pliant and dividual number , yet for service in the field , where men are not altogether so expert ( as i could wish our country-men were ) . men is the fittest number , not onely for the cause aforesaid , but also because that . is the square root of a . and is a better number to draw companies into grosser bodies . and now i thinke it would not be much amisse if i should here insert the severall places of digninity and precedency in ranke , as also in file . wherfore because that files are first to be drawn forth , and that by adding or joyning of files together , rankes are made ; we will begin first with files . wherefore conceive their honour according to the figures or numbers hereunder placed , first in file , then of rank , lastly of both cōjoyned . it will not be of it selfe sufficient that i have both marked and figured the places and dignities to each particular man in his file and ranke , but it will be looked for of some , that i should backe my opinions either with sound and good reasons of mine owne , or at the least with the opinions of some others : as for such as have employed themselves upon this subject , they have been as divers in their judgements , as their number , each man having a fancie to his owne way . and if it were much materiall , i might have here demonstrated unto you the severall opinions of leo , robertellus , count mansfield , sir thomas kellie , and many others : whose workes being extant , i will spare the labour . but above all the rest that ever i read , captaine iohn bingham hath in my judgement best delivered himselfe in this particular : which although he have exprest by way of tetarchies and mirrarchies , yet the same may be understood as well by rankes and files . his words are these : * every tetarch is over foure files , in all which the commander that hath the right , hath the first place ; he that hath the point of the left , the second place ; he that standeth on the right hand next to him , the third place . the last place is his that standeth next to the commander of the right point on the left hand : he demonstrates it by way of figure thus . chap. v. reasons for precedency of dignity in rankes and files . i shall now endevour to give some reasons for these severall places of dignitie in ranke and file . and first for that geometricall proportion gives both life and being to orderly discipline , consider that all parts of the body ought to be answerable . wherefore seeing that the joyning of files and rankes produceth greater bodies ; it is necessary that a true proportion should be kept from the beginning : and that in drawing forth of files they observe to make the reere halfe files answerable in skill and worth to the front halfe file . and that the file-leaders , and halfe-rankes of the left flanke , should be equivalent in worth , skill , and valour to the right flanke , that the reere division hold like proportion with the front division , and that all parts of the body depiction of 'ranks and files' be ballanced with true proportion , so neere as the knowledge of the souldiers , and the number of the men will give you leave ; and that there may be correspondency in their worth , place , and dignity ▪ you may observe by adding the figures of number together , which are in the margent , where you shal finde that the dignity being added together of the front halfe file , makes the number of . and the worth of the reere division being in like manner added , makes the like number . so likewise shal you finde the dignity and worth of the file leaders of the left flanke , to paralell the worth of those on the right flanke by the same rule . if you will have it yet more cleere , observe that the file leader is the chiefe in his file , the bringer up the second , the halfe file leader the third , the last man of the front halfe file the fourth . now note that as the worth of the first precedes the second , so the worth of the third exceeds the fourth . now adde the first worth to the fourth worth , and that makes five . and the second worth to the third , and it makes the same number ; so that there is equalitie throughout the battell both in front , reere , and flankes : for it were unreasonable , that all the chiefe men should be on the right flanke , and all the worst on the left . for the left must be opposed to the enemies right . the file leader ought to be worthiest , because he hath the command of his file , and marcheth the first against his enemy . the bringer up ought to be the second , because his place of march is in the reere , and is in most danger , should the enemy charge on that part . the halfe file leader is the third in honour , because that when the halfe file is taken off upon any occasion , he is the leader ( unlesse they be commanded to face about ) the last man of the front halfe file is the fourth man in dignitie , for when the reere division is taken off , then he is the bringer up . the next man to the file-leader hath the fift place of honour , for that one doubling brings him into the front . the next man before the bringer-up hath the sixt place of honour , for that if the body be faced about , one doubling brings him into the front accidentall , or keeping the proper front by once doubling of rankes , he becomes bringer-up to his file-leader . the seventh place of honour is his that marcheth next after the halfe-file leader , for that when the halfe files double the front , or marcheth forth , then one doubling , ranks him even with the front. the eight and last place of honour , is his that is the third from the front , the file being but . deepe , which may also be made a file-leader , though with more trouble than the rest : for by counter-marching front and reere into the middest , and then facing to the former front , & after doubling of ranks , makes him likewise a file-leader . now as every mans dignitie is more or lesse in his file , so is all his ranke with him . wherefore this that hath already beene said , may suffice to demonstrate unto those which as yet are ignorant of the severall places of dignity , both in ranke and file . i might have enforced many other reasons concerning the dignity of number and place : but i have insisted longer upon this subject , then at first i intended , which makes me the more willing , though somewhat abruptly to breake from it , and come to shew the manner of joyning or drawing up of files into forme of battell . and therefore this may serve for all , the serjeant that hath order to place them , is to lead them up according to their worth and honour . as first the right hand file ; then the left hand file ; and so the other files successively within them according to their severall worths and places . as by the following figure you may more plainely perceive . if there be any that shall say these are nicities , and of no repute amongst souldiers , i dare say they have been well reputed of by good souldiers , no disparagement unto the fault-finders ( if there happen to be any such . ) as for the noble , worthy , and well-knowing souldiers , i am almost confident that out of their true-speaking judgements , they will eyther conclude that it is so used , or at the least that it ought so to be ; but if this can worke no effect with the — i leave every man freely to his owne judgement , desiring the judicious , alwaies to hold a favourable opinion of my well-meaning . chap. vi. of the severall distances . now that our souldiers have attained some small knowledge in the use of their armes ( me thinkes like some of our little-knowing souldiers of the trained bands ) they already begin to be ambitious of file-leaders places ; therefore that their owne weakenesses may light them to reade their owne follies , we will see how they will behave themselves in exercise amongst the companie . wherein the first thing we are to instruct them in , is their distances . but because it is held by some a matter disputable , whether distance be one of the motions or no : we will first declare what is distance . to which i answer , that indeed distance it selfe is no motion , but there is motion in producing such distance ; for distance is the space of ground between man and man , either in file or ranke , having relation onely to the place between each partie . all the rest of the motions having not onely relation to the one , but the other . wherefore not to spend more time in a matter so apparant , we will say that the discipline of a foot-companie consists chiefly in distance and motion . and therefore seeing that distance is the ground of motion , and that no motion can be performed without distance , wee will leave to discourse it , and fall to the matter it selfe , and shew how many sorts of distance is ordinarily used in our moderne discipline , which are these foure here under named , viz. close order , which is one foot and a halfe . order , both in three foot . open order , rank & sixe foot . double distāce , file twelve foot . it hath been the opinion of some ancient commanders , that the distance of ranke , was alwaies double the distance of file , although they went both under one and the same denomination . as that order in file was three foot , order in ranke sixe foot , open order in file sixe foot , open order in ranke twelve foot , and so of other distances . but the best received opinions hold them to be alike both in ranke and file . there is to be considered in distance these three especially , that is , distance for march. for motion . for skirmish . you are to observe , thatyour distance for march is to be three foot between file and file , and sixe foot between ranke and ranke ; distance for motion sixe foot both in ranke and file , distance for wheelings and skirmish three foot in ranke and file . onely if you were to receive a charge from the horse , it is necessary for your files of pite-men to be at close order . wherefore we will rehearse all the ordinary wayes for the opening , and closing both of files and rankes . but in the first place command them to even their rankes , and streighten their files , to be silent & attend to their words of command and direction , &c. rankes and files to your close order . files open to the right to your order . rankes open forward files open to the right to your open order . rankes open forward files open to the right to your double distance . rankes open forward files close to the right to your open order . rankes close forward files close to the right to your order . rankes close forward files close to the right to your close order . rankes close forward files open to the left to your order . rankes open backward files open to the left to your open order . rankes open backward files open to the left to your double distance . ranks open backwards files close to the left to your open order . ranks close backward files close to the left to your order . ranks close backward files close to the left to your close order . ranks close backward files open right and left to your order . ranks to the front & reere files open right and left to your open order . ranks to the front and reere files open right and left to your double distance . ranks to the front and reere files close right and left inward to your open order . ranks to the middest — note that when files open to the right , the left-hand file must stand fast , every file taking his distance from the file next his left hand : and when they open to the left , then the right hand file stands , every file taking his distance from the file next his right hand . obserue also that when ranks open forwards , then the last ranke stands , every ranke taking his distance from the ranke next behinde him : and when they open backwards , then the first ranke is to stand , every rank to take his distance from the ranke next before him . you are likewise to take notice in the action , that you are either to face to the right , or to the right about . note also that in closing of files , if it be to the right , then contrary to the opening , the right hand file stands ; the rest closing to the right , taking their distance from their next right hand file . if you close to the left , then the left hand file stands ; the rest of the files closing to the left , taking their distance in like manner . when files close to the right and left , then they close inward , taking their distance from the files within them , neerer to the middest of the bodie . also note , that when files are commanded to open to the right and left ( or by division ) it must be outward . if ranks close to front and reere , then the first and last ranke stand ; the others taking their distances from them . if they close ranks towards the center or midst , then they close towards their two middlemost ranks . it is not required that every captaine or other officer that shall exercise a company , shall use all these several openings , and closings which are here exprest , but rather that he shall make use of so many of them , as he shall thinke fit for his present occasion or exercise . although they all may be usefull at some time or other . i may spare examples , for it must needs be apparant to the meanest capacities . chap. vii . of marching the company in divisions at length , the order and places of the officers , and againe drawing them into forme of battell . now that our souldiers are somewhat expert in their distances , we will next draw them forth into a long march. wherefore note , that our files must be at order , and our ranks at open order : the muskettiers of the right flanke , are to make the van , and to march next after the captaine : the pikes are to make the battell , and to march after the ensigne , either in one or two divisions , according to their number . the muskettiers of the left flanke ( sometimes called the second division of muskets ) make the reere guard , which is led commonly by the second serjeant . how beit if there be but one division of pikes , then the eldest ( or chiefest ) serjeant leads the second division of muskettiers . if the company be but small , then it is best to make but two divisions , one of the muskettiers , another of the pikes ; for the placing of the rest of the officers , you may perceive by the figure in the margent ▪ wherefore note that m. stands for muskets , p. for pikes , d. for drummes , s. for serjeants , e. for ensigne , l. for lieutenant , and c. for captaine . note , if you have but three drummes , then let the drumme in the second division of pikes be wanting : if onely two , then upon a march , the first betweene the third and fourth ranke of the front division of muskettiers . the second betweene the third and fourth ranke of the second division of pikes . note that betweene each division in march , there ought to be . foot distance ; . foot betweene the officer , and . foot behinde him . chap. viii . of drawing the divisions up into a square . when you would bring your body againe into battalia , command your front division to make alt or stand ; then give order to your ensigne either by a serjeant , or by some signe to leade up the first division of pikes on the left of the first division of muskettiers , with his colours flying , and the pikes to continue shouldered , so long as the drumme beats a march. but if it beat a troope , then the pikes are to advance , and close their ranks forward to their order , and so the ensigne to troop them up with his colours fierld . the eldest serjeant is to leadeup the second division of pikes ; the second serjeant in like manner is to leade up the second or reere division of muskettiers ; each division still marching up to the left of that division next before it . the manner you may plainly see in the figure ; where the front division is marked in the reere with the letter a. the first division of pikes with the letter b. the second division of pikes with c. the second division of muskettiers hath in the reere the letter d. the other figure on the other leafe in form of a square shewes their standing , after the divisions are led up . all the file-leaders standing even in front together making one ranke . the discipline of the art militarie may rightly be divided into these five generall heads , ( viz. ) distance , facings , doublings , countermarches , and wheelings , which have beene not unaptly compared to the five vowels : for as without one or more of the vowels , no word can be spelled , so without one or more of these , neither forme , nor action can be performed . chap. ix . what is facing , and the use of the word , whether to be used or refused . before we come to shew the varietie of facings in the action , i thinke it will not be amisse to speake a word or two in the way of definition : and therefore what is facing ▪ to which i answer , that facing is a particular turning of the aspect from one part to another , whereby the front proper becomes a front accidentall : and a front accidentall , may be reduced to his proper front. there are some likewise that by no meanes will allow of the word face : concluding it altogether unnecessarie ; and no other word must be given , but , to the right , to the left , &c. yet i wonder that men will stumble at so small a straw , which cannot chuse but be better used than refused . for the word face is but one syllable , and quickly pronounced , and gives so cleare an expression of the intent of the commander that it concludes it necessary . as for example , should you command a company to double rankes to the right , and then command them as they were , and then say , to the left , it might puzzle a good souldier at the first , to discerne whether he should face or double : the like mistake might bee among countermarches : wherefore i conceive that none can justly taxe it for superfluous , seeing the easiest expression hath alwayes beene accounted for the best . yet spare me , for my intent is not to oversway any man in his opinion , but rather to deliver mine ; leaving all men freely to their owne likings . if my intent were to make a great booke with a little matter , i might then here insert figures for every particular facing , and their reducements to their first posture , which would take up divers sheets of paper , and to little purpose . for i suppose that every man that knows any thing , may easily conceive the idea of any ordinary facing in his minde . wherefore i will but shew one or two of the hardest . you are to note that in the motion of facings every man turnes on the center , or ball of the left foot , moving onely the right , the other being the keeper both of ranke and file . face to the right as you were . left right and left right about left about right and left inward right angle left foure angles the front halfe files standing , it will be requisite for the halfe files to the reere , to do as much by themselues : whereby , they will the more aptly perceive , how that the subdivision goeth under the denomination of the halfe files , &c. halfe files face to the right . as you were . left. right and left . right about . left right and left inward there is another word which is ordinarily used and proper , for reducements of facings , which is , to your leader . there is another facing sometimes used , which is , face to the center , and is when the body stands in some circular form , or else in an hollow square . there is also a facing , which causeth the body to face to the front , reere , and flanks , which some call , facing square . chap. x. of facing square , and how to performe it , the usefulnesse of facings , and the severall parts thereof . when we instruct our souldiers how to face square ( if the body be but . deepe ) command , the two first ranks stand fast , the two last ranks face about , the rest of the body face to the right and left . if the body be deeper we command more ranks to the front , and so likewise to the reere . it is very necessary for young souldiers to move . or . paces upon every motion of facings , whether they are entire , or divisionall . now i will pricke two severall figures of facing , which will be sufficient to demonstrate all the rest . the words of command , commonly used to produce this figure , are these as followeth . the two first ranks stand . the two last ranks face about . the rest of the body face to the right and left , ( then ) march all . to reduce them to their first order ▪ face all about to the right , march and close your divisions . face all to your leader ( who then stands at his front proper . ) facing square another way , & marching upon it . the words of command customarily used to produce this figure are these as followeth , muskettiers face to the right and left . halfe files of pikes face about to the right ( then ) march all . to reduce them to their former order , face all about to the right , march and close your divisions . face all to your leader . facings are so usefull and necessary , that you may as well dispense with any one of the grounds of discipline , as with them ; for they are usefull almost upon all occasions , and not onely sooner executed than any other of the motions , but may be needfull when wheelings and countermarches cannot be used , as in a strait . there are no more then foure facings intire , besides angular ; as for divisionall , there be divers , and indeed very necessary many of them be , as occasion may offer it selfe for their severall uses ; howsoever peremptorily to say , there be so many and no more , i conceive , hath beene concluded by none ; but it still rests at the discretion of the commander , to exercise more or fewer of them , as he best liketh , and the necessity requireth either for action or exercise . intire facings are so called when the aspect of the whole company are directed one way . divisionall facings are so called , when the aspect of the souldiers is at one & the same time directed divers and severall waies : as to the front and reere , the right and left , or to all foure at once , &c. angular facings are so called , when the aspect of the company is directed to the right corner man , which is the right angle , or to the left corner man , which is the left angle ; or to the foure corner men , which are the foure angles . angular facings were of great use among the ancients , for their figures called the diamond , the wedge , the sheeres , the saw , and such like , when they made use of such formes of battell . but for the use of them in our moderne discipline , i conceive there is little or none , onely thus , wee honour the memory of the ancients in their use . and some say they are very fit for exercise ; for that by their use the souldier is made more apt and perfect in the other . therefore let this suffice to be spoken concerning facings , and now be pleased to turne your aspect , and take a view how our young souldiers will behave themselves , in the performance of the doublings . chap. xi . of doublings , their use and parts . doublings are of most excellent and singular good use for the strengthening of any part of the battell , according to the occasion or discretion of the commander , and consists of these two generals , doublings of length , and doublings of depth , all times in quantity of number , sometimes both in number and place , both sorts having this restriction , to be doublings of rankes or flanks ; every particular doublings pointing at one of these , although there be sundry and divers waies for the doing of them , each of them being to very good purpose , for some consideration or other . doublings of ranks , from what forme soever it be done , doth make the number double so much as was before , and sometimes doth extend the length of the battell to double the proportion of ground , as well as well as number . doublings of files ( or flankes ) doe also double the number in depth , and sometimes becomes a doubling both of number and place . wherefore for the better understanding of the doublings , observe with me these sixe usuall waies following . the severall parts or branches of doublings . doublings of ranks . halfe-files . bringers-up . the reere . files . halfe-rankes . the first is the doubling of rankes , and is when every even ranke doubleth into the odde ; the second is , when the halfe-files double their ranks forwards into the front : the third , when the bringers-up double their ranks forwards into the front. the fourth when the front-halfe files doubleth the reere . these first foure being doublings of ranks , the length of the battell being by them extended either simply in number , or both in number and place . the next two are doublings of flanks : the first whereof is the ordinary doublings of files , every one of the even files being inserted into the odde files , accounting from the hand named . the next is the doubling of halfe-rankes , which is to be understood when one flanke doubleth the other , either by passing through , countermarch , doubling intire , or divisionall . you are to note in this motion of doubling , that as there is one part of the body stands , so the other part moves : the standing part is to be doubled , the part moving , are those that double , as you may perceive by the figures , which shew the manner of each doubling . that which next followes are the words of command , and direction for doublings with their severall reducements following next after them . the words of command for doublings . ranks to the right double .   left   rankes as you were . files to the right double .   left   files as you were . bringers up double your ranks forward to the right . bringers up face about to the left , march forth into your places . bringers up double your ranks forward to the left . bringers up face about to the right , march forth into your places . files to the right and left double outward , files as you were .   inward ,   halfe files double your rankes forward to the right . halfe files face about to the left , march forth into your places . halfe files double your ranks forward to the left . halfe files face about to the right , march forth into your places . front halfe files face about to the left and double the reere to the right , march forth into your places . front halfe files face about to the right and double the reere to the left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double the reere to the right by counter-march . front halfe-files face about to the left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double the reere to the left by counter-march . front halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-rankes to the right by counter-march , double your left flanke . halfe-rankes that doubled face to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-rankes to the left by counter-march , double your right flanke . halfe ▪ ranks that doubled face to the left , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the right , double your left flank . halfe-ranks that doubled , face to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the left , double your right flank . halfe-ranks that doubled face to the left , march forth into your right places . halfe-files double your front to the right intire . halfe-files face about to the left , march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front to the left intire . halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front inward intire . halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-files double your front by diuision . halfe-files face about to the right and left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reere by division . front halfe-files face about to the right and left inward , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reere to the right intire . front halfe-files face about to the left , march forth into your places . front halfe-files double your reer to the left intire . front halfe-files face about to the right , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the right , double your left flank intire to the right . halfe-rankes that doubled , face about to the left , march forth into your places . halfe-ranks of the left , double your right flanke intire to the left . halfe-ranks that doubled , face about to the right , march into your places . halfe-ranks of the right , double your left flanke by division . halfe-rankes that doubled , face about the right and left inward , march forth into your places . double your ranks to the right intire . ranks that doubled face to the left , march forth into your places . double your ranks to the left intire . ranks that doubled face to the right , march forth into your places . double your ranks by division . ranks that doubled , face to the right and left inward , march forth into your places . double your files to the right intire , advancing . files that doubled , face about to the left , march forth into your places . double your files to the left intire , advancing . files that doubled , face about to the right , march forth into your places . files double your depth intire to the right files that doubled , as you were . left files double your depth to the right , every man falling behinde his bringer-up . files that doubled , as you were . chap. xii . of inversion and conversion , and of doubling ranks . there is yet another doubling of the depth , which is called inversion . but because some out of their ignorance make little or no difference betwixt inversion and conversion . give me leave for the clearing of the doubt , to place conversion and inversion together , that by their contrary effects , the difference may be the more perspicuous to such as shall be desirous to know it . yet before i either enter upon figure , or command for inversion or conversion , i hold it necessary to shew some of the figures of those doublings , for which i have already given the words of command and reducements . and then next after them , i will place both the words of command , and the figures belonging to inversion and conversion . this figure next following , is a doubling of rankes to the right , where you may perceive how the even rankes are inserted into the odde rankes : the pricks denotating the places they stood in , before the doubling began , the little line or stroke drawne from the pricks , shewing the manner of the doubling : i thinke it would be needlesse to make another figure , to shew the doubling of rankes to the left ; for the meanest judgement may by this figure easily apprehend what the other would be . chap. xiii . of doublings of files . in this doubling of files , you may perceive , that each of the even files doubleth into the odde files , beginning from the hand named : as in this doubling of files to the left ; the left hand file stands fast , the second file doubleth into it , the fourth file into the third , and so for the rest . if your command be to double your files to the right , then contrariwise the right hand file stands fast , the rest of the even files doubling into the odde , accounting from the right , as before from the left . thus much may suffice for the doubling of files , onely take this by way of admonition ; that as in doubling of ranks any way , you are to observe your right hand leader : so in doubling of files , you are to observe your file-leader ; so that as neere as possibly may be , you may either in ranke or file , be altogether in one motion . if you please further to observe with me , that this doubling is a doubling of number , and not of place , the depth of the battell not being thereby extended , for further satisfaction observe this figure . files to the left , double . * files as you were . chap. xiv . of doublings by bringers-up . this doubling which next followeth , shall be a doubling by bringers-up , of which sort , one figure will be sufficient , which i hold most necessary to demonstrate in manner of motion ▪ the figure followeth . this doubling of ranks by bringers up , differeth from the other doubling of ranks , first done , both in quantity and quality . in quantity it differeth , in regard the other leaves a large distance betweene ranke and ranke , being double the distance they formerly stood at : this contrariwise continuing and preserving the same distance they formerly stood at betweene each ranke . in quality it also differeth , in regard that it brings the best and second sort of souldiers , together into the front. the manner of this doubling you may plainely perceive by the figure , where it is performed as followeth . the eight or last ranke , which are the bringers up , passe forwards even in ranke , through or betweene the intervales , to the right of them that stand before them , until they come even in ranke with the front ; the seventh rank following those which marched from behinde them , placing themselves in the second rank , the sixth in the third , the fifth ranke or halfe file in the fourth or reere of the front halfe file . this doubling maketh a very able front , in bringing all the best souldiers together . and although it hath diminished the number , in regard of the depth , yet it hath doubled the number in the length . this doubling is in quantity of number , not of ground . when you march into your places , remember this , that the rank which last tooke his place in the execution of this motion , must first march into his place in the way of reducement . for as they are led forth by their bringers up , contrariwise they are led off by their halfe file leaders . in the doubling of the front to the left by bringers up , it is the same , onely differing in this , that whereas before it was to the right , this is to the left. wherefore let this suffice for doublings , by bringers up . chap. xv. doublings of files outward and inward . the next doubling , is a doubling of files outward , which workes the same effect ; as to double files to the right and left . for the right flanke is to double to the right , the left flanke to the left . as you may plainely perceive by the following figure . this doubling of files to the right and left outward , strengthneth both the flanks at once ; by doubling their numbers in depth : but it weakneth the inward part , where it taketh two files cleane away , leaving a large interuale in the midst . some say it is good when a commander will grace any , to bring them through the center or midst of the battalia . but you must note , if you have an odde file you cannot so punctually performe it , as when the number of your files be even . the manner of the doubling , you may perceive by the figure ; the motion , by the little lines drawen from the pricks . the performance is as followeth . the outmost file of each flanke stands ; the second files double into them ; the third file from each flanke stands ; the fourth file double into the third ; the sixt into the fift , and so likewise for the rest . if you would double files to the right and left inward , it is to be done the contrary way : for whereas in this figure of doubling last performed ; the outmost files stand , the other doubling outward into them : contrarywise the two inmost files should stand , the rest doubling to them inward . and whereas in this there is a larger distance in the midst , then is in any other part ; the other part contra would bee closest in that part . some men doe not approove of either of these doublings . i leave every man to his owne choice . the practise of it makes perfection , and he that can doe much may doe lesse when he li●teth . chap. xvi . of doubling by halfe-files . the next doubling is a doubling by halfe-files , whereby the length of the battaile is extended to double the former proportion of number , the depth being extenuated both in number and place . this figure will demonstrate unto you the manner of the motion , which is as followeth . this doubling our rankes forward by our halfe-files , is a moriō generally approved of by all for serviceable , if it be done with conveniencie . it differeth from the other doubling by bringers up , in quality , not in quantity , ( for therein they keepe one proportion : ) in quality it differeth thus : the doubling by bringers up brought the best and second sort of souldiers together into the front ; the fourth and third sort into the reere : so that the reere was / worse then the front : this doubling by halfe-files brings the best and the third together into the front , and leaves the second and fourth in the reere : so that the front is made more able , then the reere , by ⅓ . it differeth likewise in motion thus ; for whereas in the other doubling , by bringers up , the motion was begun , by the last ranke ▪ every ranke following the ranke which came from behind him : this contrarywise is directly led foorth by the fift ranke from the front , ( if they be but eight deepe ) and so is executed more surely and suddenly ; the fift ranke passing into the first ; the sixth ranke into the second ; the seventh into the third , and so for the rest . for the reducement , when they are commanded to face about to the left , and march forth into their places ; then as the motion was led on by the halfe-file-leaders , so in the reducement , they are led off by the bringers up : doubling of halfe-files to the left produceth the same effect ; onely the contrary hand . chap. xvii . of doubling the reere by front halfe-files . the doubling of the reere by front halfe-files , is differing from the doubling last shewen , more in maner then matter ; both concurring in substance , although differing in circumstance . to say more of it , were more then needed ; only peruse the figure which presents it selfe unto you ( as it is in motion ) as followeth . this doubling of the reere , by the front halfe-files , is to bee performed after this manner . the command being first given , the front halfe-files face about to the left , ( the pikes being all aduanced , the muskets all either poysed or shouldred ) and so being led by the halfe-file-leaders to the reere , which are those that hold the fourth place of honour , they march directly forwards to the right of the other part of the body , which stood faced in opposition ; untill the leaders of the doubling have ranked , even in ranke with the bringers up , the rest ranking even with the other standing rankes , according to their places : if it be for service that this doubling is used , then the whole body is to face about to the reere , being the part to be doubled : if onely for exercise , then the commander may ( if he please ) keepe his place , and the doubling being performed , and the whole body faced to the leader , command for the reducement ; files to the right , double intire advancing ; every man falling before his leader ; which reduceth each man to his first place . chap. xviii . of doubling the reere by countermarch . there is another manner , of doubling of the reere , by the front halfe-files , contrary to that shewen in the precedent chapter , which is done by the way of the lacedemon countermarch ; which some would ranke amongst the countermarches . because ( say they ) the motion is a countermarch . but the act intended , or thing wrought , is a doubling ; and if it were , to have the denomination of a countermarch , then it ought not to mixe with any other part of the body , onely to countermarch the front into the midst , and there to stand , without passing forwards to the reere ; ( which makes it a doubling ) and then it might be accounted for a part-countermarch . but as it is here commanded , and performed , it is a doubling . obserue the figure following . this figure of doubling the reere by countermarch , produceth the same effect to the reere , as doubling the front by bringers up doth unto the front. the countermarch by which it is performed , is a countermarch of losse of ground , we will speake more of it amongst the countermarches . the command to reduce it is ( if the commander stand , at the head of that part that is doubled . ) front halfe-files , face about to the right , march forth into your places : if he keepe his first stand , having faced them to him ; then , front halfe-files , march forth into your places . to double the reere to the left , by countermarch , is the same , differing onely in the hand . i will next shew a doubling of the left flanke , by way of countermarch . chap. xix . of doubling flankes by way of countermarch . halfe-rankes ( or flankes ) are then said to be doubled , when the depth of your battalia , is increased to double , their former proportion ; of number , or place , or both : which may be done divers wayes . but this chàpter , and figure , is onely to demonstrate unto you , the doubling of the left flanke , by way of countermarch . the figure followeth : and stands as the doubling is in motion . this doubling of halfe-rankes by countermarch , is a doubling of number , not of place : for the depth still retaines , the same proportion ; onely augmented by one man , the length of your battalia , being diminished , both in number and place ; the right flanke being wholly inserted , into the left flanke , as you may perceive by the figure ; the motion is to be performed on this manner : the halfe-rankes of the right , face to the right , and then even in ranke together , countermarch betweene the intervales , untill the outmost file to the right , which is marked with the figure , be come into the outmost file of the left flanke , which is marked with the number : the second into the fifteenth ; the third into the foureteenth ; the fourth into the thirteenth : and the rest in like manner . the use of this doubling is , to strengthen one of the flankes , by bringing more hands , to doe present execution ; the other flanke being in more surety . the way for the reducement of this motion is , after this manner ; the halfe-ranks last doubled , being faced to the right , then they which were the last , which tooke their places in the motion , now are the first , which take their places in the reducement ; orderly marching in ranke together , untill they come to their places : then facing to their leader , they become files againe . the left flanke may in like manner , double the right by countermarch ; the difference is this : the right flanke stands , the left flanke is inserted into the right , as before the right was into the left. to shew another figure for it , would be altogether needlesse . chap. xx. doubling halfe files to the right intire to accomodate the doubling of halfe rankes . i should now come to shew another manner of doubling of flanks , by inserting the one flanke into the other , a different way from that last shewen . but if i should performe it , as the body stands , in the ordinary square , flanked with muskettiers : then it would produce a mixture of armes . to avoid which , before you enter upon this doubling , of passing in , through or betweene your halfe rankes ; cause your halfe files to double the front to the right intire , which being performed , you may then proceed to the doubling of your flanks , any way without mixture of armes . if i should have shewen this motion with pikes or muskettiers alone , this first doubling of halfe files intire , might have beene spared : but i desire not to leave any thing obscure or difficult , but to render it as easie and apparant as i may , to the capacity of the meanest reader : and if any place in this small treatise of mine shall seem ambiguous , i shall intreate the courteous to impute it to my lacke of language to expresse my selfe , rather than any will in me to conceale , or obnubilate the sense , whereby to deprive them of the true meaning of any thing in this booke contained . but left by doubling of words , i prove tardy in my worke ; i will forbeare further circumstance , and come to the prosecution of the matter : which in the first place , will be a doubling of halfe files to the right intire , whereby the next doubling may be the more commodiously accomplished . the figure followeth . this doubling of halfe files to the right intire , i have fully exprest in the figure , as the body stands , the motion being ended : because we are to adde another doubling , before wee reduce them . this figure next following , will be best shewen in the motion or action , not fully performed : that thereby the manner may be the more easily discerned . but by the way observe , that this doubling of halfe files , is a doubling both of number and place ; for the length of the battalia is not only double so many a breast as they were before , but they also have extended ther length to double their proportion of ground , which formerly they did occupie . i forbeare to speake more of this doubling , untill we come to shew it in motion : and now proceed to the next doubling upon this . the command is as followeth . this doubling of halfe rankes is a more speedy and sure doubling , then the doubling of halfe ranks by countermarch , but is most commonly used when the body consists but of one sort of armes , being either all muskettiers , or all pikes . but because in my figures i have as well muskettiers as pikes , i have made use of a doubling intire , and from that have doubled my left flanke , to prevent the mixture of armes : however mixture of armes upon some occasion may be necessary . the manner to performe the motion , is this . the left flanke stands , the halfe ranks of the right , face to the left ; and then the inmost file of the right flanke , ( all the files of the right flanke , being by this facing become ranks ) is the leader of this motion , marching forth right to their left hands , between the intervales of the rankes of the left flank , untill that the sixteenth file which now is become a ranke , have placed themselves orderly in the two and thirtieth file , ( which is the outmost file of the left flanke . ) the fifteenth in the one and thirtieth , the fourteenth in the thirtieth : the thirteenth in the nine and twentieth ; and so likewise of all the rest . the places may be perceived by the figure . the doubling is of number , and not of place . for reducement to both these doublings , first cause the halfe rankes which last doubled , to face to the right , and so to march into their places . they that last tooke their places in the motion , are the first that take their places in the reducement . the doubling of halfe ranks being thus reduced , next for the reducing of the halfe files , ( which were doubled before , for the accomodating of the doubling of halfe-ranks ) command the halfe files to face about to the left , and to march forth into their places : wherewith i will conclude these sort of doublings , which require open order in ranke and file , and come next to shew intire doublings , which claime a closer distance for their true performance . and therfore conceive them closed to their order , both in ranke and file . chap. xxi . the difference betweene intire and divisionall doublings , and of doubling halfe-files intire . having closed our souldiers to their due distance , i will next proceed , to shew doublings intire . but me thinkes , i heare some already inquiring , what is meant , by intire doublings ; and therefore without offence to the curious , give me leave to be so courteous ( to the ignorant ) to tell them , that all doublings , are either intire or divisionall . intire doublings being these , or such like , as when the files or halfe-files , rankes , or halfe-rankes , ( according as the command may be ) doe march forth joyntly together , without division or dissipation , to double the part commanded . particle and divisionall doublings being such , as i have formerly shewn ; as when the files or halfe-files , rankes or halfe-rankes , are disranked and divided into more parts or places than one . this may serve for way of distinction : i will now shew intire doublings , as they are in action : and first beginne with doubling halfe-files . the figure followeth . this doubling of halfe-files intire , hath beene held a better doubling ; then either the ordinary doubling of ranks , or the usuall way of doubling by halfe-files or bringers up : some of the causes are these . first it makes no disturbance to the other part of the battalia ; but that it may either be executed in time of motion , exercise , or skirmish . secondly , it appeares another solid body , to the great disheartening of any enemy . thirdly , it is very apt for over-fronting ; being a doubling both of number and place . the way to performe the motion , is this . the halfe-files face to the left , and march till they are quite cleere of that part of the body , which stands ; then they face to their leader , and so march up , untill they are become even in ranke with those which stand upon the right flanke : and then the figure will be perfect . for the reducement ; the word of command is , halfe files face about to the right , march forth into your places : having faced about , they march straight forth , untill they be cleere of the front halfe-files ; then they face to the left , and march straight forth , untill every man hath his right place , and then face right after their leaders . the doubling of halfe-files to the right intire , is performed after the same manner , onely differing in the hand . chap. xxii . of doubling the front inward intire . doubling of the front inward intire , hath beene a doubling as usefull , as ancient : notwithstanding , most commonly used by greater bodies , as when one regiment , division , or maniple , moveth forward , betweene two others , thereby seconding or relieving them : whereby the front of all the three divisions become ranged in an even line ; but i have onely taken upon me , to shew the motion , in a private company . the figure whereof followeth , as it is in the execution . it hath beene the custome amongst ancient souldiers and great commanders , that in the matter of exercise , they shew some things which are most apt for a private company ; some for a regiment ; other some most usefull for compleat arms ; so in like manner , it must be the discretion of every reader , ( whether hereade for apprehension or reprehension ) to suit and fit each motion to his true end & purpose , & with the wise man , rather reade twise , than judge once : and then perhaps , when the intent of the author is perceived , his opinions may be received ; yet what need i , or any other apologize ought , in the behalfe of this figure , or any other such like : sith they are but the expressions of the various figures which proceed of the words of command , used almost by every ordinary exerciser of a foot company ? neverthelesse if aesops long ear'd beast passing by , should peepe into this druggists shop , and quarrell with the compounds , i shall not studie for a further answer , then that the excellent and skilfull physitian , can convert that into an antidote , which the unlearned foole will make his poyson . but lest i be taxt for digression , the motion of this doubling is thus performed . the halfe files of the front , faceth to the right and left ; and march till they have left a distance between them sufficient to receive the halfe files of the reere , and then stand and face to their leader . then the halfe files march up , and even their front. for the reducement of this figure , there are ( as there are for all the rest ) divers waies . but because that it is necessary to shew one , let the halfe files face about to the reere , and march untill they are cleere of the front halfe files , then stand and face to their leader ; then the other halfe files of the front , close their division , and they are reduced . chap. xxiii . of hale-files , doubling the front by division . this doubling hath beene very well approved of by count mansfield , sir thomas kelly , captaine bingham , and divers other souldiers of good esteeme , who preferre these sorts of doublings before any other : because these doublings may be used in time of fight , without disturbance to the other part of the battell . the figure stands as it is in motion . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth : the halfe-files are to face to the right and left , and to march , untill rhey are cleere of the reere part of the front division ; then they face to their leader , and march up , untill they be come even in ranke , with the front , and so stand : which perfects this doubling . the way to reduce them is , as followeth . the halfe-files are to face about to the reere , and to march forth-right untill they are cleere of the front halfe-files ; and then they are to face to the right and left inward ; and so to march and close their division ; then being faced to their leader , they are reduced , as at first . chap. xxiv . of doubling the reere , by division . this next doubling , shall be a doubling of the reere by the front halfe-files , which will worke the same effect to the reere , as the last doubling , by division , did to the front. it may be usefull in the passing of a river , when the enemy chargeth or persueth in the reere . the front-division either opening , as you may perceive by the figure ( next following ) and suffering the reere halfe-files to passe through them , they maintaining the skirmish , untill the other have attained the further banke of the river ; or else the front-halfe-files , being opened to the right and left , and faced upon the enemy ; march gallantly vp , and receive the charge , whilest the others provide for themselves . this motion may also be usefull , when you have gained some place of aduantage , for then by this doubling of the reere , your battaile will bee both lengthened and strengthened ; and so by the suddaine bringing of these supplies into the reere you may not onely relieve your owne , but happily overfront your enemy . the figure followeth ▪ for the manner or way of this motion , it may be thus performed : the front halfe-files face to the right , and left , and march untill they are cleere of the other halfe-files of the reere ; then they face to the reere , and march on , untill they have attained to bee even in ranke with them , whom they had command to double ; which perfects the doubling . the way to reduce them , is as followeth : if you keepe your place of the first front , then let your halfe-files ▪ face about , ( according to former directions , ) and march untill they are cleere of the reere halfe-files , which stand ; then face to the right and left inward , and close their divisions ; and being eaced all to their leader , they are reduced . sundry , and divers ways there are , for reducement both of this and most other figures . neuerthelesse i conceive , if i give one reducement to each figure , it may suffice to those that know little ; as for such which know better , they know more wayes to the wood then one : and surely , should i inlarge my selfe , but halfe so much as i might , ( and indeed in some things , no more then were needfull ) i should then bring my volume into too great a bulke , and by the price , hinder some of the profit : but i am willingly silent in some things , whereby others may be the better encouraged by my weaknesses , to take notice of their owne worths , which may induce them to put pen to paper , and thereby produce some worthy worke , which may tend to their credits , and their countreys good . chap. xxv . of doubling the reere intire , by the front-halfe-files . this next doubling , shall be a doubling of the reere to the right intire , by the eront halfe-files ; which i intend not fully to expresse : but to deliver the figure as the body stands in motion . for i conceive it better to shew some figures in the manner of the motion , then to shew them as they would appeare . the motion being perfected for the way of the working , gives a great deale more light to the learner , then to shew the thing absolutely wrought . neither would i have any thinke , although i shew these varieties of doublings , and acknowledge them to be of singular good use for the extension of the length or depth of any battaile ; but that the wise conduct and skill of the commander must so order them , that the extending of the length , doe not too much weaken the depth ; nor that the strengthening of the depth , be not too great a weakening to the front or length of your battaile . i might give examples how divers great cōmanders , either by good foresight , or ill oversight , have gained to themselues and their countreys , honor and victory , or losse and slavery . but others have beene very plentifull in examples of this nature , which makes me the more sparing : for my intent is not to write a history of the actions of others ; but rather to shew to such as are not so skilfull , the bostures , motions , and some few formes or figures of battaile , with their severall reducements . the figure of this present doubling followeth . the manner of this motion ( or doubling ) is thus to be performed . the front-halfe-files , face to the left , and march untill they are cleere of the reere-halfe-files : then face againe to the left ( which is the reere ) and march outright , untill they ranke even with the last ranke of the reere-division ; which gives conclusion to the doubling . for the reducement . let your front-halfe-files , face about to the left , and march right foorth untill they 〈…〉 cleere of the reere-halfe-files : then face them to the right , and let them march into their places . then if the commander goe to his first front , and face them all to him ; they are reduced as at first . to double the reere to the left intire , may be done after the same manner : onely differing in the hand . chap. xxvi . of doublings by halfe-rankes intire . having shewed the particle doublings and the doublings of front and reere intire , and by division ▪ i will next shew the doublings of flankes after the same manner , and will first begin with a doubling of the left flanke , by advancing the right flanke , and placing it before the leaders of the left flanke ▪ which is a doubling both of number and place , and may serve to singular good use for the strengthening of any flank , where it may be needfull : for it makes the battaile defensible on every part . the figure , as it is in motion followeth . if you would have 〈…〉 muskettiers , to double even with the muskettiers of the contrary flanke . then it is no more but thus ; cause the halfe ranks of the right flanke , to march forth-right ( as you may perceive by the figure ) untill the reere ranke of the right flanke be advanced about three foot before the front of the left flanke , and then cause that flanke so advanced , to countermarch their rankes to the right . and then also your muskettiers will be together , and the pikes likewise by themselves . the reducement wil be after the same manner . but for instruction for the motion , by this figure intended according to the command formerly given . the left flanke , stands ; the right flanke marcheth forth right , untill the reere of the right flanke be advanced before the front of the left flanke ▪ as a foresaid ▪ then face them to the left ; and cause them to march , untill the pikes are even in ranke with the muskettiers , which perfects the doubling . for the reducement : let the halfe rankes that doubled , face about to the left ▪ and march , until they are cleere of the left flanke ( or standing part of the battaile ) then cause them to face to the right ; and to march strait downe into their places . then the leader being at his first from faceth them all to him , which reduceth them as at first . the right flanke may also double the left flanke ▪ to the left intire : and then as the right flank in this doubling , came crosse the front of the left ▪ contrariwise they will come crosse the reere . the left flanke may double the right flanke intire ; to gether hand in like manner . but by this that hath already been shown ▪ the others may be understood . wherefore i spare the figures . chap. xxvii . of doubling of flankes , by division . this next doubling , is a doubling of flanks by division , and without question , a serviceable doubling , and very usefull , for some occasions : for if you note the figure ; and conceive rightly ; what it will produce ▪ ( the motion being ended ) it makes a strong forme of battaile , to give fire three severall wayes at once . the figure followeth . the motion of this doubling , is thus to , be performed . the reere-half-files of the left flanke , face about to the right : and then both the front , half-files , and reere-half-files , march forth-right ; untill they are cleere of that part of the body , that stands : then each division , faceth that way , which they are to double , ( which the front half-files must doe to the right , the reere half-files , to the left . ) and so march forth-right , untill the doubling be performed . for the reducement ; you are to conceive , it may bee diversly performed : if the leader , be at the right flanke , ( which is the part that was doubled . ) then , the reducement is , as followeth : the half-rankes that doubled , face about , inward ; and march forth-right untill they are cleere of the right flank , which stands ; then , the front half-files , face to the left : the reere-half-files to the right , and then close their division . the leader going to his first front , and facing the whole body to him , they are reduced as at first ▪ if that the right flanke , would double the left flanke , by division ; the matter is the same : differing onely in the hand . chap. xxviii . of doubling rankes intire . doubling of ranks to the right intire , is a doubling , both of number , and place : and in some sort , worketh the same effect ; as the doubling of half-●les to the right intire . but differeth first in regard of the partias ; which are the doublers , and secondly , in the distance , left after the doubling . for the first , ( which is matter of dignitie . ) the fift and first in honour , are ranked together in the front ; the second , and sixt in dignity , make the last ranke in the reere : so that the front , precedes . the reere , ¼ in worth : whereas , in the doubling by half-files , the front exceeded the reere , by ⅓ : secondly , it differeth for the distance ; by leaving open order , at the left , betweene all the ranks . for further satisfaction , observe this figure following . the motion of this doubling , ought to be performed , as followeth , namely , if the doubling be to the right , as is above expressed by this figure : every even ranke , faceth to the right . the right hand man of each ranke , becomming the leader of his ranke file-wise : leading them forth , and in their march or moving forwards , a little bending to the left : that when the left hand man of each ranke , ( which are the bringers-up of the motion ) are cleere of the standing part of the body , by onely facing to the front , they may stand even in ranke , with the rest of the company . for reducement of this doubling : it may be as followeth . command the ranks that doubled , to face to the left ; and march forth-right into their places . or for variety , command halfe-ranks of the right , to face to the left , and double the left flanke . both which , as the company now stand , worke one and the same effect . the left hand men of each ranke , being the leaders of the motion , in the reducement . to double rankes to the left intire ; is to be done after the same manner ; onely observing the difference of the hand . this doubling , may also be done by division . but i spare the figures . chap. xxix . of doubling files intire , advancing . doubling of files to the right intire , advancing , is ( also ) a doubling both of number and place : for it increaseth the depth , to double their former proportion : of number , as from eight , to sixteene ; from ten to twenty , &c. it also gaineth so much more ground before the front , as formerly the battell did containe : by transferring the even files of the body , into the ground , before the front of the odde files : but this doubling , diminisheth the number of the length of your battell , although it preserves their place . i spare to speake further of it , onely thus . let the antiquity of this doubling , plead for it's excellencie , and if that may hold for a rule , then this may be ranked amongst the best . for further directions , observe the following figure . the motion of this doubling , ought to be performed after this manner . the odde files are to stand , beginning your account from the outmost sile , to the hand named . the musketticrs , and pikes , of the even files , are to advance their armes , and follow their file-leaders ; every file-leader leading his file forth right ; before his next file to the right , untill the bringers up of the even files are orderly placed , before the leaders of the odde files : as you may perceive by the figure . for reducement : let the files that doubled , face about to the left : the bringers up of each file leading them forth , right downe the intervales , which are on the left hand ; untill they are come even , with the reere : and then stand , and face to their leader , and they are reduced , as at first . the doubling of files to the left intire , advancing ; is after the same manner : it onely ▪ differeth in the hand : wherefore i spare the figure . they that love to be curious , may likewise double files , by division , advancing . chap. xxx . of files , doubling their depth . this next doubling , is a doubling of the depth , to the right intire : and is likewise , a doubling of files , as the other last , shewen in the precedent chapter . being alike , both for number and place : notwithstanding , it differeth from the other , both in manner of executing , and in some sort of the matter executed . for whereas the other doubling , by advancing of files , did transferre all the even-files into the ground before the front. contrariwise , this doubling doth transferre them into the ground next behind the reer . and as in the other doubling , you may perceive halfe the file-leaders , to remaine in the front ; the other halfe to be halfe-file leaders . this doubling , hath halfe the file-leaders in the front : the other halfe being the last ranke , of the reere . those which were the former bringers up , being become the two innermost , or middlemost ranks . the figure followeth , being demonstrated as the body stands ; the motion being ended . depiction of 'files doubling their depth' the manner of the motion for this doubling ; is as followeth . the command being given ; files , double your depth to the right intire : every man falling behinde his bringer up : then the even files ( accounting from the hand named immediately face about to the right , and the bringers up of each of the even files , turne behinde the bringers up of the odde files , that stand . and so every man , as he commeth down to the reere , turneth to the left behinde him , that marcheth downe the next before him ; untill those that were the leaders of the even files , are become the bringers up to those which were the odde files . the reducement is as followeth . bringers up that now are , double your ranks forward to the left . which being performed , they are , as at the first . if you would be instructed in the manner , turne backe and see it : where the bringers up double their ranks forward , into the front . it is the fourteenth chapter . i have willingly past over another doubling of the depth , because it is much after the manner of that , which is done by advancing file upon file ; which is the doubling of the last chapter . it differeth onely thus . in the last figure , the even files marched forth ; placing themselves before the odde files . and in this which i have omitted , the even files are to face about , and march forth right towards the reere ; untill the file-leaders of the even files , have placed themselves , just behinde the bringers up of the odde files : and then every man to face to his leader . some have a doubling of the depth by countermarch . which i conceive scarce worth penning , yet willing to leave every man to his owne liking ; & as i do nothing in it , so i 'le say nothing of it . there are others that have written concerning doublings of place , nevertheles because they are nothing , but the opening of ranks & files , wherby length or depth of your battell is extended , and so doubled in place , and not in number . i forbeare to write further of them , desiring not to treate of such things , which are more curious then necessary . chap. xxxi . of conversion and inversion , with their words of command , and reducements . according to my promise , i will next shew the difference , betweene inversion and conversion : the very names whereof is such a puzzling unto many , that they are more troubled with the words , then the worke . some are of opinion , that they are both one ; differing in letter not in matter . others would have a difference , if they could tell how , or where . but generally , they are so chopt and changed , one for the other ; that the souldier cannot in truth tell which is either . but that you may not be deceived , take this for a rule : that inversion doth alwaies produce , file , or files ; and conversion , ranke , or rankes . inversion consists of the files filing , or of rankes filing . conversion of ranks ranking , to the right or left . or by increase of files , ranking by even , or uneven parts : and of ranks wheeling , to the right or left . i shall speake further of them in their severall places . but by the way , you are to observe , that inversion and conversion , require larger distances of ground , then any other motions ; which must be , the officers care , to open the ranks , or files , to such distance as shall be necessary , to containe the rankes or files , so to be inverted or converted , whether it be double-distance , or twice double-distance for any other lesser , or larger quantity of ground . the words of command , with their severall reducements , are as followeth . inversion . files , file one , to the right , file-leaders , lead up your files as you were , left , files , file to the right and left by division . ranks , file to the right , files , ranke as you were . left , right & left . conversion . ranks , ranke , , , or , to the right ranks , ranke as you were . , , , or , to the left by increase . . . . &c. to the right by increase . . . . &c. to the left intire to the right into the front intire into the left into the front by division into the front ranks , wheele to the right left right and left files , rank , , , or . to the right ranks , file as you were . , , , or . to the left by increase to the right , , , , , &c. by increase to the left , , , , , &c. to the right into the front . to the left to avoid the words of inversion , and conversion , i have delivered the directions , with once naming either of them . onely i have exprest the six first words of command , to be inversion , and these last sixteen , to be conversion . for i conceive it ; not to be so necessary , to adde to every word of command , inversion , or conversion . for by so doing , the unlearned , and ignorant souldier will be so transported , with the strangnesse of the word ; that he will scarce , by any meanes be made , capable of the matter : for my own part , i have ever held this opinion : that the easiest expressions , are ever to be preferred in the way of instruction , to young souldiers . i might have much inlarged my self , in the words of direction , concerning this subject : but these being perfectly attained ; others by practice , wil be gained . i at the first intēded , to have drawn figure , for every one of these words , of command : but i have better considered , that some of them will require , so much roome : and againe are so easie to be understood without their figures ; that i conceive , i may both spare the pains , and cost ; and onely deliver the figures of some few of them , which will be the most necessary . and for the others i will expresse in words , what they will produce , in figure . chap. xxxii . of files , filing in sequence . the command is , files , file on to the right . to performe this word of command , or direction . the right hand file , marcheth away single ; the second file from the right , falleth into the reere of the first . the third , behind the second ; the fourth , behind the third . and so consequently , all the rest of the files ; fall into the reere of their next right-hand-files , untill all the whole company , become one file . it may bee usefull , to passe some narrow bridge , or thicket , or else-where ; where but one , at once can passe : the commander being willing , to preserve his files , intire ▪ and whole . the way for the reducement , may be after this manner . the place being convenient , every file-leader , is to lead up his file , to the left of him , that marcheth before him ; untill all the file-leaders , are even in ranke together : their files orderly following them . the word for the reducement ; is , file-leaders , lead up your files as you were : for files , to file on in sequence , to the left ; may be performed , after the same manner : but differeth in the hand . yet works the same effect ; only , the right-hand-file-leader , led the other : and the elft-hand-file , fell last of all into the reere . this , contrariwise ' , is led forth by the left-hand-file : and the right-hand-file , is the last , that taketh place , in the reere of the extended file . files , file to the right and left by division . this files filing by division ; is wrought after the same manner : but differeth in this ; that the right-hand-file of the company , and the left-hand-file of the same , begin to lead forth at one , and the same time in their severall places . the files of the right flanke falling likewise , behind the right-hand-file : the files of the left flanke , falling in like manner , behind the left-hand-file . so , that if the body be flankt with muskettiers ; then this filing by division , bringeth all the muskettiers into the front-division : and the pikes in the reere of them . if there be an odde file , it most commonly falleth to the right . the word for reducement is ; file-leaders lead up your files as you were . this sort of inversion , is called filing in sequence . i will now shew another sort of inversion , which is by ranks filing . the which i will demonstrate unto you , by two figures , which will be sufficient , to instruct the desirous . chap. xxxiii . of inverting rankes ; or rankes filing . this following figure of inversion , is of ranks , filing to the right ; where all the ranks are to be inverted , into the out-most-file to the right ; for the doing whereof , let all your files , be closed to their order , or close order ; as shall bee thought most necessary : the ranks opened , either forward , or backward , to double-distāce , or twice double-distance , ( more or lesse ) as the commander shall see most convenient , according to his number . having closed your files , and opened your ranks , unto their due distance ; then , let every ranke , move after his right-hand-man , untill every ranke stand right in file , after the right-hand-leader of his rank . in this figure , i have onely opened the foure first ranks to their distance , and inverted but two of the foure . by which it may easily be perceived , both the manner of the worke , and the matter which is to be wrought . but if the commander will performe it upon a march ; then they shall not need to open to any distance , but to take their distance , in the executions which is the easiest way , and will be thus performed . the right-hand-man of the first ranke , marcheth forth right ; all his ranke facing to the right , and marching file-wise after him . the right-hand-man , of the second ranke , falling immediately after the left hand-man of the first ranke , all his ranke in like manner following of him . the right-hand-man of the third ranke , after the left-hand-man of the second ; his ranke likewise following of him . and so for all the rest , untill they are all become one file . place this figure in chapter . betweene folio , and . this rankes fileing , is sooner performed , and reduced ; then files fileing : and in the reducement will presently be ready to make resistance , against any opposition in the front. whereas if files , file ; it will be a great while before the file-leaders will be able to make good the front : the manner of the reducement of this figure , is as followeth . if they were eight men , before in ranke , then the first eight men , ranke to the left , into the front . the next eight men , ranke next after them , which makes the second ranke . the third eight men , ranking to the left , make the third ranke . and so forward for the rest , untill they are reduced , as at the first . but it may be , that some will object ; that in this figure , there is mixture of armes ; which if they will avoyd , they may either march forwards their muskettiers of each division , and close them before the pikes ; and invert them first . or they may march forwards their pikes first , and leave their muskettiers to come in the reere . or if they please , they may upon a long march , first invert the front-division of muskettiers : then their pikes , and last the reere-division of muskettiers ; which way so ever it be done . the word for the reducement will be , files , ranke as you were . rankes , file to the left , is performed after the same manner . it differeth from this last done , but onely in the hand . and whereas the right-hand-file-leader , was the leader of the last , this would be led by the left-hand-file-leader : the left-hand-leader of each ranke , leading forth his ranke file-wise , as before it was performed ; but to the contrary hand . i spare the figure , chap. xxxiiii . of rankes filing by division : and how vsefull . this next figure of inversion , is rankes filing by division is a doubling of the depth , by unequall proportion . for whereas in most of all other doublings , the number of the length , or depth is augmented , but to double their former proportion of number : this doubling of inversion , makes their depth so many times more in number , as there are files to double . or halfe so many times , if it be done by division , as in the next following figure . it hath beene , of ancient use , amongst the old grecians : and in these our latter times , it hath beene held of speciall use , to avoyd the shot of the great ordnance , when of necessity we are to march against any battery . it hath also been held good , to prevent the eminent danger of some great shower of small shot , likely to be powred out upon the front of your battalia . it may also serue for an honourable passage , large interualle , street , or gallery , ( as some call it ) for any great personage , or commander to passe through . it is also of common use , for the lodging of the colours , or ensigne . and many other such like . place this figure in chapter . betweene folio , and . for instruction how to performe this motion , it is the same with the last figure ; differing onely in this ; that as in the other figure , all the whole rankes turned to the right , behind their right-hand-men : in this motion , the left-flanke , ( or halfe-rankes to the left ) fall into the outmost file to the left : the halfe-rankes to the right , behind their severall right-hand-men : as you may perceive in part by the figure . i have shewen the figure , in the manner of the action , not fully performed : the pricks ranke-wise , denoting the places , from whence they came : the quarter-circles , shewing the way of the motion : the prickes file-wise , directing , or shewing their places they are going too . for reducement to the figure : it is no more then this . the rankes which before inverted into files , now againe convert into rankes , as they were . the word of command for it , is , files , ranke to the right and left inward , as you were . i hope , this that hath already been shewen , will be sufficient , ( at least in some small measure ) to give satisfaction to those , which as yet have not knowne what is meant by inversion . yet i could wish , that such as exercise the companies of the trained-bands of this kingdome ; would rather make use of the plainer word of demonstration ; which is , rankes , file , or files , file : and leave out the word inversion , as a word not sutable with the capacity of divers of our souldiers of the trained-bands . especially of this city , where porters , colliars , water-bearers , and broomemen , are thrust into the roomes of men , of better quality , as though they themselves were too good , to doe the king and country service . chap. xxxv . of the severall parts of conversion : and how they-are to be understood . the next branch of discipline which i offer to your view , shall be of conversion : and of its severall parts : wherein if there be any that thinke me tedious ; let them turne it over , and settle on some other part , which may be to them more delectable : whilest i , in the meane time , shall endeavour to give content to all , neither stuffing out my booke with needlesse discourses ; nor yet too much abbreviating the matter , whereby to render it too obscure unto the commonest capacity . wherefore take their parts as they hereafter follow . conversion consists of these parts , viz. of ranks ranking in equall parts in unequall parts intire into the front by division into the front by wheeling to the flanks files ranking by equall parts by unequall parts intire into the front. first of ranks ranking , in even or equall parts . which is to be understood , when there are twelve , or twenty , ( more or lesse ) marching abreast , and the commander ( either for the narrownesle of a passage , or for some other intent ) causeth his rankes to ranke three or sixe abreast , or five , ten , or any other number , either according to the place , or occasion ; every ranke holding equality of number . secondly , rankes then ranke by unequall parts : when they ranke by increase or decrease . as when the first ranke shall be three , the next five , then seven , nine , &c. which is commonly used , for the making of diamond , and triangular figures . thirdly , ranks then ranke intire , into the front : when the first ranke stands : the second ranke placeth it selfe on the right or left of the first : the third by the second , the fourth by the third , and so forward for all the rest , untill all the rankes , ( either to the right or left ) according to direction are become one ranke in the front . fourthly , rankes then ranke by division into the front , when the second ranke , and all the rest of the rankes behinde , open to the right and left : the one part going to the right , the other to the left ; ranking even with the first , as before , and all together making one ranke . fiftly , ranks , then ranke to the flanke or flankes ; when either the right hand man of each ranke , or the left hand man ( or both together ) are as it were the hindge of the motion , the rest of each ranke wheeling about them , to the right or left , or each hand by division ▪ untill that every ranke be brought into the distance which was before the ranke ; betweene the right hand-man , of the ranke next before , and the right hand-man of the same ranke you stand in . if it be to the left , then they wheele into the distance between the left-hand-leaders of each ranke . if it be by division , then halfe the ranke wheeleth to the right : the other halfe to the left , and produceth two rankes . sixthly , files , then rankes by equall parts : when they rank three , foure , or five , abrest ( more or lesse ) still keeping the number of men in ranke , of due proportion . if you ranke three abrest ( either to the right or left ) and your files be but eight deepe ; then the first sixe men make two rankes , the third ranke must be made up by the leader of the second file . and so for all the rest . if you ranke foure , and the files be eight deepe , then every file makes two rankes . if you ranke five , the files being deep , then the first five men make a ranke : and the first two men of the second file from the hand named , make up the second ranke . five of the other sixe , make up the third ranke . and so forward for the rest . if the depth of the file were ten men , then it would make two even rankes . seventhly , files then ranke by unequall parts : when they either ranke by progressionall increase , or by decrease . as when every ranke exceeds the ranke before it , by two ▪ three , or foure , be it more or lesse . or else that each ranke decreaseth , after the same manner . eightly , files then ranke intire into the front ; when there is so much distance betweene file and file , as will containe each file , ranke-wise : every man in the file marching forwards to the right or left , as shall be commanded , untill he stand even in ranke , with the leader of his file , which brings the body into one ranke . chap. xxxvi . of rankes wheeling by conversion . if i would strive to bee curious , i should need no other subject to lengthen my discourse , but onely this , of inversion and conversion , which of it selfe would yeeld matter sufficient to make a booke of . but i have taken a large taske . and therefore like the artists in geography , who sometimes by a spot , present a town , and by a wrinckled line , a large river : so must i crave of the favourable reader , that in this small treatise of discipline , he will not expect that i should inlarge my selfe so amply , as i might , upon every part . for then my booke would grow beyond his bounds , and i beyond my promise ; but lest i be taxed for digression , this that hath already beene shewne , may suffice for conversion . but because it may be expected , that i should shew conversion in figure , as well as the other motions , therefore to gratifie such , i shall demonstrate two figures unto them : which may serve for all the rest . the one shall be of rankes wheeling , by conversion : the other of files ranking , foure to the left . the word of command for the first , stands placed right over the figure . this foregoing figure of conversion , is of rankes , wheeling to the right and left , or ranks ranking to each flanke by wheeling . it differeth from ranks filing , both in manner and matter . in the manner thus , whereas in ranks filing to the right and left ; the right and left-hand file-leaders , preserve and continue their places ; and with that , their honours . in this wheeling by conversion to the right and left , contrariwise : the innermost file-leaders , become the outmost men in that pure where the front stood ; the other file-leaders ranking even within them . some men have called this , rankes , filing by conversion , to the right and left , but corruptly . for conversion alwaies produceth rankes , as i formerly said : and inversion , files . but their mistake groweth from this , that when rankes wheele to the right , or right and left , then ( say they ) they by wheeling , become file , or files , which is a palpable mistake . for when we have any command for wheeling , it is a maxime for us , to wheele our aspects unto the hand or part named . by which doing , we either become ranke , or rankes : and not files , as some have sought formerly to maintaine . one use , among many , for this motion is . it is the speediest way for a great body ( if they have their due distance ) to give fire to one , or both flanks , that as yet i know of . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . the right and left-hand-men , of every ranke , became the hindges of the motion : the rest of each ranke , wheeling by equall division , to the right and left about , and above their right and left-hand leaders , untill they become ranks to the flanks . as you may perceive by the figure , where the pricks denote unto you , the places they stood in before the motion : the quarter circles , shewing the way of their motion : themselves being converted into two ranks , sheweth the motion executed . i have onely converted three of the rankes ; for it would have taken too much roome , to have wheeled all the ranks . and it is easie by this that is shewne , to conceive the rest . if you would avoid mixture of armes , then place all your muskettiers , either in front , or reere : or else wheele onely your muskettiers , and leave your pikes , standing . or else it may be done ; the body marching at length : the muskettiers being in the front , and reere divisions . the word for the reducement is ; rankes , ranke as you were . the easiest way for the reducement , will be first for to face to the reere , and then to wheele backe into their places . then , face to their leader ; and they will be reduced as at first . now we will come to shew the next figure of conversion , which is of files converted into ranks by equall proportion . chap. xxxvii . of files ranking in equall parts . in this chapter , i intend to shew the manner , of files ranking by conversion , in equall parts ; which motion , i have seene used by some commanders , at such times as their companies have been but small , having not had above two or three files of muskettiers , upon a flanke ; and being willing , to march forth their companies in divisions : and this , because , that two a brest would be somwhat improper ( unlesse it were upon necessity , in some narrow passage ) and that three a brest , is also somewhat with the thinnest . therefore to augment the front of their march , they have shartned somewhat of their depths , in each division : by causing their files , to ranke foure , or five , according as their depth may be , when the command shall be given . this motion of conversion , may also be usefull for larger bodies . for if upon a march , you are to passe thorough some streight , where not above foure or five , can march a brest ; and that being past thorough , you are to direct your course , to the right , or left : if your way be to the right , then cause your files to ranke to the left : if to the left , then let the files ranke to the contrary hand . for by so doing ; having past the streight , and faced your body that way , which you intend your march , by commanding the file-leaders to march ; and the half-files to stand , and take their places : your body will be led again by their proper file-leaders , all a brest ; the musketiers becomming again the flankers , which in the passage of the streight , were in the front and reere . for the better understanding the manner of the motion , observe the following figure . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . the command being first given ( as abovesaid ) the right-hand-file-leader , leadeth forth his file : & the three next men behind him , move forwards to the left of each other ; untill they ranke even a brest with their file-leader . the next foure , in like manner ranking to the left , make the second ranke . the file-leader of the second file , placeth himselfe , next after him , that was the half-file-leader of the first , which now is become the right-hand-man of the second ranke ; the three next men behind him , making up of his rank , in like manner . and so forward for all the rest , untill the motion be fully perfected . this converts each file , into two ranks ; and brings all the proper file-leaders , and half-file-leaders , to make the outmost file to the right : the bringers-up , both of the front , and reere-half-files ; make the outermost file to the left . the figures of number , which are on the left flanke of the figure , in which , the word file added to each of them , demonstrate places of the first , second , third , and fourth file , and so consequently for all the rest ; according to their former standing , and the places they now occupy , being converted into ranks . the letters f , and h , which are placed on the right flanke ; shewes the places of those , which were the file-leaders , and half-file-leaders : each of the propex file-leaders , having now his half-file-leader , next after him ▪ i have showne this figure partly performed partly performing , and partly standing , as before the motion began . for reducement , of this motion of files ranking , foure to the left : one way is , to cause your ranks to file , ( or invert ) to the right , which being done , command every file-leader , to lead up his file to the left : and so every man will have his place : for another way , face the whole body to the right , and command the file-leaders to march , and half-files to stand , and take their places : and then they are all reduced , onely the file-leaders of the right-flanke , are on the left ; and the file-leaders of the left-flanke , are on the right : which is reduced , by any entire countermarch , of ranke , or file . chap. xxxviii . the conclusion of doublings . there are yet another sort of doublings , both of length and depth , which are performed by divisionall wheelings . which because they have ever been accounted for wheelings , i will not displace them ; but stil rank them in their former places : although in truth they are doublings . the working part indeed is wheeling ; but the intent , or thing wrought , is doubling . i will speake further of them , when i come to shew them , in their severall places . and here i mean to set a period to our doublings . concluding , that those souldiers , who can put every one of these to his right use ; as also give to each his right reducement , must needs be skilfull , and expert , in this part , of the art military . and contrariwise , they that are ignorant in these doublings ; can never truly attain , to the right managing of a foot-company , either for exercise , or service . for doublings , indeed , are the only motions , for varicty and alteration of figures , or formes of battaile : no other motions doing the like . and therefore doublings , must needs be accounted the most excellent amongst all the motions . you that have eyes to read , and skill to judge ; and have perus'd these doublings i have done : though i have tedious been , yet do not grudge : for you know well , i have skipt over some . but marvell not : the cause i do not show them , it is not much materiall for to know them . those that are skilfull in the art of warre , and take delight to exercise their men : shall find more pleasure in these doublings farre , if that they intermixe them now and then . and so contrive their doublings in these cases , that lastly one word brings them to their places . why in our country do we captains chuse , that have no skill nor artfull inclination ? they do themselves and country much abuse : thus to deceive them in their expectation . i thinke the cause of this fault in our nation is , that our gentry holds it not in fashion . but some , perhaps , will say , i am too bold ; there 's no such need for captains to have skill . the muster-masters have enough ( some hold ) the captains and the counties for to fill . so whilest the muster-master doth the labour . the officers may play upon a tabour . but stay ! me thinks , one puls me by the sleeve : and tels me that i have my selfe forgot . wherefore of doublings , here i take my leave : intreating those that read , mistake me not . let muster-masters take their money , then ; but let the captains exercise their men . chap. xxxix . of countermarches . their antiquity , and words of direction . the next branch of discipline which offers it selfe to your perusall , are countermarches : which are of three kinds . to wit , chorean , lacedamonian , macedonian : which is , maintaining , loosing , and gaining . each of them are to be performed two manner of waies . one by file : the other by ranke . there are also counter-marches , intire and divisionall . but divers men , are divers for their opinions concerning the macedonian and lacedamonian counter-marches . some will have the macedonian , a counter-march of gaining of ground ; because that it transfers the battalia , into the ground before the front. others will have it , a counter-march of losse of ground ; because ( say they ) the enemy being in the reere , it makes a semblance of flying . some will have the lacedamonian , a counter-march of gaining of ground : because the enemy appearing in the reere , it makes a semblance of charging or falling on . others call it , a countermarch of losse of ground : because it looseth all that ground the battalia stood upon ; taking in stead thereof , the ground behind the reere . there are others of opinion , that there are counter-marches of losse and gaine , in either of them . all these are furnished with reasons , to backe their opinions . but if i should stand to shew their many and severall reasons , i might well be thought to be without reason my selfe . my opinion is ; that taking the ground before the front , is gaining ground : and that to leave the ground we stood on , to take the ground next behind the reere , is losse of ground : and yet to take either , whereby there is advantage gotten , must needs be gaining . but where the matter it selfe is so indifferent , it were fondnesse to spend longer time about it . wherefore note , that countermarches were of ancient use amongst the greekes many hundred of yeeres since , & from them learned and practised , by many other nations ; and so still continued unto this day . but as the snow-ball by much rowling , becomes the greater : so , in like manner , these counter-marches have received addition in all ages . so that the three originall ones are now become more then thirty accounting those divisionall . and yet are all of them fathered upon one or other , of the three kinds . though some of them will scarcely be owned or acknowledged ; as you shall perceive , when i come to shew them in their severall places . but amongst all the motions , this might be the best spared : as being least beneficiall , to this our moderne discipline . but because that knowledge is no burthen ; and that at some times they may be usefull : therefore first take the words of command or direction , which are as followeth . intire countermarches , by file . files to the right left hand countermarch . files to the light left countermarch , every man turning on the ground he stands . file-leaders , face about to the right left the rest passe through to the right , left , and place your selues behind your leaders . file-leaders stand ; the rest passe through to the your leaders . right left placing your selues before file-leaders stand , the rest passe through to the right left placing your selues before your leaders ; following your bringers up . bringers up , face about to the right : left : the rest passe through to the right left and place your selues before your bringers up . bringers up , stand : the rest of the body passe through to the right left placing your selues behinde your bringers up . intire countermarches by ranks . ranks to the right left countermarch . ranks to the right left countermarch , every man turning on the ground he stands . this right hand file , face to the left : the rest passe macedonian . through to the right : placing your selues behind your right hand men . this left hand file may face to the right , and do as much . this light left hand file stand ; the rest passe through to the right , left , placing your selues on the our side of your right left hand men . this right left hand file face to the right , left , the rest passe through to the right , left , placing your selues before your right left hand men . divisionall countermarches , by files . countermarch front and ●e cre into the midst . file-leaders , and halfe-file-leaders , stand ; the rest passe through to the right , and place your selues before your leaders . file-leaders , and bringers up , stand ; the rest passe through to the right : and place your selues before your leaders and bringers up . file-leaders , face about ; bringers up , stand ; the rest passe through to the right ; and place your selues behinde your leaders and bringers up . front-halfe-files , interchange ground with the reere . divisionall countermarches by ranks . countermarch your ( wings or ) flanks into the middest ( or center ) . the out-most-file of each flanke , face outward ▪ the rest passe through to the right and left ; placing your selues behinde your out-side men . the out-most file of each flanke , face inward : the rest passe through to the right and left ; placing your selues behinde your outside men . the out-most file of each flanke , stand : the rest passe through to the right and left , and place your selues on the outside of your outside men . interchange your flanks . note , what is done by the out most files , may be reduced by converting the command to the innermost files ; but must be done before they have closed their divisions , &c. chap. xl. of the chorean countermarch : and the way to performe it . i could willingly have prickt a figure , for each of these severall countermarches , but that they will take up too much roome . and therefore i will onely pricke some few of the hardest of them ; and for the rest , i will endeavour by words to make them as facile as i may : that so they may be apprehended by the meanest capacitie . and first i will begin with the ( persian , cretan , or ) chorean countermarch . the word of command or direction is , files to the right hand , countermarch . this chorean countermarch , is by some called the moderne countermarch . i conceive their reason to be , because that it is more in use than any of the other : or else , for antiquitie , it might claime many ages . it is a countermarch for maintaining of ground : for it worketh its effect , on the same ground it stands ; neither loosing nor gaining . but it transferres the file-leaders , into the place of the bringers up : and the bringers up , into the place of the file-leaders : withall turning the aspect of the body or battalia , to the reere . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . assoone as the word of command is given , if it be to the right , then all the file-leaders step forwards with their right legges , and face about to the right : every file-leader with his file following him , passing downe towards the reere , through the intervall on his right hand , still observing , to keepe even in ranke with his right hand man. but by the way , note that no man must turne , untill he come to the ground where at first his file-leader began the countermarch . this motion is then performed , when the bringers up , have attained unto the place where before their file-leaders stood : being faced right after them ; files , countermarch to the left . to countermarch to the left , worketh the same effect ; and is done after the same manner : onely differing in the hand . for reducement , if you countermarch to the right ; do as much to the left : and they will be as they were . for any intire countermarch of files , will be reduced ( of what kinde soever ) by making another intire countermarch , to what hand soever . chap. xli . of countermarching to loose ground . the command is . files to the right , countermarch : every man turning after his leader , on the ground he stands . this lacedemonian countermarch , is a countermarch of losse of ground ; for that it leaves all the ground the battalia formerly did conteine , and in lieu or place thereof taketh the ground behinde the reere . this countermarch is to be performed , when the bodie is upon a stand . and as the chorean , turnes the aspect towards the reere . the greekes were wont with this countermarch , to bring their file-leaders to oppose any enemie , appearing in the reere : thereby gallantly bearding their enemies in the teeth : neither politickly making shew of flight , whereby to bring the enemie into disarray ; nor over providently carefull , of the advantage of ground . the motion of this countermarch , is to be performed as followeth . the file-leaders of each file , are to step side wayes to the right , and therewithall to face about to the reere ; and so march even in ranke together downe betweene the * intervalls , no man advancing a foot forwards , but turning in like manner after their leaders , when they are past by them ; still observing to keep their due distance . and so a whole ranke together , still turning off to the right , each ranke successively doing the like , untill the countermarch be fully performed . any intire countermarch of files , will reduce this . but for order sake , take one of the same sort to the contrary hand , which is . files to the left , countermarch : every man turning after his leader , on the ground he stands . i shall not need to speake further , concerning this countermarch of losse of ground to the left ; seeing that it differs from the other onely in the alteration of the hand . the substance and effect of both , being one and the same : onely i will now speake to a second fort of countermarch , which is of the same kinde . the command is . bringers up , face about to the right , the rest passe through to the reere , and place your selues before your bringers up . this lacedemonian countermarch doth also loose the ground , whereon it formerly stood , and takes the ground behinde the reere , the manner of the motion is as followeth : the last ranke or bringers up face to the reere , and stand : the rest of the body facing about in like manner , and passing through or betweene their bringers up , and placing themselues even in ranke before them . the motion is begun , by the ranke , next the bringers up , and so continued ; successively by the rest , untill the countermarch be ended . it may be reduced , by doing the same to the contrary hand . neverthelesse for brevity sake , i will make use of a sprigge , from the same bough , and reduce this lacedemon countermarch , by another of the same kinde . the command is , bringers up , stand , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selues behind your bringers up . this lacedemonian countermarch , is thus to be performed ; the last ranke ( or bringers up ) are to stand ; and the rest of the body , to face to the reere , and passe through to the right , and place themselues behinde their bringers up , contrary to the countermarch last showne , where they placed themselues before . the motion is also begun , by the second ranke from the reere , the rest following successively , untill the file-leaders are become the bringers up : then face them about after their proper file-leaders , and they are reduced . chap. xlii . of countermarches to gaine ground , or the macedonian counter-march . the command is , file-leader face about to the right , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves behinde your leaders . this macedonian counter-march , is for gaining ground , for that it leaues the ground , the battalia formerly stood upon , taking in lieu thereof , the ground next before the front . it also turnes the aspect towards the reere . the motion of this counter-march is from the reere to the front , contrary to the lacedemon , whose motion is from the front to the reere : this macedonian counter-march , makes semblance in the reere of flight , but presently produceth an orderly settled front , when perhaps the enemy , with a too early pursuit , hath broken the order of their array . the way to performe this counter-march ▪ according to the directions formerly given , is as followeth : the file-leaders or first ranke , face about to the right : the rest of the body passe through , betweene the intervalles , ( or distance of files ) to the left : and place themselves behinde their leaders ; every ranke ( beginning with that next the file leaders ) passing through successively , and taking their places , untill the counter-march be fully executed . it may be reduced as the rest , by doing the same to the contrary hand , or as i have formerly said , by any intire counter-march of file ; and therefore i will reduce it by another macedonian counter-march . the command is , as followeth . file-leaders face to the reere , the rest of the body passe through to the left , following your bringers up , placing your selves behinde your leaders . this macedonian counter-march is rather remembred for its antiquity , then excellencie , ( as some more of them be ) neverthelesse if any will be curious to observe the motion , it may be performed as followeth : the first ranke ( or file-leaders ) face to the reere , then the last ranke begin the counter-march , passing forwarde betweene the intervalls , the seventh ranke following the eighth , the sixt following the seventh , and so likewise the rest , untill the whole body be transferred , into the ground before the front , and then joyntly together , facing to the right about , after their leaders , the counter marche is ended . for reducement , observe this for all ; that any intire countermarch of file , may be reduced , by another intire counter-march by file , of what kinde , or to what hand soever . these three last chapters of counter-marches , are the originall grounds of all the rest , yet i shall shew one in the insuing chapter , which time hath begotten out of the latter two , which takes part with either , being absolute in neither . chap. xliii . of the bastard counter-march . the command is , file-leaders stand , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves before your leader . this passing through , ( or bastard counter-march ) is partly macedonian , and partly lacedemonian ; for first with the macedon , it takes the ground before the front , the motion being from the reere forward : it is partly lacedemonian , for that they passe through , and place themselves before their leaders , and for that it makes semblance of falling on , or charging the enemy : neverthelesse the macedonian disclaimes it , for that it alters not his aspect : the lacedemonian refuseth it , for that it takes the ground before the front , and not that behinde the reere : or with the chorean , it holds affinitie . and many there be that will not allow it for a countermarch , for indeed the word it selfe will not beare it ; notwithstanding seeing that it hath beene long ranged amongst them , i will not be he that shall displace it , but will passe forwards , to shew the manner of the motion , which is to be performed as followeth . the file-leaders stand , according to the former direction , the rest of the body , advance their armes ; the second ranke first passing through to the right , and placing themselves before the first ranke , the third ranke before the second ; the fourth before the third , and so forwards for the rest , untill the last ranke ( or bringers up ) are become the foremost , which perfects the motion . it may be severally usefull , as to skirmish against an enemy , advancing by way of introduction , or upon occasion , to bring the reere , men to march in front , and such like . for the reducement , you may doe , as much to the contrary hand , onely for order sake , i will reduce it , by another like it selfe . the command is , file-leaders stand , the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves before your leaders , following your bringers up . this motion may be done either to the right or left , and is nothing differing from that last shewne ; but that , whereas the other , began with the second ranke , this contrariwise begins with the last ranke , ( or bringers up ) every ranke successively , following the ranke , which came from behinde them , untill they which were the leaders , are become the last in the reere . if this countermarch be first done , it may be reduced by any of those formerly shewn , &c. chap. xliv . of countermarching ranks , to maintaine ground . the command is . ranks to the right hand countermarch . this chorean counter-march of rankes , is an altering or changing of one flanke for the other , the battalia still keeping the same ground , onely the right flanke becomes the left , and the left , becomes the right : the way to performe this motion , is as followeth : the command being given , then the whole body faceth to the hand named , and every man in the outmost file , to the right : ( files by this facing , being become rankes ) turnes down through the intervalle , ( or distance betweene ranke and ranke ) marching forth right unto the part , which was the left flanke , with their rankes , file-wise following them , being come unto their ground , they face as before , and the counter-march is performed : for the reducement , let rankes countermarch to the left , after the same manner , differing onely in the hand , and they are as at first . chap. xlv . of countermarching rankes to lose ground . the command is . rankes to the right-hand countermarch , every man turning after his right-hand-man , on the ground he stands . this lacedemonian-countermarch of rankes , is a falling on upon the left flanke : the motion being begun by the right ; it leaves all the ground , the battalia stood on , and takes in place therof the ground beside the left flanke , turning the aspect to the left : the manner or way , to performe this motion , is as followeth : the whole bodie faceth to the right ; and then the right-hand-file being faced , ( becomes a ranke ) begins the countermarch , turning downe the intervals of the ranks , ( which by this facing , is made the distance between the files ) and so marcheth forth-right , beyond the left flanke , every man following him that was his right-hand-man ( but not stepping forwards one foot of ground ) untill the countermarch be performed . for the reducement of this countermarch , do as much to the left , and they will he as at first : or ( if you please ) take another of the same kind ; the word of command , or direction is . right-hand-file , face to the right , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selves before your right-hand-men . this lacedemonian countermarch of ranks , makes a falling on upon the right flanke , the motion being from the left flanke , to the right , leaving all the ground whereon the battalia stood , and taking in lieu thereof the ground beside the right flanke . in those dayes ; when countermarches were more usefull for their discipline , then now they are for ours ; the lacedemonian countermarches were of chiefe repute , aswell amongst the macedonians , as the spartans and others : the way to performe this motion is as followeth . the right-hand-file faceth to the right ; and passeth through the intervals or spaces , to the right : placing themselves , before their right-hand-men , untill the left-hand-file , become the foremost ranke ; if you doe this countermarch by it selfe , then for reducement , first face them to their front proper , then let the left-hand-files , face to the left , and do as much to the left ; and then they will be as at first . chap. xlvi . of the macedonian countermarch by ranke . the command is : right-hand-file face to the left , the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves behind your right-hand-men . this macedonian countermarch of ranks , contrary to the spartan , dismarcheth from the enemy upon that flanke where hee appeares , and presents the contrary flanke , to receive the charge . it is performed after this manner . the out-most-file to the right , faceth to the left . the rest of the body , or battalia , faceth to the right ; every man passing thorough to the right and placing themselves , behind their right-hand-men : for the reducement of this countermarch , as all the rest , there are divers , and severall wayes ; but performe as much to the left , as you have done to the right , and they will be at first : or if you please , this following bastard countermand , will do the same . the word of command or direction is , right-hand-file stand , the rest passe through to the right , placing your selves , on the outside of your right-hand-men . this passing thorough , or bastard countermarch of ranks , doth alter both ground , and flanke ; ( still reserving the aspect , without alteration . ) it is to be performed as followeth . the out-most or right-hand-file , stands ; the rest of the body , facing to the right , passe thorough to the right , every man placing himselfe , on the right side of his right-hand-man , and so standing euen in ranke , the motion still continuing , untill the left-hand-file , is become the right ; the right , the contrary . if this countermarch be done alone , for the reducement ; let the left-hand-file stand , and do as much to the left , as before to the right ; and they will be as at first . chap. xlvii . of countermarching front and reere to the middest . for the intire countermarches , i have indeavoured to expresse them , as well as i could in words , but for the divisionall countermarches , i intend to expresse , both in word and figure , whereby they may be the more easily apprehended by such as shall be desirous to know them : notwithstanding before i enter upon the divisionall countermarches ▪ i would willingly cleere one thing which by some will be carped at ; which is , the using of the word middest , insteed of the word center : the word center ( i confesse ) hath been the more usuall word amongst us ; and yet it is not altogether so proper to our use as the other ; wherefore give me leave , without offence , to use those words , which are not only more proper , but more significant . the midst of the battaile , is to be understood , either from the front , & reere ; or from both flanks ( or wings : ) if between front and reere , the midst must be betweene the half-file-leaders , and the reere ranke of the front half-files , extending it selfe from flanke to flanke : the midst betweene the flankes , is betweene the two innermost files ; continuing the whole depth : from front to reere : our first countermarch shall be chorean ; the word of command or direction is . this divisionall , chorean countermarch , brings our file-leaders , and bringers up together in the midst , and the ranks that were in the midst in the front & reere . it is a countermarch mayntayning ground ; for every man marcheth up , into his leaders ground ; before he faceth about to countermarch : the way to performe the motion , is as followeth . the command being given to countermarch , either let the commander , or some other of the officers , command the half-files , to face about : then the file-leaders stepping forwards , with the right legge , and face about to the right , passing downe the intervals on the right hand , the rest of the front-halfe-files , following their leaders , and not turning , untill they come to the ground , where their leaders ▪ turned down before them : the bringers up with the reere-half-files , at the same instant turning downe their intervales , on the left hand , the rest of their division following them , untill the file-leaders and bringers up , meet together in the midst of the battaile , and then having faced all to their leader , the motion is performed . for the reducement , of this figure , doing the same thing over againe , will reduce it . or any other divisionall countermarch of file . chap. xlviii . of bringing front and reere together , into the midst , by the bastard countermarch . the command is : file-leaders , and half-fileaders stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves before your leaders . this bastard countermarch , doth bring the leaders , and bringers up , together , into the midst , and saves two facings , and is quicklier performed , then the other last done : or any other in the precedent chapters : the way to performe the motion , is as followeth : the first ranke stands ; and the half-file-leaders stand , then those of the front-half-files , passe thorough their intervals to the right , placing themselves before their file-leaders : the second ranke before the first , the third before the second , the fourth before the third ; the reere-half-files at the same instant , doing the like , and placing themselves , before their * half-file-leaders , as the other did , before their file-leaders : this motion may be either reduced by doing the same over againe to the contrary hand , or else by countermarching front and reere into the midst , or by any other of the divisionall countermarches of files . the next shal be a lacedemonian countermarch , the word of command , or direction , is as shall be exprest in the ensuing chapter . chap. xlix . of countermarching to make a large intervale between the first , and last ranks . the command is , file-leaders , and bringers up stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves , before your leaders , and bringers up . lacedemonian . this divisionall lacedemonian countermarch , makes semblance of falling on , or charging , both to the front and reere , and leaves all the ground , which was occupied by the souldiers , which stood betweene the front and reere , transferring them into the ground , before the front , and behinde the reere ; the ground ( or place ) of their former standing , being vacant , onely demonstrated in this figure by the pricks . the motion may be thus performed . the reere-halfe-files are commanded to face to the reere , and then the front-halfe-files , passe through to the right : placing themselves before their leaders ; the second ranke , before the first ; the third , before the second ; the fourth , before the third ; the reere-halfe-files at the same instant , passing through to the reere , after the same manner ; and placing themselues before their bringers-up . you may perceive by the figures of number , placed on the flanks of the figure of battell , both how the men stood , before the motion began , as also how and in what place they stand , the motion being ended : for the reducement , if you have not closed their distance , you may face them about , and so let them passe againe into their places : or else , by doing the same countermarch over againe , or to the contrary hand , or any such like way , will reduce them . this next following countermarch will also reduce them , or this will reduce that . the word for the command , or direction is , as you shall finde it placed , over the front of the figure . chap. l. of making a large intervalle , betweene the first and last ranks , by the macedonian countermarch . this divisionall macedonian countermarch , is little different from that , next before it , onely the other , turned the aspect outward , to the front , and reere ; this countermarch turnes the aspect inwards , towards the midst . it may be usefull , if the commander would shew , or publish ought , before his best souldiers , for that it not onely leaves a large distance , but that it brings the best souldiers into the midst , with their aspects directed inwards : it may also serue , to conduct any great personage , crosse the length of your battell , whereby to shew them , the braverie of your souldiers , &c. the figure followeth . the command is , file-leaders face about , bringers up stand , the rest passe through to the right , and place your selues behinde your file-leaders and bringers up . this motion may be thus performed : the first ranke ( or file-leaders ) face about , the last ranke stands , the reere-halfe-files , face about , and so the front-division ; passe forwards , and place themselues behind the file-leaders , the reere-halfe-files , behinde their bringers up . the manner , you may perceive the plainer , if you note the figures , of number , which are placed , on the flanks of the figure , their number shewing the places , they had , from the front , before the motion began . this figure may be reduced , either by the same word of command , which produced it , or else by any of the foregoing divisionall countermarches . our next , shall be a countermarch of exchange of ground . the words for command , or direction , are as followeth . chap. li. of interchanging ground . the command is , front-halfe-files , interchange ground with the reere , passing through to the right . bast . countermarch . in motion . this bastard countermarch , may not rightly be said , to be derived from any one of the particular grounds of countermarch ; but rather , participating of them all : and yet considering it , as it is to be , it is different from them all : for whereas the other countermarches , of files in division , although they bring the front and reere into the middest , yet the front-halfe-files continue still , on the same part , and the reere-halfe-files do not alter into the places of the other . but this , contrary to any other , of the divisionall countermarches , transferres the front-halfe-files into the ground , or place of the reere-halfe-files ; and them , into the contrary part , bringing the file-leaders , and bringers up , together into the midst . the way to performe this motion , is as followeth . the front-halfe-files face about , passing forwards to the right ( being led by the bringers up , of the front-halfe-files ) betweene the intervalles towards the reere : the reere-halfe-files at the same instant in like manner marching forwards , betweene the intervalles on their right hands into the front , untill the front-division , have attained the places of the reere , and they contrariwise , the places of the front. for the reducement of this countermarch , do as much backe againe ; or if you would reduce it some other way , you may first make an intirc countermarch of files , and then countermarch front , and reere , into the midst ; for under two countermarches , it will not be reduced . now i will passe , to shew divisionall countermarches of ranks , or flanks ; the first shall be chorean , as in the chapter following . chap. lii . of counter-marching the flanks ( or wings ) into the midst of the battell . the command is , countermarch your flanks into the midst . this chorean counter-march of the flanks into the midst , is of ordinary use , when the commander would have the outermost files , to become the innermost : the motion to bee performed on the same ground , and is as followeth . the command being given , the whole body faceth to the right and left , by division ; the outermost files , by this facing , becomming rankes , every man in the right hand file , being a leader in his halfe ranke file-wise , and so likewise in the left hand file the same ▪ then they countermarch the right flanke to the right , the left flank to the left , which you must alwaies observe to doe , and your flanquers will meet just in the midst of your battalia . lastly , having faced them to their first front , the counter-march is ended . to reduce them , they may either use the same counter-march againe , or any of these following divisionall countermarches of flankes , ( unlesse it bee that of interchanging of ground . ) the next shall be lacedemonian , the command , or words of direction , are , as in the chapter following . chap. liii . of countermarching , to take the ground before the flanks . the command is , the outermost file of each flanke , face outward , the rest passe through to the right and left , placing your selves before your out-side men . this lacedemonian countermarch of halfe ranks or flanks , makes 〈◊〉 of charging on , upon both flanks , but leaves a wast distance of ground , unoccupied betweene the two outmost-files , or midst of the battell . the way to performe this motion is as followeth . the right-hand-file faceth to the right , the left-hand-file to the left ; the rest of the body faceth to the right and left , the right-flanke passing through to the right , and placing themselues , before their right-hand-men . the second file from the right , begins the motion on the right-flanke ; the left-flanke in like manner , passing through to the left , and placing themselues before their left-hand-men ; the second file accounting , from the left , begins the motion on the left-flanke : but you must note , that the files become ranks with the facing . for the reducement of this figure , if you will first face them , to their proper front , you may then command the two inmost-files stand , the rest passe through to the right , and left inward , and take their places : or if you please , make use , either of a chorean , or a macedonian countermarch of ranks by division , and with a facing , and closing their divisions , they will be perfectly reduced . chap. liv. of countermarching to take the ground on the outside of the flanks , and to direct their aspects inwards . the command is , the outmost file of each flanke face inward , the rest passe through to the right , and left , placing your selues behinde your outside men . this macedonian countermarch , differeth nothing from that last shewed , but onely in the turning of the aspect inwards : whereas the other , directed their aspect outwards : the motion is thus performed : the outermost-files , of each flanke , face inward : the rest of the body , face to the right , and left , outward ; those of the right flanke , passing through to the right , and placing them selues behinde their right-hand-men . those of the left flanke passing through to the left , and placing themselues behinde their left-hand-men : the motion is begun , by the second file , from each flank . i might here shew these countermarches , beginning their motion from their middlemost-files ; but i am willingly silent , hoping that these , may suffice to the courteous , not much forcing my selfe to give satisfaction to the curious . for the reducement of this countermarch , having faced them to their first front , you may if you please , command the two innermost files to face outward , the rest passe through to the right , and left inward : placing themselues behinde their right , and left-hand-men ; which being done , the whole body will stand faced to the right , and left outward ; then being faced to their leader , they are reduced . if you would reduce it , by some other way , you may make use , either of the countermarch , which is next before , or of that , which next followeth : or of any other divisionall countermarch of ranks ; ( which doth not interchange ground ) . our next two which follow , will be bastard countermarches , with the which , we will conclude this our fourth branch of discipline . chap. lv. of taking the ground on the outside of the flanks ; not altering the aspects . the command is , the outmost-file of each flanke stand , the rest passe through to the right , and left , and place your selues on the outside , of your right and left-hand-men . this divisionall bastard countermarch , produceth the same effect , which the other two next before it wrought ; onely differing in the aspect : for the lacedemonian , turned the aspect outward : the macedonian , turned the aspect inward ; and this , keeps the aspect still directed the same way . he that knows every way , may when time serveth , make use of those wayes , which are most necessarie and sutable to his present occasion : the proverbe saith , knowledge is no burthen ▪ the way to performe this countermarch is as followeth ( according to the command ) the outmost-file of each flanke stands ; the rest of the body faceth to the right and left outward , the right flanke passing through to the right , the left flanke to the left ; those of the right-flanke , placing themselues , on the outside of their right-hand-men : in like manner , those on the left flanke , placing themselues , on the outside of their left-hand-men . if may be reduced , either by any , of the foregoing divisionall countermarches of ranks , or else being faced , to any of the flanks , then the rankes become files . and by divisionall countermarches of files , you may reduce , divisionall countermarches of ranks , or by ranks , files ; onely you must observe some facings : yet for this figure , if you please , command the two innermost-files , stand ; the rest , face to the right , and left inward , and so march into their places . the next shall be a countermarch , of interchanging of flanks . chap. lvi . of interchanging ground by the flanks , and bringing the innermost-files of pikes , to become the outmost-ranks . the command is , interchange flanks . this exchanging of flanks , or bastard countermarch , is differing from all the other divisionall countermarches of ranks ; for this transferres the right-flanke into the place of the left , and the left-flanke , into the place of the right . it is very apt , for to receive a sudden charge , from the horse , for as soone as they shall be commanded to interchange their flanks , they face to the right , and left inward , and then the innermost-files of the pikes begin the motion ; the rest of each flanke following orderly file-wise , the pikes porting so soone as they begin to move , and charge as they see occasion : if need be , the pikes may charge at the foot , the muskettiers giving fire , over their shoulders : if any object , that the pikes have too large a distance , they may close at their owne pleasures , as soone as they have past through . for the reducement , you may , if you please , interchange ground againe : neverthelesse if you would reduce it , by some other way , countermarch your flanks into the midst , and then an intire countermarch , either of ranke , or file , will reduce them . i might have further enlarged my selfe , upon this subject , both in command , and figure ; but it may be , that some will finde fault with these , which i have already penned , concluding them for nicities , and for no service ; because they cannot presently apprehend , for what use , or service they may be fit . notwithstanding i would intreat such ( if any such happen to be my overlookers ) that they would suspend their censures , untill they have fully enformed their judgements . yet thus much i will conclude with them , that countermarches might the best be spared , of all the motions , as being least beneficiall , to this our moderne discipline . and yet to very good use , many of them might serve , if our souldiers were well practised in them . neverthelesse such is the wilfull stupidity of the times , that many good , and usefull things are disreputed , and accounted of no use , because the souldier wanting skill , cannot performe them , as they ought : which would the officers take more paines , by often instructing their souldiers , the hardest motions would become facile and easie . and to say truth , the greatest fault is , want of skill in those , which should give instruction to others ; and yet they will not sticke , to carpe at such , as shall shew more , than they , concluding such things for superfluous , and improper , which they themselues do not rightly understand : but lest i be taxed for digression , i will conclude this branch of discipline with these few lines following . some burthened are with more command than skill , which had they power suting to their minde , you then should see reason inthral'd to will , nor any 'bove their knowledge should you finde : for rather than they 'le study to learne better , they wish all wanting ; none to know a letter . so be there many officers in bands that neither know themselves , nor care for those that skilfull are in postures , and commands , nor are they carefull which end formost goes . they thinke , to dice , to drabbe , to sweare , and swill , is skill enough for them : learne more that will. and if that any man more forward be for to instruct the souldier ( as is fit ) with such a fellow they cannot agree ; he is vaine-glorious , strives to shew his wit. they will be sure to quarrell and deprave him , and in their cups perhaps they 'll — such honest hearts as spend both meanes and time to practise others for their countries good , why should this good be counted for a crime , to those that for their prince would spend their bloud ▪ that countrey sure will best be kept from harmes whose subjects pleasure take to practise armes . but on this subject i 'le no longer bide , of countermarches . here i 'le take my leave , to shew the wheelings , next i shall provide , which follows next of course , as i conceive . and though with verse my countermarches close , beginning wheelings , i returne to prose . chap. lvii . of wheelings , their kindes , and uses with their severall words of command . the next branch springing from this root of discipline , are wheelings ; which are of two kindes , viz. wheelings angular , and wheelings on the center , as also they are to be conceived , in manner of action , either intire or divisionall : the use of intire wheelings , is to turne the aspect of the front proper , to the right , to the left , or reere ; either for the gaining of the winde ▪ sunne , or some such like advantage ; or to confront the enemy with their best souldiers . most of the divisionall wheelings being indeed more properly doublings , either extending the length , or depth of the battell : notwithstanding , because i wold not be taxed with innovation , or alteration , i have , according unto the usuall received way , placed them amongst the wheelings ; and now i will shew their words of command , or direction . but before i enter upon them , give me leave to lay downe an observation or two , for the better instruction of the souldiers in their wheelings . the first is , that before you enter upon your wheelings , you close both rankes and files to their order , which is three foot , both in ranke and file : the other , that upon all wheelings , you must be sure , to observe your leader , and follow him , keeping your due distance ; your muskettiers being all , either poyzed , or shouldered : your pikes ought to be advanced . the words of commands , are as followeth . wheele your battell to the right ,     left ,     right about ,   left   right ,   on the same ground ; left ,   right about left wheele off your front by division .     your front inward to the reere .     front and reere into the right flanke . left your flankes into the front ,   reere ,   both flankes into the front and reere .     your front and reere into both flanks .     observe that the first foure wheelings are angular , the next foure are wheelings on the center , or more properly , on the midst of the front . but all the first eight be intire , the latter eight , are all divisionall . you may also observe , that every following wheeling is a reducement unto that , which is placed next before it , and the wheeling next before , may reduce that next following : as to wheele your flankes into the front , if you wheele your flanks into the reere , it is reduced ; or to wheele front and reere into both flankes ; if you wheele both flankes into the front and reere , they are likewise reduced , as before . for the last eight wheelings , which are divisionall , i will pricke for each of them , his figure . as for the first eight , which are intire , i conceive them so easie to be understood , that i may spare the labour ; yet i will endeavour to expresse them as well as i can in words : and first i will beginne with the wheelings anguler , and then with the rest , according to their places : and therefore note , that when you are commanded , to wheele to the right or left , &c. and no other command added , it is to be understood , an anguler wheeling , and so to be performed . chap. lviii . of wheelings anguler ▪ the command is , wheele your battell to the right . this is an angular wheeling , which transferres the aspect or countenance of the front proper , into that part which was the right flanke : it also removes the battalia from the ground wheron formerly it stood , and placeth it on that part , before the front , the hindge or axell tree of the motion , is the right corner man , or right hand file-leader , who with a small motion , moveth to the right ▪ every man , the more his place is remote from the right angle , the more swift must be his motion ; because his arch-quadrant , or semi-circle , is larger in proportion : wherefore it must be the discretion of the officers , so to instruct their souldiers , that when they wheele to any hand , they may so moderate their motion , that they on the contrary flanke , be not forced to runne , but so orderly to containe themselves , that they may still preserve an orderly and even front . for the reducement , wheele your battaile to the left , in the like manner , as it was wheeled to the right ; neverthelesse you must then note , that it will not bring you backe into the same ground you formerly stood on ; for it hath advanced you , the length of your battalia , before the place of your first front . but if you would be reduced into the same place , or plot you first stood on ; then face your battaile to the right , and being so faced , wheele your battaile to the left , which being performed , face to the left , and then they are compleatly reduced , both for aspect and place . the next command is , wheele your battaile to the right about . this is also an anguler wheeling , and transferres the aspect of the front , proper , towards the reere : it is to be performed in the same manner , as the wheeling to the right was ; onely the motion is twice so much : wherefore there ought to be the more care had , that so the motion may be orderly performed : by so much as every man is nearer , or further off , from the right corner man , by so much the more swifier or slower must he continue his motion , that so he may be sure , to keepe still , even in ranke with his right hand man. this motion being thus performed , your battaile will be removed from its former station , taking in lieu thereof , the ground diagonally opposite in the right angle . to reduce these to their former aspect ; wheele your battell to the left about , notwithstanding the ground you formerly did possesse , will be twice the length of your battaile to the left , of your left flanke , if you would reduce them , as well to their first ground , as their first aspect ; face them to the right , and then wheele them to the left about , which being done , face them to the left , and they are perfectly reduced , as at first . chap. lix . of wheeling on the center . the command is , wheele your battell to the right , on the same ground . this wheeling , is by some called a wheeling on the center : by others , a wheeling on the same ground . i cannot absolutely maintain it to be either , for that it onely wheeles about the midst of the first ranke . neither may it rightly bee termed a wheeling on the same ground , because it loseth ¾ . of the ground it formerly stood upon . this wheeling is quicker performed , then the anguler wheelings : and may be done in farre lesse ground . for the left flanke advanceth forward , still wheeling to the right , the right flanke contrariwise , facing to the left ; and so falling backward . if you have an odde file , then the middle file-leader must be the center or axelltree of the motion , if you have an even number of files , then the middlemost file-leader from the left . but if your wheeling be to the left , then the contrary . this by some is called the prince of oranges wheeling . for the reducement , wheele your battell to the left , on the same ground : and they are reduced as at first . our next command is , to wheele your battaile to the right about , on the same ground . this wheeling is also a wheeling on the center , or midst of the front : and transfers the aspect of the front proper , towards the reere , removing the battaile from the ground whereon it formerly stood , and placing it on the ground before the front . it is performed after the same manner , as the last : onely the motion is double so much as the other . in this motion , on the left flanke , every man is to observe his right hand man ; and the right flanke must keepe even and straight after their left hand man , which become their leaders file-wise , untill they have attained their ground : after which , they face as before : making an even front . for the reducement , wheele your battaile to the left about , upon the same ground ; and they will be reduced as at first . i will next shew the divisionall wheelings , and intend to giue to each of them his figure : whereby they may appeare the more easie to such as doe not yet rightly understand them . the first shall be a wheeling off by division : as in the next chapter . chap. lx. of wheeling off , by division . the command is , wheele off your front by division . this wheeling off by division in greater bodies , may be usefull to meete severall enemies at one and the same time , with the front of your battalia : and so consequently with your best souldiers . but if you will wheele off your battaile by division , and ioyne them againe when they be in the reere ; then it brings all your muskettiers from the flankes to the midst of your battalia : and your pikes on the out side or flankes . if any question the depth of the number of this figure , i have doubled files to make the figure more perfect . the way to perform this motion , is easie ; for all the file-leaders of the right flanke , wheele about to the right : the rest of each file following their leaders : the file-leaders also of the left flanke , wheeling about to the left , in the same manner ; and then joyne or close their divisions . this being done , if you would then reduce them , wheele them off againe by division , after the same manner ; and they will be as before . but if you would doe it some other way , make use of this wheeling next following : which will also bring them as they were . the word of command or direction followeth , as in the next chapter . chap. lxi . of wheeling the front inward , towards the reere . the command is , wheele your front inward to the reere . this divisionall wheeling of your front inwards to the reere , is here placed as a reducement unto the other foregoing wheelings : and so it brings the muskettiers to the flankes againe . but if you will doe it , the company being first reduced ; then it brings the pikes to the flankes . some say it may be good , if you be annoyd with horse in the reere , upon a march ; and that you have gained some side of a hill or other place of advantage : then to wheele your front inward to the reere , to the enemy will make shew of disbandoning or flight . but contrariwise , you march toward him with a settled and orderly body : your muskettiers being all in the midst , and so firing upon their enemy : the pikes being their flankers , thereby defending the shot from the fury of the horse . this motion will hardly be well done , if your body hold too large an extension of length . but at what depth soever , it is easie . the motion is to be performed as followeth . the right hand file-leader , with all the leaders of the right flanke , advance forwards , and so wheele about to the left : every file still keeping close to their right hand file . the left hand file-leader , likewise , with all the leaders of the left flanke , advance forwards , and wheele about to the right : every file of the left flanke , closing close to the left . thus the outmost files of each flanke , will meete and become the innermost : the front falling perpendicularly to the reere . for the reducement of this figure , you may if you please , either wheele them off to the right and left , by division : or else wheele your front inward againe to the reere . these two last wheelings , have beene demonstrated with their files doubled : whereby the figures might be the ●ore perfect , but with men , it would have beene needlesse : wherefore double rankes to the contrary hand , and they will be as at the first . chap. lxii . of bringing the flanks into the front of the battell . the command is , wheele your flanks into the front. wheele your flanks into the front , wings front ▪ front battell , front midst , front center , reere flanks . this divisionall wheeling of the flanks into the front , is , properly , a doubling performed by wheeling . it brings all your muskettiers , from the flankes into the front . so that whereas this bodie , before , could do execution , but with . muskettiers at once ; by this motion they may powre on . shot together . if they were deeper before the motion began , then it would bring the more hands to imployment . if upon some passe , you should be chased in the reere by horse ; by this motion of wheeling your flanks into the front , you not onely secure your muskettiers , but also barricado up the passe with your pikes ; if it be not above fifty foot over some call this , a wheeling on the center : because they wheele about the middle-men of the front . but i rather conceive it an angular ; because upon the first motion of dividing , every division wheeleth about his owne angle , untill the outmost-file-leaders of each flanke , meet together in the midst . you may perceive how , by the figures of number , where the figure . meets the number : with , with . and so for all the rest . then being faced to their leader , every two files that met being now joyned , make one ranke . there must be the like order and decorum kept , in the motion of wheeling each flanke : as i shewed in the instruction of intire angular wheelings . for reducement of this motion , wheele your flanks into the reere . or else foure times the same , as i have seene some do : although somewhat the further way about . divers men are diversly opinionated ; concerning the best word of command or direction , for this motion . these i have known used which i have placed in the margent , by the figure ▪ and if any man like one better then the other , be it at his owne choice , either to use or refuse , while i passe to shew the next wheeling . chap. lxiii . of wheeling the reere into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele your flanks into the reere . the direction is , face all about to the right . wheele y●●r fl●●k● into the reere , wing ▪ reere , reere battell , reere midst , reere center , front ●lanks ▪ this divisionall wheeling of the flanks into the reere , is also a doubling , and performed as the other . and whatsoever might be said , in the behalfe of the wheeling of the front into the middest ; the same may be also spoken , concerning the wheeling of the reere into the middest . for this wheeling , brings your two outmost-files to be the first ranke ; the bringers up of the right and left-hand-files , meeting together : the bringers up of the left flanke , meeting face to face with the bringers up of the left-flanke . and so being faced to their leader , they which before were complete files , are now become halfe-ranks : either to the right or left . but you must note , that before you begin to wheele , you must face your body about to the reere : and then the action will be all one , as if you wheeled your flanks into the front . wherefore i shall not need further to explaine it : having spoken fully to it in the precedent chapter . for the reducement of this wheeling , the commander being at his front accidentall , may command them to wheele their wings into the reere , and so passe through to that part , where his proper file-leaders are : and then face them to him , and they are reduced . or else , when he hath past through to the reere , and faced his company to him ; then his pikes being formost , let him wheele his flanks into the front , who being faced to their leader , they are reduced . for this motion , there are also divers and severall words of command . and because it may be , that some will better approve of some of the other words of command , then of this that i have made use of : therefore i have placed others in in the margent , that so any that will , may take their choice : while i passe to shew the next wheeling . whose word of command and direction , you shall finde over the figure of the next chapter . chap. lxiiii. of wheeling the right flanke , into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele front and reere , into the right flanke . the direction is , face all to the right . this figure stands as the body is in motion . wheele front and reere into the   the left flanke right flanke . the right flanke front and reere . the right flanke midst . center . this divisionall wheeling of the front and reere , into the right-flanke ; doth quadruple the depth : as may appeare by this figure , which before the motion began , contained but eight in depth : but this wheeling being perfected , makes them . namely , if you direct the aspect of the bodie , either to the right or left ; after the motion is ended . if you obserue this wheeling , it doth divide the muskettiers on the left-flanke : the one halfe of them , wheeling to the front ; the other halfe , to the reere : all the muskettiers of the right-flanke , wheeling together into the middest . the pikes are likewise divided ; those that were the front-halfe-files , are in the middest of the front-division of muskettiers ; and those which were the reere-division of pikes , are in the middest of the reere-division of muskettiers . this wheeling may be to singular good use , for the making of some formes of battell . but i forbeare now to treat concerning figures and formes of battell , reserving them to be spoken of in their due places : and come now to shew the way how to performe the motion . the command therefore being given , to wheele front and reere into the right-flanke , then the first thing the souldiers are to do , is to face to the right . that done , they wheele together about the fourth and fift men in the right-hand-file : which is the halfe-file-leader to the front , and halfe-file-leader to the reere . you may easily perceive how , by the figure : where the reere-division wheeleth to the left ; and the front-division , to the right : untill the bringer-up of the right-hand-file , meets in the midst with his file-leader : the second , with the seventh ; the third , with the sixth ; the fourth , with the fift . &c. for the reducement of this figure of wheeling , there are many wayes : according as the body may be faced . but first conceive , as if they stand faced the same way as they were before this motion began . and then the wheeling of front and reere into the left-flanke will reduce them ; when they are faced to their leader . or if you will , face them that way which they wheeled in the motion ; which was to the right : then wheele your flanke into the reere ; when being faced to their proper front , they are reduced . and so , in like manner , should you face them to some other part ; they might be otherwayes reduced . the next wheeling will be the same to the left , as this is , to the right : where notwithstanding that the motion be all one , yet it shall differ in the placing of the men . for before i begin the wheeling , i will passe through all the muskettiers , from the left flanke to the right : by which meanes the body will stand , as appeareth by the square figure following . from whence i will begin the next wheeling . chap. lxv . of wheeling the left flanke , into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele front and reere , into the left flanke . the direction is , face all to the left. depiction of 'left flank wheeling' this divisionall wheeling , of the front and reere into the left-flanke , is , in like manner , a doubling of the depth . for the nature of the motion , it is altogether like unto the wheeling next before : differing onely in the flanke ; and after that the body is faced to the left , the wheeling is to be performed , as wheeling the flanks into the front . but by reason that before the motion began , all the muskettiers were on the right-flanke : by this wheeling , they are brought to the front and reere . for the aspect being directed the same way , it was before the command was given , the depth will be , as in the other figure . for reducement , the ordinary way is to wheele the front and reere into the right-flanke . o● if upon any occasion , you have faced your body to the same way they have wheeled ( which was to the left-flanke ) and would give your command from thence ; then let them wheele their flanks into the reere . this done , the commander passing to his first front , and facing them to him : they are as when this last wheeling began . then cause the foure files of maskettiers , to face to the left ; and to passe through to their places . lastly , do but close them to their due distance , in ranke , and file : and they are perfectly reduced . chap. lxvi . of wheeling front and reere , into the midst of the battell . the command is , wheele both flanks into the front and reere . the direction is , halfe-files , face about to the reere . this divisionall wheeling of both flanks into the front and reere ; doth double the depth : making them from deepe , . it doth likewise transferre the muskettiers , from the flanks into the front and reere : making a division between the front halfe files , and reere halfe files . so that of one body , flankt with muskettiers , it maketh two , each having their muskettiers in front . this figure , ( as most others , as well facings , doublings , counter-marches and wheelings ) is here set forth as the motion of each presents it selfe in the execution ; few of them being shewne , as they be when they are executed . and i conceive it the better way , as well for expression , as apprehension : to shew the worke as it is in doing , rather then absolutely performed . for the way how to performe this wheeling , take these directions following . the command being first given , ( as aforesaid ) the first thing the souldiers have to doe , is for the halfe-files to face about , and then the front halfe files , and reere halfe files wheele at one and the same time : the front division , wheeling about their two innermost file-leaders , which are figured with the numbers of and . untill the file-leaders of the right flanke meete together in the midst , with the file-leaders of the left flanke : as you may easily perceive by the figure shewing the motion ; the rest of their divisions , orderly following them . the halfe-files , also being faced about ; the bringers up , in like manner , wheele together : being now the leaders of the motion , in the reere , as you may perceive . this being done , if you please you may face them all to their leader , ( whom suppose to be at the place of his first front ) and then command them to close their divisions : which being performed , all your file-leaders are in the two innermost files of the front division , file-wise , and all the bringers up , in the reere division of the same files . for the reducement of this figure , if you will , face them to either of the flankes , and command them to wheele both flanks into the front and reere , when facing them againe to their proper front , and closing their division , they will be as at first . but if you would make use of some other wheeling , to reduce it , then take this in the following chapter . chap. lxvii . of wheeling the flanks into the midst of the battaile . the command is , wheele front and reere into both flanks . the direction is , face to the right and left . this divisionall wheeling of the front and reere into both flankes , may also be termed a doubling of the depth : by reason that from deepe , it maketh them double numbers . by this motion , the muskettiers which before were flankers , are now transferred into the midst , betweene the front and reere of the pikes . and whereas in the other figure , the wheeling was about the two middlemost file-leaders , and bringers up ; this wheeling contrariwise , is about the two halfe file-leaders of the outmost files of each flanke . in the other wheeling , the file-leaders and bringers up , made the innermost file : in this , the innermost file of each flanke , as you may easily perceive by the figure . this motion being performed , it leaves a large intervalle ( or division ) from front to reere , betweene the flankes : which if the commander passe into the midst , betweene each division , and face them all to him ; causing them to close their divisions , and to march forth into his first place , ( directing their aspects the same way ) then will the pikes be in the front and reere . for the reducement of this figure ( of wheeling ) to its former posture ; you may face the body to one of the flanks . which being done , command them againe to wheele front and reere into both flankes ; when being faced to their former front , and having closed their division , they are reduced . but if you would make use of some other wheeling , for reducement ; then wheele both flanks into the front and reere ; and they are as at first : having faced to their leader , and closed their division . and thus as briefly and as plainely as i could ; have i runne through the severall motions and grounds ; for the disciplining of a foot-company . and although i neither can , nor hope to give satisfaction to all ; yet i shall intreat the better qualified , that where i am wanting , there they will supply my defects with their goodnesse . or if it so happen , that i undergoe the censure of needlesse superfluitie : i would have such to make use of so much of it , as they shall thinke fit for their owne turnes : and to leave the residue unto such as may have opportunity for to use it . thus courteous reader have i past the grounds and various motions of the infantry , where thou maist gaine the skill , cost others wounds , though from a young one of th' artillery . reade and consider , if thou nothing gaine , i aske as little from thee for my paine . if thou the distances dost well peruse , the severall facings and the doublings too , the counter-marches which of course ensues , and then our wheelings which we lastly doe . these being practis'd , learn'd , and understood , the benefit turnes to thy countries good . these , like the vowels , are in number five , with which me spell all words that can be nam'd ▪ so with these motions we all formes contrive , and from these grounds are all our figures fram'd . then frame thou no excuse , but learn to know them , and with as free an heart as i doe shew them . now next of all i should some firings show , but lest perhaps i hold you over long , i thinke it fit some respite to be stow , lest that our souldiers thinke i doe them wrong . so please the reader but to pause the whiles , and see our leaders exercise their files . for now each leader is so courteous growne , he strives to bring another to his place . but they as modestly would keepe their owne , and each prefers his follower to the grace . so please you then but winke at the digression , and you shall see each leader by succession . chap. lxviii . of making men file-leaders successively , the files being eight deepe . in the making every man in file , successively leader according to their first standing : may as well and easily be done in great bodies , as by single files . yea and with the same words of command and direction , as you may perceive by the table , where the figures of number shew the succession of each mans leading . the words of command which produce each leader , being placed in the columes beneath . in the first colume of the table , the file stands as at first ; with his proper file-leader in front : each man having his right place . the rest of the files , demonstrating the places of the men , according to their standing ; upon the making of every severall file-leader . the commands are figures , which produce the like leaders . the front of each file , as they come to be file-leaders ; successively . the severall words of command , which produce each file-leader . ranks to the right double .   files file-leaders and half-file-leaders stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves before your leaders .   ranks to the left double .   files the first ranke stand , the rest passe thorough to the right , and place your selves before your leaders .   ranks to the left double .   files countermarch front & reere into the midst , then face to your leader .   ranks to the left double .   files then face about or countermarch your files , and they are as at first .   the first , are the proper leaders of the files . for to make the second leade , if there be but one file , then file ranke two to the right : if there be more files , than rankes to the right , double , and files to the right , double . by which meanes , the second man is become leader of his file : every man being disposed , as you may perceive by that file , whose leader is the figure of . to make him that was the third man , leader , let file-leaders , and halfe-file leaders stand : & the rest passe through to the right , & place themselves before their leaders . thus will the file stand like that , led by the figure of . for to make him that was the fourth man leader ; rankes to the left , double ; and files to the left , double : whereby the file will stand like that , led by the figure of . for to make him that was the fift man , leader , let the first ranke stand ; the rest passe through to the right , and place themselves before their leaders : by which meanes the file will stand like that , led by the figure . for to make him that was the sixt man , leader ; double your rankes to the left , and files to the left , double : and then the file will stand , like the file led by the figure of . for to make him that was the seventh man , leader of the file ; countermarch front and reere into the midst , and face them to the former front : whereby the file will stand like that led by the figure of . for to make him that was the eighth man , leade the file-ranks to the left , double ; and files to the left , double ; and the file will stand like that , led by the figure of . for to reduce them , cause the first ranke to stand ; the rest to advance forwards to the right , placing themselves before their leaders . chap. lxix . of making men file-leaders , successively : the files being but sixe deepe . some will be inquisitive to know for what use the making of leaders by succession , serveth ? or whether it be not a meere curiosity ? to which i thus answer . that it is not only pleasant , but profitable . pleasant to the leader of a file : who having sufficiently exercised his file in postures , to give some time of respite , or delectation , for the recreating of their almost tyred spirits , brings each man , successively , to leade the file by proper words of command . and lastly , reduceth each man to his former standing . it must needs be profitable and much availeable in discipline , when the skilfull commander can thereby ( with much ease ) change and interchange : bring what rankes he pleaseth to lead in front ; and exchange them afterwards for others ; yea , and lastly , at his owne pleasure , bring the proper file-leaders againe into their places . this following table , shewes each mans severall place as they stand ; still being altered , according to their various leaders . by the figures of number ( which are placed over the heads of those columes , wherein are writ the words of command ) understand that those words under the figure of . are to make the second man , file-leader . those words , under the figure of . make the third man , leader . and so forward for the rest . the front of each file , as they come to be leaders . the words of command , which produce each severall leader .   files ranks to the left double . half-files double your front to the right , files to the right double . facc to the reere , or let the first ranke stand , the rest passe thorough , &c. ranks to the right double , files double your depth to the right .   files ranks to the left double . face to the reere , and they are reduced . the first man , is the leader of the file . for to make the second man , leader ; command , file ranke , two to the left . if there be more files then one ; ranks to the left , double ; and files to the left , double ; which makes the second man , leader ; every man in the file being disposed , as you may perceive by that file , led by the figure of . for to make him that was the third man , leader ; command halfe files , double the front to the right , and files to the right , double ; by which meanes , the file will stand like that , led by the figure of . for to make him that was the fourth man , leader : face to the reere , and then hee leads . but if you will keepe the same front ; command the first ranke to stand , the rest to passe through to the left : placing your selves before your leaders . thus will the file stand like that , led by the figure of . for to make the fift man , leader : command , rankes to the right , double ; and files to double their depth to the right intire : by which meanes the file will stand like that , led by the figure of . for to make the sixt man , file-leader : cause rankes to the left , double ; and files to the left , double ; and then the file wil stand like that , led by the figure of . for to reduce them , there needs no more but face to the reere : notwithstanding if you would have the front the same way , the command is , the first rank , stand ; the rest passe forwards to the right : placing your selves before your leaders . for to make sixe men , successively leaders , by sixe words of command , besides facings . the first is leader : for the second file , ranke ▪ to the left , and files to the left , double . for the third , countermarch front and reere into the midst : and face to that part which was the reere . for the fourth , face about to the right . for the fift , countermarch front and reere into the midst , and face to that which was the reere . for the sixt , ranke two to the right ; and files to the right , double ; face them about , and they are reduced . chap. lxx . of drawing the files againe into a body : and preparing them for a skirmish . by this time ( me thinkes ) i heare the drums beat a call : which summons each file-leader to his place : every man observing his order , both in ranke and file . the officers having taken their due places ; the captaine and ensigne in the front of pikes , the lievetenant in the reere ; the serjeant on the flanks , the drums on the front and reere angle s of the pikes : as you may perceive by the square figure next following . now the drums beat a march , the ensigne flying at the head of the pikes ; the pikes and muskets shouldered , marching at their distance of order in file , at open order in ranke : presently by a signe from the captaine , the drums beat a preparative : the ensigne furl-up , retiring into the midst betweene the pikes ; the pikes advance , the rankes close forwards to their order ; the muskettiers makes ready , and every man prepares himselfe for battell or skirmish . and here the eyes of the drum must be very vigilant , to observe his captaine or commander ; that by the least signe , either of his hand , leading-staf●e , or whatsoever else he carries , hee may either continue his charge , retreat , or else charge home : and every souldier ought to be so well trayned and practised , that in the time of battell , he may receive ample instructions from the sound of the drum. the body drawne into a square : with the officers in their places . thus many officers may serue for a larger company , if the souldiers be expert and skilfull : and to the contrary , they are all too few , if they be raw and unexperienced . i have seene some companies , which have been so absolutely ignorant , that each man would have needed an officer , to have kept him orderly in his place . neverthelesse i make no doubt , but that by the carefull oversight of the lord lieutenants , the good assistance of their deputies , and the diligence of the captains , and their officers , this fault will quickly be amended . and this might easily enough be done , if that those which are owners of armes , would but meet one houre or two in a fortnight ( at their best leisures ) and practise the postures of the pike & musket first , and the motions , and firings , when they are more expert . if any shall object , that how ever this may be done in townes and cities , yet it cannot be in the countrey villages . i answer , that if they meete not above foure , sixe , or eight in a place , although they have no officer to instruct them , yet by conferring , and trying , and often practising , they will begin to carry their armes with more ease ; and to use them with more delight . neither need they to be altogether ignorant , seeing there are divers printed portraitures of the postures of each armes : as also books , whereby they may have very ample instruction . by which having attained some little skill ; they will not be contented , untill they have better improved it by the instruction of their officers : after which they will proue better proficients in one houre , then as they were before , in a yeare . chap. lxxi . of firing by forlorne files . the manner , and use . before i enter upon formes and figures of battel , be pleased to observe with me , that all firings , are either direct or oblique : notwithstanding that the formes are full enough of varietie , occasioned ( most times ) by the scituation of the place ; the order of the enemy , and the number of men : with other politicall observations , for the gaining of winde and sunne . for the manner of firings , they are sometimes advancing against an enemy : sometimes receiving the enemies charge upon a stand ; or else retreiting . otherwhiles , we give fire in the reere , marching from the enemy : or in flanke , marching by an enemy : and it may so fall out , that the enemy may charge in severall places at once ; as in front , and reere ; or in front , reere , and flanke . of which particulars , i will severally treat , desiring to give content to all , not making the least question but that benefit may accrue unto some . and therefore hoping that the courteous and best qualified , will accept of my good meaning ; and not refuse my cates , although presented unto them in earthen vessels : whereby i shall be induced with more willingnesse , to proceed in my intended discourses , so you be pleased to favour me with your better opinions ; neither rashly condemning me of prodigalitie , for enterprising a worke of such consequence as this ; nor too suddenly accusing my simplicitie , for preferring my rush-light before the sunne ; when others suffer their torches to burne out in darke lanternes : whom i confesse to be farre more able ( were they but halfe so willing ) to have imparted of their talents , to the benefit of their countrey . but seeing that they will not vouchsafe it , and that i , like bold bayard , have adventured thus farre ; i shall ( with your good favour ) proceed . and first i will begin with firings in front ; advancing , and standing : and so to the rest . and for the more cleare expression of each firing , i will deliver them both in words and figures . the first whereof , shall be a firing by forlorne files : which commonly is used in our exercise , two manner of waies : one way is , for the two outermost-files of each flank of musketiers , to march forth , being led on by the two junior serjeants , so farre as by the superior commander shall be thought fit ; who being there to stand , the formost ranks are to give fire ; wheeling off , both to the right , or to the right and left ( if it be so commanded ) and to place themselues in the reere of their owne files , the rest of the ranks firing , and doing of the like , untill they have fired once or twice over , according to their directions . this done , the next two outmost-files of each flanke , are to march forwards unto the place assigned ▪ and to do the like : those files which formerly faced , in the meane time trooping backe , and placing themselues next the pikes , on the inside of the divisions of muskettiers : the rest of the muskettiers ( in like manner ) marching up , and firing : still placing themselues next the pikes , as aforesaid . when they have fired all over , and placed themselues according to these directions : they are reduced , as at first . a second way of firing by forlorne files , may be after this māner . the outermost files of each flank , are led forth by the serjeants ; according to the charge untill they have brought them unto a fit place for execution : and then they command their files to ranke inward , and to present , and fire all together : as you may plainly perceive by the figure following . the first two files , having ranked i●●ard , presented and fired , are to wheele off to the right and left : following their leaders in single file , and placing themselves on the inside of their divisions of muskettiers next the pikes ; the next outmost files , which followed the first in the reere in the meane time ranking inward , firing and wheeling off , as before , and placing themselves next the pikes . and so forwards for all the rest of the files : still marching up , and doing the like , so long as the captaine or commander shall fee fitting . these kinde of firings ( and all such like ) are either for the beginning of skirmishes , before the bodies come within shot one of another , or to provoke the enemy to battaile , to draw them from their trenches , into some ambushment , and other such politicall ends , the number of men which march forth upon such designes , nor the manner are not alwayes certaine , but consists sometimes of more , sometimes of fewer , according to the number , time , and place . chap. lxxii . of firings by two ranks , ten paces advanced before the front : next , even with the front ; and lastly , even with the halfe files . advancing of two rankes to fire , ten paces before the front , is most commonly used , when one or both battailes march against each other : the muskettiers being led forth by two rankes together , ten or twenty paces , before the front of the body ; that so they may come neere enough to doe ▪ certaine execution . a serjeant from each flanke leading up the two foremost rankes , ( according as they shall have order ) the first ranke of each flanke is to present and give fire , wheeling either all off to the right , or to the right and left , as you may perceive by the following figure . the first ranks having presented , fired , and wheeled off , ( as aforesaid ) are to march close downe in single file , within three foot of their owne flankes , untill they come to the reere of their owne divisions : where every man is to place himselfe in the reere of his owne file . the second ranke being at the distance of three foot , behinde the first ranke , when they first tooke their ground : they likewise are to rest their muskets , mounting their muzzles cleere of their leaders , and so to stand with their matches cock● , and pans guarded , that so they may levell and fire as soone as their leaders are cleere of them , and wheele off , in like manner placing themselves as they were before . the next two rankes are to beginne to advance forwards , when they see the last of the two former ranks , presented ready to fire . and they also having fired , wheele off as the others did before them . and so , successively the rest of the ranks advancing , fire and wheeling off againe , placing themselves according to former directions . this way , they may give fire , once or oftner over , as the enemy doth advance ; or the commander shall see fitting . all this while that the muskettiers advance so farre before the front , ( if the body be upon march ) the pikes may be shouldered : but when the bodies come within twelve score , or lesse , then it is fit that the muskettiers give fire even with the front of the pikes , and that the pikemen , advance their pikes , and close forwards to their distance of three foot , that so they may be even in ranke with their muskettiers , as you may perceive by the following figure . now the pikes being advanced , and the rankes closed forwards to their due distance of order , the muskettiers are to present , even with the front , every ranke successively moving forward , untill they come to be even in ranke with the first ranke of pikes , there to give fire , and to wheele off to the right and left , trooping , file-wise , downe close to their owne divisions : and taking their places in the reere , as in the former figures . the first ranke of muskettiers having fired , and wheeled away , the next ranks are to move forwards at three * motions , into their places ; and there to give fire after the same manner : wheeling away againe , and placing themselves according to former directions , every ranke still making good their leaders ground . in this sort the battell may be continued , untill they have fired once , twice , or oftner over ; and that the bodies become so close together , that the pikes begin to porte , and so at length come to push of pike . which done , the muskettiers are to give fire , either retreiting , or else not to advance further , then the halfe files of pikes . for in that place ( the bodies being come so neere together ) they will doe as much execution , as if they were even with the front . the manner of the standing , you may perceive by the following figure . the pikes being now come to push , the muskettiers are to advance no further than the halfe files of pikes : that ( so they may doe execution with their shot , and be out of danger of the pikes . this having attained , they are there to present , and give fire ; every ranke still moving forwards , and maintaining his leaders ground . after they have performed their firing , they are to wheele off by division , as in the former figures : still placing themselves in the reere of their owne files , alwaies taking their directions from the drum , either for charging or retreiting , &c. the battell or charge being ended , the reducement is easie . the leader of each file , being in his place at the head of his file ; command the muskettiers to march up , even with the front of pikes ; and then they will be as at first . obserue withall that when the firing is to be performed , even with the front ; then the muskettiers are stil to make good their leaders ground . the want to be in the place of most security ( which is the reere ) as you may perceive by the pricks , which i have designed , for noting out the empty roomes of such , who have closed forwards to make good the ground in the front : the others that last fired are wheeled off , and trooping downe into their places . when the firing is even with the halfe-files , they are to do the like : unlesse the drumme beat a retreat ; for then , the muskettiers neither advance , nor retreat : but every rank giving fire on the same ground , they stand : and then wheele off againe , that their fellows may do as much . neverthelesse when the forlorne files march forth , or that two ranks march forth , ten paces ( or more ) before the front : then they are to give fire , as upon a retreit : unlesse the enemy flye . i will now shew some other wayes of firing in front ; before i shew the firings in the reere . the first whereof , shall be the horne battell : as in the chapter following . chap. lxxiii . of the horne-battell ; how to make it : and to reduce it by firing . the horn-battell may be for the same occasion and use , as the firing by two ranks ten paces advancing before the front : and is by some held more serviceable , because that the muskettiers do their execution more roundly , without any intermission of time : and keepe themselues without stragling from their bodies . besides , the wings of muskettiers being so advanced , are more apt for over-fronting , and more easily to be wheeled ; whereby to charge the enemy in flanke ; each of these wings , or divisions , are to be led up by a serjeant ( or some other superiour officer ) unto the place appointed by the chiefe . but because that it may be performed in time of exercise , by the intelligible souldier , observe the command which produceth this following figure . pikes , stand ; muskettiers , march ; untill the bringers up , ranke with the front of pikes . the horne-battell . the figure being perfect , the firstranke of muskettiers , present and give fire wheeling off , either all to the right ; or to the right and left ( according as they shall have direction ) and placing themselues , orderly , in the reere of their owne files . the next ranke ( after the same manner ) firing and wheeling off , and placing themselues behinde those , which were their leaders . thus is every rank , successively ▪ to do the like : untill they have all given fire . if the commander would still preserve , and continue the same figure ; then let the muskettiers still move forwards , into the ground ( or place ) of them that fired before them : and the forme will be still the same . and if by the chiefetain it be found necessary , that after once or twice firing over , the shot should flanke their pikes ; then the muskettiers , must not advance into their leaders ground ; but , to the contrary , every ranke is to present and fire on the same ground they stand : and that so soone as they are cleere of their leaders . or if need be , the pikes may advance and march up , to make their front i●tire : which being done , the file-leaders of muskettiers being in front , they are reduced . chap. lxxiiii . of the demie-hearse battell : the use of the figure ; how to make it , and to reduce it by firing . the next firing in front which i present unto you , is the demie hearse : which is a figure most firme , most sollid , and most stable , yea , and doth as much execution , as any of the former : and that with halfe the danger . for the pikes in the former figure , they either ranke even with the front of muskets : or else , the division of muskettiers being open , they become liable to the danger of the enemies shot : themselues not being able to do any thing , either offensive or defensive . but , to the contrary , in this figure , they are securely covered by their owne muskettiers : untill they approach nearer to the enemy . whereby they may be able to do some service ; either by sending their showres of arrows amongst them , for bringing their array out of order , or else , by closing neerer , come to the shocke , and so try the fortune of the day . but not to hold you longer in circumstance , take the words of command : which produce the figure , as followeth . pikes , stand , muskettiers , advance before your front of pikes : and close your divisions . the demic-hearse . for the firings on this figure , they may be divers ; yet i shall content my selfe onely to shew two of them : the first is , that the muskettiers may at the discretion of the commander , give fire in front : and so wheele off by division ( or all to the right , as shall best please him that commands in chiefe ) placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions and files of shot , which is just before the front of pikes . the next ranks then moving forwards into their leaders ground , are to present , fire , wheele off , and place themselues after the same manner : the rest of the ranks of muskettiers , doing the like , untill they have all given fire : which firing , doth nothing alter the forme or figure of battell . having fired once or twice over this way , the second firing shall serue for reducement : which is indeed the firing intended to be exprest by this figure . and that i may by words , the more clearly explaine the worke , take these directions following . the first ranke having given fire , are to wheele equally off by division : each part falling file-wise downe , close by their flanks of muskettiers : untill the leaders of the ranks of muskets come downe as low as the first ranke of pikes ; which being performed , they are to face outwards , and to move so farre forth in a strait line , untill they have ranked even with the first ranke of pikes . but herewithall are they to observe , that they must leave an intervall betweene the innermost-musket of each flanke ; and the outermost-file-leader of the pikes . so soone as the first ranke hath given fire and wheeled away , the second ranke is to give fire , wheeling off , as before , and passing downe betweene the intervals on the flanks : placing themselues after their leaders . the same is every ranke successively to do , untill all the muskettiers are drawne from before the front , and placed on the flanke of their pikes . but when there are not above two ranks of muskettiers to give fire , then the pikes may port ; and when the muskettiers have fired , and are wheeled away , they may charge . and lastly , the pikes being re-advanced , the body stands reduced , as at first . chap. lxxv . of giving fire , advancing , by way of introduction : with the beneficiall use of the bow and pike . i shall next offer to your perusall , a figure of introduction : which is a passing through or betweene : being a firing by way of advancing against the enemy , and of gaining ground . i will not dispute how usefull it is ; but sure i am , it is over-ballanced with danger . as for such whom i haue seene to practise it , they have rather used it for varietie , in a well experienced company , then for any knowne excellency it hath in it selfe . but if these lines happen to be over-lookt by any , that preserues a better opinion of this firing by introduction , then i do : i shall be willing to leave them to their owne liking , while i in the meane time proceed to shew the manner of the execution , which is usually one of these two wayes . the first , when the motion is begun by the second ranke from the front . the other , when it is begun by the bringers up . neverthelesse you must note ▪ that your files of muskettiers must be opened to their open order ; before the firing begin : that so , the muskettiers may passe betweene the intervals of each file , to give fire in the front . and therefore take the words of command and direction ; which will produce this figure following . muskettiers , make ready to give fire by introduction to the right . files of muskettiers , open by division to your open order . this firing by introduction may be thus performed . the pikes being flankt with their muskettiers , the first ranke of each flanke , present and give fire : having fired , they stand and make ready againe in the same place . the second ranke passing forwards before the first , doe there fire and stand : the third rank then passing forwards after the second , and standing even in ranke with them that first fired ; that so soone as the second ranke hath fired , they may quickly step before them , and fire in like manner . in this firing , still the ranke which is next to fire , stands even in ranke with them which last fired ; untill those which stand presented , have likewise given fire : after which they then passe before them ; the ranke which was their next followers , passing forwards and ranking with those which last fired : every man following his leader successively , untill the bringers up give fire , & stand , and then the figure will become a horne battell . all the while that this firing by introduction , is continued , the pikes may be shouldered ( if there be no feare of horse ) or otherwise at discretion . if you continue this firing twice over ; the muskettiers will have their right places : which being done , march up your pikes , to ranke even with your muskettiers in front , and they are reduced . for the other way of firing by introduction , the first ranke ( or file-leaders ) are to give fire as before , and to stand , the last ranke ( or bringers up ) in the interim of their firing ; marching up , and ranking even with the second ranke : the rest following their bringers up ; as they do when bringers up double their front . the first ranke having fired , the bringers up step immediately before them ; present , and give fire ; the rest stil , successively , doing the like , untill every rank have given fire once over . observe withal that the file-leaders are to give fire twice over : being the first & the last & then to stand , the pikes marching up , even with their front of muskettiers . and thus they are reduccd , as at first . the pikemen , all the time of this firing , doe no service : notwithstanding , if one halfe of them had bowes fastened unto their pikes ( being able and well practised men ) they might , whilest the muskettiers are in firing , be dealing of their doles about : and although their arrowes did not happen to wound mortally , yet the whisteling noyse , the terrour of the sight , and the severall hurts ( which could not chuse but be many ) would be a great abatement to the stoutest courages . and great pitty it is to see , the lusty pike-man poorely to droppe downe by the musket-shot ; himselfe not being able to hurt his enemy at that distance , nor defend himselfe . chap. lxxvi . the way to make the diamond battell : severall waies to fire upon it : with divers other figures and firings , which are thereby produced . the diamond battell is also a firing in front ; though more for shew , then moderne service ; yet because that some hold it in venerable respect , i thought fit to place it amongst the rest ; leaving every man to his liking , either to use it or refuse it . it may be that some will looke , that i should make the sheere battell ; the wedge , the saw , and many such like : which might be made either hollow or sollid . but i shall intreate such to spare me ; for i would not willingly spend time to so small purpose ; chusing rather to insist on figures ; more profitable for them , and commendable for mee . yet if any man have a minde to practise any of them , by observation of this diamond battell , he may easily make them . but not to hold you longer with circumstance , the words of command , and direction , which are for the making of this diamond battell , are as follow . first cause your muskettiers of the right flanke , to open to the right , to a sufficient distance : for receiving the muskets of the left flanke . then command the muskettiers of the left flanke , to passe through into the space of ground on the right . this being done , for to make the figure , command . files of muskettiers , ranke . . . . &c. by increase , to the left . files of pikes , ranke by decrease after your muskettiers . the muskettiers may fire on this figure , divers waies : though i onely intend to speake unto two of them . the first , is the most usuall way : and that is , the giving fire in ranke ; the first man ( or poynt of the diamond ) first giving fire : then wheeling off to the right , and placing himselfe just behinde the single pikeman , in the reere . then , the next ranke being three men , give fire ; wheeling off by division : and placing themselves in ranke , behinde the single muskettiers , as they were before the firing began . this done , the ranke of five muskettiers , gives fire ; wheeling off , in like manner , by division ▪ ever observing , that where the number is odde , & they command to wheele off by division ; there the greatest number , alwaies goes to the right . and so , in like manner , the rankes give fire , successively ; and place themselves after their leaders , as before . when all the muskettiers have given fire , and are wheeled off ; then charge pikes , which will be fifteene in the first ranke ; the rest decreasing , having advanced your pikes , your figure will stand like two wedges , with their poynts ioyned , as you may perceive by this figure next following . if you would reduce your men from this figure , without firing , ( your men being sufficiently expert ) let the muskettiers stand , and pikes face to the reere : and so the wedges will stand faced in opposition . next , command them to interchange ground : the muskettiers advancing forwards , into the ground of the pikes , and the pikes , moving into the ground of the muskettiers ; and then by facing the pikes to the former front , the body will stand in forme of a diamond againe . if you would give fire from this figure ( all the muskettiers being in the reere ) the body must face about : and so the firing will be contrary to the former . but if you wheele them about , they may give fire the same way . howsoever , they having given fire , are to wheele off by division , and to place themselves in the reere of the pikes , even in ranke again , as they were when they gave fire . thus having all fired ouer , and wheeled away ; the pikes may charge : and being againe advanced , the body will stand in forme of a diamond ▪ and this i pray you to conceive , for i intend not to remake the figure . the second way of firing on the diamond figure , is by way of countermarch ▪ and is an oblique firing . for whereas in the other firing by ranks ( in the diamond battell ) each ranke fired by increase of two ( beginning with one , and ending with fifteene in a ranke ) this firing , contrariwise , begins with . and ends with . still decreasing . for this firing , your files must be at open order , because the muskettiers must countermarch downe betweene the intervals of their owne files to the right : every muskettier that findes himselfe without a leader , being to present and give fire : and then to countermarch to the right , and to place himselfe in the reere of his own file , behinde the pikes . when the first . have fired , then the next . present , fire , and countermarch , still placing themselues in the reere of their owne files . next there fireth 〈◊〉 th●● . &c. for still there fires ●o many , as are 〈◊〉 of any leaders . and in this manner of firing , they that fire together , stand neither in ranke not file , bu● o●liquely . when all the muskettiers have fired ▪ and ●●e 〈◊〉 into the reere of their owne files ; let the pikes charge : and so the forme of your battell , will be like a long wedge : as you may perceive by the following figure , where now your ranks are become . and ▪ of a number . your men standing in forme afore-shewed , if you please yet to be more curious , face them all to the reere : and command your muskettiers to march ten or twelue paces . your pikes to stand , and your muskettiers will present you with an hollow wedge ▪ and your pikes with a sollid wedge . lastly , to reduce all these severall formes into the first proper square battell : first , let the sollid wedge , close forward , into the hollow of the other : then , let the muskettiers make ready , present , and fire , as before . that is to say , every muskettier that finds himselfe without a leader , is to give fire , and to countermarch to the reere of his owne file , the rest doing the like , successively . when they have all fired , and are countermarcht cleere , let the pikes charge : and then your body will have the form of a diamond againe . next , face them all to the reere ; and command , ranks , file . to the right . which being done , passe through the muskettiers which belong to the left-flanke , into their places ; and close the muskettiers of the right-flanke to their due distance : and so they will stand , all properly reduced . chap. lxxvii . of the convex halfe moone ; the use of the figure : and of severall wayes of firing upon it . the convex halfe-moone , or semicircular battell , is a forme both good and usefull ; which the time , the number , and place ( with other circumstances ) may make either beneficiall or prejudiciall . wise captains and commanders ever foreseeing with providence , what formes or figures may be most profitable and available , for the present service . this convex figure may be usefull , either at the landing of souldiers in an enemies countrey , or for necessity ( the enemy being more able in horse ) making use either of hedge , ditch , wood , creeke or river ; to secure the reere . for the figure it selfe , it may be made many wayes ; either with the muskettiers outermost , or innermost , or lined , &c. as pleasest he commander . it may also be made in a regimentall way , or after the way of a small and private company : but because i have onely in this my smal treatise , taken upon me to shew the postures , motions , and figures , which are most usually done in a small company ( although many of them , yea the more part , may be very fit for larger bodies ) i shall content my self to saile in so small a bottome , not desiring to put on more saile then will suffice for the bearing of so small a burthen . wherefore my request shall be , that every courteous and skilful pilot that shall come aboard this small barke ; will be pleased neither to launch it into the maine , lest it be swallowed in the surges ▪ nor to expose it to the danger of shelues , rocks , and sands ; lest it suffer shipwracke for want of good guidance , but so to steere it , that it may safely arrive at its ●●sir●d harbour : wherein they will both honour 〈…〉 expressing their vertues , and g●●tifie 〈◊〉 by applying each motion , figure , and forme , to his right use , and true intention . i will now shew , how the figure is to be made , which is as follow●th ▪ if yo●● battell be in forme of an hearse ▪ then 〈◊〉 them to the right or left about ; untill they have atteined this figure . but if in a square , then observe these following words ; which will produce the figure . wheele your flanks into the front : then face the body to one of the flanks : and wheele your battell into a convex halfe moone . the convex halfe moone . having brought your souldiers into this convex forme , you may face them all inward , for speech ; or outward for fight . then let the officers make intervals for the muskettiers ; and let the outermost arc , or first ranke of each division , present , and give fire : those of the right flanke , wheeling off to the right ; the left-flanke , to the left ; placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; still making good their leaders ground . the rest of the ranks are to do the same : untill they have all given fire . neverthelesse , if your enemy be too potent for you by reason of his horse , your bow-pike-men need not stand idle ; although they stand behinde their muskettiers : for that they may plie them faster with their shafts , then the others can with their shot . but if the horse be so violent , that the muskettiers may not abide them ; then let them give fire , and wheele off by division , as before : passing quite through their intervals , and placing themselues in the reere of their pikes : every ranke making good their leaders ground . thus also are the rest of the muskettiers to give fire , placing themselues in the concave part of the body , as aforesaid : following the pikes which now make good the muskettiers ground . if need be , the pikes may charge over-hand : or if occasion serves , at the foot , drawing forth their swords , over their left armes ; and couching downe their heads : by which meanes the muskettiers may give fire , over their shoulders . for the first ranke having fired , may kneele downe on the ground , and charge againe : and so the second ranke may give fire , and kneele in like manner : making ready againe . and so in like manner for all the rest : all giving fire , and kneeling on the ground ; that so the next ranke behinde may give fire over them . thus continning the firing , untill all the muskettiers have given fire . neverthelesse if need be , the first ranke may rise with the rest , and give fire over again , as before . and so the battell may be continued ; the pikes still keeping off the horse . for the reducement of this figure , & to bring every man to his place : let your muskettiers ( either firing , or passing through ) be brought into the places they were in , before they first gave fire . then face the whole body to one of the flankes ; and march them untill they have evened their rankes , and straitned their files . this done , then if all your pikes be on the right flanke ; wheele your right flanke into the midst ; if on the left flank , wheele front and reere into the left flanke . this being done , let the commander passe to his proper file-leaders ; and face the whole body to him , and they are reduced as at first . chap. lxxviii . of extraduction : the severall uses , firings , and reducements . the next firing which i shall take upon me to demonstrate , shall be by way of extraduction : which is also a firing in front. it may be to singular good use , in a strait or passage sage where your wings and reere may be secured : your enemy being supposed to be too powerfull for you , either in horse or foot , or both . having gotten into some strait , there fill the mouth of the passage with your pikes : and if the length of your company be not sufficient to do it , then double your ranks ( as in this following figure ) and let y●ur pikes either order , advance , port , or charge : according to the occasion ; your muskettiers being in the reere , may march up into the front , and fire . but before i shew the firing , observe these following directions , which produce the figure . pikes stand , muskettiers face to the reere , and march u●till you are cleere of your body of pikes ; then face inward , and close your division : that being done face to your leader , and double your rankes . this being performed , the pikes are all in front , the muskettiers in reere . a firing by extraduction . having ordered your ba●tell in this manner , let the first rank●●f muskettiers ( which are those that follow next after the pikes ) face to the right , and march forth ( file-wise ) to close by the right flanke of pikes , untill he that is the leader of them , be come into the front of pikes , then hee is to leade them quite crosse the front of pikes ; untill he have attained the further part of the front to the left ; which being done , they are all to stand , present , and give fire . you must note withall , in this firing , that hee which was the right hand man of the ranke , and was the leader of the ●●tion , now becomes the left hand man , when he gives fire ; and that having fired , they are to wheele off to the left , close to the left flanke of pikes , and so to fall in the reere of the muskettiers . in the interim , whilest that the ranke which first fired , is wheeling away , the second rank is marching into their places to give fire . and in this manner they may maintaine their battaile , so long as they please : the pikes either porting or charging all the whiles . the muskettiers in the time of their crossing the front , are to couch , or stoope under their pikes ; that so they may be no impediment to the pikes in their charge . there is another way of firing ●y extraduction , which is , that the right hand leader of muskettiers , placeth himselfe before the right file●eader of pikes : the rest all falling beyond him : neverthelesse because i conceive it not to be so good a way as that already shewne , i will not trouble you with it : but come immediately to the ●educement of this , which is as followeth . com●and your pikes to stand , and your muskets to double their front by division : but if you want room to doe it , then first double your files 〈◊〉 the contrary hand of that , which you doubled your rankes ; and so hauing doubled by division , as aforesaid , they will be reduced , as at fi●st . chap. lxxix . of the broad-fronted battell : with the wayes of firing upon it . the broad-fronted battell , must needs be of speciall use ; for many occasions , either offensive or defensive . which because it is so apparant to all , i shall not need to stand to reason with any ; rather desiring to shew the manner of making and reducing it : which is ●s followeth . cause your pikes to stand , and your muskettiers to march : untill the reere ranke of muskettiers be advanced a little before the first ranke of pikes ; then let the muskettiers face inward , ( or in opposition ) and close their divisions ; and then face to their leader . and if you would bring more hands to fight , double rankes to any hand , and the body ( for forme and number ) will stand like the figure here next following . but the speediest way , and ( i thinke the best ) i am sure with expert souldiers , is to wheele both ●lanks into the front , which is the way intended by this figure . for the manner of the firing it selfe , you may partly perceive that there are intervalles made for each division , to wheele off to the right , that so they may either fall in the reer of the muskettiers , & there continue the firing ; or else fall in the reer of the pikes , & be therby secured from the horse . it may be done , one or both wayes : according to the occasion or discretion of the commander . neverthelesse , before i shew the firing , observe these words of command , which produce the figure . wheele your flanks into the front , face to your leader . the broad ●●onted battell . the first ranke having presented , and given fire , let them wheele off to the right : all passing down the interual●es to the right , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the muskettiers making good their leaders ground ; and the next ran●es firing , wheeling off , and placing themselves as before . having fired once or twice over this way , a second way may be , to place themselves in the reere of their pikes ; either standing , or advancing : the pikemen in the meane time , clouding the cleere skie , with their ayrie armorie . the muskettiers having all given fire , and placed themselves in the reere : if need bee , the pikes may close their divisions , and charge over hand : and if the enemy shall still presse forwards , the pikes may charge at the foot : the muskettiers giving fire over them , &c. for reducement , there are divers waies by firings ; but because i would make every thing so plaine and easie , that those that reade for instruction , may receive benefit , it hath caused me to reduce each figure by it selfe : and not to multiply one upon another , whereby to make them too ambiguous . and therefore , if you make this figure by wheeling your flankes into the front ; and then fire , as aforesaid : the reducement may be , either * to fire them over againe , and so to fall into their former places : and then to wheele your flankes into the front againe , and lastly , face about to the right : and they will be as before . or else , if you would reduce them without giving fire over againe , then command your muskettiers to double your front by division : that done , wheele both flankes into the reere : then face to your leader , and command your muskettiers to double your front by division againe : and they are as at first . if i should proceed to shew the many and sundry wayes of firings , which may be done in front : my booke had need to have as many leaves , as lines : and yet all too little . but that i may keepe my selfe to my promise , and my booke to its compasse : i will next come to shew some firings in the reere : and amongst my divisionall firings , i shall insert some other sorts of front firings , which here i have omitted . chap. lxxx . of dismarching , or firing in the reere : the severall wayes , and how they ought to be performed . having so long maintained battaile in the front , i will now face them about , and see how they will behave themselves upon their firings in the reere . which kinde of firings , may be very beneficiall and serviceable , many wayes . for by keeping an orderly march , and firing in the reere , the eager enemy , ( by a too hasty pursuit ) may be disordered . or if it so happen ( as many timesit doth ) that you have a disadvantagious place to imbattell on ; by this firing you may march away : still preserving your order and array , untill you have brought your adversary into some ambushment , or such like inconvenience . for the manner of comming of the firing , it must either be by facing about , wheeling about , or countermarching : the pikes are to be shouldered . the figure followeth . a firing in the reere . the bodie being upon a march , if the enemy appeare in the reere ; let the last ranke of muskettiers , face about , and give fire , wheeling off , by division , file-wise marching up toward the front , and there placing themselues before the foremost ranke of muskettiers : ( the outmost man of each ranke , being the leader up of those which have fired ) where first taking their places on the outside , the rest wheeling about them , and ranking even with them on the inside ; ever observing , that they ranke even with the second ranke of pikes . the rest of the muskettiers also doing the like : and in this manner to continue the firing , as occasion shall require . neverthelesse , of all the figures and firings , that ever i have seene , this hath beene the worst performed in all places ; which might easily be amended , if the souldiers would observe this following order in their execution : namely , when the last ranke of muskettiers have presented to the reere , and are giving of fire ; the ranke which marched next before them , do then blow , open , and present , at three motions ▪ still keeping along even with the body , untill that , ( lastly ) they present to the reere ; by which time , the ranke that last fired , will be wheeled away . the next ranke , so soone as the other hath presented , is likewise at . motions , to do the same : and so , successively , for all the rest ; every ranke observing , upon each ranks firing , to loose one ; and to march one ranke neerer , to the reere of the battell : that so that part , may still be kept absolute . this giving of fire towards the reere for service , is to be continued ; according to the qualitie of the place , the occasion for fight ; and the discretion of the commander . in exercise , we commonly do it but once over ; and then ( if you please you may make alte ) and face your bodie about , giving fire over againe : and charging your pikes upon it : if need so requireth . notwithstanding , if the horse shall still continue to pursue you in the reere , you having gained some strait or place of advantage , may wheele your flanks into the front , then face to the reere , and with your charged pikes , defend your muskettiers : which ( the body being so wheeled ) will be in the reere . the body standing in this forme , the muskettiers may sleeve up by way of extraduction . the manner , you may perceive in the chapter which treats of that figure . if the horse still presse forwards , cause the pikes to charge at the foot ; the muskettiers giving fire ●ver them , as in the convex halfe moone . lastly , to reduce them , having thus fired , command them to wheele their flanks into the fron , and to face about after their proper file-leaders , and they are reduced . sometimes , we give fire in the reere : having all our muskettiers marching in the reere of the pikes . for the manner of the motion , it is as before : but for placing of the men , after they have fired ; it may be different . as , to wheele off by division , placing themselues in the front of the muskettiers , next behinde the reere of pikes . or if the body be large , to wheele all off to the right , through intervals ▪ and so to march into the front of pikes . or else , they may wheele off by division , flanke their pikes , and so fire over againe , as before . if you have brought your muskettiers ( by firing ) to the reere , before the front of pikes ; then to reduce them , you may either wheele the body about , and give fire in front , causing your muskettiers to fall off by division , and to flanke their pikes , as you may perceive by the figure of the demie-hearse . or else , if you will reduce them without a firing , cause your muskettiers to open to the right and left : and the pikes to march up in the miast : after which , facing all to your leader , they are as at first . i might have shewne a figure for each of these severall firings in the reere : which would have delivered them with more variety : but i conceive that this here already exprest , may suffice : especially this being the ground of what may be spoken . concerning firings in this nature , many men are of many mindes , about this firing in the reere . some will have it , that the last ranke , shall at one motion , face to the reere : and there present , and give fire . others will have it at two motions ; but either of them have their inconveniences . for however they pretend a more sudden execution , they are decerved : for would they make tryall , by causing the muskettiers of one of the flanks , to give fire at one motion ; and the muskettiers of the other flanke , at three motions , ( as i have here set downe ) they should soone finde , that the firing upon three motions were the best : and that the other would be cast so farre behinde their body , that they would be in some danger to be cut off . besides this , they are longer in clearing themselves from their owne men , which all the whilst must stay , untill they are marched off : or else kill them , in stead of the enemy , whereas in this other firing upon three motions , they still keepe along with their body , doing their execution more suddenly and more safely . neverthelesse , there be many so much wedded to ●heir own wilfull opinion , that they will more willingly persist in knowne errour , then be seene to alter what they have seemed to maintaine . but leaving such to steere by their owne compasse , i will here conclude my firing in the reere . and the next i shew , shall be firings in flanks : to which purpose , i passe all my muskettiers to the right flanke . the words of direction for it , are these . muskettiers of the right flanke , open to the right , or face to the right , and march . when they have opened to a sufficient distance , then stand . muskettiers of the left flanke , passe through betweene your rankes of pikes , to the intervalle on the right flanke : then stand , and face all to your leader . chap. lxxxi . of firings in flanke , in generall ; and more particularly , of the gathering firing . the muskettiers being all on the right flanke , ( as in the last chapter is directed ) it would be needlesse to make a figure , whereby to demonstrate the standing of the body ▪ seeing that none can be so ignorant , but must needs know that all the muskettiers being upon the right , the pikes must be upon the left . neverthelesse , i shall endeavour to shew what is meant by firing in flankes . which ( for the generall ) are of these two kindes . the first is , when the enemy skirm●sh with us in flanke as we march : the other , when as by some sudden attempt or ambushment , the whole body is engaged , and so forced to stand , and to face to the right , or left ; or both . by which facings , the flanks become fronts accidentall , and their firings wil be after the same manner of the firings in front . wherefore seeing i have already spoken sufficiently of them , i will now shew firings in flanke , marching : the particulars whereof , are as followeth . the first is for the outmost file to give fire , and stand untill the next file have fired , which by some is called the gathering firing . secondly , firings in flanke , and leading them up , between the muskettiers and pikes firing ; in flanke , being led off by the bringers up : firings in flanke , sleeving up on the contrary flanke of pikes : firing in flanke , and drawing them up betweene the innermost files of pikes . all these firings in flanke , are to be performed upon a march , the pikes are to be shouldered . our first firing in flanke , followeth . the command is , muskettiers , give fire to the right : and gather up your files . this kinde of firing on the flanke , i have seene and knowne used , by many good and able souldiers . neverthelesse , in my opinion , the men stand in a great deale of danger , when having given fire , they can doe no good ; but stand like so many markes for their enemies shot . notwithstanding , it may be that such whom i have frequently seene to use it in their practise , may be able to render good reasons for the service ; though as yet i cannot conceive it . i will therefore surcease any further prosecution my opinions , and shew the manner of execution : which is to be performed as followeth . the command being , to give fire to the right , presently the outermost file to the right , faceth outward , and presents : the rest of the body , still marching forwards . then the presented file , gives fire , and stands facing againe to their first front . by thattime , the body will be marched cleere of the standing file , then the next outermost file , presents and fires ; in like manner : the body marching as before . having fired , they in like manner face to their first front , and stand ; a serjeant leading up the file , that first fired on the out side of the file that last fired . then they both stand together , untill the third file hath given fire after the same manner . and then the serjeant leads up the two files , even with the third , which last fired . and after this manner , the ●●●es of muskettiers face to the flanke : and give fire , s●c●essively : and stand , untill the serjeant leads up the rest of the files which fired , even with the front of the file , which last fired . thus having all fired over , they are to march up againe , even with the front of pikes , and this reduceth them , as at first . chap. lxxxii . the second manner of giving fire to the flanke . if you would fire in flanke , a more secure way , then that last shewne : take this way of firing . and this shall be full as serviceable , for matter of execution , and shall farre precede it , in way of preservation : both in securing the muskettiers ( after they have fired ) from the danger of their enemies shot : as also in continuing the body intire , without separation . it is especially usefull , when two enemies are divided by a river , or by some such like meanes secured from the incursions of the horse . for then , by this way of drawing the muskettiers up betweene the innermost file of muskettiers , and the outermost file of pikes to the right : your battaile may be continued , according to the occasion or the commanders discretion . the figure followeth . the command is , muskettiers , give fire in flanke : marching up betweene the pikes and muskets . the way to performe this motion of firing , is as followeth . the outermost file being commanded to face to the right , and present : the rest of the body marcheth away ( as in the other figure ) and the standing file , gives fire . this done , and that the body is marched cleere of the standing file ; the next file presents to the right : & the file that first gave fire , faceth to the first front , and is led by a serieant , crosse the reere of muskettiers , and up betweene the muskets and pikes ; the muskettiers are still to open to the right ; as they march , that so there may be room for one file to march up betweene them , and the pikes . and so ( successively ) each file having fired marcheth up next unto the right flanke of pikes . when all your muskettiers have given fire once over , they are reduced as at the first . the battell may be continued , at discretion . the next firing in flanke ( for the matter of firing it selfe ) will be all one with this : but for the manner of the wheeling off , and placing them , it will differ . chap. lxxxiii . a firing in flanke , led off by the bringers up . the next firing in flanke , which i propound to your perusall , will be nothing differing for manner of execution , from the firings in flanke ; formerly shewed . the onely difference arising betweene them , is , that the other files of muskettiers , after that they had given fire , were led off by their proper file-leaders ; and this , to the contrary , must be led off by their bringers-up . and this , indeed , if the body be upon a slow march , is the readiest and quickest way : and doth more speedily secure the muskettiers , after that they have given fire . the words of command and direction , which produce the firing , are as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right : wheeling off , after your bringers up ; and placing your selues betweene your divisions . for the manner of execution , or way to performe this firing , it is as followeth . the body must be conceived to be marching ; upon all these firings in flanke : and that with their pikes shouldered . this being presupposed , the command being given , the outmost-file presents to the right , and gives fire : then faceth to the right , after their bringers up ; who leadeth them off , crosse the reere of muskettiers , marching them up betweene the divisions , the bringers up supplying the file-leaders place ; and marching even in ranke in the front , with the file-leaders ; the file-leader of the same file , becomming the bringer up in the reere . the files of muskettiers , or pikes ( according as the command shall be given ) are as they march , to open ; thereby giving way to the muskettiers , after they have fired ; to come up betweene the divisions , and so soone as the first file that fired , is cleare from the right flanke ; the second file , presents and fires : in like manner wheeling off , as before , and marching up betweene the pikes and muskettiers ; every file , successively , giving fire , and wheeling off as aforesaid . this firing may be performed , once , twice , or oftener over : according to the discretion , of the commander . neverthelesse , if it be twice performed , the men are reduced as at first ; every man hauing his right place . if you fire them but once , or thrice ( or any odde number of times ) over , then you must countermarch your files of muskettiers to reduce them . there is another way for the bringers up to wheele off : and each of them to leade off his file ; untill he comes to the reere of the division which is betweene the muskets and the pikes ; and there he is to stand , and ranke with the bringers up , the rest that follow , passing on forwards , by way of introduction , and every man ranking before him , that was his leader in the wheeling off ; untill the proper file-leader be come into his place againe . and after this way , they may give fire ; each firing being his owne reducement . chap. lxxxiiii . the difference betweene firings in flanke , marching : and of bringing the muskettiers on the outside of the pikes . all , or the most part of the firings in flanke , which are performed marching ; in point of execution , are the same : the especiall difference betweene them , being ●ither in the manner of the wheeling off , after they have fired , or in the materiall placing them , whereby to make them more offensive or defensive . and all this appeareth by this next following firing : which is to be used at such time and place , when as there may be doubt of the enemies horse : and , therefore , for the more securitie of the muskettiers having fired ; they are to be drawne up on the outer-side of the left flanke : if haply there may be some hedge , ditch , river , hill , marish , wood , or such like convenient safeguard ; whereby to shroud them from the furie and violence of the horse ; that so the pikes making alt , and facing to the enemy , may charge , and with their armed points ( strongly and closely coucht ) receive and abate the furie of the first shocke . and if need be , the pikes may all charge at the foot , closely serried together , with their swords drawne , and the muskettiers may give fire over them . the manner , you may perceive in the figure of the convex halfe-moone . but lest i anticipate my selfe , in shewing the use : i will returne to shewth e manner of the firing , intended by this following figure . onely first take the words of command and direction , which are as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right : placing your selues on the outside of the left flanke of pikes . the ovtermost files having presented to the right ; the rest of the body continueth the march , whilest they in the meane time , are giving fire . which being done , and the body cleere , the next outermost file , presents , the file that last fired , in the interim , facing to the left after their proper file-leader ; who leadeth them crosse the reere ( both of muskets and pikes ) a pretty round pace ; sleeving up on the out side of the left flanke of pikes . the next file having , in like manner , fired ; doth also troupe up on the out side of the file , led off before every file ; giving fire , and doing the like . when all have given fire , and are cleered away , then the pikes may charge . which is very necessary ; if but to accustome the ⊙ souldiers unto in times of exercise , both for charging on , and for retreiting , as also to push with their pikes , that so by practise they may be able to doe it , orderly , either way : still keeping their order and array . having given fire upon the right flanke , and drawne all your muskettiers in this manner to the left flanke , if you will cause them to give fire on the left flanke , and bring them backe againe to the right flanke : they will be reduced . or if you would reduce them without a firing , then either passe your muskettiers through between your rankes of pikes , or else , let your whole division of muskettiers , bee drawne crosse either the front or reere of pikes , into their places : or by division ( if you please ) your muskettiers ▪ also , may give fire in flanke : the first fire , sleeving on the left flanke : the rest of the files , still falling betweene the pikes : and the muskettiers which wheeled off the last before them . and this is also a very good firing , and may be reduced with doing the like backe againe : and many other waies , they may also fall off after the manner of the figure last shewn : being led by their bringers up , either into the front , or else after the manner as is discoursed in the latter end of the last chapter . but i endeavour , all i may , to contract my matter ; left my volume should exceed my intent . and therefore i will shew but one firing more in flanke , upon a march : wherewith i will conclude these sorts of firings . chap. lxxxv . of firing in flanke : and placing the muskettiers in the midst of the battell of pikes : with other firings from thence proceeding . firing in flanke , and bringing them off betweene the midst of pikes ; is to be used at such time , when as you would secure your muskettiers : the place ( otherwise ) affoording no naturall convenience of succour , such as i have formerly spoken of : and therefore by this manner of falling off , where we want naturall assistance in the scituation ; there , art ought to supply us , namely , by contriving to bring up the muskettiers betweene the pikes ; and so to defend them from the furie of the horse . and , if need be , you may draw . or . files of pikes ( more or lesse , according to your number or the danger ) crosse the muskets , both in front and reere , which are in the midst betweene the pikes , which will as well preserve the muskettiers in front and reere , as in flanks . but leaving further to discourse , what may be done ; i will now shew how this is to be done . onely first take the words of command and direction for the firing , as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right : marching up betweene the midst of pikes . the command being given , for the outermost-file to present to the right ( as formerly in the other firings in flanke ) the rest of the body still marcheth on ▪ untill that the outermost-file hath fired , and is faced to the left againe : following their leader . he now leading them off to the left , marcheth up betweene the middlemost-files of pikes : who are then to open to the right and left : so to give them roome , to march up betweene them . in the meane time , the next file having given fire , wheeleth off : in like manner marching up on the left of the files , which fired last before them . and so , successively , for all the rest of the files of muskettiers , all which are to give fire , and to wheele off , as before : placing themselues still on the left of the files which last fired . wherein is still to be noted , that the files are still to open to the right and left : and that for the receiving of the muskettiers , after that they have given fire . this firing ( as all other the firings in flanke ) may as well be led off by their bringers up , as by the file-leaders : and then the reducements will be answerable . the muskettiers having all fired ; the pikes may charge , at discretion . the bow-pike-men , which are in the reere of the muskettiers , in the meane time not sparing to send their showers of arrows , amongst the thickest of their enemies , and if need require , the front of pikes charging at the foot , with their swords drawne ; the muskettiers may give fire over them , ranke after ranke ; for the formost ranks having fired , may kneele upon the ground ; and there make ready againe : untill the other ranks behinde them , have likewise given fire . after this manner , the battell may be continued : according as occasion shall require . for reducement , and to bring the muskettiers into both flanks againe , as they were before i began these firings in flank , command your pikes to face inward ; and your muskettiers to the right and left outward , and so to passe through and interchange ground ; then facing them to their leader , they will be reduced , as at the first . i would have the ingenious reader to conceive , that all these firings in flanke , may as easily be performed to the left : and with the same words . onely the words of right , must be changed for left : and left for right . i might have further enlarged my selfe upon firings in flanke : but these already exprest , may suffice for to instruct the ignorant . as for the skilfull and experter sort of souldiers , i shall rather request their approbation , then presume to write ought , which may seeme to passe me with the least conceit , tending to their instructions . wherefore , for the further prosecution of my intended discouse , i will next shew some divisionall firings . and ( for methods sake ) i will first begin with firings in ●ront and reere : which may be performed either upon a march , or stand . and to that end , suppose your muskettiers to march all in front , and reere . neverthelesse , because it will not be amisse , to shew with what words of command , or direction the muskettiers may be brought thither : therefore take notice from what part of the body they are brought . and if they be in the midst ( as in this last figure of firing in flank ) then command the halfe-files of the muskettiers , to face about : which done , let the pikes stand , and the muskettiers march ; untill they are cleare both of front and reere of pikes ; then let them stand ; and face to their leader : which being done , your battell will stand in forme of an hollow square . in which hollow , may be conveyed any carriage , or such like . but if you will not have your battell hollow , then command your pikes to close their divisions ; and the muskettiers will be all in front and reere . if your muskettiers be on the flanke , and you would bring them into the front and reere ; then after the same manner let the halfe-files of muskettiers face to the reere : and then both halfe-files of the front & reere , march untill they are cleare of the angular pikemen . this done , let them face in opposition , and close their divisions : after which , having faced all to their 〈◊〉 they will be rightly placed : namely , the 〈…〉 of muskettiers before the front o● ●ikes ; and the reere-halfe-files of muskettiers behinde the reer● of pikes . thus will the figure of battell be in f●●me of ●n hearse ; and the muskettiers , be ready to give fire to the front and reere : either marching , or standing . but before i begin my divisionall firings , i would intreat you not to expect , that i should reduce every particular firing , so soone as it is performed ; as i have done by these hitherto shewed , but rather let it be sutable to your likings , that i reduce firings by firings : sometimes giving fire upon a march : sometimes upon a stand : sometimes , to the front and reere ; sometimes , to both flanks . i do the rather desire to go on in this way , because thereby i may expresse farre more matter , in fewer lines and shorter time . chap. lxxxvi . of firing to the front and reere , upon a march . the muskettiers being all placed in the front and reere , ( according to the directions in the last chapter ) i will now shew the manner of firing to the front and reere , upon a march . which however that it may bee rare , and seldome usefull in service : yet it must needs be excellent for practise . for by the often using it , the souldier may be made capable of any firing : the pikes , ( you are to understand ) are to be shouldered . the command for the firing is . muskettiers , give fire to the front and reere : and flanke your pikes . the command being given ( as above said ) to give fire to the front and reere ; the first ranke presents ; the last ranke , faceth about to the reere , and doth the like : and so both giving fire together , wheele off by division . the one halfe of the ranke , following after the right hand man of the same ranke ; the other halfe , after the left hand man , who leads them close downe by the side or flanke of the muskettiers , untill they come to the pikes . the first ranke of muskettiers , now ranking even with the first rank of pikes , the last ranke of muskets , with the last ranke of pikes , leaving a sufficient intervalle betwixt them and their pikes , for the other muskettiers to march betweene . and here you must note , that he that was outermost when they gave fire , must likewise be outermost , when they have taken their places on the flanke . the first and last rankes having fired , and wheeled off , the next rankes , ( the body marching on , three or foure steps ) are in like manner to present , and give fire : wheeling off by division ; and passing betweene the divisions : there placing themselves ; they of the front division , behinde those which fired last before them ; and they of the reere division , before them which fired last , behinde them . and so they may continue to give fire after the same manner ; untill they have all given fire , once over . then may the body make a stand , and the pikes charge to the front and reere , if need be . or if the commander would continue his firing to the front and reere , still upon the same figure : then let the muskettiers of the front , place themselves ( after they have given fire ) behinde the muskettiers of their owne division ▪ those of the reere division placing themselves betwixt the reere of pikes , and the muskets of their owne division : and so the body moving but flowly forwards , they may continue the firing . having given fire to the front and reere , and flanked their pikes : if the occasion offer , or the commander please : they may give fire to the front and reere , upon that figure which indeed i hold the better , as you may perceive in the ensuing chapter . chap. lxxxvii . a second way of firing to the front and reere . this second way of firing to the front and reere upon a march , may easily be performed ; if the souldiers bee well and often instructed . without which , all matters in the art militarie will seeme difficult : and by which , all things will be made facile and easie . i could instance in divers motions and figures , by some reputed superfiuous niceties , which were the true uses knowne to the commander , and the way to execute , to the souldier , would be found to be of singular good service . neverthelesse , because to the ignorant nothing beyond their capacities may seeme excellent ; many good and serviceable motions are slighted , and not accounted fit for service . but i could well wish , that some good course might be taken , that the souldiers of our trayned bands might have a little oftener practise ; that so they might be able ( at least in some reasonable way ) to understand and exercise , what shall bee commanded them . but i have strayed from the matter . and therefore take these words of command and direction : which being orderly executed , produce this following firing . muskettiers , give fire to the front and reere ; placing your selves betweene your divisions . the way to performe this firing , is as followeth ; the command being given , the first ranke presents to the front , the last ranke of muskettiers , facing about , and doing the like , towards the reere : this done , they both give fire ; wheeling off by division ; and place themselves betweene the muskettiers of their divisions . those , namely , which were of the front halfe files , falling into the reere of their owne division ; those of the reere halfe files ( contrariwise ) falling before their halfe file leaders , and ranking even with the halfe file leaders of pikes ; the next rankes , successively , firing , and wheeling off , after the same manner . having fired , once over , they are reduced , every man to his place . these two last firings to be performed upon a march , would seeme very difficult to unexperienced souldiers : but by often exercising , they may be made capable of these , or of any other . chap. lxxxviii . a firing to the reere and right flanke , marching . having shewed firings in front , reere , and flanke , ( some marching , some standing ) i will shew one firing to the reere and right flanke , upon a march , which ( without question ) must needs be very serviceable at such times , as the enemy shall skirmish with the body , to annoy them in their passage ▪ in flanke and reere at one time . i shall not need with arguments to inforce the usefulnesse of the firing , for none that knowes any thing in the art military , but will ingeniously confesse that for some services , it must needs be necessary . you may ( if you please ) give fire to the flanke and reere : your muskettiers being in their ordinary places , on the flankes of their pikes . neverthelesse , a securer way for the pikes , will be to draw the muskettiers from that flanke , which is in least danger ; crosse the reere of pike-men . and this shall be the way i will observe in this firing . the words of command and direction for this firing , are as followeth . muskettiers , give fire to the right and reere : placing your selves betweene the pikes , and your owne divisions . the command being given , to fire to the reere and right flanke ; the outermost file of muskettiers , presents to the right : and the last rank of muskettiers presents to the reere , and so both give fire . the rest of the body , in the meane time , marching a reasonable pace . the right hand file , and last ranke having fired ; the file faceth to the left , after their file-leader ; and so marcheth up between the muskettiers of the same division , and the pikes ; the ranke wheeling off to the right , and placing it selfe next after the reere of pikes , and before the first rank of muskettiers of the same division . if you please , you may make an intervalle betweene the muskettiers : that so part may wheele off to the right , on the out side , and the other part wheele off to the right , and march up betweene the intervalle into their places . the first file and ranke that presented , having given fire , and wheeled cleere off the body , the next file and ranke , present and give fire : after the same manner , wheeling off , and taking their places , as aforesaid ; and so successively , the rest ( both files and rankes ) give fire , observing the same order . and having given fire , once , twice , or oftner over , they are still reduced to the same they were before the firing began . then draw your muskettiers from the reere , to the left flanke againe ; and they will have their places as at first . chap. lxxxix . of firing to both flankes , marching . to give fire to both flankes , upon a march ; must needs be a serviceable firing , without exception : the time , number , place , and strength of the enemy , being alwaies to be considered . which may sometimes cause the muskettiers ( having fired ) to march up betweene their owne divisions , and the pikes , as in this figure . or ( sometimes ) betweene the midst of the pikes , the better to secure them . divers other such like waies there likewise be , at the discretion of the commander : and as the present occasion shall require them . but because i insisted ( somewhat largely ) upon the firings on the right flanke ; i shall not need to shew them againe , by division on both flankes ; but will conclude them all in this one . the words of command which produce the figure , are as follow . muskettiers , give fire to both flankes ; marching up betweene the pikes and your owne divisions . the command being given , the outermost file ▪ ( on each flanke ) presents outward : the ●est of the body still continuing the march . the presented files ( in the interim ) giving fire ; then facing after their proper file-leaders , who led them up betweene the muskets of their owne divisions , and the pikes , ) in the time of their wheeling away ) the next two outermost files present , firing after the same manner , and leading up as before . the rest ( successively ) doing the like , untill they have fired all over : which brings them to their former places . the firing may be continued at discretion , each firing being its owne reducement . neverthelesse it may so fall out , that either through the fury of the enemy , advantage , or disadvantage of ground ( or some such like accident ) the body may be forced to make alt , and to face to both flanks ; and so with fronts accident all , to maintaine the fight , standing . to which end , the firing in the succeeding chapter , shal be of that sort . therefore suppose the body faced to the right and left , preparing to give fire . chap. xc . a firing to both flanks , standing . firing to both flanks , upon a stand , is a good and serviceable firing . and although it shew but thinne , in the figure ▪ yet it may be substantiall and usefull for the field : especially if there be a larger proportion of number , then i have made use of in my formes and figures of battell . the words of command and direction , which produce the figure , are as followeth . advance your pikes , and stand . face to the right and left. muskettiers give fire ; and flanke your pikes . the bodie being faced to the right and left , the formost ranks of muskettiers ( which were the outermost-files ) present and give fire ; and then wheele off by division ; ranking even with the formost ranks of pikes , and leaving sufficient intervals for the rest of the muskettiers to march betweene them and the pikes . the next ranke presenting and firing , after the same manner , but not advancing forwards : onely firing upon the same ground ; and wheeling off by division : afterwards passing downe betweene the intervals , and so ranke after their leaders . it is herewithall to be noted , that they that were outermost , when they gave fire ; are likewise to be so , when they have taken their places . if these instructions be not sufficient , utrne backe to the figure of the demie-hearse : where the manner of the execution is all one with this . all the ranks of muskettiers having fired , and wheeled off , as before ; the pikes ( if need be ) may charge , and the muskettiers give fire , over againe : wheeling off outward , and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions . having advanced your pikes , and faced your body to the first front , all your muskettiers will be in front and reere . and then if you face your halfe-files about , and give fire after the same manner to the front and reere ; having faced them againe to their first front , they will be reduced ( as at first ) into their ordinary square . neverthelesse , i will reduce it by another firing , which was first invented and shewed us , by that worthy citizen , and excellent souldier , captaine henry waller , now deceassed : it is a firing in front , the muskettiers of the reere division , opening to the right and left ; and sleeving up on the flanks of pikes , untill the leaders of the reere division ( who as then are the halfe-file-leaders ) ranke even with the front of pikes . the words of direction that produce the figure , follow in the next chapter . chap. xci . captaine wallers triple firing to the front. this triple firing to the front , hath had the approbation of good and well experienced souldiers : who have all acknowledged it to be both sollid and serviceable . bringing many hands to fight , in very good order : the pikes being securely covered by their muskettiers , in front . neither need they be idle in time of battell , if they have any bow-pike-men amongst them : for that they may send their whistling archery over their muskettiers heads , without offence to their friends : though not without dammage to their enemies . if any carpe at the depth of the muskettiers ( either in this figure , or in any other in this booke ) i shall request them to suspend their censures , and wisely to conceive by a little , what a great deale meaneth . my intent not being , to make my booke monstrous , by having little leaves , and targe figures . onely i desire with this small number , to shew the nature of severall formes and figures of battell ; the manner of their firings and wheelings off ; their orderly placings , and severall wayes of reducement : not having the least conceit , to induce any to beleeve , that men are able long to continue battell , at foure deepe ; although at ( sometimes , and for stratagems ) they may be reduced into a lesser number . but lest by digression , i too farre trespasse upon your patience ; i will returne to shew the manner of the firing . onely first obserue , the words of command and direction ; which produce the following figure . muskettiers of the reere , double your front of pikes , by division . the command being given , the first ranke of muskettiers ( both of front and flanks ) present to the front and give fire : wheeling off to the right and left by division . the muskettiers of the front-division being wheeled off ( as aforesaid ) close by the flanks of their owne muskettiers , passe directly downe betweene the intervals : and place themselues even in ranke behinde the muskettiers of the reere division , which are upon the flanks . this you may perceive by the pricks , that come downe betweene the intervals : the muskettiers , also , that fired at the same time on the flanks ; wheele also off ; ( the right flanke , to the right ; the left flanke , to the left ) marching directly downe , even with the reere ranke of pikes ; and there place themselues againe even in ranke with the last ranke of pikes . this done , the rest of the ranks ( successively ) give fire , and do the like : every ranke taking his place , after the ranke which fired last before them ; the other ranks moving one ranke forwarder . the muskettiers having given fire once over ; and falling off according to this direction , they will be reduced to the flanks againe , as they were at the first . the firing may be continued , or the pikes may charge , at discretion of the commander . chap. xcii . a firing tripartite , doing execution to the front , reere , and right flanke . figures and formes of battell , may bee infinite : according to the judgements of the commanders , and the various workings of the divers motions : no arte nor science yeelding more content , unto the studious practitioners ; none more honourable and beneficiall , for the good of our countrie : none more neglected and lesse countenanced , then the practisers of the art militarie , nor none more screwed up in the places of their abiding , then those men this way affected . the rich cubb'd gowne men , holding it as a maxime , that souldiers ( though never so poore ) yet they must be taxed in the parish bookes like gentlemen . thus much incouragement we have , for spending our money and our time for our countries good , and this ( in good time ) i hope will be amended : but of this no more . the next firing being a firing tripartite : doth execution to the front , reere , and right flanke , at one and the same time . for the use , i shall referre it to the judgement of the iudicious : for the instruction , how it is to be made , the words of command and direction shew it , which are as followeth . halfe rankes of the left , double your right flanke by division . for the direction , looke backe to the . chapter : which treats of this doubling . onely remember to face the divisions that way which you intend they shall give fire . for the manner of the firing , it is ordinary : the foremost ranke of muskettiers ( on each part ) having fired , they wheele off to the right , or to the right and left : ( according as directions shall be given ) placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions ; the next ranks , in the meane time , moving forwards into their leaders ground ; there , in like manner , firing , wheeling off , and placing themselves as before : the rest of the rankes , successively , doing the like . this firing may be continued , a● pleasure of the commander . the pikemen ( as advantage may be given ) in the interim either porting , charging , or sending their fatall showers amongst the thickest of their enemies . lastly , for reducement , face them all to their front proper , then command , halfe rankes that doubled , to face to the left , and so to march into their places . for further directions , turne backe to the . chapter , which shewes the reducement of the aforegoing figure , &c. chap. xciii . of the sconce battell . the sconce battell is a figure most properly fit for a whole regiment ; at least for a larger pro portion of number , then is here exprest ▪ it neither being good nor safe to divide a smal company , into so many divisions and maniples . and yet to give satisfaction unto some , i have placed it here amongst my figures ; yea and shewne the way , how to make it with a private company . for the manner or way how to fire upon it , may be divers . the muskettiers being so placed , that they may give fire to the front and reere , to the right and left , or to all foure together , at the discretion of the commander . if your muskettiers give fire to the front and reare , ( every ranke making good his leaders ground ) then the figure will still continue the same . if they give fire without advancing into their leaders ground , then the muskettiers will ranke even againe with their pikes : and the figure will become an hollow crosse , the muskettiers making the angles . the words of command and direction , which produce the figure , are as followeth . halfe files of muskettiers , face to the reere . that being done , command all the muskettiers to march to the angles of their pikes . next cause the two first and two last rankes of pikes to stand . the rest to face to the right and left ; and march , untill they are cleere of the other pikes , then stand . lastly command the two first and last rankes of pikes , which did not move , to double their files to the right . these words of command and direction being executed , perfect the figure , as followeth . many and severall are the firings , which ( with some little alteration ) may be drawne from this figure . neverthelesse not to spin out time with discourse , the firing now intended to be shewne , is to be performed to the front and reere . to which purpose , the one halfe ( both of muskettiers and pikes ) are to face about to the right ; there presenting and giving fire : those of the right flanke , wheeling off to the right ; the left flank to the left ; and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . the next ranke still moving forwards into their leaders ground ; the other rankes ( successively ) doing the like . after this manner , the firing may be continued , and the figure still preserved . for reducement . first , face them all after their proper file-leaders . secondly , cause the front and reere divisions of pikes , to double their rankes to the left . thirdly , command the pikes of the flankes , to face , in opposition ; close their divisions , and then to face after their leaders . next , cōmand the muskettiers of the front division , to face to the reere . lastly , command the muskettiers ( both of front and reere ) to close their divisions . and then being faced to their leader , they are perfectly reduced , as at first . chap. xciiii . of firing by three files at once ; two of them standing oblique , the other direct . when i began the formes and figures of battell , i noted all f●rings to be either oblique or direct ; and now for satisfaction to the curious , i shall insert two or three oblique formes amongst the rest . the first whereof , shall be a firing to the front by drawing forth the outermost file on each flank , obliquely ( or the innermost , as shall seeme best to the commander ) untill the bringers up of the files , stand even with the right and left angle-men , over the front of pikes . they may also bead● a file of muskettiers , crosse the front of pikes ; when having placed and faced them ( as they ought ) for execution , they will stand in manner of this following figure . the two files of muskettiers which were led forth , having obliquely presented inwards , and the file drawn crosse the front of pikes , being presented direct rank-wise : upon the first command , they are all to give fire together , and then to face after their bringers up ; who leade their files directly into their places . this done , they face to their proper front againe ; the other files ( in the meane time ) leading forth after the same manner . these having done their execution , are to returne into their places : being led off by their bringers up ( as is aforesaid ) . the rest of the files , after the same manner , firing and returning : untill they have all given fire ; and then they will be all reduced , as at first . chap. xcv . a firing oblique , by foure files together , in forme of a w. all the commendations , that may be given of these oblique figures , is that they powre out a great deale of shot at once ; and may quickly be reduced to their places . notwithstanding , they are a great weakening to the bodie , if any sudden accident should happen before they are setled in their former stations . neverthelesse i shall leave them to themselues ; and if they be found to hold out weight , i shall not grudge that i have given them roome amongst the rest . but if they prove too light , let them be as lightly respected , yet beare somewhat with them , for their antiquitie . the way to make the figure , is as followeth . the two innermost files of muskettiers on each flanke , march forth ( each of them being led by an officer ) untill they have taken their places . then the officers that led forth the two middlemost files , are to returne to their places againe ; the serjeants that led forth the outermost files , standing to see them do their execution . yet before the muskettiers have order to give fire , obserue the manner of their standing , by the following figure . the muskettiers having presented , according to their directions ; they give fire all together ; and then suddenly facing after their bringers up ; march downe into their places ; the next two files of each flanke , in the interim of their marching away , are to move forwards to their ground : where they are , in like manner to give fire : and then to take their places , as aforesaid . the rest of the files of muskettiers ( if you have more ) must then move forwards , and do the like . and in this sort , may the muskettiers give fire , once , twice , or oftner over : each firing , being a reducement to it selfe . chap. xcvi . of the fort battell ; the way to make , and to reduce it . the figure of the fort-battell , is an oblique firing : and taketh its denomination rather from the 〈…〉 the strength of a fort. it s chiefe use , is for the entertainment of some great personage or commander in the field : who being received into the midst of the divisions of pikes ; the muskettiers may present and give fire , altogether in one vollie . or if they would have the muskettiers give fire , one after another ; then the vollies by succession ( which some call the peale ) will be the best . if there be more muskettiers , then will serve to make up the figure single ; they may also give fire with the rest : presenting obliquely betweene the distance of their leaders . the way to make this figure , is as followeth . first , draw forth the outmost files ( of muskettiers ) on each flanke , in forme of an hollow wedge , before the front of pikes . then , cause the next two outmost files , to face about ; and to follow their bringers up , in the same forme to the reere . then , let the last two files of muskettiers ( on each flanke ) be drawne after their file-leaders , in the same manner and forme , to the flanks . the muskettiers being thus ordered , and all presented obliquely outwards , command the two first , and two last ranks of pikes , to stand ; the rest of the pikes , to face to the right and left : and so to march , untill they are cleare off the other pikes which stand . then , command the pikes which moved , to double their files to the right . lastly , command all the pike-men to face outward ; each division of pikes , after their hollow 〈◊〉 of muskettiers . or else , let them face all inward to the center ▪ and then the body will stand in forme of the following figure . having fired upon this figure , there is no manner of wheeling off : because the forme is still to be continued . but when you come to reducement , first face all the pikes to their proper front , ( that is , unto the place , where you finde the proper file-leaders . secondly , let the pikes which are flankers , double their rankes to the left : and so close their divisions . then the pikes will be reduced . for the muskettiers , first command those on the flanke , to leade up their files in their due places , close to the pikes . next , command the muskettiers of the reere , to sleeve up on each flanke by division . lastly , command the muskettiers before the front of pikes , to face after their bringers up , and to march downe into their places . lastly facing to their leader , they are all reduced , as at first . chap. xcvii . of the crosse battell ; the way to make it with a private company . how to fire upon it : and to reduce it . the crosse battell , though it must needs shew thinne , ( in regard that the number is not sufficient , to expresse the worth of the figure ) yet may the forme be very usefull , with a larger body , and the muskettiers may give fire , two , three , or foure waies at once upon it : yea , if the number were as opulent , as the figure is excellent , then they might fire twelve severall wayes together . this notwithstanding , i spare to speake further to what may be done ; and come to shew what i intend in it . concerning this figure , the waies to fire upon it , are ordinarily two . the first , when the muskettiers give fire , and then place themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskets . the second way is , after that they have fired , to place them in the reere of their pikes : the pikes maintaining the muskettiers ground . the words of command which produce the figure , are as followeth . the two first rankes , wheele your front into the midst . the two last ranks , wheele your reere into the midst . the rest of the body , face to the right and left : and so march , untill the reere-angles meete . then let the commander goe into the midst , ( or center ) and face the whole company to him : giving tm such direction , as is meete . lastly , being all faced about to the right , the body will stand like the following figure . this crosse battell being faced to the front , reere , and flankes , and the muskettiers commanded to give fire : one way of placing them , is , in the reere of their own divisions of muskettiers ; for that hereby , the muskettiers will still continue their places . for the second way , after that the first rankes have given fire , let them wheele all off to the right ( or to the right and left , if the number be large ) and place themselves in the reere of their pikes , each ranke moving forwards , and maintaining their leaders ground . the second ranke , in like manner , is to fire , and to take their places after the muskettiers , which fired and wheeled off last before them . the rest , successively , are to doe the like , untill all the shot have fired , and are wheeled away againe . then let the pikes charge , &c. if any object , that it is dangerous to have so large distance betweene the fronts of each firing : then , if you have files enow , yo u may draw two or three files of each arme ; crosse the divisions from the angle of one front to the other : and so facing of them outward , they will make reasonable good defence on those parts , &c. having given fire upon the crosse battell , and brought your muskets to the reere of the pikes : if you would reduce them , passe into the midst of center of the figure , and face all ( both muskettiers and pikemen ) to you ; and cause those which were the flankers , to close their divisions . next , wheele the fronts into the midst of the two other divisions : then move to the front proper , and face the whole body to you , and so you shall have all your muskettiers in the midst ; flanked with pikes . if you would reduce them into their right places , command the muskettiers to face to the right and left outward , the pikes to face to the right and left inward : and so to passe through , and interchange ground : thus being rightly faced , they are reduced . chap. xcviii . of the hollow-fronted crosse battell , how to make it with a private company : and the way to fire upon it , &c. this next figure , shall be of the hollow-fronted crosse ; which is a stronger forme , than that last shewne , and yet thus much let me warne you of , that there can be but little expectation of strength to be perceived , in battels formed with so small a number . this notwithstanding , the ingenious martialists can easily discerne those things , which in warre may prove most usefull for his owne , and his countries benefit ; although they are here expressed to the publique view , in so meane array , and in such thinne numbers . wherefore , setting aside all apologies and excuses , i will briefly shew the words of command and direction , which will produce the following figure . the two first rankes , wheele your front into the midst . the two last ranks , wheele your reere into the midst . the rest , face to the right and left : and march untill they have made the perfect crosse . lastly , cause the muskettiers to flanke their pikes : according to this following figure . the severall directions for firing upon this figure , may be divers . but to avoyd distraction , i will shew onely one way ; and that directed to the front , reere , and flankes . neverthelesse ( for varieties sake ) you may cause them to give fire , once over , wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions ; still moving forwards into their leaders ground thereby to preserve the figure in the same order . at the second time of firing , cause the pikes to move softly up , even with the front of muskettiers : porting as they advance forwards . the muskettiers having fired , and wheeled off , are to place themselves in the reere of their divisions of pikes , ( whom before they flanked ) every ranke of muskettiers firing , wheeling off , and placing themselves , as aforesaid . lastly , the pikes having charged , and againe readvanced , the body will stand in the figure of a perfect crosse . for the reducement , it is the same with the crosse-battell , delivered in the chapter . wherefore i shall need to adde no further directions in this place , for the said reducement , then , that the flanke divisions are to be closed , and the front and reere divisions to be wheeled : that the body may be againe returned into a square , with the muskettiers in the middle . all this being here taught , i now proceed to shew one firing with the muskettiers , in that order . chap. xcix . of firing upon the square battell , flanked with pikes . the square battell flanked with pikes , must needs bee very safe for the muskettiers as being a very able defence for the flankes , against the incursions of the enemies horse . the figure followeth , just ●s the muskettiers are in motion . depiction of 'a square battell ' the wayes or manners of giving fire upon this figure , are ordinarily three . the first firing is , with the aspect being directed to the front ; the muskettiers wheeling , either all off to the right ; or to the right and left , as you perceive by this figure . the second is , for the muskettiers to give fire to the reere , upon a march ; which they may easily do , from this figure . the third is , to give fire to the front and reere , upon a stand ; the halfe-files being faced about . if the firing be performed to the front , then every ranke is to march up into their leaders ground . if the firing be to the reere , upon a march , then the ranks ( contrariwise ) close backwards towards the reere : to make good the battell , on that part . if it be to the front and reere , upon a stand ; then the muskettiers march up into their leaders ground ; and those which have fired , and are wheeled off , place themselues in the reere of their owne divisions . to write further of this firing , were more then necessarie , no one of these firings , any wayes altering the figure , but the aspect onely . neverthelesse , if the commander please , he may after the firing in front , wheele both flanks into the front , and so charge pikes ; and from thence , proceed to other firings . if the firing were in the reere , he may wheele the flanks into the reere ; and cause his pikes to charge that way . if the firing were to the front and reere , he may wheele both flanks into the front and reere ; and so charge with his pikes , both wayes . which by captaine bingham is called amphistomus . before i come to reducement , i shall proceed to the next firing in the ensuing chapter . chap. c. of the plinthium , or foure-fronted-battell ; by us called the crosse of muskets , flanked with pikes . the foure-fronted battell , is a figure both steady and serviceable : being usefull as well for a march ( thereby securing the carriage , and all other such like necessaries ) as for fight . for if it should so happen ( as it often doth ) that you should be charged in front , reere , and flanks , all at one and the same time : then are there both muskets and pikes so placed , that each armes is assisting to the other . for seeing that neither muskettiers nor pikemen alone , can be singly sufficient of themselues , to withstand the able and resolute horseman ( without great advantage of ground ) on the contrary , the muskettiers and pikes being conjoyned into one body , and being well ordered , they are not onely able to defen'd themselues against their furie ; but also to put them to the worser . yet this must not be understood , of raw and unskitfull souldiers , whose ignorance is cause of diffidence ; but of hardy , experienced , and well exercised men , such as know well how to demeane themselues couragiously , in time of fight . the words of command and direction , which produce the figure , are as followeth . halfe-files of pikes , face to the reere , and march untill they are cleare of the last ranke of muskettiers . secondly , command , halfe-files of muskettiers , face to the right and left , ( then ) march betweene the divisions of pikes . thirdly , command , left halfe-ranks of the first division of muskets , face to the reere , and march betweene the reere divisions of pikes . lastly , having evened their ranks , straitened their files , and closed their divisions to an equall distance , and being rightly faced ; the body will stand like the following figure . the manner of the firing , may easily be apprehended by the figure ; the muskettiers giving fire in ranke , and wheeling all off to the right : do then passe downe their intervals , under the favour of their pikes ; and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; the pikes charging at discretion . having fired , once , twice , or oftener over , and still maintaining the same ground , the figure wil continue to be the same . if the reere part of the battell , were by any means secured ; so that you need give fire but three wayes , then the front-halfe-files of muskettiers , might have beene preserved intire . this plinthium , or foure-fronted battell , may as well be made with the muskettiers in the angles : the pikes making the crosse ; this kinde of command , alwayes making the crosse of the armes , in the midst of the battell . after that you have given fire at discretion , upon this figure , and charged your pikes , if you would reduce them to the first square , command the whole body to face to the front proper . secondly , command the muskettiers in the reere , to march up on the left of the muskettiers in front : the pikes being first opened , to give them place . thirdly , cause the muskettiers in flanke , to face inward : and to close their divisions . lastly , cause the pikes to march up ; placing themselues right after their leaders . this being done , the body will be brought againe into a sollid square , flanked with pikes . i forbeare further to reduce them , untill i shew the next figure . yet , for further satisfaction to any that shall require it : command your muskettiers to face to the right and left outward ; the pikes , to face inward , and so to interchange ground ; and then being rightly faced , they are reduced . chap. ci. of the hollow square for march. svndry formes there be which go under the denomination of the hollow square ; and very diversly they may be framed . some are hollow , impalled with pikes ; the pikes , againe , girdled with shot : other squares , are made with shot , and they impalled with pikes . some , againe , with divisions of muskettiers and pikes : orderly mixt with an hollow in the midst . a fourth sort is , when each armes are divided by themselues : as when the pikes make the front and reere , and the muskettiers the wings . a fifth way is , when the muskettiers leade in front and reere ; and the pikes make both the flanks . all these wayes are very necessary and usefull ; as the time , occasion , or place shall give cause ; or the judgement of the commander shall see fitting . neverthelesse , the hollow battell which i now intend to demonstrate unto you , is especially usefull for a march : whereby to secure the carriage , as likewise to preserve the sicke and wounded ; it may also serue , for the commander to consult with his officers or to make any speech or oration , to the souldiers . or the ensigne may in signe of triumph , display his co●●urs in the midst : upon a march after skirmish . the way to make this figure ( the muskettiers being in the midst ) is as followeth . first command the halfe-files of muskettiers , to face to the reere : then command all the muskettiers to march , and the pikes to stand . when they are cleare of the front and reere of the pikes , let them stand ▪ and face all to the front proper : and it produceth this following figure . if you would give fire upon this figure , to the front and reere , it may be done marching . but , more properly , standing ; by facing the halfe-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to the reere . then the command being given , to present , and give fire ; they wheele off . by division : placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; each ranke moving forwards into their leaders ground , and doing the like . if you should give fire , and not move forwards into your leaders ground ; then the muskettiers would fill the hollow in the middest ; betweene the pikes . neverthelesse , suppose the figure still to continue to be the same . because i will now come to the reducement : and the rather , for that i have not done it , since i began with the hollow-fronted crosse . but now ( so please you ) i will reduce all , by a firing . and to that end , first close your divisions of pikes ; and then the muskettiers will be all in the front and reere . secondly , cause the halfe-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to face to the reere . then , cause the muskettiers ( both of front and reere ) to give fire ; wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . when they have fired all over , the pikes may charge : who being againe advanced , and all faced to the front proper , they are all reduced ( as at first ) into the ordinary square , flanked with muskets . chap. cii . of the hollow hearse , and the crosse . the hearse-battell , by the greekes called orthophalanx , ( as in aelian ) is , when the depth doth manifold exceede the length , thrice at the least . it may be made , either sollid or hollow , at the discretion of the commander . and notwithstanding that this figure ( simply of it selfe ) hath ever beene accounted weake ( as bringing but few hands to fight ) neverthelesse being conjoyned with the crosse , it may prove serviceable . true it is , that being exprest by so small a number , the strength of it cannot so evidently be discerned : which , were the number more , each division would appeare to be the stronger , both for offence and defence . but i have onely taken upon me , to shew the severall formes and figures of battell , which may be formed , and practised by a private company : as having limited my selfe , not to exceed the number of men . wherefore my request must be , that the courteous reader , when he shall finde that any figure for want of number , shall looke thinne , ( or poore ) he will there be pleased to clothe it in a larger number : for that thereby the battell will appeare the more sollid , and the beholder become the better satisfied . this figure may be usefull upon a march , for a convoy : the hollow parts thereof , being very commodious , to secure the carriage : the men also are very well disposed to helpe and assist each other , in whatsoever part it should happen them to be assailed . the words of command and direction which produce the figure , are as follow . wheele front and reere into the left flanke . that done , face them as before , and the muskettiers will be in front , midst , and reere . next , open the muskettiers in the midst , to the right and left , and cause them to double their rankes to the left . then cause the front-halfe-files of the front division of pikes , to open to the right and left : and the reere halfe-files of the reere division of pikes to doe the like . then , having evened their rankes , and straightened their files , and being faced to their leader , the body will stand in forme , like this figure . if so be , you will give fire upon this figure , you may doe it any way , or every way . if you give fire to the front , reere , and flankes ; then let your muskettiers wheele all off to the right , and place themselves in the reere of their own divisions . if you would still preserve the figure , then let every ranke ( before they give fire ) march up into their leaders ground . having either marched , or skirmished upon this figure , ( or both ) and then would come to reducement , first , face all the whole body to the proper front , and cause the pikes that are flankers , to face inwards , and to close their divisions . this being done , cause the muskettiers which are in the middle part of the battaile , to double their files to the right . secondly , let them face inward , and close their division . next , let them face all to their leader , and wheele front and reere into the right flanke ▪ which being done , and they faced again to the front proper ; they will be reduced into the ordinary square ; the pikes being flanked with the muskettiers , as at first . chap. ciii . of the hollow square , girdled with shot . the hollow square girdled with shot , is a figure to be used at such times of necessity , as the commander shall see occasion : who well knowing , that hee shall be enforced to fight , having found some commodious advantage or ground , drawes forth his battell into this forme and array . the use whereof is , that within the hollow parts of it , he may convey such of his carriage , or whatsoever else may not prove usefull for the strengthening of some part of the battell . having drawne his men speedily into this forme , lest that the enemy should take the advantage , to breake their order by entring at any of the angles , they are speedily to cast up a rampart of earth , in each of those parts of the angles . or if they have not time , ( or that the ground be not fit ) they may supply that defect by placing some of their wagons , carts , or other of their carriage , so orderly , that it may be sufficient to fortifie those parts , which are the weakest . this figure , may be as well made with the pikes foremost : but because that the musketiers may more commodiously fight before their pikes , and with lesse danger to their owne body : therefore i conceive it fittest , at first to place them in front of their pikes . and if the enemy shall too hotly presse them with his horse ; then , at the discretion of the commander , they may safely retreate behinde their pikes ; the pikemen making good the ground of the muskettiers . for better satisfaction , observe the direction to make the following figure . first , command a serjeant to draw forth all the * odde files of the right flank , ( both muskettiers and pikes ) and wheele them to the left , crosse the front . that being done , command the odde files of the left flanke , ( as well muskettiers as pikes ) to face to the reere , and let them in like manner be wheeled to the left , crosse the reere , following their bringers up . for the rest of the body , that remaines undrawne forth : let them close to the right and left outward ; untill the reere-angles of each division , stand diagonally opposite to each other . then , let them be all commanded to face to the center or midst of the hollow square ; where the commander is to give them such incouragement & directiōs , as shal be meet . lastly , let all face about to the right , and present . for the manner of firing upon this figure , it is as followeth . the first ranke of muskettiers ( to each front ) having presented and given fire , they are to wheele all off to the right . and because that eight or tenne men , are too many to wheele downe one intervalle , ( for that they will bee so long , before they can cleere the front ) therefore you may cause intervalles to be made , betweene the midst of each division , as you may perceive in the figure . the first ranke having fired , and wheeled off , the next ranks are to move forwards into their ground : they which wheeled off , in the meane time placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the next ranke of muskettiers having fired in like manner , are to wheele off , and to place themselves , as aforesaid : the rest of the rankes of muskettiers , ( successively ) are to doe the like , untill they have all given fire , ( once or oftner over ) that way , according to the occasion . and in this interim may the bow-pikemen be bountifull in bestowing their showers of arrowes , amongst the thickest of their enemies . if the horse prevaile so much , that the muskettiers may not endure to beare the brunt of them : then let the muskettiers ( after they have fired ) wheele off , and place themselues in the reere of their following divisions of pikes : they moving forwards , and maintaining the muskettiers ground ; charging with their pikes ( as they see occasion ) for securing the muskettiers , in the midst . this notwithstanding , if the enemies horse shall still presse forwards ; and with their shot shall continue to annoy the body ( the pikes on this figure being especially defensive ) then cause the pikemen to charge at the foot ; and your muskettiers , to give fire over them : according to former directions , on the convex halfe-moone . after this manner , the battell may be continued to the last ranke . when you have given fire in this order , your muskettiers being all in the reere of your pikes ; and that you be minded to reduce them , into the first orderly square , this is one way for it . passe through your muskettiers , before your front of pikes , as they were before the firing : that being done , let the commander face the whole body to the left angle , of the front-division , by which meanes he shall there finde the halfe of his file-leaders . this being performed , let them march : and so even their ranks , and straiten their files ; the reere division of muskettiers and pikes , orderly following after the front division of the like armes . after this , let the halfe-files which then are ( which indeed are the residue of the file-leaders ) double their ranks forwards to the left : which being performed , the men are reduced as at first . if you would reduce them some other way , without passing through your muskettiers ( as i have formerly said ) then first let the whole body face to the left angle , of the front-division ; and march , evening their ranks and files , as aforesaid . which being done , cause the halfe-files ( which then are ) to double their front to the left , which being in like manner performed , all your muskettiers are still in the midst . your next worke , is , to cause your muskettiers to face to the right and left outward : and your pikes , contrariwise , to face inward ; and so to passe through , and interchange ground . thus being faced to their front proper , they will be reduced , as at first . if any will be practising of this forme of battell , with a smaller number of men ( as with . or fewer ) whereby they will be constrained to double their halfe-files : then they will be reduced the same way ▪ onely they shall not need to double their halfe-files againe , in their reducement : as they must needs do , were the number larger . chap. ciiii. of the sollid square , with muskettiers in center and angles . the way to make the figure with a private companie : how to fire upon it , and to reduce it . infinite are the formes and figures of battell , which may be made ; yet all differing , either in circumstances or in matter . some of them are sollid , others hollow : some of them , again , being trines , squares , hearses , cirtes , crosses , diamonds , plinthiums , plesiums , paramekes , and infinite others . some of them taking their denomination from the nature of their numbers . others , according to the placing of each armes . a third sort , taking their names from things they most resemble , all of them being necessarie to be knowne , to such which would be accounted skilfull serjeant-majors : that with all numbers , upon all occasions , they may readily bring their souldiers into any forme or figure of battell ( according as the time , the number , and place will give them leave ) for opposition of horse , foot , or both together . but to returne backe to our single company , the worke of this chapter , being to shew the plesium , or long square . in which the muskettiers are halfe in the midst of the pikes ; and the other halfe equally divided , and placed on the . angles of the battell : the pikes making . divisions ; as being placed upon the front , reere , and flanke . yet not to hold you with longer circumstance , take these words of command and direction ; which produce the following figure . halfe-files , double your front to the left entire : onely do not close them , to make one body . that being done , your body will be but . deepe . next , command the . outmost flanks of each body ; to double inward , by division . for better satisfaction , observe these directions . first , see the halfe-ranks of the outmost flanks , faced to the front and reere : and that they march , untill they are cleare of the standing part of the battell . secondly , cause the halfe-ranks of the right-flank , and the halfe-ranks , of the left-flanke , to face in opposition , and to close their divisions : the two first ranks of each flanke , moving crosse the front of the standing part of the body ; and the two last ranks of each flanke moving crosse the reere . then , the whole body facing to the front , they will stand as in this figure . depiction of 'the polium' if you would give fire upon this figure , it may be performed either to the front and reere , to the right and left , or to all foure together . but which way soever the firing be , let the aspect of the muskettiers in the midst , be turned the same way , and cause the pikes which stand before them , to charge at the foot , and the muskettiers in the center , to g●ve fire over them . the first ranke having fired , let them kneele ( or crouch low ) upon the ground ; making ready againe : whilest the next ranks behinde them , give fire , and do the like : and so forwards , for the rest . having all fired once over , this way , let them rise up : and ( if need be ) give fire over againe , after the same manner . the muskettiers on the angles ( in the interim ) giving fire after the ordinary way , wheeling off , and falling in the reere of the muskettiers of their own divisions ; the others in the meane time moving forwards , and making good their leaders ground . this being done , and the pikes having charged ; the figure will stil continue to be the same , without alteration . and that as well in men as matter : if so be the firing be performed , according to the former direction . for reducement , command the two first ranks , and two last ranks , to face to the right and left : all marching forth , untill they are cleere of the standing part of the bodie . next , command them to stand : then , face them to the right and left ; and close their divisions . this being done , let them face all to their leader . lastly , by commanding the halfe-files to face about to the right ; and to march forth into their places : you shall see them fully to be reduced . i might have further enlarged my selfe , upon this subject of firings , and figures of battell : yea and shewed varieties enow of trine battels , round battels , the crosse and round , in one ; the sollid-square impaled , besides infinite other kindes . but i have already advanced further , then i at first intended : though ( well i hope ) no further then will be freely and lovingly accepted . which if it be , i shall conceive my selfe to have received a gratefull and most ample satisfaction . the hope whereof , doth somewhat encourage me to proceed a little further . and as i have already shewed divers and severall motions , with their formes and figures of battell : yea and in all ( or the most part of them ) as i have not onely given the words of command and direction , to produce them from the ordinary square , but also together with the demonstration of the figure , and direction for the firing : i have , in like manner , given direction for the reducements againe into the ordinary square : so now , for the satisfaction of some of the quainter sort of souldiers , give me leave to multiply one figure upon another , untill that by firings , i reduce firings . for the performance whereof , that i may observe some method , i will digest them into the way of exercise , &c. chap. cv . the first daies exercise . having brought your company into a place convenient , where you intend to exercise them ; if you have time enough , you may cause the file leaders , corporals o● serieants , to instruct them in the * postures and true using of their armes . wherein having spent some time , to the benefit of the company ; upon the * first summons of the drum , each file-leader with his file , is to march into his place . the captaine ( or other commander ) being at the head of his company , commands them to * even their rankes , and to straiten their pikes , and stand in their order both in ranke and file . * if your ensigne be not already in the field , but in some place neere at hand ; then cause your two innermost files of pikes to advance : commanding a serjeant with a drum , to troop them along to the place of rēdezvouz , there to fetch their colours . if the place be not nigh at hand , take as many files of muskettiers . having brought the ensigne to the head of the pikes , each file returnes into his place ; the officers likewise , withdrawing their severall stations . * silence being commanded , the captain ( or other commander ) begins * first to instruct the souldiers in the severall distances , betwixt ranke and file , with the waies to open and close to them . and if hee thinke fit , to instruct them in the severall uses of each distance . next after distance , they are to be instructed in the † facings , then in the doublings ; next , in the countermarches ; and lastly , in the wheeling . in each of which they are to be instructed , according to the opportunity of the time and place : but , especially is the capacity of the souldier to be observed . wherein , the captaine may doe very well , in each of the motions to lay downe some speciall rules and observations ; by which the souldier may the better understand what he is to doe , and how ( the best way ) to performe it . * after the motions ended , let them prepare for skirmish . and first you may cause them to give fire with forlorne files , marching forth twenty paces ( or thereabouts ) before the front . having all fired over that way , they may give fire once over , by advancing two rankes together , ten paces before the front . then let them give fire , even with the front , and then with the halfe-files : the pikes porting or charging , according to discretion . the pikes being advanced , and the muskettiers marched up , even with their front ; you may either * face about , wheele about , or countermarch , and so give fire in the reere . your pikes then being shouldered , and your muskettiers having fired over in the reere , you may ( if you please ) * wheele your flankes into the front , and so charge pikes to the reere . which done , wheele your front into the midst ; passe into your place , and face them to you . then ( if you will ) you may passe your muskettiers of the left flanke , through betweene the rankes of pikes , and place them next to the right flanke of pikes , opening the right flanke of muskettiers , to give them way . then let the * pikes shoulder , and muskettiers give fire to the right , upon a march ▪ their leaders leading them up betweene the pikes and their owne divisions of muskettiers . having fired once over , in this way , let them continue their firing to the right , each leader leading up his file on the outside of the left flanke of pikes . then * let the pikes advance , even whilest the last file is giving of fire : and so soon as the pikes are cleere of the muskettiers , let them face all to the right , and charge . having advanced your pikes , and faced your body againe to the left , you may then wheele your battell about to the right , and then facing the whole body to the left , the muskettiers will be all in front . then let your muskettiers give fire , and either wheele all off to the right , thereby making * an intervalle for the left flanke , or else let them wheele off by division , placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . having given fire once ( or oftner ) over that way , let them give fire againe , and wheele off by division : ranking even with their pikes . that being done , cause the pikes to charge : the muskettiers giving fire once over , on that figure . the pikes being advanced , face the whole body to the right : and cause the muskettiers to stand , and the pikes to open to the right and left , and so to make the hollow square . then you may ( if you please ) command the ensigne to display his colours in the midst of the hollow ; in signe of triumph : the body , either standing or marching . after which , command the pikes to close their divisions : which being performed , command the reere division of muskettiers , to double their front of pikes , by division : and then they will stand in forme of captaine wallers triple firing : let them give fire upon that figure , and fall off againe , according to the directions upon that figure . which being performed , and the pikes charged , and readvanced : the body will be absolutely reduced , as at the first it was before you began your firings . these firings , may ( with the motions ) be sufficient for the first daies exercise . wherefore , for this time , we will lodge our colours : untill by the summons of the drum , we are called forth to the second daies practise . chap. cvi. the second dayes exercise . having brought your souldiers the second time , into the field , the body being drawne up into the ordinary square , and every officer vigilant in his place : the captaine commandeth silence , with some other generall termes of observation , both for the leaders and right hand men . having thus commanded them ( as before ) to even their rankes , and to straiten their files : he proceeds to shew ( as formerly ) the distances , the facings , the doublings , the countermarches , and the wheelings : therewithall instructing them either in all , or so many of them , as the time will permit , and he thinkes convenient . ever ( by the way ) observing that in the proverbe , a thing once well done , is twice done . that commander , that exerciseth his souldiers with good language , and with sollid reasons ; shall make them better proficients then he that shall use rigid termes , and rough hands . after the postures , distances , and severall motions ; that which next followes for this daies exercise , are firings and figures of battell . so soone , therefore , as the drum begins to beat a preparative , the muskettiers are to begin to make ready . and first , you may cause them to give fire on the horne battell , still marching up into their leaders ground : by that meanes preserving their figure . secondly , let the muskettiers close their diuisions before their pikes , and then give fire upon the demie-hearse-battell : falling off presently , either all to the right , ( the one halfe passing downe an intervalle ) or to the right and left by division ; and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the third time of their firing , let them wheele off by division , and flanke their pikes : and when they have fired over that way , let the pikes charge . for the fourth firing , let them give fire even with the front of pikes , wheeling off to the right and left , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . then let them fire even with the halfe-files , wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the reere of the pikes . the pikes ( you are to understand ) ought to charge all the time of the last firing : who being advanced , you are to wheele your battell about to the right or left . then , your muskettiers being in the reere of your pikes , let your sixt firing be to the reere : the muskettiers wheeling off by division , and placing themselves before the front of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; and next behinde the reere of pikes . having fired once over , that way , let them give fire ouer againe , and flanke their pikes : which being in like manner performed , command them to wheele their flankes into the front , and then face to the reere , and charge pikes , at the inside of the right foot , with their swords drawne in their right hands . let the seventh firing be discharged over their pikemen , wheeling , either all off , to the right through intervals , or else by division , and placing themselues in the reere of their owne files . otherwise , ( for want of room ) the first ranke of muskettiers , having given fire , let them kneel , or crouch low upon the ground : and make ready againe ; the second ranke , in like manner , firing and kneeling : and so for the rest . having all fired once over , in that manner , let the pikes advance , and put up their swords : the muskettiers , in like manner , are to rise , then to even their ranks , and streighten their files . for the eighth firing , you may face the body to the reere ( or if you will continue your firing the same way ) then wheele your battell about , and having opened your intervals , your forme will be the broad fronted phalange , or broad fronted battell . let these give fire , the first time , falling ( or wheeling ) all off to the right : and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . the second time of firing , let them wheele all off to the right , ( as before ) and place themselues in the reere of the pikes , which follow next after their owne divisions . in the interim of the last two ranks firing , cause your pikes to port : but when the muskettiers are cleered away , the pikes may charge . when the pikes are advanced , for the ninth firing , face them to one of the flanks , and wheele them into a semicircle or convex half-moone ; where the muskettiers being outermost , give fire upon that figure : the first time , falling behinde the muskettiers of their owne divisions : the second time of firing , cause them to place themselues behinde their pikes . for further directions , looke backe upon the . chapter , which discourseth of the convex halfe-moone . the pikes may also charge , and the muskettiers give fire over againe : according to discretion . the pikes being readvanced , face the whole body to one of the flanks , and march them out horsewise . then command them to double their ranks to the right : which being done , command that flank which are muskettiers , to double the contrary flanke by division : which being performed , all the muskettiers will be in front and reere . then cause the reere-division of muskettiers to double the front of pikes , by division . then let them give fire on that figure , as they may see further directions in the chapter . the pikes having charged , and advanced againe . for the eleventh firing , first face the whole body to the right : then cause the halfe-files that then are , to face to the reere ; and so let the muskettiers give fire to the front and reere : wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . the pikes may also charge to the front and reere , which being performed , face them all againe , to their leader . for the twelfth firing , make the plinthium or foure-fronted battell : the angles whereof being filled with muskettiers . for further satisfaction , looke upon chapter . which gives direction , both for the motion and reducing thereof . next face the whole body to that part which was the front , before the last firing began . then , if you would have your ensigne to display , in an hollow square , cause your muskettiers to stand , and halfe-files of pikes , to face to the reere : and so both divisions of pikes to march , untill their last ranks are even with the front and reere of muskettiers . then face all to their leader . if you please , the muskettiers may give fire upon this hollow square , as they march , to both flanks : still leading up their files , on the inside of their owne divisions , and this will make the . firing . but by this time , our powder being spent , our men weary , and night approaching : we will come to reducement . wherefore , first cause the pikes to close their divisions , and the muskettiers to march up , even with their front of pikes . then let the whole body , wheele their flanks into the reere , which being done , all the muskettiers will be in the reere . then ( if you will ) face to the reere , and give fire ; causing your muskettiers to wheele off by division , and to flanke their pikes . or else , cause your muskettiers to open to the right and left ; and double your front of pikes , by division . which being done , double files to the left ; and they will be all reduced as at first . wherefore , we will now lodge our colours , and conclude our second dayes exercise , &c. chap. cvii . the third dayes exercise . having the third time ( as formerly ) brought your souldiers into the field ; it is very necessarie , in the first place , that they be taught the postures of each armes : either by the file ▪ leaders , or some other of the officers . wherein they must be carefull , to instruct them in the firings , both to front , reere , and flanks . as to give fire to the front , advancing ; to give fire to the front , upon a stand : to give fire to the reere , upon a march : to fire to either flanke , marching or standing . as also to instruct them in distance , facings , doublings , countermarches , and wheelings : that so , they may be the more apt and capable , when they shall be brought into a body . having spent some time , in the exercising of files , let the drumme summon each file-leader , to his place : the ensigne be fetcht to the head of the company ; the captaine command silence ; and the souldiers tender obedience . the ranks being evened , and the files streitened , the captaine ( according to his accustomed manner ) begins to instruct them in the distances and motions . and after the performance of so many of them , as he shall thinke fit for the present exercise , he commands the drummes to beat , and muskettiers to make ready : and so causeth them to give fire , * three or foure severall wayes , after the ordinarie manner of firing in the front . then cause your muskettiers of the left flanke , to give fire to the reere ; and the muskettiers of the right flanke , to give fire to the right . this firing is to be performed upon a march , the pikes shouldered . for the second firing , let them give fire to both flankes . the gathering firing . for the third , let them fire to both flankes , drawing them up betweene the divisions of muskettiers and pikes . for the fourth firing , let them give fire againe , to both flankes , leading them up after they have fired , betweene the midst of pikes . when the last files are firing , advance your pikes , and close your rankes forwards to their order . then , face to the right and left , and charge pikes . your pikes being advanced , and faced againe to the front proper : all your muskettiers will be in the midst . then , open them some intervalles ; and let the fift firing be to the front , wheeling all off to the right , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . then cause the pikes to charge , and when your pikes are advanced againe , let your halfe-files face about to the right . and so the fixth firing , may be to the front and reere ; the muskettiers of the front division , wheeling off to the right : those of the reere division , wheeling off to the left : either of them placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . the muskettiers having fired once or twice over , wheele your flankes into the front , and cause your pikes to charge to the front and reere . the pikes being againe advanced , and all faced to their former front , wheele front and reere into both flankes . for the seventh firing , make the plinthium , or foure fronted battell , the angles being filled with pikes : and let them giue fire , and charge their pikes , according to directions for that figure . as likewise the firing being ended , reduce the men backe into their places , as they were before this firing . then , wheele off your front by division , which brings your muskettiers upon the flankes ; but doth not reduce your men justly into their places , if your number be any thing great . from thence , make them a perfect crosse battell , and let your muskettiers give fire , wheeling all off to the right , placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . for the ninth firing , let them giue fire as before ; but place themselves in the reere of their pikes ; the pikes moving forwards into their ground , and charging . having advanced your pikes , command your flanke divisions to face about to the right , and to close their divisions . then command the front and reere divisions to wheele their flankes into the reere : which being done , face them to the front proper , ( that is ) after the right file-leader . for the tenth firing , ( your muskettiers being still in the midst ) let your muskettiers give fire by introduction ▪ ( beginning with the second ranke ) the pikes moving softly forward . for the eleventh firing , let them give fire by introduction , ( beginning with the bringers up ) the pikes may charge at discretion : then let the muskettiers stand , and the pikes march forwards : closing their divisions before the muskettiers . and so let the twelfth firing be by way of extraduction . let the pikes charge ; which being performed , command the first and last foure rankes to stand ; and the rest of the body to face to the right and left : and so to march , untill they are cleere of the standing rankes . then let the whole body face about to the right ▪ and let the ensigne display his colours in the midst . for the next , let the muskettiers give fire being foremost , both in front and flanke , which will make the thirteeenth firing . let them wheele off by division ; placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . which being done , next cause those which opened to the right and left , to face in opposition : and to close their division . then wheele off your front by division , or else , wheele your front inward to the reere . then let the commander march at the head of his pikes , all the muskettiers being in the reere . then for the fourteenth firing , let the muskettiers give fire in the reere ; wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes , which doth reduce every man to his place he had , when the exercise first began . aud herewith we will conclude our third dayes exercise , and lodge our colours , untill that the bellowing drum call us the fourth time into the field , to give an account of our proficiency . till when , we will leave our souldiers in their severall hutts or cabines , there to rest their limbs , refresh their spirits , and replenish their bande liers . chap. cviii . the fourth daies exercise . having , the fourth time , brought your souldiers into the field , and ( as formerly ) caused them to be instructed in the postures , ( both of musket and pike ) that so they may be capable to use them both with agility , and with safety . as likewise taught them their divers wayes of distance , with the severall and various motions : not forgetting , particularly to instruct them with rules and pertinent reasons to every one of them : that so they may , not onely learne to doe , but like rationall men , understand what they doe . which being deliberately performed , and each officer disposed to his severall place , the rankes being evened , and the files straitened : the captaine commands , the drum beats , and the muskettiers make ready for skirmish , &c. the first firing , being by drawing forth the innermost files of each flanke of muskettiers , to the right and left , obliquely before the front , and so to stand and giue fire . having given fire , let the bringers up leade them back into their places . and , in the meane time , let the next innermost files , leade forth and fire , after the same manner ; and so likewise the rest ; untill all the muskettiers have fired once over that way . for the second firing , let them give fire obliquely , and crosse the front , both at once . for the third , let them give fire obliquely : the muskettiers standing before the pikes , in forme of an hollow wedge . vpon this firing , the muskettiers fire outwards : whereas in the other , they fire inward . for the fourth firing , let them fire upon the oblique w. for the manner of these firings , with the waies both how to make them & reduce them : i refer you to their severall places , where i have shewne them plainely . for the fift firing , let them fire to each flanke obliquely ; the muskettiers making on each flanke , the formes of hollow wedges : and so they may performe as much to each flanke , ( or both flankes ) as hath beene to the front . for the sixt firing , let them fire over the first oblique firing , to front and reere . for the seventh firing , let them fire obliquely , and crosse the front and reere . for the eighth firing , let them fire to the front and reere , obliquely : in the formes of the hollow wedges . for the ninth firing , let them fire to the front and reere , obliquely , in the forme of the w. and for the tenth firing , let them give fire obliquely , on the fort figure , which is to front , reere , and flanks . in all these firings , the pikes never come to charge , but stand in a square battell , in danger of the enemies shot : themselues neither being able to offend the enemy , nor to defend themselues . and yet if by frequent practise , they were inured to the use of the long how fastened to their pikes : i make no question , but that , when they should become expert in the use of the b●w and pike ; they would not onely be a terrour to their enemies , by the continuall showers of arrows which they would send amongst them ; but also that they would be a great meanes to rout their enemies , & u●●erly to breake their order . on the contrary , if men should be put to use the bow and pike , and have not first well learned the use of the pike alone ; they would be so cu●●ersome to themselues , and so troublesome to others ; that instead of spoyling their enemies , they would ●out them selues . but pardon this 〈◊〉 whilest i proceed to the rest of this dayes exercise . the eleventh firing , being in ●●rme of a romane t ; is to be made as followeth . let the pikes , stand , and the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 wheele into the front : then let them give fire , making an intervall upon each flanke ; the 〈◊〉 of the right-flanke wheeling off to the right ▪ the mus●ettiers of the left flank , to the left ; and placing themselues in the reer● of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the muskettiers have fired , once or twi●● over , 〈◊〉 the pikes p●sse through , and wheele their fro●● into the midst , and then faci●● to the front , let them charge their pikes : and from thence having advanced their pikes , let the commander passe to the right flanke ; and face the whole body to the right . then , wheele the battell about to the left , untill the body be brought into a round battell : from whence we will begin the twelfth firing . the figure being made , face the whole body to the center , and give them their directions , what they have to do . when they have received their instructions , let them all face about to the right ; present , and give fire . the first time of their firing , placing themselues in the reare of their muskettiers ; the second firing , countermarch to the right , and placing themselues in the reere of their pikes : the pikes , at the same time , are to move forwards into the muskettiers ground : where they may charge over head ; and ( if need be ) at the foot : the muskettiers giving fire over them , as in the convex-halfe-moone . the firing being ended , and the pikes advanced , let the commander march forth of the round battell : at that point ; where he shall finde all his proper file-leaders . then let the whole body , be faced to that part , a●● the file-leaders caused to march forth , even a breast : the muskettiers and pikemen following their leaders , and marching , untill the body have atteined their orderly square againe . but note , that all your muskettiers are in the midst of the battell . for the thirteenth firing , make the impaled sou●d square : the way to performe it is as followeth . your 〈…〉 being now the flankers , draw forth the 〈…〉 of the ●●●es of pikemen , from the right flanke , crosse the front of the body ( taking the outmost-files ) let halfe the files of pikemen of the left flanke , be drawne crosse the reere , following their bringers up . then , face all your muskettiers to the front , reere , and flanks . the pikes may charge , all overhand : and ( if need be ) at the foot , with their swords drawn : the muskettiers firing over them . having fired , charged , and advanced their pikes , draw off the pikes , againe , from the front and reere , into their places ⊙ . for the fourteenth firing , ( the muskettiers being still in the middle ) make the hollow fronted-crossebattell ; the pikemen making the hollow , upon the flanks of the muskettiers . for the making whereof , wheele the front off the . first ranks , into the midst . that being done , wheele the reer of the last ranks , after the same manner : and then face the rest of the body to the right and left ; and cause them to march untill there be a square hollow , in the middest of the battell . then command them to face to the front , reere , and flanks : which being in like manner performed , cause the pikes ( who are now in the front of the musketticrs ) to open to the right and left ; the last ranke of pikes , ranking even with the first ranke of muskettiers . the muskettiers may give fire upon this figure , wheeling all off to the right : and placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers . if need be , the pikes may close their divisions before their muskettiers ; and charge their pikes . which being done , and the pikes againe advanced : we will come to the reducement . for which purpose , face the whole body about to the center : and cause the flanke-divisions to close to their order . this being executed , let the front-division wheele together their front , into the midst ( as they now stand faced ) the reere-division doing the like . that being in like manner performed , face the whole body to the front proper : then wheele off the battell to the right and left : after which having closed their divisions , they are perfectly reduced as at first . and herewith we will conclude this dayes exercise , and leave our souldiers to rest : untill that the morrows sunne , and the thundering drumme , shall call us forth againe into the field . chap. cix . the fifth dayes exercise . having the fift time brought your souldiers into the field , if you have leasure , it will not be amisse for to cause them to be instructed ( in the first place ) in the postures of the pike and musket . for those souldiers which by often practice of their postures are growne perfect , will manage their armes with case , surety , and celerity : when , on the contrary , the unpractised souldier , will be a trouble to himselfe , a danger to his fellowes , and a dormant to his enemies . after the pastures , each file being drawne into his place ; and the ensigne ( according to former directions ) brought to the head of the p●kes ; the rankes evened , and the files streitned ; the captaine ( having commanded silence , and delivered himselfe in such ●earmes , as the present occasion doth require , ever preferring the industrious and painfull ; and , on the contrary , blaming the carelesse and the slothfull ) he next proceeds to instruct them in their sev●●a●● 〈◊〉 : and these , indeed , are the grounds of all motion : seeing that without distance , the motion cannot be excected . next to the distances , they are to be instructed in the motions : ever observing to each motion , its due 〈◊〉 . next after 〈◊〉 , distance , and motions ; let the rest of the dayes exercise be spent in firings and figures of battaile . each officer , having now received his severall charge : the captaine commands ; the drums , beat , and the muskettiers , make ready . the first firing being performed by leading forth the outmost file of each flanke twenty paces ( or thereabout ) before the front ; and no● 〈…〉 the place of firing● ; let the second men , 〈…〉 the right and le●● inward , even with their 〈…〉 so give fire , together , wheeling off by 〈…〉 the right flanke to the right , the left flanke 〈◊〉 the left ; placing themselves on the inside of their owne d●viss●ns of muske●●i●●s next the pikes file-wise , as they were when they marchedforth . so soon as the first two men of their files , have after this manner ranked , fired , and wheeled off ; the next second m●n , ranke even with their leaders , as before : giving fire , and wheeling away to place themselves , file-wise , aftertheir ●●●ders . the residue of their first files are to do the like ; and so still the outermost files leading forth , doing in like manner● ; and still placing themselves , file-wise , next to the pikes . for the second firing , cause the outermost files to march forth to the former distance before the front : and whereas in the last firing , they ranked but two and two● ; and so gave fire : now , let them ranke foure . that is to say , the three men next behind the right-hand-file-leader , shall ranke inward to the left , even with their file-leaders : the three next men , after the left-hand-file-leader , ranking inwards to the right ; even ●●rest with the leader of their file : the residue of each file , keeping themselves in file ; and closing formard● to the distance of order , just after their file-leaders . the first foure of each file , having presented , fired , and wheeled away ; the last foure men ( being the ●e●r●-half-files ) in the interim of their wheeling off , ranke to the ●ight and left inward : presenting● ; ●●●ing , and wheeling off ( as aforesaid ) and placing themselves in the 〈◊〉 of the former part of their files , which wheeledaway before them . the second files are then to lead forth , and to doe the like ; and so successively , the rest , untill they have all fired over , this way . for the third firing , let the outermost files lead forth to the same distance befo●e the front● ; whither being come , as tothe place wherein 〈◊〉 doe their execution● ; let the files 〈◊〉 to the right and left inward● ; and so fire all together : 〈…〉 , and placing themselves as in the 〈◊〉 f●●●ngs . the residue of the other files of muskettiers , at the sametime , marching forth ; giving fire , and still placing themselves file-wise , on the innermost part of their own divisions of muskettiers ; and next to the outside of pikes . for the fourth firing , cause your muskettiers to ranke to the right and left , into the front ; and so the whole body of muskettiers give fire at once : which being performed , let them face to the right and left inward , and so march into their places . they may ( if you please ) open the files of muskettiers , to double distance , and so cause the files to ranke to the right into the front , by conversion : giving fire after that manner , which ( if it be done ) will make the fift firing . after this , let them fall backe into their places , and having made ready againe , before you close their distance , cause the halfe-files to face about , and then let the files ranke into the front and reere , and so give fire : which will make the si●t firing . having thus fired , and being fallen backe into their places , let the halfe files , face againe to their leader ; and the files of muskettiers close againe to their order . for the seventh firing , let the rankes of muskettiers open backe to their double distance ; and the muskettiers , wheele to the right and left by conversion : and so give fire to both flankes . the men being returned to their places , and having againe closed their rankes to their order : after some little pause , by marching , ( or otherwise ) the muskettiers being all againe ready ; command your files of pikes to open to the right and left , to their double distance . then command , rankes both of muskets and pikes , to open backward to their double distance . which being done , command the muskets to invert to the right and left outward ; and then to face outward , and present ; and let the halfe-files of pikes face about . then cause your files of pikes , to ranke to the front and reere by conversion : and let the muskettiers give fire , and the pikes charge . this figure will take up a great quantity of ground , because that all the muskettiers are now become two rankes : that is to say , to each flanke one , all the pikes being likewise brought into two rankes , one to the front , and the other to the reere . this being performed , the body will stand in form of a great hollow square . the muskettiers hauing fired , the pikes being advaneed , and each souldier returned to his place , and all faced to their leader : let them close their rankes and files to their order . then cause the ninth firing , to be performed to both flankes , upon a stand : facing the whole body to the right and left , there firing and wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . whilest the two last rankes are giving fire , let the pikes port , and when the muskettiers have fired , and wheeled off , let them charge . having advanced their pikes , face the whole body to that part where you shall finde your file-leaders of muskettiers : then will all your muskettiers , be in front and reere . next , command your halfe-files that then are , to double your front to the left entire : which being done , let them face to the right and left , the muskettiers giving fire , and wheeling off to the left , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions . the pikes may also port , and charge , at discretion . the pikes being advanced , and the whole company , faced to their former front , command the halfe-rankes of the right , ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to march , and the halfe-rankes of the left flanke to follow in the reere . having given them some time of breathing ; then for the eleventh firing , cause the halfe-files that then are , ( muskettiers and pikes ) to face to the reere . which being done , let the muskettiers give fire to the front and reere , upon a stand , wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the reere of their pikes ; they moving forwards , and maintaining the muskettiers ground . the pikes are then to charge , when they are cleered of their muskettiers . which being done , and they againe advanced , face them all to their former front . for the twelfth firing , command halfe-files to double the front inward intire . to which purpose , open the front halfe-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) to the right and left ; for receiving the halfe-files of both armes , within them : which being executed , each armes will stand in three divisions . then command the front halfe-files , to face about to the reere , and to present : the reere halfe-files keeping still faced to the front ; and there in like manner presenting , and both giving fire together . the first time of their firing over , they may fall in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ; wheeling off to the right and left . the second time of giving fire upon this figure , let them wheele off , as before ; and place themselues in the reere of their following divisions of pikes . which being in like manner performed , let the pikes , charge . being againe advanced ; face the body to the former front ; and command , halfe-files that doubled , to face to the reere , and march into their places . the halfe-files being faced about , and marched cleare off , then are the front halfe-files to close their divisions . thus being all rightly faced , the muskettiers will be in the front and reere . for the thirteenth firing , make the horned battell to the front and reere . for the which , cause the halfe-files of muskettiers and pikes , to face to the reere . then cause the muskettiers to open to the right and left , ( both in front and reere ) and so to give fire : wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . the pikes may also charge : having advanced , let them all face to their leader at the proper front . lastly , for the fourteenth firing , make the sconce battell . for further directions wherein , turne backe to the . chapter ; where you may finde instructions , as well for the making , giving of fire , and reducing thereof . and if you please , your ensigne may display his colours , in the hollow part of the midst of the pikes . supposing now , that by this time , the night hath almost overtaken us ; we will prepare to lodge our colours , with our accustomed bene-vale : and herewith we will conclude this our fifth dayes exercise ; suffering our souldiers to depart to their severall habitations . there leaving them to clense their arms , and to refresh their bodies , untill the morrows clamouring drum , doth invite us forth to our sixth dayes exercise . chap. cx . the sixt dayes exercise . having the sixth time brought your souldiers into the field , according to the accustomed manner : let each file-leader , exercise his file , in the postures of such armes , as they carry . which being performed , and the files againe rejoyned into one body : the ensigne being at the head of the pikes , and the rest of the officers in their severall places : the captaine having commanded silence , attention , and obeaience ( three especiall vertues , most necessarily requisite to every common souldier ) hee proceeds to the severall distances ; instructing them in the uses of each of them . next after the distances , he teaches them the facings , the doublings , the countermarches , and the wheelings , with severall observations upon each of the motions . after which ( having so commanded ) the drums , bcat ; and the muskettiers , make ready for skirmish : then ( if you please ) you may cause three or foure of the first firings , to be performed by light skirmishing before the front : and that with loose ranks , or files , or both : either some of those , ( or such like ) as i have formerly spoken off in the preceding exercises . after which , for your next firing ; cause your half-files to open to the right and left , by equall division : untill the reere divisions of pikes , stands right after the muskettiers of the front-division . now the muskettiers standing in foure divisions , let them all present , and give fire to the front : wheeling all off to the right , and placing themselves in the reere of their own divisions of like armes : each ranke , still making good the leaders ground . having given fire , once or twice over on this figure : for the second firing cause the front-division to give fire to the front ; and the two reere divisions , to each flanke in a march. the front-division with fires in ranke , wheele all off to the right ; placing themselves in the reere of their ownc divisions of muskettiers : the other divisions with fire in flanke , leading up their files betweene their owne divisions of muskettiers and the pikes . having given fire once or oftner over , according to discretion this way ; let the third firing be performed upon a stand . for the which , cause your reere-divisions to facc to the right and left outward : the front-division , still to continue the same aspect . then , let the muskettiers give fire , those of the right flanke , wheeling off to the right : and the contrary flanke , to the contrary hand ; the muskettiers of the front division , placing themselues in the reere of their owne divisions of muskets ; the muskettiers of the reere divisions , placing themselues in the reere of the reere divisions of pikes : each ranke of muskettiers , still making good his leaders ground . when they have fired all over , let the pikes charge , to front and both flanks . having advanced your pikes againe , and faced your body to the front proper , each armes still standeth in three divisions . then let the fourth firing , be to the reere , and both flanks upon a march . and to that end , open your front-divisions of muskettiers to the right and left , untill they are cleere of the reere-divisions of pikes : that so they be not troublesome unto them , in their march . then let your pikes shoulder ; and the muskettiers , give fire : the front divisions of muskettiers , firing in flanke , and leading up on the inside of their owne divisions . the muskettiers of the reere division , giving fire in the reere in ranke wheeling off by division , and placing themselves in the front of their owne divisions of muskettiers . having fired once over , and the pikes charged ; let your fifth firing be to the reere , and both flankes upon a stand . in the which , let the half-files ( both muskettiers and pikes ) face to the reere ; the front-division to the right and left , and so give fire one each part ; those that fire to the flankes wheeling off , and placing themselves in the reere of their divisions of pikes , and the muskets of the reere divisions , wheeling off to the right and left , and placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of musketties : each ranke moving forward into their leaders ground . having fired over , let the pikes charge . the pikes being againe advanced ; face the whole body to the proper front : and then all the muskettiers will be in the midst , and the pikemen on the flankes . for the sixth firing , cause your half-rankes of the left , double your right flanke by division . for further directions , looke back to the tripartite firing : which you shall find , chap. . having fired over that way ; charged , and re-advanced your pikes : face the whole body to their former front . for your seventh firing , cause the front and reere divisions of muskettiers and pikes , to face to the right : the rest of the body ( both muskets and pikes ) to the left . let the muskettiers give fire , and wheele all off , either to the right or left , and place themselves in the reere of their following divisions of pikes ; each ranke still moving up into their leaders ground . when there rest but two rankes of each division , to fire , let the pikes port . having all fircd , and wheeled away ; let the pikes charge . then , face the whole body to their first front ; and command the first and last foure rankes to face to the left : and to march , untill they are cleere of the standing part of the body . then , cause the front halfe-files , to face to the left , the reere halfe-files , to the right : and so to close their divisions : and after that to face towards their leader . for the eight firing , make the sollid square girdled with muskettiers . for the which , draw halfe the files of the right flanke of muskettiers , crosse the front , and halfe the files of muskettiers of the left flanke , crosse the reere . then face the whole body ( both muskets and pikes ( to the front , reere , and flankes . this done , let the muskettiers give fire , and wheele off by division : placing themselves in the reere of their owne divisions of muskettiers ▪ all the time of this firing , the pikemen , being in the middle of the muskettiers , have good opportunity ( if the enemy be neere ) to gall them with their thicke showers of feathered shot . the muskettiers , in the meane time , having fired once , twice , or oftner over , on this figure , draw your files of muskettiers backe againe into their places . then having faced the whole body to the proper front , let your ninth firing , be captaine wallers double firing to the front and reere , after this manner . first , wheele front and reere into the right flanke : then face them all the same way they were before : which done , cause the halfe-files to face to the reere , and command the muskettiers which are in the reere of each division of pikes , to double their front of pikes by division . then , let them face about and close their divisions : and so having refaced them as they were ; let them give fire , wheele off , and charge , according to directions on captaine wallers figure . for the tenth firing , let them face to the right and left , and give fire to both flankes upon a stand : wheeling off by division , and flanking their pikes . when the pikes have charged , and are againe advanced , let the captaine passe to the front accidentall of the left flanke , and face the rest of the body to him , and in the next place wheele their flanks into the front , and so all the muskettiers will be in the front : and by facing the whole body to the left ; all the muskettiers will be on the right flanke . let the eleventh figure be the diamond battell . having given fire two or three severall wayes , according to the directions upon that figure ; charged pikes , and reduced them againe into the square : face the body about to the right ; and passe the muskettiers which belong to the right flanke , betweene the ranks of pikes into their places . then , the muskettiers of the left flanke , being closed to their pikes , the body will stand at their first order . for the twelfth firing , make the hollow square girdled with shot : let them give fire upon that figure ( both without and within ) according to the directions for that firing . let the pikes , charge ; and reduce them in the same manner as i have discoursed upon that figure . for the thirteenth firing , make the plesium as you shall finde directions in the . chapter . having made it , given fire upon it , and reduced it as at first . let the fourteenth and last firing for this exercise , be the hollow hearse and crosse . turne backe to the . chapter , where you may finde ample instructions for the making , firing , and reducing of it . and lastly , that you may conclude with triumph , cause your ensigne to be displayed in the middle of the hollow crosse : and then having fired , charged pikes , and reduced your men , according to the directions on that figure , your men will be as at first . and therefore seeing that by this time night is come ; and our powder gone ; we will here give conclusion to our sixth dayes exercise . wherefore , that you may observe some forme in the lodging of our colours ; cause your muskettiers to march in the front of your pikes . then , as as they march , let them invert to the right and left : which is , when the ranks file to the right and left , by division . then , cause all your muskettiers to face in opposition ; to cocke their matches , guard their pans , and rest their muskets . in the meane time , let the pikes advance , and close their ranks and files , to their order . which being done , the captaine , lieutenant , ensigne , and drummes beating a troope , at the head of the pikes : passe through this guard into the appointed place for the alledgement of the ensigne . then , the serjeants cause the muskettiers to face all about to the right , and present : and upon the first beat of the drumme , they all give fire in one volley . and now having performed our sixth dayes exercise , the drumme beats a call : and makes proclamation , that every man may depart unto his severall home , untill his next summons into the field . finis . the contents of every chapter contained in this booke . chap. . concerning postures and handling of armes . page . the postures of the musket . page of the postures of the pike , page of the drum , page of rankes and files , their places and dignities , p. reasons for precedency of dignity in rankes and files . page of severall distances , page of marching a company in divisions at length , the order and places of the officers , and againe drawing them into forme of battell , p. of drawing the divisions up into a square , p. what is facing , and the use of the word , whether to be used or refused , p. of facing square , and how to performe it , the usefulnesse of facings , and the severall parts thereof , page of doublings , the use and parts , p. of inversion and conversion , and of doubling rankes . p. chap. of doublings of ftles , page p. of doublings by bringers up , p. of doublings of files outward and inward , page of doubling by halfe files , p. of doublings the reere by front halfe files , page of doubling the reere by countermarch , p. of doubling flankes by wayes of countermarch , page of doubling halfe files to the right intire , to accommodate the doubling of halfe rankes , p. the difference betweene intire and divisionall doublings , and of doubling halfe files intire , p. of doubling the front inward intire , p. of halfe files , doubling the front by division , page of doubling the reere by division , p. of doubling the reere intire , by the front halfe files , p. of doubling by halfe ranke intire , p. of doubling of flankes by division , p. of doubling rankes intire , p. of doubling files intire , advancing , p. of files doubling their depth , p. of conversion and inversion , with their words of command , and reducements , p. of files siling in sequence , p. of inverting ranks , or ranks filing , p. of ranks filing by division , and how usefull , page chap. of the severall parts of conversion , and how they are to be understood , page p. of rankes wheeling by conversion , p. of files ranking in equall part , p. the conclusion of doublings , p. of countermarches . the antiquity , and words of direction , p. of the chorean countermarch : and the way to performe it , p. of countermarching to loose ground , p. of countermarches to gaine ground , or the macedonian countermarch , p. of the bastard countermarch , p. of countermarching rankes , to maintaine ground , p. of countermarching rankes to loose ground , p. of the macedonian countermarch by rank , p. of countermaching front and reere to the middest , p. of bringing front and reere , together into the middest by the bastard countermarch , p. of countermarching , to make a large intervall , between the first and last ranke , p. of making a large intervall , between the first & last rankes , by the macedonian countermarch , p. of interchanging ground . p. of countermarching the flanks ( or wings ) into the midst of the battell ▪ p. chap. of countermarching , to take the ground before the flankes , page p. of countermarching to take the ground on the out side of the flankes , and to direct their aspects inwards . p. of taking the ground on the outside of the flanks ; not altering the aspects . p. of interchanging ground by the flanks , and bringing the innermost files of pikes , to become the outmost rankes . p. of wheeling , their kindes , and uses with their severall words of command . p. of wheelings anguler , p. of wheeling on the center . p. of wheeling off , by division . p. of wheeling the front inward , towards the reere . p. of bringing the flanks into the front of the battell , p. of wheeling the reere into the midst of the battell , p. of wheeling the right flanke , into the midst of the battell , p. of wheeling the left flanke into the midst of the battell , p. of wheeling front and reere , into the midst of the battell , p. of wheeling the flanks into the midst of the battell , p. of making men file-leaders successively , the files being eight deepe , p. chap. of making men file-leaders succes●ively : the files being but sixe deepe , page p. of drawing the files againe into a body : and preparing them for a skirmist , p. of firing by forlorne files . the manner , and use , page of firings by two ranks , ten paces advanced before the front : next , even with the front ; and lastly , even with the halfe files , p. of the horne-battell ; how to make it : and to reduce it by firing , p. of the demie-hearse battell : the use of the figure ; how to make it , and to reduce it by firing ▪ p. of giving fire , advancing , by way of introduction : with the beneficiall use of the bow and pike , page the way to make the diamond battell : severall wayes to fire upon it : with divers other figures and firings , which are thereby produced , p. of the convex halfe moone ; the use of the figure : and of severall wayes of firing upon it . p. of extraduction : the severall uses , firings , and reducements . p. of the broad fronted battell : with the wayes of firing upon it . p. of dismarching , or firing in the reere : the severall wayes , and how they ought to be performed . p. of firings in flanke , in generall ; and more particularly , of the gathering firing . p. the second manner of giving fire to the flanke . p. chap. a firing in flanke , led off by the bringers up . page p. the difference betweene firings in flanke , marching : and of bringing the muskettiers on the outside of the pikes . p. of firing in flanke : aud placing the muskettiers in the midst of the battell of pikes : with other firings from thence proceeding . p. of firing to the front and reere , upon a march . p. a second way of firing to the front and reere . p. a firing to the reere and right flanke , marching . p. of firing to both flanks , marching . p. a firing to both flanks , standing . p. captaine wallers triple firing to the front. p. a firing tripartite , doing execution to the front , reere , and right flanke . p. of the sconce battell . p. of firing by three files at once ; two of them standing oblique , the other direct . p. a firing oblique , by foure files together , in forme of a w. p. of the fort battell ; the way to make , and to reduce it . p. of the crosse battell ; the way to make it with a private company . how to fire upon it : and to reduce it . p. of the hollow-fronted crosse battell , how to make it with a private company : and the way to fire upon it , &c. p. of firing upon the square battell , flanked with pikes . p. of the plinthium , or fouṙe-fronted-battell ; by us called the crosse of muskets , flanked with pikes . p. of the hollow square for march . p. of the hollow hearse , and the crosse . p. of the hollow square 〈◊〉 dled with shot . p. of the sollid square , with muskettiers in center and angles . the way to make the figure with a private compani● ▪ how to fire upon it , and to reduce it . p. the first dayes exercise . p. the second dayes exercise . p. the third dayes exercise . p. the fourth dayes exercise . p. the fifth dayes exercise . p. the sixth dayes exercise . p. finis . faults escaped in the printing . page . line . for and , reade ad , p. . l. . r. before , p. . first line of the . chap. 〈◊〉 p. . in the margent , r. particle , p. l. . r. armies , p , . l. . . all , 〈◊〉 ● l. . r. least , p. ▪ l. . r. or , p. . l. ▪ r. to ▪ p. . l. . r. without , p. . l ● 〈◊〉 drawne a figure ▪ p . l ▪ . r. left , p. . l. . r. file-wise , p. . l. the last , r. 〈◊〉 p. . l. . r. one , p. . l. . r. in , p. . l. . r. before , p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 leaders , p. . l. . & . r. and with the chorean it holds no affinity , p. ● ▪ the last line , r. be as at first . p. . the m m which stand for the ou●●ost file-leaders to the right , stand quite contrary . p. . l. . r. to . p. . ●he figure se● wrong . p l. . r. ●oo p. ● . l. . r. flanks . p. . l. . r. o●●rmost . p. . l. . r. figured . p. ● . l. . r. commanded . p. . l . r. u● ▪ p. . l. . r. firing . p. . l : . r. them . p. . l. . r. armes . p . l. . r. flanks ▪ p. . the title of the figure , r. plesium . p. . l. . r. to her severall , &c. p. . the marginall note opposite to the a● ▪ line ▪ r. instead of one file and close . one file of muskettiers to give fire , and close , p. l. the . for h●●swise , r ▪ herswise , p. . l. . for leader , r. leaders , p . l. for overhead , r. overhand . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e charge to the reere is to be understood alwayes to the left about , because it is . times a nearer way then charging to the right about ▪ what is a ranke . what is a file . * in the tacticks of ae●an lib. . the notes of the . chapter . in motion of files you are to observe your leader . in motion of rankes you are to observe your right hand man. in the exercise of the motion of facings , you are to be at open order in ranke and file . when you face to any hand in the reducement , you are to returne by the contrary . when your souldiers begin any motion , let them advance their armes . when they come to a stand , and have performed their motion , let them order their armes . intire . divisionall . angular . the distance for particular and divisionall doublings , is open order in ranke and file . note that the ordinary doublings of rankes and files , is or ought to be performed by three steps , first stepping forth with that foot which is next unto the place named , and in the reducement , to returne by the contrary hand . note that in these doublings of ranks and files , if you double rankes to either hand , doubling of files to the contrary , reduceth them . or in doubling of files to any hand , doubling of ranks to the contrary will reduce them . note that upon all motions of doublings , that they that are to double before they move from their places , are to advance their armes . when they have performed their doubling , they are to conforme to the posture of those whom they double , whether it be order , advance , or shoulder . note that all entire doublings , are to be performed at order both in ranke and file . note that in the doubling of ranks , the even ranks are to double into the odde , beginning alwaies to reckon from the first rank . in doubling of files , note if the doubling be to the left , as in this figure , then every man of the even files , steps behinde his left hand man at three steps , every even file doubling into the odde files beginning your account with the outmost file to the hand named , as i have formerly said . * in this doubling of ranks by bringers ▪ up , as likewise in all other of like nature , they that are to move , are to adxance their armes . but if the commander please , it will be best for the ease of the musettiers , to be shouldered . and upon all doubling of ranks whatsoever , lot them be sure to observe their right hand men . a part countermarch is when one moity , or part of the body countermarcheth , thereby , not altering the number of the length , or depth of the figure ; but onely transferring one part into another . note that if the reere be doubled to the right , the countermarch must be to the left : if the doubling be to the left , the countermarch must be to the right . it is at the discretion of the commander , to face the company , which way he pleaseth , either for motion , or reducement of any motion formerly performed . order in ranke and file . the distance required for intire doubling . what intire doublingsare . what is meant by particle , and dividuall doublings . note , that the left-hand men are the leaders of the motion , in the reducement . inversion . chorean . lacedemon . macedon . bastard countermarch . bast . count. lacedemon . lacedemon . cretan or chorean lacedemonian b. a countermarch . lacedemonia cretan or chorean bast . countermarch . lacedemonia , macedonian . bast . count. chorean or cretan . lacedemoniā . macedonian . bast . counter . the distance for counter march is , sixe foot , or open order in ranke and file . note , that when there is a countermarch commanded without any other addition ; then it is alwayes intended , a chorean countermarch . lacedemoniā . * an intervall is the space of ground betweene fils & file , or ranke and ranke ; but in this place , is intended the space of ground betweene the files . lacedemoniā . lacedemonian . macedonian . macedonian . bastard counter-march . bastard countermarch . chorean lacedemonian . lacedemonian . macedon . bast . count. of divisionall countermarches . note , that for countermarching front and reere into the midst , the front-halfe-files ever turne off to the right , the reere halfe files to the left , which being truely observed , they will alwayes meet even in the middle of the battaile , where to the contrary , if they turne both off to the right , they can never doe the counter-march but wrong . bast . counter . * note that as the front half-files empiieth the space of ground betweene the leaders and halfe-file-leaders placing themselues in the ground before the front , so in the meane time their places are replenished by the souldiers of the reere-halfe-files which march up and supply their roomes . if you reduce them by another countermarch , first close their divisions . macedonian . note that when the reere half files face about , the last ranke which are the bringers up 〈…〉 ●ill to keep their 〈…〉 . note that upon the countermarching of flanks into the midst , the right flanke must alwayes obser●e to turn to the right , the left flanke to the left . for if they should both turne off to the right , they wil never meet right i● they turne off both to the left , it will be as bad . macedonian . note that if y●u please , y●u m●y paste the pikes alone through , and let the muskettier , stand . but then there wil lbe a la ge distance betweene the musketti ●s in the midst note that the distance for wheelings ought to be three foot betweene ranke and file . note that upō the exercise of the motions whether it be distance , facings , doublings , countermarches , or wheelings , the muskettiers ought to be all upon one and the same posture either po●●ed or shouldered : the pikes in like manner either shouldered or advanced . note the direction for angular wheelings . note that wheeling to the rightabout will not be reduced by wheeling back againe to the left about just into the same ground , if the wheeling be anguler ; but will be ●wise the length of the battell removed to the right of your former standing . vpon al wheeling● , you must obserue to follow your leader● , which must be understood , aswell of those which b●come leaders accidē●ally ( by reason of facings ) as of those which be the ●●●st and pro●●● leaders . as in th s wheeling ( ●or example ) where the up●te ●te become the leaders of the m●●●on . note that the two up●re ●re the hinge● of this wh●●ling . not● , that if the length of your bat●e●● , be double the num● r of your depth ; as in this figure then this wheeling of front and reere into the right or left-flanke , doth qu●d●uple their forme● depth . if the number were equall , in lengto and depth ; then by this wheeling , they would be but doubled . if the number of your length , exceed more then double your depth , by so much the more , will the extension of the dep●h be , beyond quadruple , &c. * the three motions are , blow your coal● , open your pan , present breast high . you are to blow your coal● , stepping forwards with your left foot . open your pannel stepping forwards with your right foot ▪ present , stepping forwards with your left foot . the 〈◊〉 a●e to bepetfor●●d , hand and foot together , by every one that advanceth 〈◊〉 to ●iv● fire , without expecting anydirecti●●● in time of skirm s● . * note that the second firing will cause the body to f●ee to the reer , which then becomes a front accidentall , and is the cause that the same command reduceth the figure which first made it . note upon all firings in the reere , blow your colt ; stepping forwards with your right foot . open your p●n , stepping forwards with your left foot present to the r ere , stepping forwards with your right foot note that all the muskettier● must be in the midst , and the pikes on flanke● , when you begin to make this figure . if your muskettiers be on the flanke when you make it , then the crosse will be pi●●s , and the angles muskettiers , &c. the plinthium is a hollow square battell ; fronted foure waies ; the number equall , in length & depth . another kind of plinthium , is to have the depth exceed the length ; the light armes to be placed in the miost of the hollow patt . see the ta●●ic● of aelian , the second books , the notes of the forty two chapter . * note , that the odde files on the right flank , are the outermost files to the right ; the third file , the fift file , the seventh , & so forward for the rest , if the 〈◊〉 be larger ; beginning your account from the outermost file , to the right . note , that the odde files on the le●t-flanke , are the file● the third , the fi●th , the seventh , &c. so still accounting the odde files , beginning with the outermost file to the 〈◊〉 ▪ * i is very necessary , still , so often as time will permit ; to instruct the souldiers , in the postures and the well handling of their armes . * each file-leader to lead up his file upon the first summons of the drum. * ever to observe to be even in ranke , and strait in file , and stand at the true distance . * fetching the ensigne to the head of the company . * souldiers ought to be very silent . first , the souldiers ought to have their due distance given them , with directions how most properly to performe . * facings , doublings , countermarches & wheelings wherein the souldier ought treatably to be instructed● the commander alwayes observing , what his souldiers are hee hath to deale withall , and to give h s directions accordingly . never striving to put more into the battle then it can conveniently hold * observe to march between each firing , & upon each figure , that may be convenient . * face about , or wh ele about , for to countermarch if any en my be n●●r , i● very dangerous . * wheele your flanks into the front if your souldiers have time enough , otherwi●e face to the reere , and charge pikes . * when the pikes shoulder the musketiers must observe to ranke even with them . * vpon this firing , advance pikes when there is but one file : and close forwards to the distance of order . * these kind of intervals ought to contain six foot in distance upon some other occasions , foot is necessary . the hollow square . captain wallers firing . silence . vpon all motions be ●ure that the souldiers stand even in ranke and file . good words more available then blowes ▪ or ill language . the muskettie s make ready to give fi●e . ●etween each firing cause your body to march either in forme of ba●talia , extended in length : or upon any other figure , where it may conveniently be done without disorder . whosoever it be that teacheth the postures of the musket : ought to be very diligent , in his instruction , concerning the well managing of their a●mes : that they may not only fire to the front reere and flank : but that they observe order in their motion , which will better their execution . the file-leader if he have time may instruct his file in the distances and the severall motions . * by drawing fo●th ●ff loose files or otherwise . you may ei● t●●r draw forth the innermost or outermost at discretion . laws and ordinances of warre, extablished for the better conduct of the army by his excellency the earl of essex, lord generall of the forces raised by the authority of the parliament for the defence of king and kingdom : and now inlarged by command of his excellency. england and wales. army. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing e ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) laws and ordinances of warre, extablished for the better conduct of the army by his excellency the earl of essex, lord generall of the forces raised by the authority of the parliament for the defence of king and kingdom : and now inlarged by command of his excellency. england and wales. army. essex, robert devereux, earl of, - . [ ] p. printed ... for luke fawne, london : . reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng england and wales. -- army -- regulations. military law -- england. a r (wing e ). civilwar no laws and ordinances of warre, established for the better conduct of the army, by his excellency the earl of essex, lord generall of the forc england and wales. army b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion laws and ordinances of warre , established for the better conduct of the army , by his excellency the earl of essex , lord generall of the forces raised by the authority of the parliament , for the defence of king and kingdom . and now inlarged by command of his excellency ; and printed by his authoritie , london , for luke fawne . . robert , earl of essex , viscount hereford , lord ferrers of chartley , boucheir and lovain : captain generall of the army raised by the authoritie of parliament , for the defence of king and kingdom . to all the officers of the army , colonels , lieutenant-colonels , serjeant-majors , captains , other officers and souldiers of horse and foot , and all others whom these laws and ordinances shall concern . which laws and ordinances hereby published to all the said persons respectively and severally , are required and commanded to observe and keep , on the pains and penalties therein expressed . laws and ordinances of warre . of duties to god . i. first , let no man presumes to blaspheme the holy and blessed trinity , god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost ; nor the known articles of our christian faith , upon pain to have his tongue bored with a rod-hot iron . ii. unlawfull oaths and execrations , and scandalous acts in derogation of gods honour , shall be punished with losse of pay , and other punishment at discretion . iii. all those who often and wilfully absent themselves from sermons , and publike prayer , shall be proceeded against at discretion : and all such who shall violate places of publike worship , shall undergo severe censure . of duties in generall . i. all such as shall practice and entertain intelligence with the enemy , by any manner of means or slights , and have any communication with them , without direction from my lord generall , shall be punished as traytors and rebels . ii. no man shall relieve the enemy with money , victuals , ammunition ; neither harbour or receive any such , upon pain of death . iii. if a town , castle , or fort be yeelded up without the utmost necessity , the governour thereof shall be punished with death . iv. but if so be , that the officers and souldiers of the garrison , constrain the governour to yeeld it up : in such a case shall all the officers be punished with death , and the common souldiers who have been active , or have given their consent in constraining the governour , shall cast lots for the hanging of the tenth man amongst them . v. and withall to know in what case and circumstances a governour , and the militia of the garrison may be blamelesse , for the surrendring of a town , castle , or fort , it is hereby expressely signified : that first they are to prove the extremity of want within the place , insomuch that no eatable provision was left them for the sustenance of their lives . secondly , that no succour or relief in any probable wise could be hoped for . thirdly , that nothing else could be expected , but that within a short time the town , castle , or fort , with all the garrison , and arms , ammunition , magazine , and appurtenances in it , must of necessity , fall into the hands of the enemy . upon proof of which forementioned circumstances , they may be acquitted in a counsell of warre , else to be lyable to the punishment above expressed . vi . whosoever shall be convicted to do his dutie negligently and carelesly , shall be punished at discretion . vii . whosoever shall presume to violate a save-guard , shall die without mercy . viii . whosoever shall come from the enemy , without a trumpet , or drum , after the custome of warre , or without a passe from his excellency , within the quarters of the army , or within a garrison town , shall be hanged up as a spie . of duties towards superiours and commanders . i. whosoever shall use any words tending to the death of the lord generall , shall be punished with death . ii. no man shall presume to quarrell with his superiour officer , upon pain of cashiering , and arbitrary punishment ; nor to strike any such , upon pain of death . iii. no souldier shall depart from his captain , nor servant from his master , without license , though he serve still in the army , upon pain of death . iv. every private man or souldier , upon pain of imprisonment , shall keep silence when the army is to take lodging , or when it is marching , or imbattallio , so as the officers may be heard , and their commandments executed . v. no man shall resist , draw , lift , or offer to draw , or lift his weapon against any officer , correcting him orderly , for his defence , upon pain of death . vi . no person shall make any mutenous assemblies , or be present or assisting thereunto , or in , or by them , demand their pay , upon pain of death . vii . no man shall resist the provost-marshall , or any other officer , in the execution of his office , or break prison , upon pain of death . viii . none shall utter any words of sedition and uproar , or muteny , upon pain of death . ix . a heavy punishment shall be inflicted upon them , who after they have heard mutenous speeches , acquaint not their commanders with them . x. whosoever shall receive an injury , and shall take his own satisfaction , shall be punished by imprisonment , and as it shall be thought fit by the marshall-court : but he that is injured shall be bound , if he do not forgive the injury , to seek reparation by complaint to his captain , or colonel , or other superiour officer , and it shall be given him in ample manner . of duties morrall . i. drunkennesse in an officer , shall be punished with losse of place ; in a common souldier , with such penalties as a court-marshall think fit . ii. rapes , ravishments , unnaturall abuses , shall be punished with death . iii. adultery , fornication , and other dissolute lasciviousnesse , shall be punished with discretion , according to the quality of the offence . iv. theft and robbery , exceeding the value of twelve pence , shall be punished with death . v. no man shall use reproachfull , nor provoking words , or acts to any , upon pain of imprisonment , and further punishment , as shall be thought fit to be inflicted upon enemies to discipline and service . vi . no man shall take or spoil the goods of him that dieth , or is killed in service , upon pain of restoring double the value , and arbitrary punishment . vii . murther shall be expiated with the death of the murtherer . of a souldiers duty touching his arms . i. all souldiers coming to their colours to watch , or to be exercised , shall come fully armed , upon pain of severe correction . ii. none shall presume to appear with their arms unfixt , or undecently kept , upon pain of arbitrary correction . iii. if a trooper shall lose his horse or hackney , or foot-man any part of his arms , by negligence or lewdnesse , by dice or cards , he or they shall remain in qualitie of pioners and scavengers , till they be furnished with as good as were lost , at their own charge . iv. no souldier shall give to pawn , or sell his armour , upon pain of imprisonment , and punishment at discretion ; and wheresoever any armour shall be found so sold or pawned , they shall be brought again into the army . v. if a trooper shall spoil his horse willingly , of purpose to be rid of the service , he shall lose his horse , and remain in the camp for a pioner . vi . if one borrows arms of another to passe the muster withall , the borrower shall be rigorously punished , and the lender shall forfeit his goods . vii . none shall presume to spoil , fell , or carry away any ammunition delivered unto him , upon pain of death . of duty in marching . i. none in their march thorow the counties shall waste , spoil , or extort any victuals , money , or pawn , from any subject , upon any pretence of want whatsoever , upon pain of death . ii. no souldier shall presume , upon no occasion whatsoever , to take a horse out of the plow , or to wrong the husband-men in their person , or cattell , or goods , upon pain of death . iii. no souldiers , either horse or foot , shall presume in marching to straggle from his troop or company , or to march out of his rank , upon pain of death . iv. no souldier shall presume , in marching or lodging , to cut down any fruit-trees , or to deface , or spoil walks of trees , upon pain of severe punishment . of duties in the camp and garrison . i. no man shall depart a mile out of the army or camp without license , upon pain of death . ii. no man shall enter , or go out of the army , but by ordinary wayes , upon pain of death . iii. no man shall presume to draw his sword without order , after the watch is set , upon pain of death . iv. no man shall give a false alarum , or discharge a peece in the night , or make any noise without lawfull cause , upon pain of death . v. no man shall draw any sword in a private quarrell within the camp , upon pain of death . vi . he that makes known the watch-word without order , or gives any other word but what is given by the officers , shall die for it . vii . no man shall do violence to any that brings victuals to the camp , upon pain of death . viii . none speak with a drum or trumpet , or any other sent by the enemy , without order , upon pain of punishment at discretion . ix . a sentinell or perdue found asleep , or drunk or forsaking their place before they be drawn off , shall die for the offence , without mercy . x. no man shall fail wilfully to come to the rendevouz or garrison appointed him by the lord generall , upon pain of death . xi , no man that carrieth arms , and pretends to be a souldier , shall remain three daies in the army without being inrolled in some company , upon pain of death . xii . no man that is enrolled , shall depart from the army or garrison , or from his colours , without license , upon pain of death . xiii . no private souldier shall out stay his passe , without a certificate of the occasion , under the hand of a magistrate at the next muster , upon pain of losing his pay , during all the time of his absence . xiv . he that absents himself when the sign is given to set the watch , shall be punished at discretion , either with bread and water in prison , or with the woodden horse . xv . whosoever shall expresse his discontent with his quarter given him in the camp , or garrison , shall be punished as a mutineer . xvi . no officer , of what quality soever , shall go out of the quarter to dinner or supper , or lie out al-night , without making his superiour officer acquainted , upon pain of cashiering . xvii . all officers whose charge it is , shall see the quarters kept clean and sweet , upon pain of severe punishment . xviii . none shall presume to let their horses feed in sown grounds whatsoever , or to endamage the husbandmen any way , upon severest punishment . xix . whosoever shall in his quarter , abuse , beat , fright his landlord , or any person else in the family , or shall extort mony or victuals , by violence from them , shall be proceeded against as a mutineer , and an enemy to discipline . of duties in action . i. no man shall fail immediately to repair unto his colours ( except he be impotent by lamenesse or sicknesse ) when an alarum is given , upon pain of death . ii. no man shall abandon his colours , or flie away in battail , upon pain of death . iii. if a pike-man throw away his pike , or a muskettier his musket or bandilier , he or they shall be punished with death . iv. no man shall burn any house or barne , be it of friend or foe , or wilfully spoil any corne , hay , or straw , or stacks in the fields , or any ship , boat , carriage , or any thing that may serve for the provision of the army without order , upon pain of death . v. none shall kill an enemy who yeelds , and throws down his arms . vi . none shall save a man that hath his offensive arms in his hands , upon pain of losing his prisoner . vii . whosoever in skirmish shall fling away his powder out of his bandiliers , that he may the sooner come off , shall be punisht with death . viii . no souldier shall imbezzell any part of the prey till it be disposed of by the lord generall , or others authorized , upon pain of death . ix . no officer or souldier shall ransome , or conceal a prisoner ; but within twelve hours , shall make the same known to the lord generall , or others authorized , upon pain of death . x. no man upon any good successe , shall fall a pillaging before licence , or a sign given , upon pain of death . xi . a regiment or company of horse or foot , that chargeth the enemy , and retreats before they come to handy-strokes , shall answer it before a councell of war ; and if the fault be found in the officers , they shall be banished the camp ; if in the souldiers , then every tenth man shall be punished at discretion , and the rest serve for pioniers and scavengers , till a worthy exploit take off that blot . of the duties of commanders and officers , in particular . i. all commanders are straightly charged to see almighty god reverently served , and sermons and prayers duely frequented . ii. all commanders and officers that finde any of discontented humors , apt to mutenize , or any swerving from direction given , or from the policy of the army set down , shall straight way acquaint the lord generall therewith , or others authoriz'd , as they wil answer their neglect . iii. any officer that shall presume to defraud the souldiers of their pay , or any part of it , shall be cashiered . iv. no corporall , or other officer commanding the watch , shall willingly suffer a souldier to go forth to a duell , or private fight , upon pain of death . v. what officer soever shall come drunk to his guard , or shall quarrell in the quarter , or commit any disorder , shall be cashiered without mercy ; and the next officer under him shall have his place , which he may pretend to be his right , and it shall not be refused to him . vi . a captaine that is carelesse in the training and governing of his company , shall be displaced of his charge . vii . all captains or officers that shall outstay their passe , shall be punished at the lord generals discretion . viii . all officers , of what condition soever , shall have power to part quarrels & frays , or sudden disorders betwixt the souldiers , though it be in any other regiment or company , and to commit the disordered to prison for the present , untill such officers as they belong unto are acquainted with it : and what souldier soever shall resist , disobey , or draw his sword against such an officer ( although he be no officer of his regiment or company ) shall be punished with death . ix . a captain or officer non-resident in the place assigned him for garrison without license , shall have one moneths pay defaulted for the first offence , and two moneths for the second : upon the third offence he shall be discharged of his command . x. after the army is come to the generall rendevouz , no captain shall cashier any souldier that is enrolled , without speciall warrant of the lord generall . xi . no captain or officer of a troop or company , shall present in musters , any but reall troopers and souldiers , such as by their pay are bound to follow their colours , upon pain of cashiering without mercy . and if any victualler , free-booter , enterloper , or souldier whatsoever , of any troop or company , shall present himself , or his horse in the muster , to mislead the muster-master , and to betray the service , the same shall be punished with death . xii . no provider , keeper , or officer of victuall or ammunition , shall imbezell or spoil any part thereof , or give any false account to the lord generall , upon pain of death . of the duty of muster-masters . i. no muster-master must wittingly let any passe in the musters , but such as are really of the troop or company presented , upon pain of death . ii. all captains shall cause their troops or companies to be full and compleat ; and two dayes after the generall mustering , they shall send to the lord generall a perfect list or roll of all the officers of their troops and companies , and likewise of all the troopers and souldiers that are in actuall service , putting down distinctly on the head of each man his monethly pay . iii. the like roll or list shall the captains send to the lord generall , and to the treasurer of the army upon every pay-day , during the service , with a punctuall expression at the bottome of the said roll , what new troopers or souldiers have been entertained since the last pay-day , in lieu of such as are either deceased or cashiered , and likewise the day whereon they were so cashiered and entertained . iv. which said list or roll shall be subscribed , not onely by the captain and his lievtenant and coronet or ensigne , but also by the sergeants and corporals respectively , who shall declare upon their oath , that the troopers and souldiers enrolled in the said list , are reall and actuall troopers and souldiers of the respective troops and companies . and whosoever shall be convicted of falshood in any of the premises , shall be cashiered . v. no muster-master shall presume to receive or accept of any roll to make the musters by , but the forementioned rols , upon pain of the losse of his place , and other punishment at discretion . vi . no man shall presume to present himself to the muster , or to be inrolled in the muster-rolls by a counterfeit name , or surname , or place of birth , upon pain of death . of victuallers . i. no victuallers shall presume to issue or sell unto any of the army , unsound , unsavoury , or unwholesome victuals upon pain of imprisonment , and further arbitrary punishment . ii. no souldier shall be a victualler without the consent of the lord generall , or others authorized upon pain of punishment at discretion . iii. no victualler shall entertain any souldiers in his house , tent , or hutt , after the warning-piece at night , or before the beating of the ravalee in the morning . iv. no victualler shall forestall any victuals , nor sell them before they be appraised by the marshall generall , upon severe punishment . of administration of justice . i. all controversies between souldiers and their captains , and all others , shall be summarily heard and determined by the councell of warre , except the weightinesse of the cause require further deliberation . ii. all officers and others who shall send up any prisoners unto the marshall generall of the army ; shall likewise deliver unto the marshall , the cause and reason of the imprisonment ; and without such cause and reason shown , the marshall is expresly forbid to take charge of the prisoner . iii. when a prisoner is committed to the charge of the marshall generall , the information of the crime which he standeth committed for , is to be given in to the advocate of the army , within hours , after the commitment , or else , for default thereof , the prisoner to be released , except good cause be shown ; wherefore the information cannot be ready within that time . iv. the goods of such as die in the army or garrison , or be slain in the service , if they make any will by word or writing , shall be disposed of according to their will . if they make no will , then shall go to their wives , or next kin . if no wife or kindred appear within a yeer after , shall be disposed of by the appointment of the lord generall , according to the laws civill and military . v. no magistrate of town or countrey , shall without license imprison any souldier , unlesse for capitall offences . vi . in matters of debts or trespasse , or other inferiour cases , the magistrate shall acquaint his captain , or other chief officer therewith , who is to end the matter with the consent of the complainant , or to leave the party grieved to take his remedy by due course of law : and if the officer fail of his duty therein , the lord generall upon complaint of the party grieved , will not onely see him righted , but the officer punished for his neglect in this behalf . vii . no man shall presume to use any braving or menacing words , signes , or gestures , while the court of justice is sitting , upon pain of death . viii . no inhabitant of city , town , or country , shall presume to receive any souldier into his service , or conceal , or use means to convey such run-awayes , but shall apprehend all such , and deliver them to the provost marshall . ix . all captains , officers , and souldiers , shall do their endeavours to detect , apprehend , and bring to punishment all offenders , and shall assist the officers of the army for that purpose , as they will answer their slacknesse in the marshals court . x. if the marshall shall dismisse without authority , any prisoner committed unto his charge , or suffer him to make an escape , he shall be lyable to the same punishment due unto the dismissed or escaped offendour . xi . all other faults , disorders , and offences not mentioned in these articles , shall be punished according to the generall customes and laws of warre . and to the end that these laws and ordinances be made more publike and known , as well to the officers , as to the common souldiers , every colonell and captain is to provide some of these books , and to cause them to be forthwith distinctly and audibly read in every severall regiment , by the respective marshals in presence of all the officers ; in the horse quarters by sound of trumpet ; and amongst the foot by beat of drum : and weekly afterwards , upon the pay day , every captain is to cause the same to be read to his own company , in presence of his officers . and also upon every main guard , the captain is to do the like , that none may be ignorant of the laws and duties required by them . these are to authorise you to print for the use of the army , the laws and ordinances of warre , by me established , and of late inlarged by my command , for the better conduct of the service . and likewise by these presents to forbid all others to print the same at their perills on the contrary . given under my hand , . novemb. . essex . to luke fawn , stationer . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- blasphemy . cursing . neglecting divine worship . intelligence with the enemy . relief of the enemy . yeelding up of forts . carelesse service . violating of a safe guard . violating of the lord generall . quarrelling with officers . departing from captains and masters . silence in the army . resisting against correction . unlawfull assemblies . resisting of the provost marshall . seditious words . concealing mutenous speeches . receiving of injuries . drunkennesse . unnaturall abuses . adultery . theft . provocation . seizing upon dead mens goods . murther . full armour . slovenly armour . loosing of horses and arms . pawning or selling of armour . wilfull spoiing of horses . borrowed arms . imbezelling of ammuition . waste and extortion . taking of horses out of the plow . stragling from the colours . spoiling of trees . swerving from the camp . going in or out by wayes . drawing of swords after setting the watch . giving a false alarum . drawing swords in a quarrell . revealing the watch word . offering violence to victuallers . speaking with the enemies messengers . a sentinell asleep , or drunk . failing at the rendevouz . remaining inrolled in the army . departing without leave . out staying a passe . absenting from the watch . discontented with their quarters . lying or supping out of the quarters . keeping of the quarters clean . letting of horse feed in sown grounds . repairing to the colours upon an alarum . flying . flinging away arms . burning and wasting . killing an enemy who yeelds . saving of men armed with offensive arms . flinging away powder . imbezzelling of the prey . concealing of prisoners pillaging without licence . retreating before handy-blows . commanders must see god duly served . commanders must acquaint my lord generall with dangerous humours . defraud of souldiers pay . stopping of duellers . drunken and quarrelsome officers . carelesse captains . officers outstaying their passe . all officers bound to part quarrels . officers non-resident in garrison . cashiering of souldiers . mustering of false and counterfe●t troops . commissaries of victuals and ammunition must be true . muster masters conniving at counterfei●s captains must send a roll of their men to the lord generall . every pay-day . subscribed by all the officers of the troop or company . muster-masters must use no other rolls . counterfeit names in the rolls . victuallers issuing naughty victuals no souldier must be a victualler . unseasonable hours kept by victuallers . summary proceedings the provost marshall must look to his prisoner . goods of the destinct . civill magistrates imprisoning souldiers . for debts and other small offences . braving the court of justice . receiving of run awayes . detecting of offenders . offences whatsoever to be punished by the laws of warre . the arte of gunnerie. wherein is set foorth a number of seruiceable secrets, and practical conclusions, belonging to the art of gunnerie, by arithmeticke skill to be accomplished: both pretie, pleasant, and profitable for all such as are professors of the same facultie. / compiled by thomas smith of barwicke vpon tweed souldier. smith, thomas, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : a; : b) the arte of gunnerie. wherein is set foorth a number of seruiceable secrets, and practical conclusions, belonging to the art of gunnerie, by arithmeticke skill to be accomplished: both pretie, pleasant, and profitable for all such as are professors of the same facultie. / compiled by thomas smith of barwicke vpon tweed souldier. smith, thomas, fl. - . [ ], , [ ], p. : ill. (woodcuts). printed [by richard field] for vvilliam ponsonby, london : [- ]. printer's name from stc. printer's device on title page, mck. ; head- and tail-piece, initial. the "plates" are woodcuts. includes second part, with separate t.p. and register: certaine additions to the booke of gunnery, with a supplie of fire-workes. all done by the former author thomas smith souldior of barwicke vpon tweede: both pleasant and profitable. [device mck. ] london, printed for william ponsonby. . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng gunnery -- early works to . artillery -- early works to . ordnance -- early works to . military fireworks -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the arte of gvnnerie . wherein is set foorth a number of seruiceable secrets , and practical conclusions , belonging to the art of gunnerie , by arithmeticke skill to be accomplished : both pretie , pleasant , and profitable for all such as are professors of the same facultie . compiled by thomas smith of barwicke vpon tweed souldier . london , printed for vvilliam ponsonby . . to the right honorable perigrin bertie knight , lord willovghbie beake and earsby , lord gouernour of her maiesties towne and castle of barwicke vpon tweed , and lord vvardon of the east marches of england , for and anempst scotland , &c. it is a common opinion right honourable amongst a great number , who may be tearmed more wayward then wise , that the art of soldiery may perfectly be attained in two or three moneths practise , and that any common man in a few weekes trayning , hauing seene two or three skirmishes may be called an expert soldier . not considering that a mariner may saile seuen yeares , and yet be far from a nauigator . a number of mechanicall artificers may labour diuerse yeares , and yet be far from perfection ; and a number of souldiers may serue many yeares , and yet haue but the bare name of a souldier . he may well be called a trained souldier , that knoweth by the sound of drum , and trumpet , without any voice , when to march , fight , retire , &c. that is able in marching , embattelling , encamping , and fighting , and such like , to performe , execute , and obey the lawes and orders of the field , that hath some sight in the mathematicals , and in geometricall instruments , for the conueying of mines vnder the ground , to plant and mannage great ordinance , to batter or beat down the wals of any towne or castle , that can measure altitudes , latitudes , and longitudes , &c. such a one may be tearmed in my opinion an expert souldier , though he neuer buckled with the enemie in the field . such perfections is well knowne to be in your honour , that you are furnished with these and many morare qualities in the art militarie , and aboue all with wisedome and noble courage , to performe and execute any honorable enterprise whatsoeuer for the honour and seruice of god , your prince and countrie , the which our proud enemies haue felt to their paine and your euerlasting fame . and although i my selfe be but one of the meanest souldiers in this guarison now vnder your lordships gouernement ( whom we pray long to gouern ouer vs ) being brought vp from my childhood vnder a valiant captaine in militarie profession , in which i haue had a desire to practise and learne some secrets touching the orders of the field , and trayning of souldiers : as also concerning the art of managing and shooting in great artillerie . i haue thought it good ( hearing of no other that hath done the like before ) to frame together certaine arithmeticall and geometricall rules , to shew in part how necessarie arithmeticke and geometrie is for our profession , the which i haue set downe in two litle bookes , the one intituled arithmeticall militarie conclusions , the other ; the art of gunnerie : the first i wrote two or three yeares since , and bestowed on my captaine , sir iohn carie knight , the which ( god sparing life ) i meane to correct & enlarge , & perhaps put to the presse : this other i haue thought it my part , to offer to your lordships good consideration , to be shrouded vnder your honourable buckler , to beare off the blowes of enuious tongues , which are euer ready to spit their spite against any vertuous exercise : which although it be vnworthie to passe vnder so honourable a protection , i hope your lordship will in indifferent ballance weigh my willing mind , to do my countrie good , and your honour any seruice my poore abilitie is able to performe , which if your honour allow of , i shall thinke my paines well employed , and shall encourage me hereafter to bring this new found art into some better perfection , so farre as my poore abilitie is able to put in practise , or my simple skill in the art will reach to . thus loth to be tedious , i cease : beseeching god to preserue your honour with much increase of honour , to gods glorie and your hearts desire . your honours dutifully at command , thomas smith souldier . to all gentlemen , sovldiers , gvnners , and all fauourers of militarie discipline , thomas smith wisheth increase of happinesse . gentlemen , there was neuer author nor practised gunner euer able ( as i am perswaded ) to describe at full , or could shew perfectly the efficacie and force that gunpowder is able to accomplish , it being a mixture of such a wonderfull operation and effect , as by dayly experience we find . and although diuerse men in diuerse ages , haue inuented diuerse engines and ordinance for offensiue and defensiue seruices by gunpowder to be perfourmed , yet none hath nor could euer attaine to that full perfection , to know precisely what straunge effects the said mixture is able to worke . also diuers learned men haue inuented many excellent rules pertaining to the art of gunnerrie , and a great many of them haue and do erre in the principals of their inuentions : and the cause is , for want of due practise therein . for the art of gunnery doth require great practise and experience , to declare the rare secrets thereof ; which is not for meane men to attaine to , for that the charges is great . and albeit , i am the least able of a great many to take any matter in hand , pertaining to the same art , being but a sworne scholler thereto , and my abilitie far vnable to put in practise that i would : yet because i haue serued a prentize-hood twise told since i tooke my oth , and neuer hearing of any that hath compiled any arithmeticall rules or secrets ( which is the fountaine head from whence all arts or sciences do spring ) into one volume , i thought it my part and duty ( according to my skill ) to do the best i could therein , for the benefit of others , and that in the plainest maner i could , that such as are not well seene in numbers art , might the sooner vnderstand the same . and albeit i haue herein shewed but a few arithmeticall conclusions belonging to the art of gunnerie , yet the experienced gunner or skilfull mathematitian , by these few may deuise a great many moe , for seruice offensiue and defensiue , by arithmeticke and geometrie to be performed . all which conclusions ( gentle readers ) i haue thought best to frame in easie questions , shewing the answers or resolutions thereof . and although they be but meanly framed , i hope you will accept the same in good part , the rather , for that they are a yong gunners practises . and if there be ought herein that may profit you , yeeld me your friendly censure , i craue no more : or if in any place i haue erred , either gently correct it , or passe it with silence , or in friendly sort admonish me thereof , i deserue no lesse . there is a great many that can spie a mote in another mans eye , that had neede to haue a beame pulled from their owne : some wil scan verie curiously , and sooner find two faults then amend one . if you be of that mind ( friendly readers ) i mind not to make you my iudges . the widowes mite was aswell accepted as the gifts of the wealthie . a souldier in alexanders campe , in the dry desert presented the king his helmet full of cold water , saying , if i could haue gotten better drinke , your grace should haue had part : the which the king gently accepted and liberally rewarded , answering , i wey not thy gift , but thy willing mind . but i seeke no reward for my trauell , but onely you will wey my mind is willing to do my countrey good , and to profite the readers : and not to carpe with momus , nor disdaine vvith zoilus , nor sooth vvith zantippus . in so doing you shall encourage me to set penne to paper , and to flie a higher pitch pertaining to this new found arte. othervvise , if you spit out your spite against me for my good vvill , i will as meanely account of your malice , and so as i find you , looke to haue of me . from my poore house in barwicke vpon tweed this . of may , . your friend and welwiller , thomas smith souldier . peter lvcas cannonnier in commendation of the authour and his booke . shake silly pē to write of arte , to him where arte doth dwel , and say , the want of eloquence doth so thy hand repell , that farre thy muse vnable is to praise the authors skill : nor canst thou paint thy mind , nor finely tell thy will , but as there needs no signe at dore , whereas the wine is pure , so need not i commend this worke , it all men will allure , to loue the smith that forg'd this worke , who hath such art in store , that better is then arte which trieth gold from ore , as our proud foes haue found , and felt by ordinance might , and ayde of the almightie ioue , who doth defend our right . therefore good zeale go post-hast vnto fame , and bid her giue this booke an euer-liuing name . peter lucas gunner . richard hope gentleman in commendation of the worke . to tell a tale without authoritie , or faine a fable by inuention , the one proceeds of quicke capacitie , the other shewes but small discretion . who writes conclusions how to vse a peece , in my conceipt deserues a golden fleece . vvho takes in hand to write of worthie warre , and neuer marched where any warre was made , nor neuer hopes to come in any iarre , but tels the triall , knowing not the trade , to write of warre , and note not what it is , may well be thought a worke begun amisse . but he that by his studie makes it knowne , vvhat thing warre is , and whereof it proceeds , defensiue and offensiue reasons shewing , to those that gape for honor by their deeds , a worthie worke who doth not count the same , in my conceit he doth a souldier shame . if so : smiths trauell cannot well offend , for so he meant before he set it forth , and if it chaunce to come where souldiers wend. he it commaunds to seeme of litle worth : for what he writes , he writes to honor those , vvhich wade in warres to triumph ouer foes . richard hope souldier . richard rotheruppe gentleman in commendation . that man whom martiall attempts may raise to honor hie , let him peruse with learned skill , smiths worke of gunnerie . that fountaine which such springs sends forth , can neuer drie remaine : i meane the ground of arts , from which all science we attaine . as grammer , musicke , and phisicke , vvith high astronomie : and other artes mathematicke , and braue geometrie . this art of gunnerie likewise , amongst the rest let stand , vvhose god-father this author is , vvhich tooke the same in hand . whose knowledge in this famous arte , deserues eternall fame , for his conclusions excellent doth well deserue the same . richard rotheruppe souldier . the art of gvnnerie . a table shewing the deminite parts vsed for mensuration . forasmuch as some of these measures are to be vsed in the treatise following , it is requisite that i shew what kinde of measures are commonly vsed and now in force , beginning with a barly corne , frō whence all these hereunder and a great many moe do proceed , as an inch , cōtaineth barley cornes layed end to end . a finger bredth , cōtaineth barley cornes in thicknesse . a hand bredth , cōtaineth fingers . a foote , cōtaineth inches . a yard , cōtaineth feete . an ell , cōtaineth quarters of a yard . a span , cōtaineth handbredths . a foote , cōtaineth handbredths . a geometricall pace , cōtaineth feete . a fadome , cōtaineth feete , or yards . fadome , cōtaineth a score , or yards . a furlong , cōtaineth paces . our english furlong cōtaineth paces , or feete . a pearch or rood , cōtaineth yards ½ or feet ½ . an aker , cōtaineth perches , paces , or feet a league , cōtaineth paces . an italian or english mile , cōtaineth furlongs , or paces , or feet . a germane mile , cōtaineth furlongs . a score , cōtaineth yards . an hundreth , cōtaineth feet , after score to the . grains of wheate dry , cōtaineth one penie of troyes weight . pence , cōtaineth one ounce . ounces , cōtaineth one pound . graines of barley , cōtaineth one scruple of haberdepois weight scruples , cōtaineth one dramme drammes , cōtaineth one ounce . ounces , cōtaineth one pound . pound , cōtaineth weight . a tunne , cōtaineth hundreth a table shewing how to weigh a great deale with few weights . you may way any number of pounds from one to with these weights , . . . . to with these weights . . . . . to with these weights , . . . . . . this rule of weighing many things with few weights proceedeth of geometricall progression . the pounds to be weighed , are wayed with as many namelike weights , to be done either double or three-fold , sometime by adding one weight to another , and sometimes by taking away and adding to the contrary ballance . example in a double respect : all termes to are weighed with weights of pounds : as , . . . . so in a triple respect , all pounds to may be weighed with weights , as . . . . all pounds from to are to be weighed with these weights , . . . . . . and so infinitely . measures . the varietie of measures are in a maner infinite , and yet are all comprehended vnder three general kinds , proceeding from a point in geometrie , as arithmeticke doth from an vnite : that is to say , lines , superficies , bodies . lines hauing but only length without bredth of thicknesse , do measure onely altitudes , latitudes , and longitudes , &c. superficies , being limited by lines , bearing length and bredth , without depth or thicknesse , in these are knowne the contents of pauements , glasse , boord , land , &c. bodies , being bounden by superficies , & containing length , bredth , and thicknes , do make knowne the quantitie of all solide or massiue things , as timber , stone , &c. all which requires the aide of arithmeticke , to be truly measured . the definitions , termes , and orderly working of these and all other , the elements of geometrie will teach you . here i thought to haue written briefly , or rather to haue glaunced at the wonderfull strange effects that arithmeticke is able to worke and attaine to , but finding that that learned and famous man master iohn dee , in his mathematical preface vpon euclids elements , doth notably touch the same , shewing the rare properties and incredible mysteries that numbers art can reach to , affirming that the effects thereof , of man is notable fully to be declared , it soone strake me in the dumps , feeling my selfe farre vnable to soare so high . how to finde the cubicall radix or roote of any number . as in my booke of the art of warre , entituled arithmeticall militarie conclusions , i began with the extraction of square rootes , being a speciall rule to worke diuerse feats belonging to the sayd art : so in this treatise i haue thought best to begin & shew how to extract cubicke rootes , for that diuerse conclusions are to be done by the sayd rule , in the worke following letting passe all former rules , as lesse necessarie , the which are commonly knowne to euery child , that hath any sight in the art of numbring . to finde the radix or roote cubicall of any number , you must note how many figures or numbers be in the totall summe thereof , and then as is shewed in the rule how to extract the square root of any number , you make a pricke or point vnder euery other number , beginning at the first number towards your right hand : euen so in this rule , in searching for the cubicall roote of any number , you must put a prick vnder the first number towards your right hand , and so increase your number of prickes , vnder euery third number , towards your left hand , and your quotient will containe so many figures as there be prickes . if your number propounded be cubicall , multiplie your quotient cubically , the product of that multiplication will be the number that was propounded . to multiply cubically , you must do as this example sheweth . multiplied in himselfe is , which multiplied againe by , makes , and is a cubick number . a cubicall figure , is proportioned as these figures sheweth , for a cube is a solide body of sixe equal squares or sides like a die . example . it is requisite in learning to extract rootes , to haue in perfect memorie all those cubicke rootes of digit numbers and the cubes they do make , the which will be a great helpe in working , the which i haue here set downe in a table after m. records order . now to seeke for the first figure or roote , your table will shew you what number shal stand in the quotient , being due to the last prick , towards your left hand , which figure so set in the quotient , multiplied cubickly , if it be equall to the number or numbers aboue that last pricke , it doth shew that the said number or numbers are cubicke ; but if it bee more then a cube number , then abate the greatest cube number , that the quotient will make from the sayd numbers , and cancelling the same , let the remaine stand ouer the head of the said numbers , as is done in deuision of common numbers , and so haue you done with the first pricke . secondly , triple your roote , setting the said tripled number one place nearer from the last pricke , towards your right hand . thirdly , multiply the said triple , by the said quotient , the numbers arising thereof is your deuisor , to set vnder your first tripled number . fourthly , find out a number to be placed in your quotient , that may shew how often times your deuisor is cōtained in the deuident , or numbers so remaining ouer it . fiftly , you must multiply your deuisor , by the number last placed in your quotient , first drawing a line vnder your deuisor , and that which ariseth of the said multiplication must be placed vnder the said line . sixtly , you must square the number last placed in your quotient , and multiplie the said square by the triple of your first quotient number , & the summe arising of that multiplication set vnder the line , one place nearer tow●rds your right hand . seuenthly , multiply the number last placed in your quotient cubickly , and set the same cube numbers vnder the line , beneath the other numbers , one place nearer towards your right hand : and then drawing a line vnder the same , adde all those numbers together ; the summe arising abate from the other pricke that standes toward the right hand in your deuident , and if nothing remaine , the number propounded is a cubicke number : but if any thing remaine , the number propounded is no cubicke number , but yet the quotient doth shew the nearest cubicke roote in the proposition . in this order you must worke by euery pricke , how many figures soeuer the nūbers propounded containeth . to find a denominator to the cubicke remaine . if the number propounded be not cubicall , and that you desire to know the true denominator to the cubicall remaine , you must square your cubicke roote , and then triple the said square , and after triple the roote , adding all those summes together , and to the totall of the sayd addition , adde one vnitie , so haue you the true denominator cubicall , the which you may abbreuiate into lesser termes by abbreuiation , according to your desire . or you may find the denominator cubicall , by multiplying the roote in the triple of another number that is more by one vnite , nor the said roote : and then adding one vnite to the product of the said multiplication , you haue your desire . an example how to worke , to find the cubicke roote . admit the summe or numbers , whose cubicke roote you desire to know be . i set the pricke vnder , and vnder the figure standing in the fourth place , as in the worke here you see , and i finde that the greatest cubicke number in is , and is his roote , which i place in the quotient , and his cube being , i substract from , so resteth . and so i haue done with the first prick towards my left hand , as here in the work you may see . then i triple the quotient , & it is , which i set one place from the last pricke nearer towards my right hand . and then i multiply the triple of the quotient being , by the said quotient , ariseth , the which i place vnder , drawing a line vnder my deuisor , and then i seeke how oft i can haue the deuisor in , which is a part of the deuident , the which i can haue but times , which , i place in the quotient , and by the sayd i multiplie the deuisor , so ariseth , which i place vnder the line vnder the deuisor , as here you see . and then i square the number last placed in the quotient being , and it is , which square i multiply by the triple of the first quotient number being , ariseth , which i place vnder , one place nearer towards the right hand , as here you may see . and then multiplying the digit . cubickly ariseth , to be set vnder the line one place nearer towards the right hand , & adding all these sums together , there ariseth , the which substracted frō the number belonging to the first prick there remaineth nothing , so i say that is a cubicke number , and is the true root thereof . you may proue it by multiplying the quotient cubickly , and abating the product from the number propounded , there will remaine nothing . to find the nearest root of a number not cubicke . question . i demaund the true cubicke root of . resolution . the pricks placed in order as before , i find there will be but figures in the quotient , & that the cubick nūber of is , whose cubick root is , which i place in the quotient , and his cube being abated from , there remaines to be placed ouer the last prick : then tripling the quotiēt , ariseth to be set down one place nearer towards my right hand , & then multiplying the quotient by the said triple , doth arise for a deuisor , which i set in his place , drawing a line vnder him as in the former worke you see . and then i make search how oft i can haue in , which i can haue many times , but more then times i must not take ; and therefore i set downe in the quotient , and multiplying the same by the deuisor , ariseth , to be placed vnder the line vnder the deuisor , then i do multiply the said squarely , ariseth , the which multiplied by being the triple of the first quotient , ariseth , the which i set down one place nearer towards my right hand ; and then i multiply cubickly , ariseth to be set downe yet one place nearer towards my right hand : and adding all those sums together , the totall is , which abated from , rests . and thus i affirme , that is the nearest cubicke root in whole numbers of , as here by the worke you may see . now to find a denominator for the remaining , i square the roote , so ariseth . then i triple the sayd squared number and there ariseth , and then i triple the roote , ariseth , to which i adde one , and it makes . al which summes ioyned together , makes , aud so the true cubicke roote of is and / partes of an vnite . theormes shewing the true proportion that a bullet of one mettal beareth to the like bullet of a cōtrary mettall , as also the proportion that the circumference of any buller or globe &c. beareth to the diameter , and of the superficiall content thereof to the diametrall square thereof , the which according to archimedes are thus proued . all circles are equall to that right angled triangle , whose containing sides , the one is equall to the semidiameter , the other to the circumference thereof . the proportion of all circles to the square of their diameter , is as to . all globes beare together triple that proportion that their diameters do . the circumference of any circle , is more nor the triple of his dyameter , by such proportion as is lesse then / and more nor / . a bullet of iron , to the like bullet of marble stone is in proportion as . to . a bullet of lead to the like bullet of iron , is in proportion as is to . a bullet of lead to the like bullet of marble stone is in proportion as to . the diameter of any bullet &c. is in proportion to the circumference as to . how by knowing the true weight of any one bullet , and the diameter of the peece due for the said bullet , to find out the weight of any other bullet belonging to a contrarie peece of ordinance . question . admit a demy cannon of inches diameter shoot an yron bullet of pound weight , i demaund what weight shall that bullet be of , that serues a cannon of inches diameter ? resolution . to answer this and such like , there is a generall rule ; for ewclid in his sixt booke of geometricall elements , hath demonstrated and proued that all globes are in triple proportion to their diameters , therefore i multiply the proportion of each bullet cubically , and i find the cube of is , and the cube of is . then by the rule of proportion i say , if yeeld pound weight , what shall that bullet weigh whose cube is ? so multiplying by pound , the weight of the lesser bullet , ariseth . which deuided by the , being the cube of the lesser bullet , yeelds in the quotient poūd & / parts of a pound , so much shall that bullet , weigh , that serues a cannon of inches diameter , as by working the rule you shall find . another easie conclusion , how by the weight of a small bullet knowne , to find out the weight of a greater . question . a bullet of inches diameter weighing foure pound weight , what shall a bullet of the same mettall weigh whose diameter is twise the height of the former ( that is inches high ? ) resolution . i worke in the order of the former conclusion , multiplying the diameter of each bullet cubically , and deuiding as afore is shewed , the quotiēt is pound weight , so much shall the greater bullet weigh . example . in the last conclusion the weight of the greater bullet weighed pound , being inches diameter , how shall i find the weight of a bullet of the same mettall that is but halfe that height . resolution . i find the cube of is , and the cube of is , so framing the conuerse rule of , i say : if yeeld pound weight , what will ? and multiplying by , and deuiding the product by , the quotient yeelds pound , the true weight of the lesser bullet . and note that if you know the diameter and weight of any bullet , and would know the weight of one that is but ½ the height of the first , the lesser shall be in weight but the ⅛ part of the greater . or knowing the weight of any bullet , if you would know the weight of another of the same mettall , being twise the height of the former , the greater shall weigh times as much as the lesser , as in a figure demōstratiuely hereafter drawne you may see . how by knowing the weight of any bullet whose diameter containeth both whole inches and partes of whole , how you should worke to find out the true weight of another whose diameter ends with a fraction . question . if a sakeret shoote a bullet of inches ¾ diameter , of pound weight , what shall a culuering shot weigh of inches ¼ diameter ? resolution . to answer this or such like , i reduce each bullet into his proper fraction , and i find that the bullet of inches ¾ diameter will be in a fraction / or quarters , and the culuering bullet of inches ¼ height , will be / then i multiply each of these fractions cubically , and i find that the cube fraction of the lesser bullet is / and the cubike fraction of the greater is / which knowne , i set down vnder three pound ( the weight of the lesser bullet ) the vnite , and it will represent a fraction thus / , and then multiplying and deuiding by the golden rule in fractions , i find that the weight of the culuering shot of inches ¼ diameter will weigh pound weight and almost ¾ pound , as in the working you may find . how by knowing the diameter and weight of an yron bullet , to find the weight of a bullet of marble stone of the like diameter : or how by knowing the weight and height of a bullet of marble , to find out the weight of an iron bullet of like height . question . admit an iron bullet of inches height weigh pound , i demaund what shall a bullet of marble stone weigh of like diameter . resolution . in a theoreme afore mentioned , i find that a bullet of yron to the like bullet of marble stone , shall beare such proportion as is to . and therefore i multiply the weight of the iron bullet knowne being pound by , ( the proportion the stone bullet beareth thereto ) so ariseth , which deuided by , the quotient is pound , and / parts of a pound : that is , pound wanting / part of a pound , so much shall the bullet of marble stone weigh that is in diameter and circumference , equall to the like bullet of iron . in like order reducing the weight of the stone bullet into his proper fractiō , you shal haue / pound , which deuided by , the proportiō the stone bullet beareth to the like bullet of iron , your quotient is , the nūber of pounds that the iron bullet weigheth . how by knowing the height and weight of an iron bullet , to find out the weight and height of the like bullet of lead , or how to find the weight of an iron bullet , by knowing the weight of a leaden bullet of like diameter . question . there is a cannon that shootes an iron bullet of pound weight , what shall a bullet of lead of the same diameter weigh ? resolution . to worke this , i note that the theoreme before saith , that a bullet of iron to the like bullet of lead , shall beare such proportion as is to , therefore i multiply ( the pounds which the iron shot weigheth ) by , so ariseth , which deuided by , the quotient is pound / , so much will a leaden bullet weigh that is proportionall to an iron bullet of pound weight . in this order by working as i haue shewed in the end of the last conclusion , you may by knowing the weight of the leaden bullet , find out the weight of the like bullet of iron . how you may find out the weight of any stone bullet of marble , by knovving the vveight of the like bullet of lead , or hovv by knovving the vveight of the stone bullet to find out the vveight of a leaden bullet of like proportion . question . if a bullet of lead weigh pound , what shall a bullet let of marble stone weigh of the selfe like proportion ? resolution . to answer this , i find that a bullet of lead to the like bullet of marble , beareth such proportion as to . therefore multiplying by , and deuiding the product by , the quotient will be pound & ½ shewing the true weight of a stone bullet , that is proportionall to the like bullet of lead . and now to find out the weight of the leaden shot , by knowing the weight of the stone shot , reduce the stone bullet into his properfraction , you shall haue / , & setting vnder fraction wise , multiply the numerators together , and likewise the denominators , and deuiding the product arising of the numerators by the product of the denominators , your quotient will be pound , shewing the true weight of the leaden bullet . if you haue or do know the weight and true height of a bullet of stone , or any other mettall , and is desirous to know the weight and height of another bullet that is greater or lesser , and of the same mettall , in working as the first conclusion sheweth , you shall haue your desire . to find out the circumference of any circle or bullet . question . i demaund how many inches is about the circumference of that bullet whose diameter is inches . resolution . to worke this or any such like , there is a generall rule , as thus , that the proportion of the diameter to the circūference is as to , therefore multiplying the diameter by ● ariseth , which summe deuided by , the quotient is , / shewing the true number of inches about the circumference of a bullet of inches diameter , as the figure here demonstrated sheweth . how you may by knowing the circumference of any bullet , find out the height or diameter of the same . question . the circumference of the bullet in the last conclusion , contained inches / as in the demonstration you may see , i would know how i should worke to find how many inches the diameter of the same is . resolution . to answer this and all such like , i must worke contrarie to the former conclusion , first reducing the whole number and broken being inches / into his proper fraction , and it will be / then multiplying by according to archimedes doctrine , and deuiding by , the quotient will be . so many inches is the diameter of the same bullet . in this order you may find out the diameter and circumference of all other bullets . how to find out the solid content of any bullet , &c. question . there is a bullet of iron whose diameter containeth inches , how many square inches is in the solid content thereof ? resolution . to know this and all such like , there is a generall rule , as thus , to multiply the diameter in his square , i meane cubically , and then multiply that product by , deuide the totall summe by , the quotient sheweth the number of square inches in that spherical globe or bullet , for multiplyed cubically ariseth , which augmented in is , that totall deuided by , yeeldeth inches , and / so many square inches of iron will be in a bullet of inches diameter . to find the true content of the superficies of any circle drawne vpon a flat , as on a table or paper , &c. question . there is a circle whose diameter is inches , i demaund how many square inches is contained within the circumference of the same ? resolution . to resolue this ofr such like , there is a generall rule , in taking ½ the diameter , and multiplying it in ½ the circumference , or squaring the diameter , and multiplying the product by , and deuiding the result by , the quotient sheweth the area or content of all the superficies within the circumference thereof . example : the square of is , which multiplied by is , that deuided by , yeeldeth in the quotient inches ½ . or other waies , take the halfe of inches , that is , inches ½ , and take ½ of the circumference , which is inches , reduce them into fractions according to the rule , you haue / for the diameter and / for the circumferēce , then multiplying the one by the other , the product is / , which deuided by the denominator , yeeldeth in the quotient ½ as before . in this order you may find out the content of the plaine of any circle . to find out the circumference of any bullet or globe diuerse and sundrie waies . question . how many inches is about the circumference of that bullet or globe , whose diameter is supposed to be inches high ? resolution . after you haue with your callaper compasses , found out the height of the diameter , multiply the same by , so there will arise , the which deuided by , the quotiēt wil be inches , the true measure of the circūferēce another way . triple your diameter , and thereto adde the / part of the same , your product is the circumference . example : the triple of is , and the / part of is , which added to is inches , as before . another way to worke the same . looke how many times you can haue in the diameter , so many times must you haue in the circumference . example . the diameter being inches , deuided by , yeelds in the quotient , by which if you multiply , your product will be inches , for the circumference , as before . in this order you may find out the circumference of any bullet , or sphericall body , &c. to find out the superficies of any round body , as bullet , globe , &c. diuerse and sundry waies . question . i haue a demy cannon bullet of inches diameter , i demaund how many inches the superficiall content therof is ? resolution . to answer this and all such like , i must in the order before shewed , find out the circūference of the bullet , and i find that a bullet of inches diameter , shall cōtaine inches in circūference , which circumference being multiplied in the diameter , ariseth inches , the true number of inches contained vpon the superficies of a bullet of inches diameter . another way . multiply the square of the diameter of any bullet or globe by / the product is your desire . example : the bullet whose diameter was inches being squared , the square thereof is , which multiplied by , yeelds which sum deuided by , the quotient is inches as before . another way . deuide the square of the circumference of any bullet by / your quotient nūbers will shew you the superficiall measure of the same . example : the circumference of the bullet aforenamed of inches diameter containeth inches , the square thereof is inches , that number deuided by / as you do in fractions , in setting an vnite vnder the square number thus , / and multiplying the said square number by the denominator of the other fraction being , ariseth , which deuided by the numerator , the quotient is inches , the superficiall content thereof , as before . how you may find out the solid content or crassitude of any round bullet or globe , &c. diuerse wayes . question . in the question before propounded of the bullet , whose diameter was inches , i would know how many inches is in all the solid or massiue content thereof ? resolution . i multiply the diameter cubickly , and after multiplieth that cubicke number by , so ariseth , the which deuided by , my quotient is , shewing there is so many inches iu the solid content of a bullet or globe of inches diameter . another vvay . multiply the cube of ½ the circumference by , and deuide the product arising thereof , by , your quotient will shew your desire . example : the circumference of a bullet whose diameter is inches , containeth inches , the ½ thereof is inches , the cube whereof is , that summe multiplied by is , which deuided by , the quotient is inches as before . hovv you may by knovving the diameter and vveight of any bullet , or other round bodie , find out the diameter of any bullet or globe that vveigheth tvvise the vveight of the former . question . there is a demy culuering bullet of inches diameter weighing pound , i demaund the true height of that bullet which weigheth pound weight . resolution . to worke this and all such like demaunds , this rule is generall in multiplying the height of the lesser bullet whose weight is knowne cubically , then doubling that summe , and extracting the cubicke roote thereof , the quotient will answer your question . example . the bullet afore named of inches diameter being multiplied cubically is , that summe doubled is , the cubicke roote thereof is inches and a fraction remaining scarse the / part of an inch , shewing the true height of a bullet that weigheth pound . in this order if you haue a bullet that is times as heauie as another of like mettall , whose weight is knowne , and that you desire to know the diameter of the greater bullet : in tripling the cubicke number of the lesser bullet whose diameter is knowne , & extracting the cubicke roote thereof , you shall find out the true height of the greater bullet . or if you would find out the height of any bullet of like mettal , that weigheth times as much as an other bullet whose weight is knowne , quatriple the cubicke number of the diameter of the lesser bullet , and extract the cubicke root thereof , your quotient will satisfie you . or if or times &c. in working as i haue shewed you may find your request . how you may geometrically find out the diameter of any bullet , that weigheth twise as much as another knowne bullet . take the true height or diameter of the lesser bullet whose weight you know , and square the same as you see in the figure following . then draw a line that may deuide the said square in equall partes , in the opposite angles , and that line shall be the diameter of a bullet twise the weight of the other : then deuide that diametrall line in equall parts , setting one foote of your compasse in the center or mids thereof , and with the other foote draw a circle , and that circumference wil represent the proportion of a bullet , twise as much in weight as the lesser . how you may arithmetically prooue this conclusion . the dyameter of the lesser bullet is inches , the square of it is . that some dubble is . the square roote of , is . / and so much is the diameter of the greater bullet , as in the figure here drawne you may see . another way geometrically , to find the diameter of any vnknowne bullet that is double the weight of a knowne bullet . draw a straight line of what length you thinke good , as you see the line a. b. then draw another crosse line perpendicular to the ground line as you see the line c. d. note the meeting or crossing of the lines , as is the pointe e. this done , open your compasse the iust length of the diameter of the lesser bullet whose weight you would double , setting one foote of the compasse in e. and the other in d. and measure towards b. twise that diameter , as is done in the points f. g. then deuide the line e. f. in . equall parts in the point h. and after deuide the line e. h. in equall halfes , as in the point i. and lastly deuide the line i. h. in equall partes in the point k. which done , open your compas , placing one foote in k. and the other in g. draw ½ a circle , as you see , i do the semi circle l. c. g. after deuide the line c. d. in equall partes in the point m. and opening your compasse the iust widenes of one of those parts , set one foote in m. and with the other foote draw the line c. n. l. which done , the bullet whose diameter is the line l. e. wil weigh twise as much as the bullet whose diameter is the line e. d. as ewclid in his . booke of geometricall elements doth demonstrate and proue . the greater circle o. doth shew the proportion of a bullet that weigheth twise as much as the lesser circle n. both the said bullets being cast of one like mettall . another demonstration to proue the former conclusion by numbers . in a conclusion before set downe , where the bullet of a demy culuering of inches diameter weighed pound , i proued that a bullet whose weight was pound should be more then inches diameter . euen so i haue hereunder deuided the line e. d. of the former conclusion , being supposed to be the diameter of a bullet whose weight is knowne , into equall parts or inches . and likewise deuiding the diameter f. e. into the like diuisions it containeth of those parts , and almost the / part of an inch more , shewing the true height of a bullet that is twise as much in weight as the lesser bullet of inches diameter , as this figure sheweth . as the vpper face or side of any square being doubled , the square arising of that doubled side shall be in proportion iust times as much as the first square was , whereas a great many would thinke it wold be but twise as much . euen so the diameter of any circle being doubled , the area or superficiall content of the flat of the same circle so doubled , shall be foure times as much as the other . also any cube , globe or bullet , whose diameter is in double proportion to another , the solide content of that bullet whose diameter is so doubled , shall be in weight times as much as the lesser , as these two examples in the conclusions following figuratiuely drawne sheweth . how by knowing the superficiall content of the plaine of any circle , to finde out the superficiall content of another that is twise the diameter of the first . question . there is two circles drawne , the one inches diameter , the other inches : how much is the content of the greater circle more then the lesser ? resolution . to answer this or the like , by the theoreme afore mētioned , i square the diameter of the lesser circle being seuen inches , so ariseth inches , that square multiplied by , yeelds , the which deuided by , the quotient is inches ½ shewing the superficiall content of the circle of inches diameter . also working in the same order , i find the content of the greater circle of inches diameter to containe inches , which deuided by . ½ the quotient is , shewing that the superficiall content of the greater circle is iust times as much as the lesser . by knowing the weight and height of any one bullet to find out the weight of another of twise the height of the former . question . if a bullet of inches diameter weye pound , how much shall a bullet of inches height weye . resolution . to know this or the like , multiply the diameter of ech bullet cubically , and i find the cube of is , & the cube of is , which knowne , i frame the rule of proportion saying , if yeeld pound , what will ? and in multiplying and deuiding according to the rule , my quotient is pound , the weight of the greater bullet , ( that is iust times the weight of the lesser bullet . ) for further proofe behold these figures in cubick forme , where you may see that the greater figure whose side is in double proportion to the lesser , doth containe times the quantitie of the lesser . an easie rule to find out the diameter of any bullet , and how to know how much one bullet is higher then another by arithmeticke skill , without any callaper compasses . if you want a paire of callaper compasses , take a line or a garter &c. and gird the bullet or bullets whose height you desire iust in the mids , laying that measure to an inch rule , noting how many inches or other measure the same containeth , then multiplying the said measures by , and deuiding by , the quotient will shew you your request . and then abating the lesser diameter from the greater , the remaine will shew you how much the one is higher then the other . example . suppose the circumference of the one bullet be inches , and the circumference of the other inches , in working as aboue is taught , i find the diameter of the lesser bullet is inches / and the diameter of the greater bullet inches / , so abating the lesser from the greater , the remaine is inches and / partes of an inch , shewing the greater bullet is so much in height more then the lesser . the like is to be obserued with any other . by this rule you may know how much the circumference or any part of your peece is higher then another . a table shewing the weight of all yron bullets from the fawconet to the cannon in habberdepoiz weight . height of the shot in inches and parts of inches . weight of the shot in pounds and partes of poundes . height . weight . . . / . ¼ . ¾ . ½ . ⅓ . ¾ . / . . ½ . ¼ . . ½ . / . ¾ . / . . . ¼ . ¾ . ½ . ⅔ . ¾ . / . . ¼ . ¼ . ⅔ . ½ . / . ¾ . ⅚ . . ½ . ¼ . ⅛ . ½ . ⅝ . ¾ . ¾ . . . ¼ . / . ½ . ⅝ . ¾ . ½ . . . ½ . ⅔ how you may arithmetically know the true breadth of the plate of the ladle that is due for any peece of ordinance ▪ by knowing the height of the bullet fit for the said peece . take a line and compasse the bullet in the mids , laying the same measure to an inch rule , deuide the same measure into equall parts , of those parts is the iust bredth you ought to make your plate of , which being orderly placed on the staffe , and bent circularly , serues to hold the powder in : the other ⅖ partes being cut and taken away , and so left open , serues to turne the powder into the peece , the which to do gunner like , as soone as you haue filled the ladle so full that you may strike the same with a rule , and put the same into the mouth of the peece , fixe your thombe vpon the vpper part of the staffe , towards the ende next the tampion or head thereof , and so thrusting the ladle gentlie home to the breech of the peece , turne the rammer staffe , so as your thombe fall directly vnder the staffe , and so shall you empty your ladle orderly . now to know the ⅗ parts of the bullets circumference , that you may make the plate of your ladle orderly , and of that iust breadth , lay the measure of the whole circumference to an inch rule , and then multiplie the same by , and deuide the product by the denominator , your quotient will tell you truely the breadth that the plate of your ladle ought to be of . example . a cannon whose bullet is inches high , will be inches in the circumference , that multiplied by is , which deuided by the quotient is inches ⅕ , the true breadth that the plate for a cannon ladle of inches diameter ought to be of . the length of the ladle is to be made according to the length , height , and weight of the peece for which it is made , which in a table in the ende of the booke you may find set downe for all sorts of peeces . how to make a ladle for a chamber-bored peece . open your compasse the iust diameter of the chamber , within ⅛ part of an inch thereof . deuide that measure in equall partes , then set your compasse to one of those parts , and with the one foote fixed on a paper or smooth boord , draw with the other foote a circle , the diameter thereof will be a iust quarter of an inch shorter then the diameter of the chamber-bore , by the circumference whereof , you may find out the true breadth of the plate of a ladle that is fit for such a chamber-bored cannon , by the rule afore set downe how to find the true breadth of the plate of any ladle , for any other peece of ordinance , in taking the ⅗ partes of the circumference thereof , the length ought to be twise the diameter , and ⅔ partes , to hold at times the iust quantitie of corne powder that is due to charge such a chamber-bored cannon with example . the diameter of the circle drawne for any cannon whose chamber-bore is inches containeth inches ¾ the circumference whereof is inches / , the ⅗ partes thereof is inches ¾ , and so much ought that ladle to be in breadth , and in length it ought to be inches ⅔ . in this order you may worke to make a ladle in length and breadth for any bel-bored cannon : and to find out the thicknes of the mettall at the touch-hole , or the height of the bore thereof , the conclusion following will shew you . how to find out the height or diameter of the chamber , in any chamber-bored cannon , or other peece of ordinance , and how to find out the thicknes of the mettall round about the chamber thereof . take your priming yron , or else a straight peece of wyer , and bow the end thereof in manner of a hooke , and then put the same into the touch-hole , downe to the lowest part of the concauity of the peece , and then with your knife or else with a peece of chalke , make a stroke vpon the wyer hard by the vpper part of the mettal , without the peece at the touch-hole , then measure by your inch rule , how long the wyer is from that stroke to the end . after put in the same wyer againe , and pull it vp , so as the bowed end may restor stay within the cilinder or concaue of the peece : and make an other marke or stroke on the said wyer , hard by the vpper part of the mettal , the distance betweene those strokes , is the iust thicknes of the mettall , round about the chamber , the which abated from the length of the wyer ( i meane from the first stroke to the lowest end ) the remaine is the true diameter of the chamber-bore in that peece . example . admit the length of the wyer from the end of the concauity to the first stroke containeth inches , and the distance betweene the strokes is inches : then those inches is the iust thicknesse of the mettall about the chamber ; which abated from inches , restes inches , the iust diameter of the chamber in such a peece . by arithmeticke skill , how to know whether the caryage for your peece be truly made or no : or how the caryage for any other peece of ordinance ought to be made . measure the iust length of the cilinder or bore of your peece , the plankes of your caryage ought to be once and a halfe that length . also measure the diameter of the peece , and the sayd plankes at the fore end should be in deapth times the diameter , and in the midst times and ½ the diameter , and at the ende next the ground , two times and ½ the diameter , and in thicknesse once the diameter . example . admitte a culuering of sixe inches diameter is in length in the bore thereof times that measure ( that is foote long , ) then i say that the plankes of her caryage ought to be foote in length ; and at the fore end next the peece foote in breadth , and in the midst one foote three quarters , and at the lowest end next the ground one foote and a quarter : and in thicknesse halfe a foote . also euery caryage ought to haue foure transomes , and ought to be strengthened with strong yron boltes . the holes or centers wherein the trunions ought to lye , ought to be three times and ½ the diameter from the fore end of the caryage , and in depth ⅔ parts of the thicknesse of the trunions , which depth you may easily find out , as thus : take the height or diameter of the trunions , and multiply the same measure by , and deuiding by the denominator , the quotient will shew your desire . how by knowing the weight of any one peece of ordinance , to find out the weight of any other . question . if a saker of foure inches diameter weigh pound weight , what will a culuering weigh that is sixe inches diameter ? resolution . some would thinke that the rule of proportion plainly wrought , would answer this question : but in that they are deceiued , for the content of solide bodies being massie , are sphericall or cubicall inproportion , therefore you must multiply the diameters of euery peece cubically , & set downe the weight of the peece knowne in the middle number , and so working according to the rule of proportion , you shall find out the true weight of the greater peece . example . inches the diameter of the lesser peece , multiplied cubically , ariseth inches . likewise the cubicke number of the diameter of a culuering of inches high , is inches : then framing the rule of proportion , i say , if being the cube of yeeld pound weight , ( being the weight of a saker of inches bore ) what will being the cubicke number of inches , so multiplying by , ariseth . which deuided by yeeldes in the quotient pound weight , so much weigheth the culuering of inches diameter . in working by the conuerse rule of proportion , you may not onely prooue this conclusion , but also may find out the weight of any lesser peece of ordinance , by knowing the weight of a greater . example . if being the cube of inches , yeeld pound in weight , what will being the cube of inches ? so multiplying by there ariseth . which deuided by , the quotient is pound weight , shewing the true weight of the saker of inches diameter , as before . or if the diameters of the peeces whose weight you would know , containe both whole numbers and broken , in reducing each diameter into his proper fraction , and multiplying the same cubically , setting down the weight of the peece knowne , in the middle place , for the second number , and multiplying and deuiding as afore is taught , the quotient will shew you your request , as the conclusion following will teach you . question . if a demy culuering of inches ¼ diameter weigh pound weight , what will a cannon of inches ¾ diameter ? resolution . i reduce the diameter of each peece into his proper fraction , and i find that the broken number of inches ¼ diameter containeth / , which multiplied cubically ariseth / . likewise i reduce the diameter of the cannon , being inches ¾ into his fraction , and it is / ; , whose cube is / ; : then set an vnite i vnder , and it doth represent a fraction thus / . now to find out the weight of the greater peece , i set down these new made fractions in the order of whole numbers , and working by the rule of proportion , i finde the greater peece weigheth pound , and almost ¾ of a pound : for in multiplying by , there ariseth , the which augmented by the denominator maketh for the deuidēt or number to be deuided . likewise the fraction of the lesser peece being , multiplyed by his denominator , makes for a deuisor , which deuident being deuided by the deuisor , yeeldeth in the quoent pound , and certaine partes of a pound , so much will a cannon of inches ¾ weigh being proportionall in mettall to the other peece . how you may be arithmeticall skill , know how much of euery kind of mettall any brasse peece of ordinance containeth . question . euery gun-founder doth commonly vse for euery pound weight of copper , to put in pound weight of lattine , and pound weight of pure tinne : i demand how many pound weight of euery of those mettals is in a culuering of pound weight ? resolution . to answere this or all such like , i ioyne all the seuerall mixtures together , and they make pound , which i reserue for my deuisor . then i multiply the weight of the peece by euery mixture seuerally , and there ariseth of the weight of copper being the greatest mixture , , the which sum is to be deuided by the deuisor common ( to wit , pound ) and the quotient is pound and / partes of a pound : so much copper is in the said peece . now to know how much latin is in the same , i multiply the whole weight of the peece by the second mixture , and the product is , which number deuided by the deuisor common , the quotient is pound / : so much latin is in the same peece . and lastly to know how much tin was in the same peece , i multiply the weight of the peece by , ariseth , which deuided by the deuisor , the quotient is / : and so much tin was put into the said peece . now to proue the worke if it be truely wrought or not , i adde all the quotients together , and because they doe all make the true sum of the whole weight of the peece according to the proposition , i affirme the same to be truely wrought . the gun-founders do hold and affirme , that the lattin doth incorporate , and causeth the peece to be of a good colour , and the tin doth strengthen and bind the other mixtures . how you may know how far any peece of artillery wil conuey her bullet at the best of the randon , by knowing the vtmost range and point blancke of another peece , and how to proue the same : by which rule , you may know how far any peece will reach at point blancke and vtmost range . question . if a saker at point blanke conuey her bullet paces , and at the best of the randon shoot paces , what will that cannon do which at point blancke shoots paces ? resolution . to resolue this or the like , i set downe the numbers proportionall according to the rule , multiplying paces ( the vtmost randon of the saker ) by paces , ( the point blanke of the cannon , ) so ariseth , which deuided by the number of paces the saker shoots at point blanke , the quotient is . and so many paces will a cannon shoot at the best of the randon , that at point blanke rangeth paces , as by working you may find , and by experience better vnderstand . you may proue this conclusion by the conuerse rule of proportion , multiplying the number of paces the saker shoots at the best of the randon , by , the paces that the cannon shoots at point blanke ; and deuiding that product the number of paces the cannon shoots at the best of the randon , the quotient is . shewing the number of paces that the saker shall shoot at point blanke . in this order you may worke the like conclusion by any other peece of artillery , and finde out the point blanke and vtmost range thereof . to know how much a bullet of yron will out flie a bullet of lead of the like diameter , being both discharged out of one peece , with one like quantitie in powder . question . if a bullet of lead of pound weight , being shot out of a peece with ⅔ partes of the said bullets weight in powder , range at pointe blanke paces , how far will a bullet of yron of like height range , being discharged out of the said peece at point blanke with the like quantitie of powder ? resolution . the proportion betweene a bullet of yron and a bullet of lead of the same height , i haue shewed by the theoremes and conclusions afore set downe : by which i finde that a bullet of yron being of equall diameter to a leaden bullet of pound weight , the said yron bullet shall weigh pound / partes . and for as much as the leaden bullet is shot with ⅔ parts in powder of his weight , that is , with pound of powder , which is very neare the full weight of the yron bullet , i find that the said bullet of yron shall out flie the leaden bullet ⅓ part of the leuell range ( that is ) the yron bullet shall flie being shot as afore at point blanke paces , that is , paces further then the leaden bullet rangeth at point blanke . but if the peece out of which the said bullets were shot , had beene mounted at any number of degrees of randon , the range of the yron bullet would shorten somewhat of the ⅓ of the ouerplus of the said range : so that if the peece were mounted to the best of the randon , the said bullet of yron would not out flie the leaden bullet , not the ⅕ part of the said range . by knowing how much powder is sufficient to charge any one peece of ordinance , to know how much of the same powder will charge any other peece of ordinance . question . if a saker of inches diameter ▪ require pound of corne powder for her due loading , how much of the same like powder will charge a cannon of inches diameter ? resolution . the plaine rule of proportion cannot resolue this conclusion , except you multiply euery number cubically , and then the quotient will shew you your desire . example . the cube of is , and the cube of is . which multiplied by the weight of the charge of powder due to load the lesser peece , ariseth , which deuided by the cubicke number of the diameter of the lesser peece , yeelds in the quotient pound and almost ¼ part of a pound : so much corne powder must a cannon of inches diameter haue to charge her with . and note , that for as much as now the shooting with serpentine powder is not vsed , being of no great force , and the making of corne powder neuer better knowne , nor of more force then now it is made & daily vsed in shooting in great ordinance ; as also the great ordinance now cast , not so fully fortified with mettall as they ought to be , being made more nimble and lighter then in times past , therefore the experienced gunners do obserue as a generall rule to abate ¼ part of the ordinarie charge of corne powder in all peeces aboue inches bore . how by knowing how much serpentine powder will charge any peece of ordinance , to know how much corne powder will do the like , or contrariwise by knowing how much corne powder will charge any peece of ordinance , to know how much serpentine powder will serue . question . i demaund how much corne powder will charge that culuering that shoots pound of serpentine powder at a shoot ? resolution . you must note for a generall rule , that partes of corne powder will doe as much as partes of serpentine powder : so that the proportion betweene the quantities or charges of these powders , is as to , therefore i multiply by , ariseth , which deuided by , my quotient is pound : so much corne powder will charge the said culuering . or if you know how much corne powder will charge her , you may know how much serpentine powder will serue , in multiplying pound the due charge of corne powder , by , and deuiding the product by , your quotient is , as before . in this order you may doe the like by any other peece . and note that her due charge of corne powder , will lesse hurt the peece , then of serpentine powder , for if serpentine powder be ramd any thing hard , it is long a fiering . and a little heate long continued ( which the serpentine powder will doe ) dangereth the peece more then a great heat presently gone , which effect corne powder works . how by knowing how far your peece will shoot with her due charge in powder and shot , how to giue a neare estimate how far she will shoot with a charge more or lesse then her common charge . question . admit a culuering shoote a bullet of pound weight paces , being charged with ⅔ parts in powder of the bullets weight , i demaund how far should the said peece shoot that bullet if she had been charged with as much powder as the bullet weighteth ? resolution . by the rule of proportion i find she should shoot ⅓ part further then she did at the first shot , being charged with ⅓ part of more powder , that is paces : yet it is knowne she will not driue the bullet full out the ⅓ part of this range further , although she will come very neare it , and the reason is , because the bullet flieth in a circular proportion more or lesse , a part of the range , after the insensible streight line or motion of the bullet be past , according to the degrees of randon the peece is eleuated at . also the concaue of the peece being filled vp with the powder , wadd and bullet , further then it ought to be , is a hinderance to the range of the bullet in proportion according to that litle quantitie of the concaue which the ouerplus of powder and wad filleth vp ; which though it be but little in comparison of the whole concauity to the range , yet it is a great hinderance in the bullets range , for that the bullet being so much nearer to the mouth , is driuen into the ayre before the powder be all fiered , and haue effected his force thereon : so that giuing the peece her bullets weight in corne powder , she will shoote much further nor with an ordinary charge , but it will both put the peece in danger of breaking , and those that are neare thereto in danger of their liues , if the peece be not all the better fortified with mettall . how by knowing how much powder a few peeces of ordināce haue spent , being but a few times discharged , to know how much powder a greater number of the same peeces will spend to be often discharged . question . if cannons being twise discharged at any seruice , shoote pound of powder , how much powder will charge cannons to shoote euery one shots ? resolution . worke by the double rule of proportion , saying ; if cannons shoote pound of powder , what will fiue cannons ? your quotient will be pound : then say againe , if times discharging yeeld pound of powder , what times ? and your quotient being pound weight , sheweth that so much powder is due to cannons , to shoote euery one shots . to know how much powder euery cannon spent in the former conclusion at one shoote . question . if cannons burne pound weight of powder , being but times discharged , how much powder did euery one shoote at one shoote ? resolution . multiply the number of peeces first propounded by , the times they were discharged , ariseth , by which deuide the number of pounds in powder spent , the quotient is pound , and so much powder did euery cannon fire at one shoote . or else you may multiply the other cannons by the times they were discharged , and deuiding that product by the powder spent , you shall haue pound weight of powder in your quotient also . how to know how much powder euery little caske or firken ought to containe , and how many of those caskes makes a last of powder , and how many shots any quantity of powder will make for any peece of ordinance . euery little caske or firken being empty , ought to weigh pound , and being filled ought to hold an hundreth pound weight of powder : so that the full caske ought to containe of habberdepoize weight , and of those caskes or firkens filled makes a last of power . question . how many shots will one of those caskes filled with powder make to a culuering that shootes pound weight of corne powder at one shot ? resolution . deuide the pounds of powder in each firkē by , the quotient will shew you that weight of powder will be shots to a culuering that burnes pound of powder at a shoote , and pound to spare . how by knowing how many shots a firken of powder will make for a culuering , to know how many shots a last of powder well make for a canon . question . if a firken of powder of one hundreth weight charge a culuering times , shooting pound of powder at euery shot , how many of those shots will be in a last of powder ( containing hundreth weight ) to a cannon that shoots pound of powder at euery shot ? resolution . reduce hundreth weight into pounds , you haue pound ; then say by the rule of direct ; if pound weight of powder be but shot , what will ? and you shall haue in the quotient shot , for the said culuering that shoots pound weight at one shoote . and whereas the question sayes the cannon shooteth pound of powder at a shot , you must frame the backer rule of , and say if beare proportion to . what will ? so multiplying by , and deuiding by , the quotient is iust : so many shots of powder will be in a last for any cannon that shootes but pound weight at a shot . the like is to be done with any other . to know how many shots of powder will be in a graund barrell for any peece of artillerie . question . if an ordinarie culuering shoot pound weight of good corne powder at one shoote , how many times will a graund barrell full of powder serue to charge her , the said holding weight ? resolution . deuide by , the quotient is , your desire : the proofe is easie ; for multiplying by , you haue the number first propounded : the like is to be done if you would know how many shoots will be in a graund barrell , for any other peece of ordinance , in deuiding the poundes of powder contained in the said barrell by the number of poundes of powder due to charge the said peece . to know arithmetically what proportion of euery receit is to be taken to make perfect good powder , what quantitie so euer you would make at a time . question . the best ordinary corne powder made in these daies , containeth partes of mr. partes of cole , and partes of sulphur . the order how to compound and make the same is not peculiar to this treatise , being meer arithmeticall ; i demaund how many pound weight of euery sort is to be taken to make pound weight of powder ? resolution . adde all the parts or pounds of the receits together , ariseth pound for your deuisor . then frame the golden rule saying , if a mixture of pound weight of powder , require pound of the salt-peter , what will pound weight ? in multiplying and deuiding according to the rule , the quotient will be pound , and / parts of a pound : so many pound of the mt. is to bee taken to make pound weight . againe , say by the same rule , if that a mixture of pound weight , do require pound of sulphur , what will ? your quotient will shew you , that pound and / is to be taken . and lastly by the said rule say , if a mixture of pound take pound of cole , what will pound take ? and your quotient will tell you that pound and / parts is to be taken . the which quotient numbers being all added together , will be iust pound weight , and so proues the worke to be truly done . and note that the goodnes or badnes of powder may be knowne diuers waies , as by the colour , the tast of the toung , the quicke burning , &c. also the brimstone is that materiall substance that is most apt to kindle with any sparke , the cole most fit to continue or maintaine the flame , and the mr. being resolued into a windie exhalation worketh the effect , as cheife and principall of the three . before i frame these conclusions following , of the randon or range of the bullet , and the diuersitie thereof , it is requisite to make knowne to the reader , how that diuers haue written , and some will vaunt that by the range or flight of the bullet out of any one peece of ordinance knowne , they will or can tell the vtmost range of all other , thinking that the range of the bullet out of any one peece , should be proportionall to the bullet and charge of powder out of any other peece . also some do affirme , that out of any one peece of ordinance discharged with sundry quantities of powder , they can tell the vtmost range of the bullets discharged ; and their reason is , that the range of those bullets shall be proportionall to the weight of powder wherewith they were charged . and hereupon some haue giuen out rules which are false and full of errors : for the diuersity of proportions cannot by the plaine rule of proportion be resolued , as they affirme : but this may they do ; out of any one peece of ordinance charged with one and the same like charge in powder and bullet , find by the rule of proportion , the neare difference or ranges of the bullets , the peece being mounted or dismounted at any degree of randon ; or by knowing how many paces , yards , feete , or other measure any peece will reach at point blanke , by knowing the point blanke and vtmost range of another peece of ordinance , they may find the furthest range of the first . or contrariwise , by knowing the vtmost range and point blanke of one peece , and the vtmost randon of another peece , they may find out the point blanke of that other peece , as by the rules following shal be proued . and it is to be noted that any peece of ordinance being mounted to the best of the randon or highest degree of the quadrant , the mouth and hollow cilinder of the said peece , must be erected to degrees , that is at the point of the skale in the quadrant ( as the most part of quadrantes now are made : ) but some peeces will shoote as far at the point , or at , , or degrees according as the winde is of calmenesse , for if any peece be mounted higher then degrees , she shall shoote shorter in euery degree about the / part of her vtmost range . and therefore to know how to worke these conclusions , you must buy an instrument geometricall , or by some line of measure truely deuided , measure the distance from the peece to the place where the shot first fell or grazed , noting how many pearches , paces , yardes , or other measure that distance is ; which knowne , deuide that distance by the degrees in the best of the randon , being , your quotient will tell you how many paces , yardes , feete , or other measure your peece will shoote further or shorter in mounting or dismounting a degree : the which knowne as i haue said , by one truely measured , you may before you shoote , know very neare how far or short your peece will shoote , at the raising or dismounting of any degree , allowing one and the selfe like proportions in charging , both with powder , bullet and wad . how by arithmeticke skill you may know how with one and the selfe same like charge in powder and shot , how much far or short , any peece of ordinance will shoote , in mounting or dismounting of any degree : whereby you may know how far your peece will shoote at any degree of the randon , by knowing the distance she shoots at the utmost grade . question . if a cannon at her vtmost randon ( that is , at degrees ) carry the bullet paces from the peece , how far shall the same peece shoote being dismounted but one degree ? resolution . to answere this or all such like , i set downe the numbers according to the rule of proportion , and multiplying and deuiding accordingly , i find she shall shoot short in dismounting a degree , paces , or yeards , or foote , which substracted from , rests paces ; so far shall the cannon shoote in dismounting her one degree of her furthest range . or you may do the like in framing the golden rule , saying : if degrees range paces , what will one ? and you shall haue paces in your quotient as before . how by knowing the distance to the marke , by the conclusion or rule before , you may know whether your peece will shoote short , or ouer the marke , or you may know how far it is from your platforme to any marke , within the reach of your peece , onely by knowing the vtmost range of your peece , and the degrees she is eleuated at . question . admit the same cannon in the former conclusion , which ranged at the best of the randon paces , hauing the like charge in powder , shot and wad , is laid to shoot at a marke being mounted at degrees , i demaund how far it is from the peece to the said marke , or how far the said peece doth carry so mounted ? resolution . to answere this , i multiply the paces my peece reacheth at the best of the randon , by those degrees in the proposition ( to wit ) degrees , and there ariseth , which deuided by , my quotient is paces , ( that is paces lesse then a mile ) so far will that peece shoot being mounted at degrees . and if you would know how much this is short of the vtmost range , abate the same from the said range , the remaine is your desire . as paces abated from , rests paces , so much doth she shoote short of her best randon . in this order by shoots knowne , you may know what any peece of ordinance will do being mounted aboue degrees to the best of the randon , but vnder degrees you should erre something in this practise , because the range of the bullet flieth a great part of the way in an insensible streight line , and the peece mouth eleuated aboue degrees , shootes or driues the bullet in a more circular proportion . the range or flight of the bullet by the draught in the next leafe may be vnderstood . and note that in seruice there is no peece of ordinance lightlie mounted aboue or degrees , except morter peeces , and such like . the direct straight range at degrees this draught here drawne doth shew you the range or motion of the bullet through the ayre , shot out of any peece of ordinance at any degree of the randon . how to make a table of randons , or go very neare to know the true range of the bullet out of all sorts of peeces , being mounted from degree to degree . many authors haue taught how to make a table of randons , whereas some of them neuer shot in any peece of ordinance in their liues . and for asmuch as i find their writing and reasons differing , i thinke it will be a very hard matter to make a perfect table of randons , except the same be tried and experimented with some peece of ordinance in some conuenient ground . i neuer heard nor reade of any that hath as yet fully put the same in practise , the which would be much auailable to euery gunner , to know what euery peece would do at the mount of euery degree or point in the quadrant , the motion or range of the bullet being something variable at the mount of euery degree . you shall very neare find out the true range or randon of the bullet shot out of any peece of ordinance , the peece mounted at any degree of randon , as thus : charge your peece with her due loading , in powder , shot and wad , laying the peece at point blanke , which you may easily try , by putting the rule of the quadrāt into the peece mouth , & coyning the peece at the breech , so as the plūmet may cut the quadrant in the line of leuell , as you see in the first figure hereafter drawne , that peece lyeth point blanke : which done giue fire , & marke where the bullet first grazeth , after bring your peece to the same platforme , so as the wheeles and cariage stand neither higher nor lower then they did the first shoote : and being charged with one & the selfe like quantity in powder , bullet & wad as before , the peece being of like tēper raise her mouth one degree , as the second figure showeth : discharge her , and marke where the pellet falleth or grazeth first ; then measure how farre the first graze of the second bullet is beyond the graze of the first bullet , so much will the peece conuey the bullet further at the mount of euery degree , or very neare thereto . but being mounted aboue degrees , she will shoote shorter & shorter , a litle at the mount of euery degree to the best of the randon , according to the height & circular motiō of the bullet . if the peece be mounted to the best of the randon , the plummet will cut the degree of the quadrant , as the figure sheweth . or you may make a table of randons like the other , as thus : measure the distance the peece cōueyeth the bullet at the best of the randō , frō which abate the distāce the peece cōueyeth her bullet at point planke , deuide the remaine by , the quotient will shew you how far the shoote is caried at the mount of euery degree : or deuiding the sayd remaine by so many degrees as you would eleuate your peece at , the quotiēt wil likewise shew you how far the bullet doth range beyond point blanke . example . if a cannon at point blanke range paces , and at the best of the randon shoote paces , how farre shall she shoote at the mount of one degree ? resolution . abate frō , rests , which deuided by , the quotient is / , so many paces shall she shoot at the mount of euery degree . this conclusion or rule , i do not affirme to be cleane without error , for that i neuer tried the same , yet it will come very neare to this proportiō , being tried on a plain groūd that is water leuel , for the peece being moūted frō to degrees , conueyeth the bullet with litle bending at the fall thereof , and from degrees to , as the motion of the bullet decreaseth : so it falleth more bowing then in the first degrees . and mounted from grades , to the best of the randon , conueyeth the bullet in a more circular course . and it is to be noted , that any peece of ordināce hauing her due charge , will driue the bullet more ground mounted at degrees , then from grades to the best of the randon . and being truely loaden and discharged at the best of the randon , will driue the bullet times the distance of her leuell range , or rather better . how you may arithmetically know how much wide , ouer , or short , any peece of ordinance will shoote from the marke , by knowing the distance to the marke , and how your peece is laid to shoote at the said marke . question . if a culuering or cannon of foote long , be shot at a marke yardes from the peece , the mouth of the said peece planted an inch wide , how far shall the bullet light wide of the marke ? resolution . reduce the measure of the length of the peece into inches , because the denomination of widenesse is by inches , and the peece of foote length , will yeeld inches . likewise reduce the length from the peece to the marke into inches , you haue inches . then by the rule of propotion : say , if inches shoot wide one inch , what will inches ? and in multiplying and deuiding according to the rule , you shall find in your quotient inches , that is foote ½ : so much shall the bullet light wide of the marke . for this is a generall rule , that looke how many times the length of the cilinder or concaue of the peece is to the marke , so many inches shall the peece shoote amisse , being laid ouer one inch , or vnder , or wide of the marke , if the winde doe not alter it . the like is to be done of any other . a remedie to lay your peece straight , if she lie either ouer , vnder , or wide of the marke . let a plumbe line fall perpendicularly ouer the middle part of the breech of the peece , and with a hand-spike or leuer , winde the carriage of the peece too and fro till you espie the middle part of the mettall at the mouth of the peece , and the said line deuide the marke in equall partes : so shall you make a streight shot , giuing the peece her true disparture and length . another way . or you may take the true diameter of the concaue at the mouth of the peece , laying an inch rule to the same , deuide the said diameter in equall partes ; to the point of which deuision being the center of the cilinder of the peece , let a threed and plummet fall , or else erect a squire , so as the containing angle touch the center or middle point of the diameter , by the edge of which rule or squire draw a line with the point of your knife , from the height of the mettall at the mouth : that line would crosse in the center if it were continued , and it is a perpendicular or plumbe line to the other , by which line or strike so drawne , with a litle peece of soft waxe , set vp a straight straw , to reach a litle aboue the mettall . and knowing likewise the midle mettall at the breech of the peece , it is an easie matter to make a straight shot , if the sights ( to wit ) the sight at the breech and mouth be laid so as they deuide the said marke in partes : for this is generall , that any three thinges that the eye can comprehend at once , being equall with the eye , are in a streight line from the eye , whether the same be at ascent or descent . the line or strike thus drawne at the mouth of the peece , will shew you presently where and how to set vp your disparture of your peece at any occasion . in shooting without disparting your peece at any marke within point blanke , to know how far the bullet will flie ouer the marke by knowing the distance to the marke . question . a cannon or culuering of foote in length , hauing three inches more mettall at the breech on each side then at the mouth , shooting at a marke supposed to be within the leuell range , and yeards from the mouth of the peece , being shot without her disparture , how much shall the shot flie ouer the marke ? resolution . it is a generall rule , that looke how much the peece is thicker of mettall , in any one side at the breech , then at the thickest part at the mouth , as also looke how many times the length of the peece is to the marke , so many times that ouerplus of thicknesse shall the bullet flie ouer the marke , being no higher then the peece , and the said peece discharged without her disparture . example . deuide yeards ( being the distance from the peece to the marke ) by , ( the length of the peece ) your quotient is , which multiplied by inches the ouerplus of mettall , ariseth inches : so much shall the bullet flie ouer that marke , the marke being placed on the side of a hill or bearing banke , and within the leuell range of the peece . in like manner shooting at anie marke within ½ the vtmost range of the peece , and not disparting your peece , you shall ouer shoote somthing , giuing the peece her due length and due loading . how you may lay your peece point blanke without instrument . if you bring the height of the mettall at the mouth of the peece , and the height of the mettall at the breech , equall with the horison , the hollow cilinder of the peece will lie point blanke . how you may arithmetically dispart any peece of ordinance truely diuers waies . if you measure with a paire of callapers the greatest height of mettall at the mouth of the peece , and likewise at the breech , abating the lesse out of the greater , ½ the remainder is the iust disparture . example . a culuering that is inches high at the greatest part of mettall in the breech , will be inches high at the greatest part of mettall at the mouth : which inches abated from , rests , which deuided in equall parts , the quotient being inches sheweth the true disparture of that culuering . another way to dispart any peece without callapers . take a line and measure the greatest circumference of mettall in the breech , then multiply that measure by , deuiding the product by , the quotient is the diameter , or height of the circumference . likewise measure the greatest circumference of mettall at the mouth , multiplying that measure by , deuide by as before , the quotient will shew the diameter of the mettall at the mouth : substract that diameter last found , from the diameter at the breech ½ , the remaine is the true disparture . example . a culuering whose greatest circumference of mettall at the breech containeth inches , and at the mouth inches , i demaund how high is the diameter of the mettall both at the breech and mouth , as also what is the true disparture of that peece ? resolution . multiply by , ariseth , deuide by , the quotient is , the height of the mettall at the breech : likewise multiply by , you haue , deuide by , the quotient is , the height of the mettall at the mouth , which abated from rests , the which deuided in equall parts , yeelds inches ½ for a part , the true disparture of that culuering . this is one of the principallest points belonging to a gunner , to know truely how to bring the concaue of the mettall of his peece euen : diuers other waies there is to do the same . as for chambred peeces , there is no perfect or generall rule , but is to be considered according to the chamber or concaue of the peece . euery reasonable gunner may iudge in that case . how by arithmeticall skill you may mount any great peece of ordinance by an inch rule vnto degrees of the quadrant , if you want a quadrant or other instrument . first you must measure the iust length of the cannon or bore of the peece : reduce that measure into inches , and double the same : afterwards multiply the number of inches so doubled by , and deuide by , and note what the quotient number is , which quotient deuided by the degrees contained in the whole circumference of euery circle , the last quotient number will shew you the number of inches , and parts of an inch , that will make a degree in the quadrant for that peece . example . admit there is a saker or fawcon , whose concaue or bore containeth iust foote in length , and that you desire to know what parts of an inch rule will mount her to one degree of the quadrant , you must reduce foote into inches , and you haue inches , that doubled is , the which multiplied by ariseth , the which deuided by , the quotient will be ; that quotient number being deuided againe by , wil yeeld / ( that is ) one inch and ½ , wanting / part of an inch . so i affirme that any peece of ordinance whose chase or bore is but foote long , being mounted by an inch rule one inch and / parts , that peece shall lye iust the height she wold haue done if you would haue mounted her one degree of the quadrant . the like order is to be obserued in mounting any other peece of ordinance by an inch rule , of what length soeuer . and note that in mounting any other peece of ordinance , to any degree of the quadrant , by a geometricall quadrant , you must put the rule of the quadrant into the peece mouth , lifting the peece vp or downe with a leauer or hand-spike towards the breech , till the plummet cut iust vpon that degree of the quadrant you desire . but to mount her by an inch , you must place the rule vpon the highest part of the mettall at the breech of the peece , coyning the peece vp or downe , till through the sight or slit in your rule ( be lifted to that part or deuisiō in your rule that answereth the degrees you desire ) you espie the carnoize or highest part of the mettall at the mouth of the peece , and the marke , all in a streight line . if you would mount the same peece to degrees of the quadrant by an inch rule , you must multiply the measure in your rule last found , being inch / parts by , in the order of fractions , and you shall haue / , the which being the numerator of the fraction deuided by the denominator , the quotient being inches / is your desire ; so may you affirme that inches by the rule wanting / part of an inch , will make degrees by the quadrant . and note , that looke how much you would haue your peece mounted by an inch rule for to answer any number of degrees vnder , either multiply that number by the number of inches and parts of an inch , that makes a degree of the quadrāt , or else working as you did the first conclusion , multiplying the first product by the number of inches desired , and deuiding that product by the numbers afore mentioned , your last quotient will resolue you of your desire . example . i demaund how much the peece afore mentioned should be eleuated by an inch rule , to answere to degrees of the quadrant ? resolution . reduce the length of the bore of the peece into inches , as afore is shewed , doubling that measure , and it makes , as you see in the conclusiō : which inches multiplied by , yeeldeth inches , the which product afterwards multiplied by , ariseth , which summe deuided by , the quotient is : the same deuided by , yeelds in the quotient inches / parts of an inch , so many inches and partes of an inch must the same peece be eleuated to with an inch rule , to answere to degrees of the quadrant , as by triall you may find . how by arithmeticke skill you may know the true thicknes of mettall in any part of any peece of ordinance . take a paire of callapers , and measure the height of the out side of the mettall in that place of the peece whereas you desire to know the thicknes of the mettall , then with an inch rule , or else a paire of streight compasses , measure the diameter of the bore , or concaue of the peece , abating the height of the said diameter from the height of the whole thicknes of that part of the peece so measured . and note the remainder , the which deuide in equall parts , and the one of those parts is the iust measure of the thicknesse of the mettall in that part of the peece . example . i prooued this conclusion with a culuering , whose bore or concauity at the mouth was inches ½ height , & i found that the thicknes or height of the whole circūferēce of the sayd peece at the touch-hole , was inches ⅓ , from the which i abated inches ½ ( fraction wise ) rests inches ⅚ parts of an inch : that deuided in equal parts , the quotient is inches , and / or inches ½ wanting the / part of halfe an inch , so thicke was the mettall of that culuering at the touch-hole . likewise i searched for the thicknesse of mettall in the same peece at the end of the trunions , and i found that the thicknes or height of the superficies of all the mettall there contained inches , from which i abated the diameter or concaue at the mouth , being ½ inches , rested ½ , which deuided in equall parts , the quotient being inches ¾ shewed the true thicknesse of the mettall at the trunions . in this order you may find the true thicknesse of mettall in any part of any peece of ordinance . another way to know the thicknesse of mettall in any part of any peece of artillerie . take a letherne girdle , and gird about that part of the peece you desire the thicknesse of mettall , lay the same measure to an inch rule , and note how many inches or other measure the same containeth : then multiply that measure by , and deuiding the product by , your quotient is the true measure of the whole thicknesse of the peece in that place . thē substracting the diameter of the bore or concauity of the peece from that quotient , note the remainder . deuide that remaine in two equall partes , the one of those parts is the thicknesse of the mettall in that part of the peece so measured . example . i prooued this conclusion with a demy cannon of sixe inches diameter , in girding the same about with a line hard behind the trunions , and laying the same to an inch rule , it cōtained inches , which summe multiplied by , amounted to inches : that summe deuided by , my quotient was iust . and so many inches was the height of the whole mettall in that part of the peece , out of which quotient i did abate the diameter or bore of the peece being inches , and the remaine was inches , which deuided in equall partes , my quotient being inches , shewed the true thicknesse of mettall in that part of the peece , being hard behind the trunions towards the breech . and it is to be noted , that euery peece of ordinance if it be truly fortified with mettall , ought to containe as much mettall in thicknesse round about , so farre as the chamber where the powder and wad lyeth , as the bullet is in height . how to make a good shot in a peece that is not truly bored : or to know how much any peece will shoote amisse , that is thicker of mettall on the one side then on the other , if you know the distance to the marke . question . a certaine gunner hauing shot diuers times in a cannon at a marke supposed to be paces from the peece , findeth she shooteth still towards the right hand , & searching whether the fault were in him selfe , or some impediment in the peece , he findeth that the peece is inches thicker of mettall on the right side then on the left . and therefore requesteth how to lay the concaue of the peece ( being foote in length ) equall with the marke , so as he may make a straight shot . resolution . to do this or the like , there is a generall rule , that looke how oftentimes the length of the cilinder or concaue of the peece is to the marke , which is easily done by deuiding the distance to the marke , by the length of the concaue of the said peece . and knowing likewise how much the one side of the peece is thicker then the other , the one halfe of that ouerplus being multiplied by the quotient first found , the product will shew you how much the peece shooteth wide of the marke . and this is a generall rule : that looke which side of the peece is thickest of mettall , towards that side shall the bullet fall , for that the thinner side is more smart , and the thicke side more dull in heating . example . the cannon in this conclusion , is said to be inches thicker of mettall more in thicknesse on the right side then on the left . and the distance to the marke is supposed to be paces , ( that is , feete ) the which deuided by feete , being the length of the hollow cilinder of the cannon , yeeldeth in the quotient feete / , the which multiplied by ½ the super fluitie of the mettall being one inch , makes feete / still , and so much wide of the marke should the said peece haue shot at such a distance , although she had beene laid full against the mids thereof . how to remedie your peece being thicker of mettall in one part then another to make her shoote streight . you must first search your peece with an instrument , to know which is the thicker side , then deuide the ouerplus of mettall in parts , setting the disparture of your peece one of those parts towards the thickest side of the peece mouth , and bringing the midle part of mettall at the taile of your peece , that disparture and the midle of the marke , all in one streight line , giue fire and you shall make a streight shot but beware of ouercharging of such peeces , for they are dangerous . if the thickest part of the mettall be aboue , then you ought to make your disparture one inch more : if vnder ( i meane towards the carriage ) an inch lesse . to know the different force of any two like peeces of ordinance planted against an obiect , the one being further of from the said obiect then the other . question . admit there is a castell or fort to be battered , being situate vpon a hill , which hill is paces in height , and that paces from the said castell there is another hill , of equall height to that hill whereon the castell is built , and ordinance planted thereon to beat or batter the castell wall , and in the valley at the foote of the said hill paces off from the castell hill , there is ordiance planted , and mounted at degrees , to shoot and beat downe the said castell : i would know whether the ordinance in the valley being paces distance from the castell , and mounted at degrees , or the ordinance on the height of the hill , lying leuell to shoote a litle aboue the base of the wall , being distant therefrom paces , shall worke the greatest effect in battering downe the said castell wall , the said peeces being of like length and height , and hauing like charge in powder and bullet ? resolution . to resolue this or the like , a man would thinke that the peece planted on the height of the hill , lying leuell to shoote a litle aboue the ground-worke of the castell , would batter sorest , because she is nearest : yet by experience we find the contrary , for the castell being a great way within the reach of both the peeces , that peece shall not onely shoote much further , that is any thing eleuated , but also pierce much sorer , by so much as she is able to ouer shoot the other selfe like peece that lyeth leuell : albeit the said peece so eleuated , be planted furthest off from the said resisting obiect : for euery gunner knoweth , and reason and experience doth teach euery reasonable man , that no peece of artillerie will shoote so far at point blanke , as when the same is eleuated at any number of degrees ; because the bullet being ponderous , flieth more heauily and sooner declineth , being shot out of any peece lying leuell , then out of any such like peece mounted at any degree of the randon . so that of force it must needs follow , that the peece planted in the valley paces off from the castell , shall pierce and batter a great deale sorer then the like peece planted on the height of the hill being but paces from it . example . example . suppose a cannō or culuering at point blanke shoot paces , and being mounted at one degree outshoote the same paces , what will the sayd peece do being mounted degrees ? by proportion i find , that if at the mount of one degree , any bullet range paces beyond the leuell range , that at degrees if shall outflie the same paces : albeit the sayd bullet range not in euery degree a iust like number of paces , yet the proportion will be very neare thereto . and because the peece at the foote of the hill is sayd to be paces further from the castell , then the like peece planted on the height of the hill , i abate out of , rests paces : so farre would the peece in the valley out shoote the other like peece on the hill ; so that it must needs follow , her bullet shall pierce sorest , for that it hath most strength to flie furthest . another exmaple or triall of the former conclusion . the peece planted vpon the hill , is sayd to be paces from the castell , and the like peece at the soote of the hill paces . now suppose each of those peeces being layd at point blanke , would not range aboue paces , abate paces ( the length to the marke of the peece on the hill ) from paces her leuell range , and the remaine is paces ; and so many paces shall that peece strike the marke before the end of her leuell range . now to find the like in the peece planted in the valley paces from the castell , mounted at degrees , i find by the conclusion afore set downe , that she shall out shoote the other paces : so that abating the distance from the peece to the castell , being paces from paces , her whole range mounted at those degrees , there remaines paces . and forasmuch as the sayd peece eleuated at grades , doth strike the marke paces before the full end of the range of her bullet , it must of force pierce or batter sorer then the other peece whose bullet beates the marke but paces before the full end of his range . how you may hauing diuerse kinds of ordinance to batter the wals of any towne or castell , &c. tell presently how much powder will loade all those ordinance one or many times . question . there is a castell besieged , and to batter the same there is appointed cannons , demy cannons , culuerings , demy culuerings , and sakers : these peeces are charged euery time with corne powder , the whole cannons shootes at euery shot pound of powder a peece , the demy cannons pound , the whole culuering pound , the demy culuering pound , and the sakers pound a peece . all which peeces being times discharged , did make a breach sufficient for or men to enter in by ranke ( a breach of such a widenesse is thought sufficient to be assaultable , ) i demaund how much powder was spent before the breach was made ? resolution . to answere to this demaund , i multiply the number of euery sort of peeces , by the weight in powder that one of them shootes , and the product sheweth me how much powder euery sort of the said peeces did spend at one bout : then i adde euery number together , and the totall of that addition sheweth me how much powder will loade all those peeces one time , which addition multiplied by , being the times they were supposed to be discharged , the product sheweth the iust quantitie of corne powder occupied at the said siege by the great ordinance . example . i multiply pound the weight of powder due to loade euery cannon by the number of cannons , ariseth . likewise pound of powder being the duety of euery demy cannon multiplied by the number of the same peeces , ariseth , and pound of corne powder being the duety of euery culuering multiplied by the number of those peeces , is . and pound of powder being the due loading of euerie demy culuering multiplied by . the number of the same is . and lastly pound of powder the duety of euerie saker , multiplied by the number of that sort of peeces , is . these summes or additiōs put together makes pound weight of powder : and so much will discharge all those peeces one time ; the which summe multiplied by , is pound of powder , that is , two last of powder wanting pound . in this order if you haue last of powder , by knowing the number of euery sort of seuerall ordinance , you may presently know how many shots , or how many times the said powder will loade all the said ordinance , as this table sheweth . names of the peeces . number of each sort of peeces . powder due to loade each sort of peeces one time . cannons . . . demy can. . . culuerings . . . demy culuer . . . saker . . . summe pound of powder , which multiplied by , makes pound weight . and it is worthy the noting , that in planting of ordinance to batter or beate downe any curtaine , wall , or cullion point , you must plant the same in or seuerall places at the least , frō the thing to be beaten downe ; so as the said ordinance be a pretty distance from other , vpon conuenient platformes , hauing gabbions or baskets , about foote high , ramd full of earth conueniently placed betweene each peece , to saue the gunners and laborers from the danger of the enemies shot : which ordinance would be planted within or paces of the obiect to be ouerthrowne , if it be possible to haue conuenient platformes and to bring them so nigh the said obiect . the which ordinance ( if so you haue made mounts or platformes , the ordinance from the side mountes doth coine or cut out that which the ordinance from the midle mount doth batter or pierce , or shake , as this draught here drawne sheweth . the best shooting to batter downe the broad side or curtaine of any wall , is to leuell something vnder the midle part of the wall , and after to shoote or foote higher : for the lower part being beaten downe , the height or vpper part of the said wall must fall of necessitie . and a speciall regard must be had to giue fire from each platforme or mount at one instant , for that the bullets beating all together , do more shake and batter the said wall , then lighting now one and then another . in the figure or draught which i haue drawne shewing how ordinance may be planted to ding downe or batter the broade side or curtaine of any wall , castell or fort , the middle ordinance placed on the middle mount or platforme , directlie against the obiect to be beaten downe , are called the peircers , and are onely to shake and beate the wall , and the ordinance on the two other side mounts , or platformes shooting something slanting , are to coyne or cut out that which the ordinance from the middle platforme doth shake or loose . the baskets ramd full of earth being placed betweene each peece of ordinance are to defend the gunners and laborers from hurt of them that are besieged , as afore i haue said . and further it is to be noted , that to batter the coyne or cullion point of any wall , two places is sufficient to plant your ordinance in . also you may batter and beate downe the wall of a towne or castell as well by night as day , so as the enemie shall haue no time to builde vp in the night that which was dung downe in the daie , as thus : lay your peece or peeces , to the marke in the day light , and note well what degree of the quadrant she lieth at , which is soone done in putting the rule of your quadrant into the peece mouth , so laid against the marke , letting a line and plummet fall to the ground from the said point of your quadrant , and at the lighting of the plummet on the ground , there driue in a stake or wooden pin ; and letting a plumbe line fall likewise from the midle part of the taile or breech of your peece to the ground , driue therein another stake into the ground , then stretch a line from the said pinnes , so as the ends of the said line may reach or yards further then the pinnes at each end . and there make them fast in driuing a pin of wood or yron into the ground at each end , then bringing your peece or peeces to lie streight aboue the said line or lines so drawne ( which is easily done hauing a lanterne with a close couer ) you may both charge and recharge , and shoote aswell by night as day , according to your desire . how you may know the true weight of any number of shot , for seuerall peeces of ordinance , how many soeuer they be , and how many tun weight they do all weigh . question . suppose a ship is loaden with bullets to be caried to the siege of a towne , &c. in which ship is shot for whole cannons , demy cannon shot , culuering shot , demy culuering short , saker shot minion shot , and fawcon shot , the question is to know the true weight of all the shot , and how many tun they do all weigh . resolution . in the beginning of this treatise , i shewed how to find out the weight of any vnknowne bullet , by the weight of a knowne bullet of the like mettall , so that multiplying the number of euery seuerall sort by the weight that one of them weigheth , and adding all the products into one summe ; and then deuiding that totall by pound , which is the pounds in a tun , the quotient will shew you how many tun all those bullets weigheth . example . admit the cannon shot weigh pound a peece , by which i multiply ( the number of that kind of bullet ) so ariseth pound weight , and then there is demie cannon shot of pound weight a peece , which multiplied as before , makes poūd weight . and then there is culuering shot of pound weight a peece , which makes pound weight . and then demie culuering shot of pound weight a peece , which makes pound weight . and then saker shot of pound weight a peece , which makes pound weight . and then minnion shot of pound weight a peece , which makes pound . and lastly , fawcon shot of pound weight a peece , which makes pound weight . all these summes added together makes pound weight , which deuided by , yeelds in the quotient tun , and pound weight remaining . in this order you may know how many tun weight any number of shot weigheth , so that knowing how many tun any ship is of burthen , you may easily know how many shot will loade the said ship . how any gunner or gunfounder may by arethmiticke skill , know whether the trunions of the peece be placed rightly on the peece or not . measure the length of the bore of the peece , from the mouth to the breech , deuide that measure by , and multiply the summe that commeth in the quotient by , the product will shew you how many inches or other measure the trunions ought to stand from the end of the lowest part of the concauity of the sayd peece at the breech . and note that the trunions ought so to be placed , as ⅔ parts of the circumference of the peece may be seene in that place whereas the trunions are set . example . admit the cilinder or concaue of a cannon , or other peece of ordinance be foote ½ long , i demaund where the trunions of the sayd peece ought to stand ? answere . reduce the length of the concaue of the peece into inches , you haue inches , the which deuided by , the quotient is , that multiplied by , makes inches , or foote ½ , so farre ought the trunions to be placed from the breech or lowest part of the hollow concauity of the sayd peece . another way . or multiplying the length of the concaue of the peece by three , and deuiding the product by , the quotient will shew the true place , how farre the trunions ought to stand from the lowest part of the bore or concauity of the peece . example . inches the length of the concaue of the peece , multiplied by , makes inches , which number deuided by , the quotient is inches as before . and note that the trunions of euery peece were inuented to hold the peece vp in her cariage , to moue her vp and downe to make a perfect shot , and to hold her fast in her cariage , after she is discharged : for if the trunions be placed too neare the mouth , the peece will be too heauy towards the breech , so as the gunner appointed to serue with her , shall haue much adoe to raise her , to coyne her vp or downe , or being placed too neare the breech , the contrary will happen . how you may know what empty caske is to be prouided to boy or carry ouer any peece of ordinance ouer any riuer , if botes or other prouision cannot be gotten . it is thought sufficient that tun of empty caske will swimme and carry ouer a cannon of or pound weight , tun will carry ouer a demy cannon , tun a culuering , and tun a saker , accounting all prouisions to be made fast thereto , as plankes , ropes , &c. so that knowing what number of ordinance is to be ferried or caried ouer any riuer , adding all their weights into one summe , by framing the golden rule , you may presently know what empty caske is to be prouided to ferry ouer all the sayd ordinance at one instant . example . if a cannon of weight require tun of empty caske , how much emptie caske is to be prouided to carry ouer so many ordinance as is supposed to be weight ? resolution . i multiply by , so ariseth , the which being deuided by , the quotient is ½ , so many tun of emptie caske is to be prouided to carry ouer so many ordinance as weigeth pound weight . the which empty caske made fast head to head a row on each side , by such as haue skill in such seruices , and planked aboue , would serue for a bridge to carry ouer a whole army with all prouisions thereto belonging . all which necessaries in time of seruice , and many more , belongeth to the master of the ordināce his office , to haue in readinesse , as also to be prouided of trunkes , arrowes , balles , and all kind of fire-workes , wet or drie , and the receits for making thereof . as also engines for mounting or dismounting of ordinance , wheeles , axeltrees , bullets , powder , ladles , sponges , ropes , shouels , anckors , &c. also it is the duety of the maister of the ordinance , the maister gunner , and euery chiefe officer or quarter maister vnder them , to be expert in the arte of gunnery , the better to teach and instruct their inferiors , the which without some practise in arethmiticke and geometry they cannot well accomplish . they ought to haue some sight in the mathematicalles , the better to teach and instruct such as would shoote at all randons , to know what ordinance is conuenient for an army , or to batter or beate downe the walles of any towne or castell , to know what powder and shot is to be prouided for that or such like purpose , what cariage horses , labourers and other necessaries is to be allowed for the same . they ought to practise all geometricall instruments , for the measuring of heights , lengthes , breadthes , depthes , &c. to practise how to conueigh mines vnder the ground , and how the same should be truely wrought , to blow vp any towre , castell , &c. to know what length the mine will containe with all his windings to and fro to the place appointed . to haue skill , in the handling of all engines and inuentions belonging to the ordinance . to appoint to euery peece of ordinance in time of seruice ' , gunners that know perfectly how to mannage their peeces , to charge , shoot , clense , scoure , wad and ram the same , and what laborers are to attend thereon . to know in euery platforme appointed , how to place the baskets or gabbions , and what proportion of widenesse , height , or thicknesse they ought to containe : and that the loopes haue their due proportion of widenesse . to see that euery gunner be able to discharge his duety , and not for fauour or affection to preferre such as can say most , and doe least : but that euery man be preferred to place of credite , and esteemed according to his honest behauiour and skill in this singular arte. that none be permitted to the profession of a gunner , but that he be first truely instructed in the principals of the arte , by such as haue skil therein . and not to make or suffer euery tagge and rag to be a gunner , as is too much vsed in these daies in townes of garrison , who was neuer practised in the arte , nor bath discretion nor desire to practise therein : a great number of such haue but onely the bare name of a gunner , although their standing hath bene of long time : for as a great many of marriners haue saild or yeeres and yet farre from a nauigator , so a great many such haue continued in pay a large prentise-hood , and yet farre from a good gunner . such in time of seruice would worke as the builders did at the towre of babell , when one cald for one thing , he had deliuered a contrary thing . in seruice the prince by such is not truely serued , the arte lesse esteemed , and themselues discredited . the arte is like to a circle without end , or like to a laberinth , wherein a man being well entred in , knoweth not how to get out againe , and therefore it must be exercise and industrie that must make a perfect gunner . many things here could i write pertaining to the duety of a gunner , and euery officer pertaining to the ordinance , but for as much as the same is not peculiar to this arethmeticall treatise , and sufficiently handled by other authors , i omit . how to know the true time that any quantitie of gunmatch being fiered , shall burne , to do an exploit at any time desired . take common match , and rub or beat the same a litle against some post or stoole to soften it , and then either dip the same in salt-peter water and drie it againe in the sun , or else rub it in a litle powder and brimstone beaten very small and made liquid with a litle aqua vitae , and dried afterwards . now when you would occupie the same , trie how long one yarde will burne , which suppose to be ¼ part of an houre , then yards will be a iust houre in burning . now suppose you haue laid some powder or balles of wilde fire to burne some house , ship , mine , corne-stacks , &c. or that you haue placed the said powder or balles in some secret place to burne some thing you are desirous to spoile , and that you would be going from the place houres before it effect , then binding the one end fast to the balles , laying loose powder vnder & about the same , or wrapping the one end like a wreath amongst the powder loosely , draw out the other end , or lay it crookedly , or wrap it softly about something , so as one part doe not touch another , and fire it at the other end : which match so drawne or rolled , being iust yards in length , shall kindle the thing you would burne at the end of houres , according to your desire : for the rule of proportion sheweth , that if one yard require a quarter or ¼ of an houre , that yards of match will burne out in houres . the like order you may obserue , to answer to any time appointed . how by arithmeticall skill you may know what number of men , horses , or oxen , is sufficient to draw any peece of artillerie , and how much euery one draweth a peece , so as they all draw together . question . if men be able sufficiently to draw a cannon of pound weight , accounting carriage and all , i demaund how many men is able to draw a culuering of pound weight , and how much euery man drew for his part ? resolution . i answere : if a cannon of pound weight , require men , the quotient sheweth me that a culuering of weight requireth men to draw the same : and deuiding the weight of the peece to be drawne by the number of men appointed to draw the same , the quotient will shew you how much euery man drew to his part ( to wit ) weight . to know how many horses is to be prouided to draw any peece of ordinance , and how much euery one draweth . question . if three horses draw a fawcon of weight , how many horses will draw a culuering of weight ? resolution . i say as before , if a peece of weight require horses , what will a peece of weight ? and in working according to the rule , the quotient is , shewing that horses must be prouided to draw a culuering of weight . also deuiding , the weight of the said peece , by ( being the number of horses ) there will stand in the quotient , shewing the draught of each horse . to know how many oxen is to be prouided to draw any peece of artillerie . it is to be noted that yoake of oxen is thought to draw as much as three horses , and that yoake of oxen is sufficient to draw a saker of weight . question . how many oxen must be prouided for a cannon of weight ? resolution . in working as before , i find that oxen , or yoake of oxen , will serue to draw a cannon of pound weight . and note that whereas there doth remaine / parts of a whole number , neither men , horses , nor other cattell , can in any such millitare questions be brought into a fraction , but yet the rule it sheweth that yoake of oxen is sufficient for the draught of a cannō of pound weight , when yoake of oxen serue for to draw a saker of pound weight . if you deuide the weight of the whole cannon being pound weight by , the oxen appointed to draw the same , the quotient is pound / : so much did euery oxe draw . how you may wanting both oxen and horses to draw any peece of ordinance , know presently how many men is able sufficiently to draw the same , either on plaine or marrish ground . question . i shewed in a conclusion before , that yoake of oxen would draw a peece of pound weight , and that men would draw a cannon of pound weight ; now if there want both horses and oxen , or that you are occasioned to draw the said peece through some marrish ground , whereas horses and oxen cannot passe , i demaund how many men is sufficient to hale a saker of pound weight through the said marish ground ? resolution . if a cannon of weight require men to draw the same , i find that a saker , weighing pound weight must haue men to draw the same , and euery one shall draw weight for his part . in drawing artillery through any soft marrish ground it is requisite to haue in readinesse , in the maister of the ordinance his carts , which carrieth the prouisions for the ordinance certaine hurdels of boords , or rather flat bottomed boates , in which any peece of ordinance may be placed carriage and all , and by force or strength of men may be drawne as easily , as to draw the said peece on the firme land , for that the said boate is apt to slide or swimme on the soft owish , the ropes being made fast to the forestearne or sides of the sayd boates , which boates do serue also for cariage of the ordinance , and all things thereto belonging , ouer any riuer or soft owish ground , &c. how you may by the rule afore , know how many oxen will draw any peece of ordinance , if you want men and horses . i shewed that men is able to draw a cannon of pound weight , and that three yoake of oxen will serue to draw a cannon of pound weight : now wanting men and horses , i say if a saker of pound weight require oxen , what will a cannon of ? and in multiplying the weight of the cannon by , the number of oxen appointed to draw the saker , and deuiding that product by the weight of the lesser peece , the quotient is oxen or yoake , so many must be prouided to draw a cannon of pound weight , which weight deuided by the oxen appointed to draw the same , the quotient sheweth that euery oxe drew pound weight . how you may wanting men and oxen to draw any peece of ordinance , know how many horses is requisite to draw the same . also i noted before , that horses would serue to draw a fawcon of pound weight : i demand how many horses will serue to draw a cannon of pound weight ? in working as before , the quotient is , so mamy horses is requisite for that purpose : which peece , her weight deuided by the number of horses appointed to draw the same , the quotient sheweth that euery horse drew pound weight . in this order you may know what number of men , horses , or oxen , is able to draw any peece of ordinance , and what euery one seuerally doth draw . how to know how many of haberdepoize weight any peece of ordinance , or other grosse weight containeth . in the conclusions afore set downe , thou must note gentle reader , that euery weight of most things , is accounted after fiue score to the hundreth : but if thou be desirous to know how many hundreth of haber depoize weight any peece of ordinance or other grosse weight cōtaineth , thou mayst by arithmetike soone be resolued , for euery of haberdepoize weight containeth pound , the halfe hundreth pound , the quarter pound , and the pound ounces : so that deuiding the weight of any great peece by , thou mayst easily know how many hundreth of haberdepoize weight the same containeth . i would know how many hundreth of haberdepoize weight is in a cannon of pound weight , i deuide the same by as aforesayd , and the quotient being / , sheweth that a cannon of pound weight containes hundreth of haberdepoize weight , one quarter and pound . a tun containeth of haberdepoize weight . how you may proportionally prooue all sorts of peeces of artillerie for seruice whether they will hold or no. all peeces that shoote a bullet vnder pound weight , and duely fortified with mettall , being shot times , first with the whole weight of the yron bullet . secondly with / partes thereof , and lastly with / partes of the same , will hold for any seruice , being charged with her ordinarie charge , albeit the said peece were discharged times in one day . how you may find out the proportionall charge afore named as thus . suppose a peece shoote a bullet of pound weight , and that you desire to know what / partes in powder of the weight of the bullet is : multiply the weight of the said bullet by the numerator , and deuide by the denominator , the quotient is your desire . example . multiplied by , is : the same deuided by , the quotient is ½ . the like order you must vse in giuing her / parts in powder to the weight of the shot , and your quotient is pound . how to prooue any peece that shooteth a bullet vnder pound weight , and aboue pound weight . any peece that shooteth a bullet aboue pound in weight , and vnder pound , would for the first shot be charged with ⅔ parts in powder of the pellets weight : for the second shot with ⅚ partes , and lastly with the whole weight of the bullet . example . admit a peece shoote a bullet of pound weight , the ⅔ partes thereof is pound ⅔ , and ⅚ partes thereof is pound ⅔ parts . and note that in proouing any peece of ordinance , whether she be seruiceable or not , her mouth would be mounted to or degrees of the quadrant , or thereabout . to know how much one coyler rope , for the draught of any peece of ordinance is bigger then another , and how thicke any of them is . take the compasse of the lesser , and likewise the circumference of the greater , abating the lesser out of the greater , the remaine is your desire , which knowne by the rule of proportion you may find out the height or thicknesse of the lesser . example . suppose you haue a coyler rope of inches compasse , and another of inches compasse , abating inches from inches the compasse of the greater , rests inches , the diameter or height of the greater : which knowne , frame the rule of proportion saying : if yeeld , what ? the quotient is one inch ⅔ parts , shewing the true thicknesse or height of the lesser . to know how much one coyler rope is more then another . take the compasse of your rope , and multiply it in it selfe , and looke how much you would haue the other greater , augment your product by the same proportion , extract the square roote , you haue your desire . example . a coyler rope of inches compasse squared , makes inches . now if you would haue one times as much , then multiply by , the product is , the square roote thereof is inches and something better , and so thicke ought a rope to be that is times the compasse of the other . how by knowing the waight of a faddome of one rope , to know the weight of a faddome of any other . a cable or coyler rope of inches compasse weighing pound euery faddom , how much will a faddom of that rope weigh , that is inches compasse , and made of the same stuffe ? i multiply the greater in it selfe , ariseth , and that multiplied by pound the weight of a faddom of the lesser rope , ariseth , the which deuided by , being the square of the lesser rope , the quotient is pound , and so much will euery faddome of the greater rope weigh . in this order by knowing what a faddome of the greater rope weigheth , you may soone find what a faddome of the lesser rope weigheth . how by knowing the quantity or compasse of any small rope , to find out the same in another that is many times that bignesse . admit i haue a small rope of inches compasse , and that it is required to know the height of another that is times that compasse . i square the number . ariseth , which multiplied by makes , the square roote thereof is inches ¼ so high is the greater . the like is to be done of all such like demaunds . to know the weight of a whole coyler rope for the draught of any peece of ordinance . question . there is a coyler rope of inches compasse weighing pound euery faddome , i demaund the whole weight of that rope being faddome long ? resolution . multiply the number of faddoms in the rope ( being ) by the weight of one faddome , the product is pound weight , your desire . the length of a coyler rope for a whole cannon ought to be faddome or thereabouts . for an ordinary cannon or faddome , and for a demy cannon faddome or thereabouts . for a culuering faddome , a demy culuering faddome , and a saker faddome , &c. to find out the superficiall content of the hollow concauity of any peece if you multiply the length of the cilinder or bore of the peece , by the circumference of the hollow concaue about the mouth , the product will shew you the superficiall content of the cilinder of the said peece . example . a cannon of inches diameter hauing her concaue or hollow cilinder foote in length , how much is the superficiall content thereof ? resolution . reduce the length of the hollow concaue of the pecce into inches , ariseth inches , which multiplied by inches , the circumference of the concaue at the mouth of the peece , ariseth inches , the superficiall content of the mettall compassing the concaue of the peece . to find out the crassitude or solid content of the cilinder or concaue of any peece . first you must by the rules taught in the beginning of the booke , find out the content of the base or plaine of the concauity at the mouth of the peece , in multiplying ½ , the diameter in halfe the circumference or else squaring the diameter and multiplying that product by , and deuiding the result by , the quotient will also shew you the content , the which multiplied in the length of the cilinder of the peece , the product is your desire . example . the cannon aboue named of inches diameter , wrought as is shewed , yeeldeth inches ½ at the base or circular content of her mouth , which multiplied by inches , the length of the cilinder , yeeldeth inches , the solid content of the concaue of the said peece . if you desire to know how many foote in square measure the solide content of the empty or hollow concauity of the peece aforenamed or any other doth containe , you must worke thus ; deuide the number of inches in the solide content thereof by the number of inches in a foote square being , the quotient is your desire . example . the solide content of the peece of inches diameter aboue named , containeth inches , which deuided by , the quotient is / , that is feete in square measure wanting inches . the like is to be done in any other peece , or in measuring the cilinder or cone in any other solide body . how you may arithmetically know how much any peece of ordinances is taper-bored , or whether the same be taper-bored or not . put vpon your rammer staffe a tampion of wood , that is iust the height of the hollow concaue of your peece , and thrust the same home into the peece ; if it go not home to the breech , then the peece is taper-bored , if it go home the peece is not taper bored : if she be taper-bored , then put on such a tampion of wood vpon your rammer staffe , as may fill the concaue of the peece in the narrowest part where she is taper-bored , and be sure that it go home to the breech of the peece , and afterwards with your compasses , measure the diameter of either tampion , abating the lesser measure out of the greater , the remaine is your desire . and note that the tampion at the end of euery rammer staffe , is to thrust home the wad and bullet close to the chamber or place where the powder lyeth , and euery rammer staffe ought to haue a sponge at the one end , to cleanse the peece with , and a tampion of wood at the other end , to put home the bullet and wad with , in the center of which ought to be a hollow screw wherein the gunner may screw in a wad hooke to vnloade any peece at his pleasure . how to shoote in any morter peece . morter peeces were inuented onely to annoy the enemy , when other ordinance cannot be vsed against them , as being charged with stone to beate down the houses of the enemy , or to fal amongst men being assembled together , or charged with balles of wild-fire to burne the enemies ships , houses , or corne . to make a perfect shot in one of these peeces , it is requisite you know things belonging to the same ( that is to say ) how farre your morter peece will carry a bullet , or a ball of fire-worke , as she is to shoote at the best of the randon : and likewise how far it is from your peece to the marke you intend to shoot at , which knowne you may make a perfect shot , as thus . example . if a morter peece shoot a bullet or fire-worke paces , and that the marke which you intend to shoote at is but paces ; i demand at what degree of the quadrant , shall the peece be layd at , to make a good shot ? resolution . to answer this and all such like , reason and experience teacheth , that the lesser ground you intend to shoot , you must raise the mouth of your morter peece so many degrees aboue the best of the randon , as is sufficient to reach the marke desired : and therefore i say if paces require degrees of the quadrant , what will ? and the quotient tels me , that at degrees of the quadrant the mouth of the sayd peece must be eleuated at , to cause the bullet or fire-ball to light accordingly . if you abate degrees ( being the best of the randon ) from degrees , that the peece was eleuated at , the remaine is degrees , & so many degrees of the quadrant was the mouth of the morter peece eleuated at to reach the marke . to know how farre or short any morter peece will shoote further or shorter , at the mount or dismount of one or many degrees . question . a morter peece that shoots paces at the best of the randon , i would know how much shorter shall she shoote , being eleuated one degree aboue the vtmost range ? resolution . deuide the distance of the vtmost range being paces , by the degrees in the best of the randon , the quotient is , so many paces will the sayd peece shoote shorter , her mouth eleuated one degree . how you may know verie neare how farre from your peece the bullet shall light , the sayd morter peece mouth being raised to what degree you thinke good . question suppose there is a castell &c. besieged , and that the gunners had brought their ordinance as neare as they would wish , so that hauing discharged the morter peece in the former conclusion , at the mount of degrees , they find that the bullet fals in or about the mids of the sayd castell or fort. the question is how farre it is betweene the peece and the fall of the sayd bullet ? resolution . you must first seeke what difference of degrees is betweene and , and you shall find , then by the rule of proportion say , if one degree abate paces , what will ? and you shall find paces in your quotient . and in this order by the help of arithmeticke you may find how farre it is from the peece to the marke . also it is possible to shoote so directly vpright in a quiet , faire , and calme day , that the bullet shot out of your morter peece , shal fall into the peece mouth againe or hard besides the same , if you raise the peece mouth iust to degrees of the quadrant , which albeit it be not seruiceable , yet it is possible to be done : for this is a generall rule , that no peece of ordinance whatsoeuer can shoote a bullet to continue still in a streight line , during the motion of the said bullet , except you eleuate or raise the concaue of the said peece directly towards the zeneth of the skie , or else plumbe downe towards the center of the earth . the diameter of the chamber mouth in euery morter peece , ought to be equall to the semi-diameter in the mouth of the said morter . the length of euery chamber in a morter peece , ought to be once and a halfe the diameter of the chamber . the mettall at the breech of euery morter peece , ought to be fortified equall in thicknesse to the diameter of the mouth of the chamber within , and at the trunions to the semi-diameter , and at the fore-part or necke of the peece , to the ⅓ part of the diameter of the chamber mouth . to mount a morter peece by the quadrant , some vse to put the rule of the quadrant into the peece mouth , close to the mettall , or inside of the peece , noting at what degree the plummet hangs ; but for as much as there be many morter peeces a little taper-bored at the mouth , ( i meane the diameter at the mouth is something wider then it is within ) therefore it is the best to haue a rule made for the purpose , which among the experienced gunners is common , the said rule being about inches length , at the middle point or pricke whereof is another shorter rule , framed artificially about a foote long , ioyned close , and falling perpendicularly on the longer rule , whose containing angle lighteth iustly on the middle point or mids of the longer rule , from which point is drawne by arte the ⅛ part of a circle , and deuided into equall deuisions or degrees , so as the degree stands iust on the center or middle point of the longer rule : so that laying the longer rule crosse the mouth of the peece , you shall presently know at what degre the said morter peece is eleuated at by the plummet , the peece being mounted at any grade aboue . and thus may you mount your morter peece , to shoote at what degree you thinke good . the patterne of the rule this figure sheweth , plainely drawne . the orderly flight or motion of the bullet or fire-ball shot out of any morter peece , by the figure or draught hereunder may be perceiued . hauing planted ordinance vpon any mount or platforme , to besiege any towne , &c. and that you desire to make some little trench or ditch about the same for the defence thereof , how you may know how much the earth and turfe that is cast out of the said ditch , shall raise a wall in height , being laid orderly at the brim of the said ditch , on the inside thereof , making the same wall to any proportion assigned . question . suppose the generall commaund the captaine of the pyoners , that a ditch be made about the mounts or platformes where the ordinance plaies , making the same foote in bredth at the brim , foote in bredth at the bottome , and foote in depth , and that the earth and turfe digged out of the said trench be laid orderly in the inside thereof at the brim of the said ditch , so as a wall may be made in bredth at the bottome foote , and at the top foote , i demaund how high shall that wall be when it is finished ? resolution . to worke this , there is a generall rule , ( as thus . ) adde the widenesse or breadth of the brim , and the breadth or widenesse at the bottome together , the ½ of that addition multiplied by depth of the ditch the product of that multiplication shall be your deuident , or number to be deuided . now to find the height of the wall , adde the thicknesse of the bottome of the wall which you meane to make , to the thicknesse or bredth that you intend to make it at the head ; the ½ of that addition shall be your deuisore , which deuident deuided by the deuisor , the quotient will shew you the height of the wall . example . the trench in this conclusion is said to be foote broad at the mouth or brim thereof , and foote at the bottome , which numbers being added , makes , the halfe whereof is feete , which feete multiplied by feete being the depth , ariseth feete for my deuident . likewise , adde twelue foote ( the thicknesse of the wall at the bottome ) to foote the bredth you meane to make it at the head , so ariseth feete , the ½ thereof is feete for my deuisor , ( and so thicke the said wall will be in the mids : the which deuident being , being deuided by the deuisor , the quotient is , and so many foote in height shall the earth and turfe casten out of the trench aforesaid , make a wall being foote broade at the bottome , foote at the head , and foote in breadth at the mids : the said trench being foote broad at the brim , foote broad at the bottome , and foote deepe . in this order you may find out the height , bredth , or depth of any such like wall or ditch , in making the same after any proportion assigned . briefe obseruations of certaine principals in the arte of gunnery , for euery gunner to consider of , to practise and learne , viz. to know what disparture euery peece of ordinance ought to haue in shooting either at or within point blanke , or with an inch rule at any aduantage . to vse a mediocrity in ramming and wadding , and in giuing euery peece her due loading in powder and bullet . to know the goodnesse and badnesse of powder , and how to mixe and make perfit good powder , and how to fine the peter , &c. to consider the wind , whether it blow with you or against you , or on any side of the peece , and how to weather your peece to make a good shot . to consider the platforme , whether it be flat , or else declining for the recoile of your peece , and whether the marke be higher or lower then your platforme , as also to know the distance thereto . to know whether your peece be truly bored or not , and how to make a perfect shot in a peece that is not truly bored . to consider whether the one wheele be more glad or reuerse faster vpon the axle-tree then the other , or whether the one wheele stand higher then the other , lest you do shoote wide . to know whether a short peece will outshoote a long peece or not , keeping the length of the marke by the like degrees of the quadrant . to know that leuelling with the quadrant towards a hill ( the marke standing higher then your platforme ) you shall shoote short : and shooting into a valley , you do ouershoote the marke , but shooting on a leuell ground you keepe the length with the quadrant , and how you ought to lay your peece to make a perfect shot with ●he quadrant at euery marke . to know that giuing leuell with an inch rule ( which some call the rule of flat ) it is erronious in shooting in ●eeces of contrary length , as also at seuerall markes : obseruing one method . to learne to know the distance to the marke , and what distance your peece will shoote at point blanke , or mounted from degree to degree ( which is the best rule to snoote by . to know whether the cariage or stocke of your peece haue her due length or not , and whether the peece be truly placed therein or not . to consider that in shooting diuerse peeces from one platforme , to discharge that peece which stands to the ley wards first , and to set your match or fire euer on the ley side , and your powder on the wind hand . to know the true order in mixing and making all kind of fire-workes , wet and dry . to know the height and weight of all peeces of ordinance , and whether the same lye streight in the cariage or not . to know the height and weight of all bullets of like mettall , and the circumference thereof : and what proportion a bullet of one mettall beareth to the like or vnlike bullet of a contrary mettall . to know how much serpentine or corne powder is requisite to charge any peece of artillery . to know what necessaries belongeth to any peece of ordinance , being in seruice by land or sea ; as ladles , sponges , hand-spikes , ropes , coines , &c. and what labourers should attend the same . to know likewise what men , horses , or oxen , is able to draw any peece of ordinance in seruice , or on the sudden . to be circumspect of lighted matches and candles &c. for feare of powder , being in sea-seruice : and to keepe a perfect register of euery thing pertaining to your ordinance , both what you haue present , and what you haue spent , to keepe your ordinance drie within , and to haue in readinesse all kind of seruiceable fire-workes , which fire-workes ought to be made either in the boate or on land , but not in the ship for feare of had i wist . to know the vse of all geometricall instruments belonging to the profession of a gunner , as also to haue some sight in arithmeticke and geometry , thereby to shoote at all randons , and how to mannage and handle all engines , for the mounting or dismounting of any peece of ordinance , in or out her cariage , &c. to know that euery peece ought to be as thicke of mettall in euery part from the lowest part of the concaue at the breech , to that part of the chamber that holds the powder , as the bullet due to that peece is in height . a breuiary of certaine secrets in the art of gunnery . a bullet violently driuen out of any peece of ordinance by the force of the powder , flieth swiftest and streightest from the mouth , till it be past ½ the distance of the leuell range . the great noise or rore that the peece makes in deliuering the bullet ( or discharged without bullet ) ariseth betweene the ayre within the peece , violently driuen out into the open aire by the force of the fire ( the petre or maister being resolued into a windie exhalation . ) and according to the quantity of the fire and aire , bursting out of the peece , so is the cracke more or lesse . any bullet shot out of a peece lying leuell , doth flie more heauily , and worketh lesse effect in piercing an obiect , then when the peece is eleuated at any degree or degrees of the randon . a heauy bullet violently mouing pierceth sorer then a lighter bullet , hauing the like motion . a bullet of lead shall worke as great effect against an obiect , as the like bullet of yron , hauing the like motion , by reason of his ouerplus of weight . a bullet shot out of any peece of artillery , will pierce more against any thing standing firme , then against a moueable obiect , and shot at an obiect a reasonable distance from the peece , will pierce more effectually , then shot at the same nearer hand . euery bullet doth make a long or short range , according to the eleuation of the peece out of which it is shot . a bullet flieth euer furthest in his streight motion ( or in an insensible streight line ) the higher that the peece is eleuated at the mouth . any peece discharged twise with one and the selfe like quantity of powder , wad , and bullet , hauing one and the selfe like proportion in ramming and wadding , and shot at one like degree of randon , the peece of like temper at either shot shall make like ranges , but the sayd peece discharged as afore , but not of like temper , shall make seuerall grazes . two peeces in all respects equall , saue onely that the one is something longer then the other , discharged with one like quantity in powder and bullet , shall make seuerall grazes , according to the length of the cilinder of the peece , the longer shall outshoote the shorter . two peeces in all respects equall , saue onely in length , discharged at a marke of equall distance from each peece , and being within the range of both peeces , the bullet shot out of the shorter peece , shall graze or beate the marke , before the bullet shot out of the longer peece . two peeces proportionall in all respects , being discharged with one like quantity and kind of powder , but differing in bullet , as the one yron : the other lead , and both bullets of like height , shall make seuerall ranges , the yron bullet shall outflie the leaden bullet , but discharged with a bullet of mettall , and afterwards with a like bullet made of wood , obseruing one and the like quantity in powder at euery shot , the bullet of wood shall not flie so farre as the like bullet of mettall . a peece any whit eleuated at the mouth , will shoote further in an insencible steight line , then lying leuell : and by how much more any bullet is driuen more swifter through the ayre , by so much it is made the more lighter in the mouing or drift thereof . two peeces a like in euery respect , shot with one like bullet , but different quantity of powder , shall make seuerall ranges . also the sayd peeces and bullets equall in all respects , and the powder also in quantity equall , sauing that the mixtures of the sayd powder is not alike , shall make seuerall ranges . one peece discharged diuerse times with one like bullet , first with the quarter of the weight of the bullet in powder , after with halfe the weight , thirdly with ⅔ parts of the weight , and lastly with the whole weight of the bullet in corne powder , and the ranges differing at point blanke noted , the ranges at the vtmost randon differing , shall be proportionall , one method in charging , &c. being obserued . to euery peece of ordinance , according to the proportion of the diameter , length of the cilinder , and weight of the bullet belōging thereto , there is a due quātity of powder to be allowed , so that charging the peece with more or lesse then the sayd due proportion , shall rather hinder then further the bullet in his furthest range . by how much the mettall of any peece is made hotter by often shooting , then it was before you made the first shot , by so much is the concaue or bore of the peece made more attractiue , the mettall more dulled and the peece worketh lesse effect then in the beginning . all peeces in whose mettall is mingled most tin , lead , or copper , is more attractiue a great deale then those peeces in whom is put most bel-mettall . a brasse peece made hote with often shooting , is more apt to breake then when it is cold ; and any peece of artillery is more apt to breake at the first or second shot in a hard frost being cold , then made hote with often shooting . any peece of ordinance discharged , hauing her full charge in powder , will range and pierce further , then wanting any part thereof ; and hauing a little quantity more then her due charge in powder , will ouershoot the other , but it will daunger the peece ; but doubling the weight of the bullet in powder , shall shoote lesse ground then hauing a meane proportionall charge in powder ( to wit betweene ⅔ parts and the whole weight of the bullet ) for that the cilinder of the peece is too much choked , and the bullet driuen out into the open aire before the powder be all fired . euery peece of artillery ought to haue her conuenient length and weight of mettall , according to the proportion of the diameter or bore of the same , and being made longer or shorter then her sayd due length , will rather hinder then further her vtmost range . any peece of ordinance made hote through much shooting , will neither range so farre , nor pierce so deepe , as being temperatly cold . no peece of artillery can shoot a bullet to range still in a perfect streight line , except you shoote the same either directly vpright towards the zeneth of the skie , or else directly plumme downe towards the center of the earth . the right line of the vtmost randon in all peeces , is more then the right line of the leuell range ; and the right line of the vtmost range , is not so much as the right line of degrees . the vtmost range in all sorts of peeces , is not at iust degrees of randon , as tartallia and diuerse others do affirme , but shooting with the wind in a quiet or calme day , is at or about degrees , but the wind against , or on any side , or rough , or the aire thicke , &c. will range as farre at or about degrees . two peeces in all respects equall saue onely in length , discharged with a like quantity in powder , wad , & bullet , and shot at a marke within the reach of both peeces , mounted at like degrees of randon with the quadrant , the shorter peece shall outshoote the longer . the right lines made by any peeces at one degree of randon discharged , are proportionall to the ranges of their bullets at the same degrees of randon , and the right lines made by any peeces at any randon , are proportionall to their vtmost ranges . any peece of ordinance first discharged with the whole weight of the bullet in serpentine powder , & after discharged with ½ the weight of her bullet , in such corne powder as shall cause the peece to range the same ground : and lastly discharged with halfe the quantity of either sort of powder , the second ranges shall not be equall , although the manner of charging and temper of the peece be all alike . three peeces in all respects equall , saue euery one exceeds other in like proportion in length , the vtmost ranges of their bullets shall not be alike proportionall , although the forme of charging be vniforme and alike . a peece twise charged , first with an yron bullet fit for the same peece , and after with a leaden bullet of the like weight , but differing in height , and with one and the like quantity in powder and wad , at either time the yron bullet shall outflie the leaden bullet . a peece discharged first with an yron bullet , and after with a leaden bullet of like height , and at either time discharged with the weight of the bullet in serpentine powder , shall make vnequall ranges . a peece twise discharged at like degree of randon , first with an yron , and then with a leaden bullet , and after discharged with any other quantity of powder , the ranges of the bullets shall not retaine the same proportion . if peeces of one length but differing in bore , the one discharged with an yron , the other with a leaden bullet at one like randon , hauing the weight of either bullet in course powder , do range both alike ground , and the sayd peeces after discharged with halfe the weight of their bullets , of the same or any other powder , shall not range one like distance of ground . two peeces of one mettall and length , but of different bullets equally mounted , discharged with any like quantity of one powder , shall not range iustly one distance of ground . the proportion of the different ranges , that yron and leaden bullets make , being found by experience in any one peece of ordinance , the same proportion will not hold in all other peeces of ordinance of contrary length , that shootes the same like bullet . any peece of ordinance being thicker of mettall on the one side then on the other , discharged at a marke , will cast the bullet towards that side , that is thickest of mettall . two peeces of contrary length , but of like diameter , hauing both one like charge , being shot off at a marke within the reach of both peeces giuing leuell with an inch rule , at one like height of the rule , shall make seuerall grazes , the shorter peece shall outshoote the longer . any peece of ordinance will conuey the bullet more ground , her mouth eleuated at or degrees , then from the sayd grades to the best of the randon , although there be degrees vantage in the latter . any peece of ordinance hauing her due loading will conuey the bullet more then fiue times the distance of her leuell range . a table shewing the contents of this booke . a table of the deminite parts vsed in mensurations . . a table shewing how to weigh any great quantity vvith fevv weights . . how to extract the cubicke radix or roote of any number , and how to find a true denominator to the cubicke remaine , and how to proue if you worke right or not . . theoremes , shewing the proportion betweene a bullet of one mettall , to a bullet of contrary mettall , and betweene the diameter and circumference thereof , &c. . how by knowing the true weight of any bullet , and diameter of the peece due for the same , to find the weight of any other bullet of like mettall belonging to a contrary peece of ordinance . . how by the knowne weight of any small bullet , you may find out the weight of a greater , and how to proue if you worke right or not . . by knowing the weight of any bullet , whose diameter containeth both whole numbers and broken , how to find the weight of any other of like mettall . by knowing the diameter height and weight of an iron bullet , to find the height and weight of a bullet of marble stone : or contrariwise , by knowing the height and vveight of a bullet of marble stone , to find the vveight of the like bullet of iron . . by knowing the weight and diameter of an iron bullet , to find the height and weight of a leaden bullet of the same proportion : or contrariwise , by knowing the vveight of a leaden bullet , to find the vveight of an iron bullet of like height . . to find out the weight of any bullet made of marble stone , by knowing the weight of the like bullet of lead , or else by knowing the vveight of any leaden bullet , to find out the vveight of a bullet of marble of like diameter . . to find out the circumference of any bullet or round body , &c. . by knowing the circumference of any bullet , how to find out the diameter thereof . . to find the solid content of any bullet or globe . . to find the superficiall content of any bullet , &c. . to find out the circumference of any circular body diuerse vvaies . . hovv to find the superficiall content of any round body , as bullet or globe diuerse vvaies . . hovv to find the crassitude or solid content of any bullet , &c. diuerse wayes . . by knowing the diameter and vveight of any bullet , &c. to find the diameter of another of like mettall , that is twice the vveight of the first . . hovv you may diuerse vvaies geometrically find out the vveight of any vnknowne bullet , that is double the vveight of a knowne bullet , and hovv to proue the same conclusions by numbers . . . by knowing the superficiall content of the flat or plaine of any circle , to find out the superficiall content of another , that is twise the diameter of the first . . by knowing the vveight and height of any one bullet , to find out the true vveight of another that is twise the height of the former . . hovv you may arithmetically find the diameter or height of any bullet , and to knovv hovv much any one bullet is higher then another , vvithout any callapers . . a table shewing the vveight of all iron bullets , from the fawconet to the cannon , in haberdepoize vveight . . hovv you may arithmetically knovv the true bredth of the plate of any ladle due to any peece of ordinance , by knowing the diameter of the bullet fit for the peece . . hovv to make a ladle for a chamber-bored peece . . to find out the height of the diameter of the chamber in any chamber-bored cannon , or other peece : and hovv to find out the thicknesse of mettall , round about the chamber thereof . . hovv you may arithmetically knovv vvhether the cariage for your peece be truly made or not , and hovv the cariage for any peece of ordinance ought to be made . . by knowing the vveight of any one peece of ordinance , to find the vveight of any other . . hovv by arithmeticke skill you may knovv hovv much of euery kind of mettall is in any brasse peece of ordinance . . hovv to knovv hovv farre any peece of great artillery vvill conuey her bullet at the best of the randon , by knowing the vtmost range and point blanke of another peece , and by the same rule hovv you may knovv hovv farre any great peece vvill range at point blanke and vtmost randon . . to knovv how much a bullet of yron vvill flie further then the like bullet of lead , being discharged the one after the other out of any great peece , vvith one like quantity in powder . . by knowing hovv much powder is sufficient to charge any one peece of ordinance , to knovv hovv much of the same powder vvill charge any other peece of ordinance . . by knowing hovv much serpentine powder vvill charge any peece of ordinance , to knovv hovv much corne powder vvill do the like : or contrariwise , by knowing hovv much corne powder vvill charge any peece , to knovv hovv much serpentine powder vvill serue . . by knowing hovv farre any peece shootes vvith her due charge of powder , to giue a neare estimate hovv farre the sayd peece vvill shoote , vvith a charge more or lesse in powder then the other . . hovv by knowing hovv much powder a fevv peeces of ordinance hath spent , being but a fevv times discharged , to knovv hovv much powder a great number of the like peeces vvill spend to be often discharged . . hovv to knovv hovv much powder euery little caske or firken ought to containe , and hovv many of those caskes doth make a last of powder , and hovv many shootes any quantity of powder vvill be for any great peece of artillery . . by knowing hovv many shootes a firken of powder vvill make for a culuering , to knovv hovv many shootes a last of powder vvill make for a cannon . . to knovv hovv many shootes of powder vvill be in a graund barrell , for any peece of ordinance . . hovv you may arithmetically knovv vvhat proportion of euery receipt is to be taken to make perfect good powder : vvhat quantity soeuer you vvould make at a time . . hovv by arithmeticke skill you may knovv hovv vvith one and the selfe like charge in powder and bullet , hovv much farre or short any peece of ordinance vvill shoote , in mounting or dismounting her any degree , vvhereby you may knovv hovv farre your peece vvill shoote at any degree of the randon , by knowing hovv farre she vvill reach at the vtmost randon . . by knowing the distance to the marke by the conclusion aboue , you may know whether your peece vvill shoote short or ouer the marke , or you may know hovv farre any marke is from your platforme , being vvithin the reach of your peece , onely by knowing the distance of the vtmost range of your peece , and the degrees she is eleuated at . . . hovv to make a table of randons , or go very neare to knovv the true range of the bullet , out of all sorts of great peeces of artillery , being mounted from degree to degree . . hovv you may arithmetically knovv hovv much vvide , ouer , or short any peece vvill shoote from the marke , by knowing the distance to the marke , and hovv your peece is layd to shoote at the sayd marke . . hovv to lay your peece to make a streight shot at any marke . . in shooting at any marke vvithin point blanke , not disparting your peece , to knovv hovv farre the bullet vvill flie ouer the sayd marke , onely by knowing the distance to the marke . . hovv to lay your peece point blanke vvithout iustrument . . hovv you may arithmetically dispart any great peece of artillery diuerse vvaies . . hovv by arithmeticall skill you may mount any great peece by an inch rule to degrees of the quadrant , if you vvant a quadrant or other instrument . . hovv you may knovv the true thicknesse of mettall in any part of any great peece of ordinance diuerse vvaies . . . hovv to make a good shot in a peece that is not truly bored , or to knovv hovv much any peece vvill shoote amisse , that is thicker of mettall on the one side then on the other , if you knovv the distance to the marke : & hovv to remedy your peece , being thicker of mettall in one part then another , to make her shoote streight . . to knovv the different force of any like peeces of ordinance planted against an obiect , the one being further off from the sayd obiect then the other . . hovv you may hauing diuerse kinds of ordinance to batter the vvals of any towne or castell , &c. tell presently hovv much powder vvill loade all those ordinance , one or many times . . hovv you may knovv the true vveight of any number of shot for seuerall peeces of ordinance , hovv many soeuer they be , and hovv many tun vveight they do all vveigh . . hovv any gunner or gunfounder may by arithmeticke skill know vvhether the trunions of any peece be rightly placed on the peece or not . . hovv you may knovv vvhat empty caske is to be prouided to boy or carry ouer any peece of ordinance ouer any riuer , if boates or other prouision cannot be gotten . . hovv to knovv the true time that any quantity of gun-match , being fired shall burne to do an exploite , at any time desired . . hovv by arithmeticke skill you may knovv vvhat number of men , horses , or oxen , is sufficient to dravv any great peece of artillery , and hovv much euery one draweth , so as they all do their indeuor . . to knovv hovv many hundreth of haberdepoize vveight any peece of ordinance or other grosse vveight containeth . . how you may proportionally proue all sorts of peeces of artillery for seruice , vvhether they vvill hold or not . . to knovv hovv much one coyler rope is more then another , for to dravv any great peece of ordinance . . by knowing the weight of a faddome of one coyler rope , to know the vveight of a faddome of any other . . by knowing the quantity or compasse of any small rope , to find out the same in another that is many times that bignesse , and hovv to find out the vveight of a vvhole coyler rope , for the draught of any peece of ordinance . . to find out the superficiall content of the hollovv concauity of any peece . . to find out the crassitude or solid content of the cilinder or concauity of any peece , and how much the same containeth in square measure . . how you may knovv how much any peece of ordinance is taper-bored by arithmeticke skill , or vvhether any great peece of ordinance be taper-bored or not . . a table vvherein you may knovv the names of all peeces of artillery , their height and vveight , and thicknesse of mettall in any part of them , and vvhat men , horses , or oxen , is sufficient to draw the same , and the height , vveight , and compasse of the bullet belonging to euery peece : and hovv much powder vvill charge euery of the sayd peeces , and the length and breadth of the ladle fit for any peece , and hovv thicke , broade , long , or deepe , the cariage of euery peece should be , and hovv long euery coyler rope should be , for the draught of any great peece of ordinance . . conclusions for shooting in morter peeces . . to knovv hovv much further or shorter any morter peece vvill shoote at the mount or dismount of one or many degrees . . to knovv very neare hovv farre from your peece the bullet shall light , the morter peece raised at what degree you thinke good . . notes to be learned concerning morter peeces . . to know how much the earth and turfe that is digged & throwne out of any ditch , shall make a defencible ramper or vvall at the brim of the sayd ditch , making the same to any proportion assigned for the better defence of the ordinance in time of seruice . . certaine briefe obseruations of certaine principals of the art of gunnery , to be knowne of euery gunner : with a breuiary of certaine secrets of the same art , very necessary for all professors of the art of gunnery . . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e note . orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles i) charles i, king of england, - . p. printed for j. johnson, [london] : . reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng newcastle, william cavendish, -- duke of, - . england and wales. -- army. military law -- england. a r (wing c ). civilwar no orders and institutions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty, and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcast england and wales. sovereign b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders and institvtions of vvar , made and ordained by his maiesty , and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle . with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt . printed for j. johnson . . orders and institutions of war . inprimis , it is by us ordered , that no colonell captaine or other officer or souldier , shall be admitted into our service , but such as shall take the oathes of supremacy and allegiance . . no papist of what degree or quality soever shall be admitted to serve in our army . . all colonels are commanded to have a speciall care that the due service of god be performed in their severall regiments , by the chaplains to each regiment every sunday twice , except some contingent occasion of moment be a lawfull impediment for their forbearance . . all colonels , lievtenant colonels , captaines and other inferiour officers are commanded to represse all disorders in their severall quarters , as they will answer the contrary to our councell of war if the default be found in them . . whosoever shall presume to sweare or blaspheme the name of god in our quarters ; for the first offence shall suffer twelve houres imprisonment ; for the second , he shall suffer foure and twenty houres durance ; and for the third he shall be whipt and cashiered our army . . whatsoever souldier shall be found drunke and so neglect his duty , shall be punished at the discretion of our court of war , according to the haynousnesse of the fact , and the detriment arrived by his default to our service . . what captaine or other officer that shall inflict punishment , or strike any souldier without good cause of offence given ; for such punishment or blow shall upon complaint made receive censure from his superiours . . what captaine or other superiour officer or inferiour , that shall detaine the souldiers pay after 't is delivered to him by our treasurer or his subordinate officers , upon complaint made shall make full repayment of such moneyes and then be cashiered our service . . wheras there is and hath been in most services divers enormous abuses committed in musters by muster-masters , commissaries and officers for that purpose , making their companies seem compleat by men hired out of other companies : we doe therefore command all colonels , captains , and other officers , to take especiall care that their companies be full , and no such enormities committed : every muster-master so offending being lyable to capitall punishment , and every man so hired shall suffer death , for his second offence ; for his first , lye in irons during ours or our generals pleasure . . what souldier soever that shall presume to steale from or plunder any of our good subjects in his march , or in any towne where he is billeted , shall suffer death , if the thing so stolne or taken be above the value of twelve pence , if under , he shall be punished according to the discretion of his officers . . whosoever shall wilfully act any murder upon the persons of any of our good subjects , souldier or other shall suffer death . . whosoever shall force or ravish any woman within our quarters , or any other place , shall suffer death . . whosoever draweth any sword in the presence of our generall to doe any harme with it , shall lose his hand . . whosoever draweth his sword when his colours are flying , or upon any march , he shall be harquebuser'd : if it be done in the place where he is billeted , he shall onely lose his hand and be banish'd our quarters . . whosoever draweth his sword in the quarters after the watch is set , with intention of mischiefe to any , shall suffer death . . no man shall hinder our provolt-marshall or his inferiour officers from execution of any charge given them by our generall , who presumes to doe it shall suffer death . . all that is to be published and made knowne to all men , shall be openly proclaimed by sound of drum or trumpet , that no man plead ignorance for the neglect of his duty . who so is found disobedient shall be punish'd as the fault is of importance . . no man shall presume to make any alarum in the quarter , or shoot off his musket in the quarter but shall be severely punish'd . . after advertisement is given to set the watch , he that shall absent himselfe without some lawfull cause , shall be punish'd with irons . . he that is found sleeping upon his watch in any place of danger shall be harquebuser'd . . he who shall come off the watch where he is appointed to stand , or he who shall drinke himselfe drunke so long as he hath the guard shall be harquebuser'd . . whosoever repaires not to his colours when he heares the trumpet sound or drum beat shall be punish'd with irons . . whensoever a march is beaten , every man shall follow his colours , neither shall any through presumption stay behinde without leave , upon feare of punishment . . if any stay behind in a mutinous fashion he shall be punish'd with death . . he who doth run from his colours in the field , shall be punish'd with death ; and if any other souldiers kill him in the meane time , he shall be free . . when occasion of service is , he who doth first run away , if any can kill him he shall be free . . what regiment or company shall begin any mutiny , the first beginner shall be punish'd with death , and the rest that consent to him shall be punish'd according to the discretion of the councell of war . . whosoever souldier or other that shall directly or indirectly hold intelligence with the enemy , or disclose any of our secrets to them or any of them , shall as traytors be punish'd with death . . what regiment of horse or foot shall treat with the enemy , or enter into any league with him without our leave or our generals , shall be punish'd with death . . whosoever shall give over any of our townes to the enemy that may be defended against them , unlesse in case of necessity shall be punish'd with death . . no man shall presume to send any challenge to any other of his fellowes , nor to fight any duell in the quarters or without , upon paine of death . . they who shall hold any manner of conference with the enemie , without licence from our generall , shall be punished with death . . every one that shall not be contented with that quarter which is assigned him shall , be accounted a mutiner . . if any cast away any of his armes , either in the field , or in the quarters , he shall be whipt thorow the quarters , as an example to others . . hee who doth pawne any of his armes , or any amunition whatsoever , or any other necessaries whatsoever used in the field , for the first & second offences shall be whipt thorow the quarters , for the third time he shall be punish'd as for other theft : also he that bought them , or took them to pawne , be he souldier or victualler , or other , shall lose his money , or be punished as he who pawn'd or sold them . . no man shall presume to set fire on any towne , village , house , barne , out-house , haystacke , or mill of any of our subjects , whoever shall be found guilty of any such crime , shall suffer death without mercy . . no man shall presume to wrong any who hath our warrant or our generalls for his safe passage , be he friend or enemie , upon paine of death . . he who doth beat his hoste or hostis , or any of their servants , the first and second time , shall be put in irons ; the third time he shall be punished at the discretion of our officers . . none shall presume to wrong any man that brings necessaries to our quarters , nor take his horse from him by force , whosoever doth , shall be punished with death . . no souldiers shall come to the muster , but at what day and houre they are commanded : no colonell nor captaine shall presume to muster his men without command from our generall . . if any horse-man doe borrow either horse , pistoll , saddle or sword to muster withall , so much as is borrowed , shall be forfeited , and he that doth it shall be put out of our service , and he that lendeth them shall forfeit one half to the captain , the other half to the provost . . if it can be proved that any horse-man doe spoyle his horse willingly of purpose , to returne home , he shall be held a coward , lose his horse , and be turned out of the service . . no souldier whatsoever , horse or foot , shall be cast off by his captaine , or any inferiour officer , without consent of the colonell . . no colonell nor captaine shall licence any souldier , either horse or foot , to depart the field without leave of the generall , as he will answer the same , and incurre our displeasure . . any souldier , gentleman or other , that shall be maymed , or lose any limbe in this our present service , shall have a competent pension allowed him to subsist upon during his life . . if any captaine , or other commander , doe lend his souldiers to any other captaine , it shall be done in the presence of our muster-masters , that so our service be not neglected . . all our souldiers we doe hereby strictly require to avoid all quarrells and offences one to another , to give due obedience and fit respects to their captaines , lievtenants , ensignes and other inferiour officers . . we also require , and strictly command all ensignes , lievtenants , captaines , to give the same respects to our officers of the field ; as serjeant-majors , lievtenant-colonells and colonells . . as we expect they and all the rest of our army by our expresse command , doe the right honourable , our trusty and welbeloved cousen and councellor , william earle of newcastle , his excellence , whom wee have constituted and ordained generall of all our present forces . . and we doe hereby will and require our said trusty and welbeloved cousin and councellour , william , earle of newcastle , his excellence , our generall , so constituted and ordained , to see all these , and all other our ordinances of war whatsoever , put in execution by his immediate officers , that so our cause may succeed prosperously , and we , with the almighties assistance , be victorious over all our enemies . his excellence , the earle of newcastle's speech to his colonels , and other commanders , at his receiving the charge of generall , and the precedent orders from his majestie . lords and gentlemen , my noble friends and fellow souldiers , i could have heartily wished , that either the earle of lindsey , who before commanded you , had evaded his untimely destiny ; or th●● his sacred majesty had beene pleased to have conferr'd the successive managing of this office to one of better abilities then my selfe but since i am invested with this charge , i shall study to demeane my selfe like a faithfull subject to my prince , a true legitimate sonne to my mother the common-wealth , and a just and loving chiefe to you all ; to use incouragementss to men of fortitude , is an implicit diminution to their valours . i shall not therefore so much undervalue yours , as to intrude an exhortation upon your courages , onely i shall desire you will keepe those men under your commands free from disordiers , performing with all care and diligence , these institutions which i now as your generall am ingaged to deliver to you from his sacred majesty : we are here in our owne countrey , a sad and lamentable affaire it is in armes , and must imploy our hands against our selves , our brothers ; if we must fight , i make no doubt of your deportement in the affaires of war , but could heartily wish , and so i hope you doe all wish with me , that we might be happy in a faire and sudden attonement between his majesty and his high court of parliament ; 't is not improbable , but it may be effected , if not , i hope you will all fight as valiantly as i shall leade you on resolutely , and ( if it so please god ) bring you off with safety . finis . warlike directions, or, the sovldiers practice set forth for the benefit of all such as are, or will be, scholars of martiall discipline, but especially for all such officers as are not yet setled or rightly grounded in the arte of warre, by a practitioner in the same art, t.f. fisher, thomas, th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing f ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing f estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) warlike directions, or, the sovldiers practice set forth for the benefit of all such as are, or will be, scholars of martiall discipline, but especially for all such officers as are not yet setled or rightly grounded in the arte of warre, by a practitioner in the same art, t.f. fisher, thomas, th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing f ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [ ], , [ ] p. : ill. printed by thomas harper ..., london : . written by thomas fisher. cf. wing. errata: p. [ ] at end. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng military art and science -- early works to . a r (wing f ). civilwar no warlike directions: or the sovldiers practice. set forth for the benefit of all such as are, or will be scholars of martiall discipline. but fisher, thomas c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion warlike directions : or the sovldiers practice . set forth for the benefit of all such as are , or will be scholars of martiall discipline . but especially for all such officers as are not yet setled , or rightly grounded in the arte of warre . by a practitioner in the same art , t. f. the second edition , corrected and amended . london , printed by thomas harper , and are to be sold at his house in little britaine , . the preface . these indeavours of mine which i have formerly learned , and practised twenty six yeares in the low countries : and having divers yeares instructed and exercised the trained bands within the county of kent , do i present to all such as are inclinable and willing to profit themselves in the art of war . but especially to all officers of the selected bands of this kingdome , which doe yet faile in the delivering of the right words of command . my purpose is not in this small tract , to treat of the highest principles , or speculative part of military discipline ; but de●cend willingly to the lowest and meanest capacity : thereby to instruct by short and evident rules in the point of practise and obedience an unexperienced souldier : and those officers also who in a private band are not so well and fully satisfied as they themselves desire , and the good and welfare of their countrey necessarily requires . for whole better satisfaction & instruction , i have also drawn some small maps : for smaller and greater bodies , as you may perceive at the end of the booke : that what i have written may be the better conceived and fixed in their memories . leaving all strange and forraine discourses which other painfull hands have excellently and learnedly within these few yeares set forth , and well deciphered . applying my selfe wholly unto these moderne times . wishing that every one that loves his king and countries good , the furtherance of the gospel of jesus christ , the safeguard of himself , and all his , being able and fitting for this service , would practise this noble art , and to have some of those books which have been set forth upon this subject , to meditate on them at their best leasure . for the theoricke part is good , the practicke better . but theoricke and practicke both together is best of all . he that hath neither theoricke nor practicke , cannot be best , better , nor good . so with my best wishes for the furtherance of the good desires of all such as love this subject , i humbly take my leave : remembring this old proverbe , in time of peace provide for war : that peace may continue in these , and all other his majesties dominions in our dayes , and for ever , our most mercifull god grant , amen . tho. fisher . the officers of a company of souldiers . captaine . lieutenant . ensigne . serjeants . . drummers — . corporals — . masters of the armes — corporall of the gentl. clarke of the band . provost . in a place of duty . lansprezadoes — . note that in collonels companies are more serjants , and as many drummes . instructions for yong souldiers , agreeable to that discipline which is now practised within the netherlands , under the command of the prince of orange . i will first begin with the severall beates of the drum , becau●e every souldier is bound of necessity to learne to know and observe them ▪ for when the commanders voyce cannot be heard vnto the whole company , the drum denounceth and expresseth the same . the gathering of the company unto their colours : when to troope , march , charge , retreat ; and such like . the beats or sounds which are to be learned , are these that follow . instructions for the drum. a gathering . a troope . a march . a battalia . a charge . a retreat . a reliefe . a battery . a call for proclamation . the gathering is the first which is to bring the company together to their colors , or place appointed by the superiour commander a troope . a troope is , that when the company is come to the place appointed , the commander intending to keepe them close in their order , which is three foot , the readier with advanced pikes to troope up to the court of guard , or place appointed for watch . likewise to charge the enemy , or receive a charge , and is as the voyce of the commander to all , to advance their pikes , & shoulder their muskets , if they be at any other posture . a march . a march is , if the company be at a stand or trooping , charging , or retiring , as the voyce of the commander , to shoulder their armes , and march , if the march be beaten in a longer distance of time then is usuall ; then they must open their files and rankes to the next distance which is sixe foot , the body marching very leasurely ; out if the march be beaten swifter , then are they to close their files and rankes , and to march with a quicker pace ; so that a skilfull commander instructing the drummer by signes , may at his pleasure march , troope , stand , retreat , charge , in front , in reare , in right or left flanke , in front and reare , or right and left at once , or every way at one time . a battalia . is the uniting of devisions in battaile forme . likewise a preparation , the enemy being in sight or at hand , giving notice to all to prepare themselves for skirmish or for battaile . a charge is when the body is come to push of pike , or neere at hand , joyning body to body with the enemy , that no retiring be from the place , during the charge . a retreate it a retiring backward leysurely without disorder , either to give way to other battaliaes to relieve them , or for gayning some advantagious ground , or to draw the enemy in an ambush , or such like , which the superior commander may sometimes upon pollicy direct . a reliefe is a relieving of the watch , and dismissing of centinels from extraordinary places in day light . a batterie is most used in places of worke , as in trenches , batteries , halfe-moones , horne-workes , redouts , sconces , counterskarls , and such like , that those therein imployed should be diligent in that imployment . a call is onely to proclaime the commanders will concerning the well ordering of the armie , and of such military lawes which ought to be kept , that all should give eare unto that which the drummer either readeth or speaketh . for the beating of the march . i have thought meete for the benefit of each drummer which is not yet perfect in the march , to prick downe the old english march newly revived in the plainest forme i could invent . wishing that all drummers would leave off other forms invented , either by themselves , or others herein unskilfull , that there may be an uniformitie in this kingdome , as in all other nations . within the march are . severall lines , or ranks , which must be knowne , and distinctly beaten dividing line from line , by a certaine distance of time , deciphered in short i. and long . in r. and halfe r. note that these . former letters short i. and long ‑ . stands for single strokes : the long ‑ . for the right hand stroke ; the short i. for the left hand stroke . the next two letters , the whole r. for a full ruffe , the half r. in this manner , . for halfe a ruffe . where the ‑ joynes with the r. in this manner , r . the single stroke with the ruffe must be joyned together . the r , and halfe in this manner r is a ruffe and halfe ruffe joyned . there is also a preparation to the march which is only to be beaten once , and no more , at the beginning of the march . the first is the preparation , the march follows . the preparation . riir . i●ir . — ii . ii . r ir . rrr . rriri . irir . rrrr . rr r . irir . i have insisted somewhat long in the office of the drummer , for that i finde a great defect in that place , and would wish a more generall reformation . instructions for those that are ignorant in arming and disarming themselves . each souldier having brought his arms into the field , standing with them at their first order as may be observed in the following notes of the postures and motions . then the commander giveth the word . disarme , or lay downe your armes . first , lay downe your musket , stepping forward one pace with your right foot , then recover your foot to its place : then receive your match into your right hand out of the left . next lay downe your rest , stepping forward with your left foot , recover your foot backe againe . take your match into your left hand , betwixt the two lowermost fingers , as formerly : then lay downe your match with your left foot stepping forward , on the right hand of your rest recover your foot as before . afterward in upright forme of body put off your hat with your left hand , and holding it by your left side , take off your bandiliērs with your right hand laying it downe betwixt your musket and your match , the charges fromward you . afterwards retire three paces backward , that you may the more gracefully come to the stand where you were , to arme your selfe . the next word of command is . arme , or , take up your armes . first , take up your bandiliers , putting them on as you did take them off : then your match as formerly , then your rest ; last your musket . performe these directions , and all other with a gracefull and comely cariage of body . the word of command : foot your armes . the armes being laid downe , the souldier standing three paces backe . armed , and standing at his first order . being armed , and standing at your first order , then follows the preparation to the postures . the word of command is , prepare . joyne your musket with your rest ; open your pan , blow your panne , prime your pan . shut , cast off , and so forward , as you may perceive by the following notes , until you have shouldered and sloped : then begins your postures . the first motion in the postures is , slip your musket ; the last motion is , give fire . note , all the rest of the motions that follow after giving fire , until you have sloped your musket , are dependances unto the postures , but more especially to the first posture . now followeth the action of souldiers being prepared , their muskets being charged , as all ought to be , the enemy being not far from them , only waiting for the word from the commander , as you may observe in the next place . the postures and motions of a musketteere , the musket being charged , first standing , then marching . hand your armes , order your musket , and rest , even with your body in the ranke you stand in , which is called your first order . joyne your musket with your rest . poyse your musket , and breast it . shoulder your musket . slope your musket . slip your musket . poise your musket . rest your musket . falling backe with your right foot observe in this and most of all your motions , to keepe the mouth of your musket high and strait over your leaders right shoulder . hand your match . blow your match . cocke your match . try your match . guard your pan . blow your coale . open your pan . present your musket breast , or rather middle high , removing backe your left foot unto your right , then your right foot slopewaies backe , standing with a full and upright body , your left knee bending , your right elbow even with your shoulder . give fire . recover your ground with your feet . returne your match . blow your pan . prime your pan . shut your pan . cast off your loose powder . recover your rest . blow off your loose powder . beare about your musket unto your left side , falling backe with your left foot : trayle your rest between your musket and bodie . hand your charge , and open it . charge your musket . draw out your skouring-sticke , and shorten it against your breast . ramme downe your bullet . returne your sticke . recover your musket and rest . poyse your musket . rest your musket with your left foot forward againe . your saluting posture . your buriall posture . your guard posture your order posture your sentinell posture . these three last are in the number of the former , but remembered because they are to be used upon severall occasions . shoulder your musket , and march with your rest in your right hand . note that the three generall postures do begin , the musket , being charged and shouldered . the names of the generall postures are these that follow . make ready , present , give fire , which are to be ●erformed in motions . if marching then gracefully with an eleven paces especially to the front . note that all the rest of the motions which follow after giving fire , are dependances unto the first posture . in the first posture are motions , in the second , in the third motion . the first posture , make ready . . motions . slip your musket . poyse your musket . joyne yo●r musket with your rest . hand your match . blow your match . cock your match . try your match . guard your pan . the second posture , present . . motions . blow your coale . open your pan. present breast high . the third posture , give fire . motion . give fire . when you have given fire , winning or maintaining ground , recover your rest with your right foot stepping forward . but losing ground , recover your rest unto your foot , joyning it with your musket falling about into your file , and ranke , making ready againe as you go . if you observe paces in the presenting posture , as some regiments doe , then to the front or right flanke : begin your first motion with your left foot stepping forward but to the reare or left flanke with your right foot pacing first . note that there be many regiments that observe but paces in the presenting posture . note , when you give fire to the reare , turne right about . the postures and motions of a pikeman , standing and marching . hand your pike . advance your pike . lay downe your pike . take up your pike . order your pike . shoulder you pike . levill your pike . slope your pike . advance your pike . port your pike . comport your pike . cheeke your pike . trayle your pike . recover your pike . shoulder your pike . note , when you beare your pike shouldred it must be sloped ; except you be commanded to level it . observe when you charge at a stand , fall backe with your right foot : if marching , advance your selfe forward , your body upright , your left knee bending . to the front charge as you were . to the right charge . as you were . to the left charge . as you were . the reare charge . as you were . to the front and reare charge . as you were . to the right and left charge . as you were . every way charge square as you were . quarters every way charge . as you were . advance your ground and charge to either hand at discretion . betweene every charge , march . retreate charging . your breathing posture . advance forward againe . stand , order your pike . open order at foot . now followes the charge against horse . close order at foot . draw your sword over your left arme , joyne it close unto your pike . to the front charge at foot . to the right charge . to the right charge . to the right charge . to the right charge . right about charge . left about charge . to the right and left charge . to the front and reare charge . every way charge square , or quarters at discretion . stand , sheath your sword . order your pike . your buriall posture . three generall postures of the pike , in thirteen great and small motions : three standing , seven marching , three charging . the first posture . standing . lay downe your pike . take up your pike . order your pike . the second posture . marching . advance your pike . shoulder your pike . levell your pike . slope your pike . comport your pike . cheek your pike . traile your pike . the third posture . charging . port your pike . charge overhand . charge at foot . all these postures and motions both of musketteers and pikemen in a body or battalia great or small , may be performed without words , by signes of the commander , and the beating of the drumme , the drummer observing every motion from the commander . now followeth the motions of facing , doubling , countermarching , wheeling , and such like , in a grose body or battalia . note and remember well that there are several sorts of distances to bee observ●d for severall uses , upon variety of occasions : for marching , for exercising , for skirmishing , for battaile , in front , in flanke , in rear , which every commander doth , or ought to know . close order : order : open order : double distance : double double distance : the first , one foot and an halfe : the second , three foot : the third , six foot : the fourth , twelve foot : the fifth , twenty foure foot . now to begin wi●h that which is first put in practise , which is open order , sixe foot . open order sixe foot square : that is , six foot , file from file , and six foot , ranke from ranke , which is the first distance that a company is framed unto , especially for exercise . next there is order , three foot square both in file and ranke , for exercise , or for battaile . thirdly , there is closest , or close order , which is one foot and an halfe , file from file , and is only used for the pikes when they come to the push ▪ there is likewise a double distance , twelve foot square , either in file or ranke , and a double double distance , twenty foure foot , which two last are practised , sometimes upon extraordinary occasions . there is likewise a marching order , three foot file from file , and sixe foot ranke from ranke , or to oppose an enemy onely in front , and an open order , sixe foot file from file : twelve foot ranke from ranke , which i leave to the discretion of the commander . now to make some use of part of these , i will onely at this time set down the plain and true words of command , with some few remembrances joyned to them wishing all officers which yet faile in the right delivering of the words of command , to observe and follow these directions : for if a commander speake them not right , as the proverbe is , setting the cart before the horse , the souldiers although skilfull , doth act them many times wrong . the company being come to the appointed place , neither yet in file nor ranke , the commander gives the word as followeth . leaders , leade forth your files , joyne them into a body , or frame a body . note that a file is a number or sequence of men standing one behinde another at a certaine distance , as you may reade after more at large , being tenne deepe , as most nations have in use : yet they may be eight ▪ or sixe , or fewer , or more , as the occasion offereth . but before wee frame our body or battalia , let all souldiers observe , but especially all officers , how a body or battalia is distinguished or named in each severall part as followeth . first , there are files and ranks , these files & rankes annexed or united together ▪ make a body or battalia . a file is a sequence of men standing one behinde another , at a certaine distance , whose faces are directly placed one way , the backe of the former , to the face of the follower : subsisting commonly of tenne in depth , according to the moderne use of the netherlands , but may be brought to more or fewer as i have said before . this file is distinguished into a leader , a bringer up , and two middle men , with sixe other betweene . the first man of the file is called the leader , the last man a bringer up ; the two that are in the middle of the file , are called by the name of middle men , which are the leaders of the halfe files , when they are to double on the other , and for other uses . a ranke is a row , or a number of men above one , few or many stand one by another , side by side , or pouldron to pouldron , their faces being directed all one way . of these files and ranks as i have set down before , being connexed together , is framed a battalia , by these names distinguished as followeth . the front , the reare , the right flanke , or halfe rankes , the left flanke , or halfe rankes ; the right wing , the left wing . the front are the halfe files that are before , being tenne deep , the formost five rankes . the reare are the halfe files that are behinde . the right flanke are the halfe rankes on the right hand . the left flanke , are the halfe rankes on the left hand . the right and left wings are the devisions of musketteers , which are on both hands of the pikes , but especially when they are to act their owne part , being appointed to move or to skirmish , in front , flanke , or reare . stand at your open order square : marke your directions . silence . note , facing any way at a stand , remove your right foot , turning upon your left toe . to the right hand . as you were . to the left hand . as you were . right about . as you were . left about . as you were . note that in all doublings , if you double to the right , fall off to the left into your first place : if you double to the left , fall backe to the right . ranks to the right hand double . as you were . ranks to the left hand double . as you were . files to the right hand double . as you were . files to the left hand double . as you were . halfe files or middlemen to the right hand double your front . as you were . half files to the left hand double your front as you were . bringers up to the right hand , double your front . as you were . bringers up to the left hand , double your front . as you were . to the right hand countermarch maintaining ground . as you were , to the left counter . to the right hand countermarch losing ground . as you were , to the left counter . to the right hand countermarch winning ground . as you were , to the left counter . now follows some things to be acted in a closer distance , namely , order , three foot both files and ranks . the word of command . files close , that is , to the middle , or to the right close , or left , at discretion . ranks close forwards . halfe files or middle men to the right hand intire , double your front . as you were . halfe files to the left hand intire , double your front . as you were . halfe files to the right , and left by division , double your front . as you were . the body , to the right hand wheele , moving on the right corner man . to the left hand wheel moving on the left corner man . to the right hand wheel , moving on the middle man , or men in front , which are leaders , or wheel about , at discretion . now follow some things which are to be performed at a double distance , foot ranke from ranke , or double double distance foot , agreeable to the number of men that are in ranke . ranks open to your double distance , keeping their files at their order . ranks to the right hand by conversion . as you were . ranks to the left hand by conversion . as you were . ranks to the right , and left by conversion . as you were . ranks close . these motions which i have repeated , of facing , doubling , countermarching , and wheeling , are commonly known , and practised by the officers and companies in the netherlands , and in other places where the warres are : there are not many that knoweth , or for some reasons teacheth any more . now to satisfie those that desire to learn and understand more then common things of this subject , i have joyned with these some other , which are of great importance in time of advantage , or disadvantage , to be practised against a skilfull enemie . therefore i will begin againe , setting downe the additions in their places . where the word note stands in the margent there follows a change of that which went before . the company being framed into a square open order as is set downe before . not that all the musketteers must be in one division on the right hand of the pikes a double distance from the body of pikes . the commander standing at the head of the company before the middle file leaders , giveth the word . if it be the captaine , then the lieutenant ought to be at the reare , the ensigne at the head of the pikes , the serjeants on both the flanks , the drummes even with the formost ranke , on both the angles . facing to the right hand . as you were . to the left hand . as you were . right about . as you were . left about as you were . to the right and left . as you were . to the front and reare . as you were . every way square . as you were . every way quarters . as you were . ranks doubling . ranks to the right hand double . as you were . ranks to the left double . as you were . files doubling files to the right double . as you were . files to the left double . as you were . files to the right and left double . as you were . files to the center double . as you were . when middle men is named to double , it is the oldest used word of command , for the reare to double the front , which i do now follow : because when i name halfe files , it is to be understood that the halfe files in the front are to double the halfe files in the reare . the reare doubling the front by middlemen . middlemen to the right hand double your front . as you were . middlemen to the left double your front . as you were . the reare doubling the front by bringers up . bringers up to the right double your front . as you were . bringers up to the left double your front . as you were . halfe files in the front doubling the reare by middlemen . halfe files to the right hand double the reare . as you were . halfe files to the left double the reare . as you were . the front doubling the reare by leaders . leaders to the right double the reare . as you were . leaders to the left double the reare . as you were . halfe ranks doubling the flanke . halfe ranks to the right double your flank . as you were . halfe ranks to the left double your flank . as you were . countermarching , maintaining , losing , and winning ground . countermarch to the right hand , and maintaine ground corian or moderne . as you were to the left . countermarch to the right , & lose ground , macedonian . as you were to the left . countermarch to the right , and winne ground , lacedemonian . as you were to the left . you may if need require countermarch your leaders and bringers up into the center , or your flanks , or angles , or wings , into the center , or middest of the body , or exchange your angles , or double your wings , or flanks , by countermarch . now follow some things which are to be performed in the second distance , namely , order ; foot . files close , that is , to the middle , or to the right or left , at discretion . rankes close forwards . ranks to the right hand intire double . as you were . ranks to the left intire double . as you were . ranks to the right and left by division double . as you were . files intire doubling . files to the right hand intire double . as you were . files to the left intire double . as you were . files to the right and left intire double . as you were . files advance to the right intire double . as you were . files advance to the left intire double . as you were . files advance to the right and left intire double . as you were . the halfe files in the rear intire doubling the halfe files in the front . middlemen to the right intire , double your front . as you were . middlemen to the left intire , double your front . as you were . middlemen to the right and left , by division , double your front . as you were . the halfe files in the front intire , doubling the reare . halfe files to the right intire , double the reare . as you were . halfe files to the left intire , double the reare . as you were . halfe files to the right and left by division , double the reare . as you were . the halfe rankes intire doubling the flanke . halfe rankes to the right hand intire , double your flanke . as you were . halfe ranks to the left intire , double your flanke . as you were . halfe rankes by division , double your right flanke . as you were . halfe rankes by division , double your left flank . as you were . right flanke advance to the left intire , double your flank . as you were . left flanke advance to the right intire , double your flank . as you were . the body wheeling . the body to the right wheele , moving on the right cornerman . to the left wheel , moving on the left corner man . even so right or left about . to the right wheel , moving on the middle leader or leaders , or left , or about at discretion . the front or flanks wheeling into the center , or midst of the body . front wheele into the center , then face to the leader or commander : if need require , wheel again the front into the center or midst of the body , then face as before : the first wheeling bringeth all the musketteers before the body of pikes : the second wheeling into the middest of the pikes : the third wheeling unto the rear of the pikes : the fourth , wheeling on the flankes , as at first they were . the use of the manner of wheelings . suppose there were three or four files of musketteers on each hand of the pikes , they could deliver but six or eight shot at once in the front . this first wheeling , bringeth the musketteers , that they may deliver twenty shot at once , being tenne deep . the second wheeling bringeth them into the midst : delivering them from the violent charge of horse , charging in the flankes , especially when their powder is spent , or upon some policy to cover the musketteers from sight of the enemy . in like manner the rest of the wheelings are by a skilfull commander put in practice at convenient time , as the occasion offereth . likewise you may wheele the front to the right and left by division , to receive the enemy who is ready to charge both the flanks at once . now follow some formes of doublings , which must be performed at a wider distance , six , twelve or twenty foure foot , at the discretion of the commander . remember alwaies the manner and form of opening and closing of files and rankes . being in open order , the word being given , files close , without naming any hand , is thus performed : the two middle leaders close , unto the next distance , which is three foot , the rest of the files likewise close towards the middle leaders , untill they are at the distance commanded . if the word be files to the right close , then the right hand file moveth not , but standeth fast ; all the rest of the files close towards the right file , till they are at their distance appointed . if the word be files to the left close , then the left file standeth fast ; the rest of the files close towards the left hand ▪ untill they come to the distance commanded . if the word be files ▪ to the right and left close then the one halfe of the files close to the right hand file , which standeth fast , the other halfe to the left , opening in the middle of the body , leaving a space betwixt the two halfe bodies , which is done for some speciall use best knowne to the commander . observe that at what distance soever the company stands in , if the word be close , not naming any order , whether files or rankes , then they must close to the next distance , being at twelve foot , they close to six foot , being at six , they close to three foot : in the same manner ; files opening , or rankes opening . being in close order , if the words be files open , not naming any hand , then the middle leaders open one from the other unto six foot both wayes , the rest of the files on both flankes take their distance from them . if the word be , files to the right hand open , then the left file or angle moveth not ; the next file to the left hand first taketh its distance , the rest of the files in like manner pressing upon their right hand files , till the distance commanded be obtained in opening . if the word be , files to the left open , then the right file standeth fast , the rest of the files opening to the left hand , still pressing upon their left hand files , till they be in the distance and order commanded . rankes closing . if the word be , ranks close , then the first rank moveth not , namely , if they be at a stand , all the rest of the ranks close forward , till they be at the distance appointed . if need require , you may close your ranks backward , from the front to the reare , with this word of command . ranks close backeward , then the last ranke moveth not , all the rest of the ranks go backward towards the last ranke , taking their distance , ranke by ranke , from the reare or last ranke . you may likewise open your rankes from the leaders to the reare , or from the bringers up to the front : but if the word be without any addition , as this that followeth : rankes open . then the first ranke moveth not , the rest of the rankes fall backe , till they have gained that distance commanded : the second ranke standeth first , the rest in like manner , one after another , till they have all performed it . if the word be , rankes open forwards , then all the body advanceth forward , except the last rank which standeth firme : the second to the last taketh the distance first , then the rest , till they have all performed it . files and rankes close . sometimes it is convenient to close files and rankes both at once , then it is performed marching , being before at a wider distance , at a sodaine to give way unto horse or foot to passe , or to enter into a narrow passage , or such like . the body being at their close order , both files and rankes , and you would have them open : the word of command . files and rankes open . which is from the same distance that they did close , doe they open unto againe , or unto any other distance commanded both together . if they be at a stand , then the rankes open first , and then the files , and in closing , the files close first , then the ranks . if the word be files and rankes , close to the center . then the halfe files and rankes , close to the middle of the depth of the body : the halfe files in the front moving backward , the reare halfe ●iles forward , till they bee at their distance commanded . so likewise opening from the center , which may be done in the like manner , as is directed before . if the commander have occasion to bring all the rankes into one file , or into two , the body being at their order , three foot . the word , ranks open to foot , . or more , as the number are in ranke , then ranks to the right hand file , or by inversion as you were . ranks to the left by inversion . as you were . ranks to the right and left by inversion . as you were . ranks to the right by conversion . as you were . ranks to the left by conversion . as you were . ranks to the right and left by conversion . as you were . now followeth the closing of the ranks , and opening of the files : that which the ranks performed in file , may the files performe in ranks . ranks close , to your order . files open , to foot , foot or more , agreeable to the depth , alwaies having in memory , that foot , is named open order , foot double distance , foot double double distance . files to the right hand ranke by conversion . as you were . files to the left ranke by conversion . as you were . files to the right and left ranke by conversion . as you were . files close , to what distance the commander judgeth fit or convenient . if you would , ocasion being offered , draw out your files in depth at a passage , or such like , into one or two files , or ranke your files , or ranke your ranks . the word of command . files to the right file on in sequence . as you were . files to the left file on . as you were . files to the right , and left file on . as you were . files to the right ranke , . . . or more . as you were . files to the left ranke , . or more . as you were . files to the right and left ranke , . . or more , or fewer . as you were . ranks to the right ranke , , . or more . as you were . ranks to the left ranke , , . as you were . ranks to the right and left ranke , , , . as you were . the manner how to performe these last , and most of all those things which are written before in this booke , which bear only the words of command , and are not there explained , may you find after in another place unfolded , and more at large set forth for the manner of acting them . many other things of this subject might be added , but i suppose these are sufficient for all such as are willing and inclinable to follow them , and for any understanding officer to work on , and make triall of their further skill : wishing a happy issue unto their good endeavours . as i have said before concerning the performance of the postures and motions of musketteers , and pikemen particularly , by signes of the commander , and the beating of the drumme : so likewise may be performed the most of all other motions , of facings , doublings , countermarches , and wheelings , opening , closing , marching fast , or leasurely , trooping , charging , retreating , and such like , by signes of the commander , and the beating of the drum. here followeth some short remembrances for the acting of these particulars , concerning distance , and forme . first for facing . facing any way by command at a stand , some teach to remove the same foot , as the hand is named ; which is a very good way , but for some respects , i follow the ancientest and knowne manner practised in most parts . which is at a stand to remove the right foot , either when you face to the right , or left . right about , or left about , turning upon the left toe , or heel : but the toe is the best , the pike at the order , the musketteer his musket shouldered , or rested , at the discretion of the commander . if the body be marching , then facing any way that foot which is furthest from the hand named ought first to remove , the pikes and muskets shouldered . the body trooping , the pikes advanced , the muskets shouldered . for all doublings . observe , that in all doublings , hand and foot ought to go together : although some do teach that the contrary foot to the hand which is named should first remove : but the best way is the same hand which the commander nameth , the same foot first remove : the right hand , the right foot : the left hand , the left foot . observe likewise , that in all movings , or doublings at a stand no above three paces , the pike at the order , the musket rested , or shouldered ; but if they move above paces , then the pike ought to be advanced , the musket shouldred , ported , poised , or breasted , at discretion , the whole body moving , or any part thereof . all those which are in the rankes , or files that move must observe their leaders , and beare their armes as they doe : the leaders , or formost men , receiving the word or sign from the commander . observe , when you double to the right hand , you must returne back to your place turning to the left : if you double to the left , returne backe to the right . when rankes , middlemen , or bringersup are to double , each man in those rankes which are to move , must observe the right-hand man in that ranke they stand in , moving with him pace by pace , unto the place appointed , and so likewise backe againe unto their owne places if it bee so commanded , neither going before , nor after one another , but even altogether . doubling of files , halfe rankes , flankes , wings , or angles , each man in the file hee standeth in , must observe his file-leader , and move even with him pace by pace , the file-leader looking downe his file , setting forth the same foot , the hand is named , the rest of his file seeing him will doe the like , although they heard not the word of command . to know by signe without words , the severall countermarches , maintaining , losing , and winning of ground , that which followeth will instruct you . countermarching , maintaining ground , is known by the leaders turning upon the same foot as the hand is named , neither pacing forwards nor backwards , till he bee turned : then marches downe the file unto the rear , the leaders observing the commander , and all the rest of the files moving together at their distance , turning at the same place , where the leaders turned , till the front be turned , and brought into the same place where the rear was , and the rear where the front was . countermarching againe to the contrary hand , in the same manner bringeth every one in his first station . losing ground is known when the leaders step forwards one pace , and turning to the hand named , then standing still , the second ranke with all the rest that follow passe on their leaders right hand , if the right be named , and place themselves behind their own leaders at their distance . winning ground is knowne when the leaders step backwards with the right foot , if the right be named or signed by the commander : and being two paces past the second ranke , then that second ranke likewise steppeth backe , following their leaders at their distance , and so subsequently all the rest , winning of ground towards the enemy , who marcheth after them to charge their reare , or bringing their front in the suddennest manner to follow the enemy retiring , or to double their owne reare in the quickest forme to receive the enemy over winging them . in all sorts of countermarches , they may beare their arms , pikes advanced or comported , if shouldered : then at the turning , they must advance , port , or charge , or arme their pike with their right hand aloft : being turned , shoulder againe , the muskets shouldered or brested , at discretion . there are other manner of wayes to performe these countermarches , either for files or rankes . but these here set downe , are the playnest , and as i suppose , the best , which may suffice for this time . note that you must not countermarch , if the enemy be neare at hand , lest the body be brought in disorder , and so easily overthrowne . wheeling . when you are to wheele , if the body be great , and stand at their open order , the best way : is to close , both files and rankes , especially the files to their order : if the body be small , then double either ranks or halfe files ; the pikes advanced , the muskets shouldered or breasted : the severall forms of wheeling is set down before , fol. . . the difference in the acting of inversion and conversion . where you read inversion , or conversion , that you may the better understand the meaning of them , and how they differ , in former times there hath beene made no difference in the forme , but only in the name ; which was an errour , they differ as followeth . the commander giving the word . rankes to the right file , or by inversion . observe that the right file standeth firm , and moveth not : all the rest of each ranke turning their faces towards the right hand , move all till they become into that file that standeth still , placing themselves each man behinde his right hand man , & so become all one file . note that all the whole ranke that moveth , must place thēselves betwixt their owne right hand man that stood still , and the next that stands after him : the first ranke between the leader of the file that standeth , and the second in that file : the second ranke betweene the second and third in that file , and so the rest , an even distance one from the other . if the word be rankes to the left by inversion ; then the left file standeth fast , and moveth not , the rest of every ranke moveth , till they be come into the left file , making one file , in the like manner as they did on the right hand . the word . ranks to the right and left by inversion . then halfe the ranks fals behinde their sidemen to the right , and halfe to the left hand , making two files , marching with them in that forme , over bridges , or through woods , or narrow passages , or to deliver vollies against horse or foot , facing inward or outward , as the commander directeth . the word . ranks to the right by conversion . then the whole ranke wheeleth towards the right hand , moving on the outmost right hand man , in that ranke they stand in , till all the rankes be come even with the right file , whose faces being turned to the right hand , they all become one ranke , either to give a volley against horse or foot by a river , morase , or wood side , and many other uses may these inverting or converting afford us when occasion is offered . rankes to the left by conversion . then all the rankes wheeleth to the left hand in the same manner as they did to the right , on the outmost left hand man in their owne rank : who facing likewise to the left , become altogether one ranke , and when they have performed that which is commanded : as you were , bringeth every man in his owne first place . rankes to the right and left by conversion . then halfe the rankes wheele to the right , and halfe to the left hand : then facing right and left , are become two ranks ; and so , as you were , when you have performed what you intended . as the rankes are converted into one file or two , so may likewise the files be converted into one ranke or two , as the occasion offereth . observing , when the rankes are to file by conversion , or inversion , you must open your ranks to such a distance agreable to the number which are in the ranke , that they may have roome to come into the file commanded . when you would convert your files into one ranke or two , you must close your ranks , and open your files to that distance as the file is in depth , they may have sufficient roome to come into the rank , and to use their armes as they are directed . to give you some light how to performe it , because it is not commonly knowne , neither hath been practised much in former times . it is thus performed as followeth . the word of command . files to the right handranke , or by conversion . the first man , or leader of the file , standeth fast , the second man in the file cometh upon the right hand of his leader ; the third man in the file on the right hand of the second ; and so subsequently all the rest , each man on the right hand of him that did stand in the same file next before himselfe , till they be all in one ranke : performing that which they were commanded ; as you were bringeth every man to his first place . files to the left hand ranke , or by conversion . which is performed in the like manner as the other , the whole file coming up and placing themselves on the left hand of their leaders making one ranke . files to the right and left by conversion . the formost ranke as they did before , standeth fast : the rest of the body divideth it selfe going up , placing themselves , the right halfe ranks on the right hand of their leaders ; the left half ranks on the left hand of their leaders , leaving an open space in the midsts of the ranks , for horse , wagons , ordnance , and such like to passe through . likewise by converting one ranke at once into file , you may march by a narrow passage giving fire against the enemy rank after ranke , when the ranke alone is converted into a file either by wheeling , or falling after one another , and hath given fire , marching forward , and being by the passage ranke againe as they were . this may be performed to the right , or left , or to both , by dividing the ranke . file in sequence . the word of command . files to the right file , on , or in sequence . that is , to draw all your files into one file ; if the right be named , then the right file of the whole body , or of that whole division , advanceth first forward , the second file followeth the first ; be third , the second ; and all the rest in that manner , one after another . one use amongst many is to passe over a bridge , or to free themselves from great ordnance playing at them , and the like . when they are through that passage , they draw up their files into one even front , making one intire body againe . here followes another forme either for a passage , or to free themselves from danger of shot , or the like . the word . files ranke . . . or more according to the breadth of the passage , if it be to the right hand , then the right file advanceth first forward , and fall in ranke , the same number commanded , the first file being ended , the next file doth the like ; advancing forward falling in ranke after the former : the rest of the files perform the same order till they are all rankt . if the word be to the left hand , then the left hand file first advanceth forward , ranking as it is appointed . the rest of the files observe the like forme , till it be finished as is commanded . there is another forme out of the ranks , to rank . . . or more , as need requireth . the word . ranks to the right ranke . . . and the like . if there be ten in ranke , and they are commanded to ranke three , those three that stand in the first ranke on the right hand advanceth forward making the first ranke ; the next in the same ranke make the second ranke ; the next the third rank : the tenth man that is left in the first ranke , taketh his place first after the right hand man in the third rank ; then the two right hand men in the second rank advance forward , ranking with him , making the fourth rank , the rest of the ranks do the like , till they have all finished what was enjoyned . if the left be named , then the left hand man with the other two next him advance forward and make the first ranke ; and so the rest , as they did to the right , till all have done it . in the like manner what number soever is named may be performed . note , when the company is at the appointed place to exercise , or else to be joyned with other companies , place all your musketteers in one division , as i have set downe before , on the right hand of the pikes if the company be in number one hundred , or fewer , halfe pikes , halfe musketteers , then you ought to march with all your musketteers in one division before the pikes : the files both of pikes and muskets being ten deep , as most nations have in use , or in case of necessity deep . when you make a stand draw up your pikes on the left hand of the muskets , till they be all even in front . but if the number be greater , so that you can make six files of musketteers or more , then you may divide them . when you march halfe before the pikes , and halfe behinde , you must at all times observe to keep the depth of the file , ten or eight at the least , if you possible may , observe that you march not at any time two in ranke , if you can any otherwise chuse : for it is no way convenient nor comely in sight : but three , or more , when you come to a stand with the first division of musketteers , the rest of the body marcheth untill the first division of pikes be even in front with the musketteers that stand , then the second division of pikes if there be so many , fronts with the former that stand , and last the reare division of musketteers advanceth forward untill they be even in rank , and file with the former divisions . observe that all marching companies , or battaliaes great or small , when they come to a stand or holt , order their pikes , and rest their muskets , standing even in file and ranke . when the commander gives the word march ▪ observe that all must shoulder their armes , both pikes and muskets , and beare them sloped , except it be otherwise commanded . in trooping the pikes must be advanced . in charging especially to the front , being ten or eight deep , the halfe files in the reare must beare their pikes ported over the heads of the formost halfe files , as may give them no offence , either in charging or retreating . likewise the pikes are not so subject to be broken by the enemies shot , as when they are advanced . observe likewise in going through any port or gate , the pikes at the entrance ought to be ported : if it be a small gate or doore , the musketteer is to joyn his musket with his rest , and enter porting his musket . — being through the passage to beare their arms as they did before . now followeth the uniting of many companies together . when many companies are brought together to be joyned into one , two , or three , or more bodies , or battaliaes . the colonell , or eldest captains company , taketh the first place on the right hand of all the rest . all the musketteers of that company are to be placed on the right hand of the body of pikes , standing at their open order ; the division of musketteers , a double distance from the pikes . so likewise all the rest of the companies in that manner , according to the degree of the captaine . every company twenty foot one from the other . then draw backe all the musketteers , fifty foot behinde the reare of the pikes , dividing them into manaples , or divisions of foure files by themselves : the files at their order , three foot , and each manaple from other six foot : then joyne all your pikes in one body , or two , or three , according to their number , or at the discretion of the serjeant major , or superiour command . the files of pikes likewise at their order , then flanke each body of pikes with two wings of musketteers , having divided them as you did your pikes , for one , two , or three bodies . when all the officers have taken their places according to their antiquity , as the serjeant major directeth ▪ then march either in hearse forme , or in square battalia , if there be three battaliaes . the first march , then the other two , even with one another in front , but divided one from the other , as farre distant as the length of the first battalia is , so that the left file of the second battalia which is on the right hand , must be direct after the right file of the first battalia : and the right file or angle of the third and last battalia , direct after the left file of the first battalia : both these , second , and third battalions , if the ground will permit , sixty paces after the first battalia : when the first marches , all march , when the first stands , all stand : they must all move together ; march , wheele , or stand , by example of the first , if not directed otherwayes by the superiour commander . observe if there be but , one division of musketteers on each hand of the body of pikes , then the right wing after they have given fire in front , wheeles off to the right hand into the reare of their owne files . in the like manner , the left division of musketteers after they have given fire , wheeles off to the left hand into the reare of their owne files . but if the body be greater , so that there be more divisions then one of musketteers , on each hand of the body of pikes , then after they have given fire , must all , both those on the left hand , as well as those on the right hand , wheele off to the right , through the distances which are left open for that purpose , between the divisions into the reare . observe when the battalia advanceth towards an enemy , being yet a musket shot off , the two first rankes maketh ready , advancing tenne paces before the body directed by a serjeant , as the first ranke presents , two ranks more marches forward , making ready as they goe , giving fire ranke after ranke : wheeling off to the right hand through the divisions unto the reare of their own files , making ready againe as they goe , and subsequently all the rest . but when the battaliaes come nearer ready to the push of pike , then the rankes give fire even with the formost ranke of pikes : and being forced to give back , then all the musketteers maketh ready together resting their muskets , standing with their pans guarded , giving fire ranke after rank , and suddenly with all speed falling off into the reare . marching from an enemy . observe , when you are to give fire to the reare , two ranks after two , makes ready , giving fire even with the last rank of pikes , as soon as the rank hath given fire , it wheeleth to the right hand marching a good round pace through the divisions into the front , placing themselves before their own files , and so in like manner the rest . this is to be performed when the battalia marcheth from an enemy , the enemy pursuing them . now followeth the giving fire in flanke . there are three severarall wayes to give fire in flanke , the body marching : the first is : the body , or batalia marching by a river side , or moras , or wood , or in plaine champaine ground , either assaulted sometimes with horsemen , or with foot , if it be on both the flanks at once . then the outmost file on each hand , that is on both the flanks make readie ; the commander giveth the word , to the right , and left present ; then the outmost file on each hand turnes at . motions to the hand commanded , and presents , giving fire , stands fast , onely turning their faces as they were towards the front , untill such time as the second file , who marched along with the body , hath given fire , in the same forme as the first did . then the first file marcheth up even with the second , both standing fast , till the third file hath given fire , and so subsequently all the rest one after another . a serjeant must stand at the head of those files that have given fire : or if the division be great , a superior officer takes that place , gathering up again that whole wing joyning them in equal front with the pikes the second forme to give fire in flanke . if it be on both flanks , the outmost file on each flanke being ready , at the word of command , presents . having given fire , faces againe towards the front , standing fast , till the leader of that file which gave fire last , be free from the marching body , one pace behinde the bringers up , then leadeth his file a round pace up on the other side of that division of musketteers next unto the pikes , till he be equall in front with the rest of the leaders , his whole file even in ranke with the rest ; in like manner all the rest of the files must do in all points , as the first did , remembring that as soone as the file hath given fire , presently , prepareth againe , whether he be to stand or move . the third forme of giving fire in flanke . the outtermost file next the enemie being commanded to make readie , keeping still along with the body till such time as they be ready , and then at command they turne to the hand directed , according to the sight of their enemy either on the right or left flanke , or both together , and give fire all together . when they have discharged , they stand nor still as they did the two former wayes , but speedily joyning their rests unto their muskets , turning their faces towards the reare ; the rear-man or bringer-up being then a leader , turning short about the reare of that division of musketteers , going a speedy pace , yet orderly next unto the pikes up unto the front , placing himselfe with the rest of the leaders : so he that was the leader before , is now the bringer up of the file . observe alwayes in every forme of giving fire in flank , that as the first presents , the next file maketh ready , keeping still along with the body , presenting not till they be free of the file that gave fire last . two times giving fire in this l●st forme , the first leader with every man in that file commeth in his first place againe . in this manner of giving fire two hundred musketteers may deliver as many shot in as short a time , as three hundred any other way . i could very much inlarge my selfe in this subject , but i hope these will content my friends for this time , who have honest hearts , and judge charitably : and because i know that there have beene many very excellent books of military discipline set forth within these few years in this kingdome , namely , the instructions for musters and armes by order from the lords of his majesties most honourable privy councell , and thirteen other , written by skilfull and painfull gentlemen souldiers , as i have set downe in my preface . if i had appointed me any command , with the horse-troops as i have with the foot-companies , i should likewise set downe some observations concerning the exercising and imbattailing of them . but for this , and some other reasons at this time i omit . only remembring the officers of the troops of horse which are yet unskilfull , or not so skilfull as they would desire to be , to observe the forme and manner of the exercising of the foot-companies which will in some measure teach them their duties . for in the exercising of horse and foot , there is not much difference . before i passe any further , let me remember the ensigne bearer in few words , concerning his place and duty , and the displ●ying of the colours . the ensigne or colours , is the honour and reputation of the captaine and souldiers : therefore the ensigne-bearer ought not onely to be a good soldier , bould and valiant , but likewise discreet and wise in counsel , and in the absence of the captaine and livetenant , have the same authority the captaine hath . where the company is appointed to gather together , he ought to be one of the first , and to be carefull of his colours : and at all times see that they be well guarded , and be ready to do any thing to further the service . within these few yeares , a supreame commander in setting downe the duty of each officer in his place , speaketh of the ensigne these words following . the ensigne shall never turne his face out of his order , start from any danger , nor forsake his ensigne , upon paine of death . in a march , he may beare his colours flying , rested upon his shoulder , before the head of the pikes . and being in a batalia , his colours somtimes advanced and breasted , flying , in the midst of the pikes , between the halfe files . in a troope , the colours furld , or rold up . in presence of the generall , or supreme commander , hee must beare his colours flying , and passing by him , vaile them , the point even with his knee , once and no more for that time , without any other ceremonies . but if he passe by the king or prince , he shall likewise withall , bow somewhat one of his knees . the souldiers ought not to forsake or leave their colours , before they be lodged , and then with leave of the captaine , may depart . the postures of the colours . note , that in those parts where the wars are , especially within the leager , or any army in the field , the ensigne ought not to display his colours , but onely to beare them flying , marching , skirmishing , or at a stand , or to vaile them as i have shewed before . but with the trayned bands in those parts , and likewise within this kingdome , the ensigne doth use at their meetings or musters , some more postures in displaying his colours . the ensigne may performe most parr of the postures and motions with the pikes , except laying downe , cheeking , and trayling : for which two last , he may use comporting . hand your colours . order your colours . shoulder your colours . advance your colours . port your colours . comport your colours . charge your colours . brest your colours . vaile your colours . display your colours . the first posture from hand to hand . the second , overhead , ps. with one hand the third , twise over-head , ps. changing hands . the round over-head , ps. the backe . ps. the crosse , ps. the retreating , ps. losing ground . the advancing , ps. winning ground . furle , or roule up your colours . now followeth those small maps which i promised in the preface , of small and greater bodies , that such things which i have written , may be the better conceived , and fixed in the memory of all : observe these letters following , for each officer , standing in their right places , and for the front , reare , and flankes . c captaine . l lievetenant . e ensigne . s serjeant . d drumme . fr. front . re . reare ▪ rf. right flanke . lf. left flanke . p. pikes . m. musketteeres . the captaine leading before the front , into the field , or advancing towards the enemy . out of the field , or skirmishing in the reare , or marching from the enemy , at the reare , at all times neerest the enemy . the lievetenant his place is at the reare if the captaine bee at the front , or in the front , if the captaine be at the reare . the ensigne before the head of the pikes , and sometimes in a battalia between the halfe files of pikes . the serjeants on the outside of the flanks , and in skirmish leading up the rankes or files of musketteers to give fire . the drums in a march , hearse form , betwixt the third and fourth rankes . in a battalia , on the corners , flanks , and in the middest with the colours . observe , that in the maps are plaine squares , oes and small prickes . the plaine squares are the pikes , the oes and small pricks the musketteers ; the oes , leaders , bringers up , and middlemen . observe , when many companies are united or joyned together , making an intire body : the serjeant major directeth every officer what part of the body he shall be at , to make good that place . the table at the end of this book , directeth unto all the speciall things contained in this booke . these squares that you see on the other leafe , are . divided into foure battalions : in every battalia you may perceive their number of figures placed at such distance as they may best second on the other if need require , with . horse on both the flankes , with . fire-locks in two parties , scouting out before , for the approch of the enemy . the p. stands for pikes , the m. for musketteers . on the other side of the leafe , as you may observe a greater army divided into many battalions with their number , in each square , with their horse on the flanks , and their forlorne hopes before ; and the distance as you may perceive from one battalia unto the other , standing removed one from the other , in the best and surest manner for the relieving of one the other , or for any other exploit when the superiour commander shall see fit occasion , with ordnance and wagons . the table . the officers of a foot company page the use of the drum the names of all the beats of the drum ibid. for what use each severall found is . , . instructions how to beat the march ibid the march instruction for the unskilfull in arming and disarming , in laying downe and taking up of their armes . . . the preparation unto the postures the postures and motions of a musketteer , first standing , then marching , with the beginning and ending of the postures , and their names . . the marching postures divided with some observations concerning giving of fire in front , flanke and reare ibid. the postures and motions of a pikeman , standing and marching . ibid. . the postures of a pike divided . the performing of all by the drum and signes the severall sorts of distances . the words of command ought to bee right delivered . ibid. what files and rankes are the body distinguished . ibid. of facing and doubling of rankes , files , halfe files , and bringers up . . countermarches , halfe files , intire doubling ibid. the body wheeling of conversion ibid. the reason why some things are repeated againe each officers place ibid. of facing , and rankes and files doubling . why halfe files , and why middlemen are named middlemen and bringers up , doubling the front ibid. halfe files and leaders , doubling the reare ibid. halfe rankes doubling the flanke ibid. countermarches , maintaining , losing and winning ground ibid. rankes and files intire doubling files advancing and doubling ibid. middlemen intire doubling the front halfe files intire doubling the reare ibid. halfe ranks doubling the flank ibid. flank advancing intire doubling the body wheeling ibid. the use of wheeling the front into the center . files and ranks closing and opening rankes and files by inversion and conversion files in sequence , and files and rankes ranking . such words of command as are not explained in one place , are in another unfolded . in facing , what foot to remove in facing , marching , standing , or trooping , how to beare their armes . ibid. observations in all sorts of doublings all sorts of countermarches performed by signes how to performe rankes filing by inversion and conversion . files ranking by conversion files filing in sequence files ranking few or many ibid. ranks ranking few or many in what forme to march few or many how to beare their armes at speciall times . the uniting of many companies into one body . how the battalions should march musketteers giving fire in front , reare , or flanks , how to fall off the authours reason why he doth not inlarge himselfe in this subject , and the cause why he writes nothing of the exercising of the troopes of horse the office and duty of the ensigne-bearer , and the displaying of the colours the reason why the maps are placed at the end of the book a table of the maps of severall forms of bodies small and great , marching , exercising , skirmishing , and in battell . letters for the officers in their places a company of marching a company of marching a company exercising with all their officers in their places a body standing in batt●ll forme a battalia of . approching toward the enemy , giving fire in front . a body marching from the enemy , giving fire in the reare . a body marching , giving fire in both the flankes a second forme of a body marching , giving fire in both the flanks a third forme of a body marching , giving fire in both flanks . a battalia giving fire in front with three files at once a battalia giving fire in front with foure files at once a hollow body for severall uses a sconce battalia , ready for all assaults of the enemy a battalia giving fire in front and reare both at once another forme of giving fire in front and reare , or on both the flankes at once a battalia marching , being prepared to receive an enemy in front , reare , right and left at one time a battalia fronting every way , prepared for battell a battalia fronting every way , giving fire under the pikes , the pikes charging over their heads a battalia fronting every way , each division of pikes being on both hands flanke with muketteers , with a diamant of pikes in the midst a very strong from of a battalia for night or day , against horse or foot , having muskeeteers in the front , flankes , and reare . a battalia of five companies in one body , all the officers in their right places giving fire in front a battalia of . marching from the enemy , giving fire in the reare instructions for the better understanding of the two following armies a small army divided into foure battalions , with their distances each from other , as you may perceive in the figures betweene each battalia , the number of paces , with horse on the flankes , and fire-lockes before . of this , read more , page a great army divided into many battalions with their horse on the flankes , with fire-lockes , forlorne hopes , ordnance and wagons , as you may read more of this , page . . . errata . in the preparation to the march , in the first ranke of the march , if there be an r , make it an i. in the second line or ra . k , where there is no r , make the fourth i an r. page the . the ingravers error , placing the cock on the wrong side of the musket , and the tr●cker too high . pag. . the ingravers error , the drummers place should bee a ranke forwarder . in the first division likewise , a rank too many . the eldest s. between the division of pikes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- note . note . doubling the flank . note . counter-march . note . note . intire doubling note . note . note . note . note . note . note . wheeling . note . note . the use of wheeling . note . f●les closing . note . files opening . note . note . rank●s closing . ranks opening . note . closing ●f files ●nd ranks . opening files and rankes . note . inversion . note . conversion . note . note . files by conversion . note . sequence . note . files rank● note . ranke ▪ ranke . most things performed by signes . note . the maner of facing . bearing of their armes . note . note . note . note . mov●ng al together . countermarch by signes . note . note . note . note . a proclamation, indemnifying such as have been in arms before the first of june last. scotland. privy council. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). b wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a proclamation, indemnifying such as have been in arms before the first of june last. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign ( - : william and mary) sheet ([ ] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : anno dom. . caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twenty seventh day of august, . and of our reign the third year. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. secreti concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng military deserters -- legal status, laws, etc. -- scotland -- early works to . scotland -- history -- revolution of -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , indemnifying such as have been in arms before the first of june last . william and mary , by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to our lyon king at arms , and his brethren heraulds , pursevants , macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : whereas we did allow john earl of bradalbin , to meet with the highlanders , and others in arms against us , and our authority , in order to the reducing of them to our obedience , and by a representation made to us in their names , we understand their willingness to render themselves in subjection to our authority and laws , humbly asking pardon for what is past , and our assistance for accommodating some 〈◊〉 and funds , which do at present , and have very long troubled these places ; and we being satisfied , that nothing 〈◊〉 conduce more to the peace of the highlands , and reduce them from rapine and arms , to vertue and industry , than making away of the occasions of these differences and feuds , which prevail with them , to neglect the opportunities , to 〈◊〉 and cultivat their countrey , and to accustom themselves to depredations and idleness ; in order whereunto , we 〈◊〉 graciously to pardon , indemnifie , and restore all that have been in arms against us and our government , who shall take the oath of allegiance , prescribed by our act of parliament , before the first day of january next . therefore we , with the advice of our privy council , do indemnifie , pardon , and forgive all that have been in arms against us or our government , before the first day of june last , of all treasons , rebellions , robberies , depredations , seditions , leasing-making , hearing and not revealing of treason ; and generally , every thing that can be objected against any of the persons foresaids , for being in arms or rebellion , preceeding the date hereof : restoring and reponing , all and every one of the saids persons , who have been in arms against us , before the time foresaid , to their lives , estates , dignities , fame and blood , al 's fully and freely , as if they had never been guilty , or had never been condemned for the crimes foresaids , and al 's fully and effectually , as if each of them had particular remissions , containing a special enumeration of their crimes , duly and orderly expede under our great seal for the same ; upon this express condition always , that the persons foresaids , who have been to arms before the time foresaid , and shall plead and take the benefit of this our gracious indemnity , swear and sign the oath of allegiance to us by themselves , or the sheriff clerks subscribing for such as cannot write , and that before famous witnesses , betwixt and the first day of january next to come , in presence of the lords of our privy council , or the sheriff , or their deputs of the respective shires , where any of the saids persons live ; requiring hereby , and commanding the saids sheriffs , their deputs and clerks , before whom any shall swear the said oath of allegiance , for the benefit of this our indemnity , to transmit to the clerks of our privy council , exact lists of all persons by their ordinary designations , who shall subscribe the said oath in their presence , and take the benefit of our said indemnity , betwixt and the tenth day of the said moneth of january next , as they will be answerable at their highest peril . and we with advice foresaid , do assure and declare , all such persons who have been in arms before the first of june last , and shall betwixt and the first of january next , take the benefit of this our gracious indemnity , by swearing and signing , as said is , the said oath of allegiance to us , that they shall be altogether free , safe , and secure from all manner of punishment , pains and penalties , that can be inflicted upon them for open rebellion , or any other of the crimes above-specified , and that such as shall continue obst●at , and incorrigible , after this gracious offer of mercy , shall be punished as traitors and rebels , and other wayes , to the outmost extremity of law ; and we , with advice foresaid , require and command , all judges and ministers of our law , to interpret this present indemnity in the most favourable and ample manner ; prohibiting and discharging them to call in question any of the persons forsaids , who shall take the benefit hereof in manner abovementioned , for any of the crimes above-written , in time coming . our will is herefore , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent , these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of this our antient kingdom , and there in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make intimation of the premisses , as ye will answer to us thereupon . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published in manner foresaid : the which to do , we commit to you , conjunctly and severally , as said is , our full power , by these presents , delivering them by you , duly execute , and indorsed again to the bearer . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twenty seventh day of august , . and of our reign the third year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . et in supplementum signeti , gilb . eliot , cls secreti concilii . god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom. . political and military observations a new collection / by j.d. of kidwelly. davies, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) political and military observations a new collection / by j.d. of kidwelly. davies, john, - . [ ], p. printed for h. cox ..., and h. bonwick ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng political science -- early works to . military art and science -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion political and military observations . a new collection . by j. d. of kidwelly . london . printed for h. cox next castle-yard in holborne : and h. bonwick in st. pauls church-yard , . political , and military observations . i. it is the common humour of mankind , principally to fear the danger which is next at hand , and to be more carefully concern'd for things present , than is requisite ; and on the contrary , to make less account than they ought of those things which are to come , and at a distance ; and this out of a certain presumption , that time and the contingency of humane accidents may afford some remedy for the latter . ii. it happens many times that the wisdom which is over-curious , and too too considerative , may be blame-worthy ; inasmuch as the affairs of the world are subject to so many and so great a diversity of occurrences and disappointments , that that seldom happens , which wise men imagined would come to pass . that person therefore who quits the present good , out of a fear of the future danger , ( it being presuppos'd that the danger is not inevitable and too near at hand ) finds , to his sorrow , that he has let slip the occasion which presented it self to him of gaining honour or advantage , meerly out of a fear of the danger , which is afterwards found to have been vain . iii. when the prudent man finds himself induc'd to give way to some just cause of discontent ( from what occasion soever it may proceed ) he ought to moderate it , what lies in his power , with a mature judgment ; out of this motive , that he is not so much to mind his own private interest , as that of the publick ; since it is not unlikely , but that his discontent may be prejudicial to the welfare of the state. iv. a great power , and that united in one person , is more to be dreaded than that which is divided amongst several parties ; which latter , as it has a diversity of motives , so has it also a diversity and discordancy of operations , and those promoting a diversity of designes . v. there is this observable in republicks , that they are not govern'd according to the inclinations of a single person , but by the joint deliberations and consent of many ; and thence it comes , that commonly they are thought to carry on their consultations with more moderation and respect . vi. such as the prince is in point of morality , such is the government of affairs . if the prince himself be a person of no great esteem , those are in a condition tending to ruine ; is he be a person of conduct , and vertuous , they flourish . vii . new conquests , if they be not not well regulated , nor prudently governed , do rather burthen the person who has made them , than render him more potent and considerable . for it is not to be expected that he should be the occasion of any good or happiness to a government , which he hath acquir'd by indirect means . viii . aswe find in the ordering of mans body , that it is not sufficient the head be free from all indisposition , but it is withal requisite that the other members exercise their several functions : so neither is it sufficient in the government of a state , that the prince himself be unchargeable with any default in the management of affairs , if there be not a correspondency of diligence and vertuous action in his officers . ix . the prince and the republick are seriously to consider , what difference there is between being the first aggressors in a war against another , and expecting the other to be the first beginner thereof ; between treating about the dividing of another state , and expecting till their own be in danger thereof : and lastly , whether it be better to have one only assistant , or to engage alone against several joint adversaries ; and after such consideration made to deliberate about what is likely to prove most conducive to their particular interest . x. it is a thing of singular prudence and great repute in a great prince , when he so demeans himself in his affairs , as that they who are inferiour to him , have no occasion to suspect , that he does any thing out of dissimulation , or by way of personation , or out of any other design that is not good and justifiable . xi . when princes enter into leagues , in order to the reducing of interests to a certain equality , there easily arise disgusts and jealousies among them ; whence it often happens , that enterprises begun with a great opinion of success , meet with many difficulties , and in fine come to nothing . xii . for a man to be a king may sometimes be the effect of success ; but to exercise that sacred and royal function , which proposes to it self for its last end , the good and welfare of his people , depends wholly on the person himself , and the vertue which ought to be attendant on him . xiii . in difficult and intricate deliberations , the prince ought to approve those for easie and desirable which are necessary , or at least those which in comparison of others , seem to imply less difficulty , and less danger . xiv . the greater and more powerful a king is , the more honourable it is for him to employ his grandeur in the maintenance and administration of justice , and the publick faith ; there being not any thing more unbecoming a prince or republick , than to be defective in the observance of publick obligations . xv. in things that are doubtful , the prince ought to continue in suspence , and to reserve to himself , as much as lyes in his power , the means of taking and fixing upon that resolution , which he shall find by the general course of affairs likely to prove most beneficial and expedient . xvi . the prudential captain is he , who to obtain a victory with greater security , would rather do it with great protraction of time , much hardship endur'd , and cautious adventuring forward , with sufficient provision for all accidents , than to overcome with ease and expedition , meerly to acquire glory to himself by puting all to an immediate hazard . xvii . it commonly happens through the corrupt judgment of mankind , that prodigality is more recommended in a king , though in some measure attended with rapine , than frugality , though accompani'd by an abstinence from encroaching upon that which is anothers . xviii . all the things , for which men are so industrious and concern'd in this world , are reducible to two points , to wit , profit and honour ; under that of profit is comprehended whatever concerns the body , under that of honour , whatever concerns the mind . xix . the prince ought to be grave , by a regular stayedness of demeanour , governing himself with moderation in all his affairs , performing the promises he hath made , and standing more in fear of doing that which is evil , than that any ill should be done to him ; and all this with a continual remembrance , that he being but a man , has receiv'd from god a power almost divine ; but to this end , that he might be a furtherer and advancer of things just , and of good report , in his government . xx. the citizen who begins to concern himself in the management of the publick affairs , ought to live according to the usual course of the other citizens , and accommodate himself to their humour , and with all the dexterity and prudence he can , promote those things , wherewith the populace are more satisfy'd , and by which they are ordinarily kept in a good humour . by these compliances he will come into repute and credit , and acquire authority . xxi . they who are entrusted with the management of the affairs of a free state , ought to be always mindful of two precepts of plato . one is , that they principally promote the advantage of the citizens , and make all their endeavours subservient to that end , not regarding their own private interests . the other is , that they have an eye on the whole body of the republick , so as that though they incline to one party , yet they must notdesert another . the reason of it is , that the commonwealth ought to be govern'd as a guardianship ▪ is , to wit , for the good and advantage of those who are receiv'd under the charge thereof , and not altogether for theirs , to whom it is committed . xxii . it is the peculiar charge of the magistrate , to be careful , that he represent the person of the city , and that he maintain the order and dignity thereof , observe the laws , and be mindful of the things committed to his trust , and make provision not only for what is done , but also for what ought to be done ; it being his business , that the common-wealth be as well regulated after his death , as it was , while he liv'd . xxiii . that war is just which is necessary , and that is a pious ▪ recourse to arms , when there remains no hopes otherwise than in arms ; and that war is just which a prince enters into ▪ either to recover what is lost , or to prevent the wrong intended him . xxiv . this ought to be heeded by governours , that when they pardon a small number of delinquent persons , they disoblige all the good ; in regard that these latter perceiving that mischief is pardon'd , cannot promise themselves that good will be requited by the governours ; and thereupon ▪ persuading themselves that there is more to be gotten among the wicked , they are easily diverted from well doing . xxv . it is always observ'd , that in cities , they who are necessitous envy the good , and have an esteem for the wicked ; they quarrel at things of ancient establishment , and are forward to promote novelties ; and out of the aversion they have for the wealthier sort , they study tumult and seditions , imagining that their poverty and multitude will indemnify them from the punishments , due to the disorders , whereof they are the occasions and abettors . xxvi . when persons of a mean and despicable condition are guilty of any miscarriage , it is known but to few persons , and the noise of their actions reaches no further than their conditions will bear . but the acts and demeanour of those who are of great quality , and owners of great estates , are remarkable to all , and so become more highly censureable . xxvii . it is seldom seen that a vertuous man loses his liberty , but he withal in some respect loses his life ; in regard it is a thing notorious to all , and of great difficulty to those who have been educated and enur'd to freedom , to be reduc'd to a servile life , inasmuch as of all things in the world liberty is the best and most desireable , the very name whereof is a character of vertue , as servitude is a mark of misfortune . xxviii . when a person of noble extraction degenerates from his ancestors by the doing of things that are not vertuous , he ought to remember , that by how much the more illustrious the lives of his progenitors were , in their times , so much the more scandalous and reproachable will his appear : inasmuch as the lustre and reputation of ancestors is as it were a light to their descendents , which discovers , to the eyes of others , the vertue or vice which is remarkable in them . xxix . 't is an humour highly commendable in a victorious prince , when he is so far mindful of himself , as to endeavour rather to do what is consistent with the rules of generosity , than to impose conditions too insupportable upon his conquer'd enemies . xxx . he who is of an humour inclin'd to peace , will not be diverted from the concluding of it by the great difficulties which present themselves in the negotiation thereof ; inasmuch as the difficulties occurrent therein , are remov'd either by the force of down-right justice , or by retaliating injustice with injustice , and counterpoising reason with reason , or by the enduring of a lesser prejudice , or by a mutual deference of several parties in abating somewhat of their right ; as shall seem most convenient to prudent persons , according to the importance of the thing in dispute . xxxi . it is the property of a well establish'd and well regulated commonwealth , that all affairs , or the greatest part thereof , as far as it is possible , be manag'd , and decided by the laws , rather than left to the decision and discretion of a judge ; inasmuch as there are few of so great abilities and sound understanding , as to be sufficiently skill'd in the laws , and withal of unquestion'd integrity , to give right judgement in a doubtful case ; whereas the laws themselves , by long experience of affairs , and by mature consideration , are reduc'd to perfection : but the judgment of man according to his natural bent to love or a version is wrested and corrupted without the support of the law. xxxii . among those of the popular rank , discords arise from the disparity of estates , in regard those of the lower rate are desirous to be equal to those of the higher ; but among the nobility , they proceed from grandeurs , inasmuch as they who are equal are desirous to aggrandize themselves . xxxiii . when men are come near that disaster or inconvenience into which they are fatally design'd to fall , 't is then that they are principally depriv'd of those advantages of circumspection and prudence , with the assistance whereof they might , in all likelihood , have avoided the inconvenience which threatned them . xxxiv . when matters of great importance are under debate , there is not any thing more necessary on the one side , nor more dangerous on the other , than to take advice thereupon ; and no doubt the prudent person stands less in need of counsel than the imprudent , and accordingly the former derives greater advantages from taking counsel than the other , because he has so great a stock of prudence , as to be able to consider and weigh things of himself , and amongst the reasons that are offer'd , to discern those which make most for his interest . but what assurance can the imprudent person have , in asking counsel , that the advertisements he receives are good and faithful ? for if the person who gives counsel be not highly faithful and well affected to him who desires it , but is inducible to be otherwise , out of some notorious concern of his own , or out of some motive of advantage , or flender satisfaction , he will frame his advice so as that it may be most beneficial to himself . and that intention of his being for the most part unknown to the party consulting , he makes no discovery , if he be not a prudent person , of the perfidiousness of the counsel that is given him . xxxv . he who is desirous to ballance things between princes , and to observe a punctual neutrality , must , with the greatest circumspection he can , abstain not only from all acts , but also from any discovery , which may raise a suspicion of his being inclin'd to one side more than the other . xxxvi . youth , as it is that part of man's age which is most greedy of honour , and looks upon disgrace with the greatest indignation , so is it also the most capable of enduring the inconveniencies , difficulties , and hardships , which necessarily attend war. the difference there is between men or nations is not to be measured by years , but by ingenuity , vivacity , and soundness of judgment , study , industry , and the particular exercises of vertue . xxxvii . if a great person has done thee an injury , dissemble thy reception thereof , and smother thy resentments ; for it is a pure extravagance to be disgusted against a person , whom thou dar'st not call to account , and whom it were imprudence in thee further to exasperate . xxxviii . there happens an infinite variety of turns and changes in military affairs ; therefore ought not a man to grow too confident upon new advantages , nor be too much depressed , upon the contrary : inasmuch as ever and anon , there comes some alteration , whereby this lesson may be learnt , that when opportunity presents it self , it should not be neglected , because it lasts but for a short time . xxxix . when matters come first under deliberation , it is most seriously to be consider'd , what the issue thereof may be ; and then ought men to be cautious how they assent to uncivil and pernicious demands . for some have found by experience , that when such as they are treating withal have obtain'd what they desir'd , it has prov'd only an encouragement to them to make a further progress in their demands . xl. the more sudden and unexpected accidents are , the greater discomposure and astonishment do they cause to those to whom they happen . it is therefore the part of a prudent person , to make that provision before-hand , which may prevent his being surpriz'd or disturb'd ; or if it so happen that it cannot be avoided , let him endeavour , from the present state of things , to foresee what may come to pass , using all the precautious remedies , which his experience and prudence can suggest , and not suffering things to grow worse and worse . xli . it always happens , in civil conversation , that , whether a vicious act be chastis'd , or a vertuous act recompenc'd , the whole body of the citizens receives a good thereby ; nor was there ever any expedient more contributory to the preservation of cities in a happy and flourishing state , than that counterballancing of punishment and reward , justly apply'd according to desert . xlii . all the assurances that can be had of an enemy whether by oath , parole , engagement to friends , promises , or whatever other way can be imagin'd , are good ; but by reason of the corruption of persons , the depravation of morality , and the vicissitude of times and accidents , the best expedient is for a man to take such order in his affairs , as that the enemy may not be in a capacity to annoy him . xliii . the present method of carrying on a war is much different from that of the ancients , who did not their work by assassinations , and surprises , but discover'd to the enemy , if any base contrivance were in hand against him , and all out of a confidence that they should be able to overcome him by vertue . xliv . when a man is advanc'd to some great charge ; it is soon discover'd whether he be a person of great abilities , or not ; but above all , by the augmentation of his worldly concerns , and the advantages he may have by his office , the affections of his heart are discover'd , together with his disposition ; inasmuch as , the greater person he is , so much the less cautious will he be , in suffering himself to be carryed away with the current of his own natural humour . xlv . be it thy continual care , that thy superiour conceive no ill opinion of thee , and be not over-confident of the leading an unblameable course of life , but endeavour to be such an one as that thou maist not be much afraid to fall into his hands ; inasmuch as there is an infinite number of unforeseen occasions , wherein thou mayst stand in need of him , and be glad to insinuate into his favour . xlvi . the governour ought rather to fix his consideration upon the substance and reality of the thing , than upon the appearance of it , measuring it rather by prudence , than by his own will , and being always distrustful of himself ; in regard it is a great reproach to a state , when imprudence is attended by danger . xlvii . the grand mystery of war consists rather in obedience , than a curiosity of knowing the reason of the general 's orders ; and that army is well fitted and prepar'd for danger , which , before it is set on work , is the most exactly kept under discipline . xlviii . all those who are concern'd , or commissionated to deliberate and treat of affairs of great importance , ought to consider with themselves , whether that they undertake will prove beneficial to the commonwealth , honorable to themselves , and may be compass'd without any great difficulty . xlix . in the carrying on of enterprises , it is to be observ'd , whether he who gives the advice , is also willing to expose his person to danger ; and when the enterprise has taken effect it is to be consider'd , to whom the honour thereof is principally to be attributed . l. in the times of publick disturbances and seditions , they always have the greatest power and credit , who of all are the most wicked ; but in times of peace and tranquillity , they are most in esteem who are the most remarkable for their conduct , and observance of discipline . li. men would not be so violently addicted to mischief , were it not for the advantages or satisfaction they reap thereby . this gave occasion to wise law givers to make punishments and rewards the ground-work and support of their governments , not so much out of a design to afflict their subjects , as to divert them from those things wherein they are apt to follow their own corrupt inclinations . lii . as discord divides one city and makes it two , or more , and gives occasion to those who have their eye upon it to advance and carry on their designes with greater success against it ; so union restrains and cements the counsels of many , and reduces them into one body , and by that means keeps the government closely compacted together , and uncorrupted . liii . as it happens in a structure of importance , that there is more danger of the falling of one stone towards the foundation , than if a hundred tiles fall down from the roof of it : so is it a much greater fault in point of policy , to disobey justice , than to commit many slight faults against the particular devoir between man and man ; since it has been observ'd , that many times great scandals have been rais'd in the commonwealth , which were occasion'd at first by some small disobedience . liv. it would be a good and wholsom law , if those persons , who observe no regularity in their lives , who are negligent in the managery of their domestick concerns , who order not their affairs as they ought to do , and discover no observance of discipline in their own families , but live in perpetual jarring and contention with their neighbours , should be put under the tuition of guardians , who might treat them and keep them in , as distracted and extravagant persons , to prevent the communicating their extravagance to others ; inasmuch as the commonwealth is never more likely to fall into disturbance , than it is by their means who observe no rule in their private demeanour . lv. there is not any thing more common or more pernicious among men , than that deceitful imagination of one mans condition being better than another . and this proceeds hence , that mens eyes are so blinded with malice and envy , that they would rather with much trouble grasp at what belongs to another , than quietly enjoy their own . the condition of princes is really good , if they make a good use thereof . in like manner , the popular state is good , if men acquit themselves therein as they ought to do . the condition of the wealthy is good , if they use it with moderation ; and so is that of the poor , if it be attended with patience , which is of such a soveraign vertue , as to make that good which is generally accounted otherwise . lvi . if subjects knew what a hard task the prince has in commanding , or if the prince knew how sweet a thing it is to live in tranquillity , the meaner sort would have a great compassion on the grandees , and the grandees would envy those of a mean condition ; inasmuch as the divertisements which the prince enjoies , amount to little in comparison of the discontents he is forc'd to endure . but as the station of the prince is the highest of all , as he can do more than all , as his worth exceeds that of all the rest , as he endures more than all , and surpasses all in government ; so is it necessary , that the court , the person , and life of the prince be better regulated than those of all the rest , inasmuch as it is the rule , measure , and standard thereof . lvii . there is not any thing whereof a wise prince should be more selfsatisfy'd , than that he has about him some persons eminent for their valour and conduct , to carry on the military concerns , and others signal for their prudence and integrity , to manage the civil . lviii . it is a very remarkable observation , that men eminent for their valour and good fortune in military affairs are born and flourish much more in one time than they do in another . for if a valiant person rise up in the time of a daring prince , he shall be in great esteem , and employ'd upon extraordinary designes ; but if he live under a timorous and distrustful prince , such a prince shall make greater account of those who study how to improve and advance his revenues , than he will do of him who shall return crown'd with laurels from the wars . lix . they who are desirous of the reputation of good princes , ought to propose to themselves the examples of such as have been such in their several ages : for to that end are the lives and actions of illustrious persons , by faithful historians , transmitted to posterity ; that princes and grandees may have such exemplars set before them as they ought to imitate . lx. the greatest care a governour ought to take , is to find out the person who shall advise him to govern well , and to maintain his estate with justice . and that is not done with harsh words , but with a meekness that gains mens hearts , and acts of good example ; for a generous soul is easily drawn in to obey , when the person who imposes the command is of good repute and example . lxi . there happens one thing in the world which is worthy our serious observance ; to wit , that as among the good , there is some one , transcendently good , so in like manner , among the bad , there is one transcendently such . but the misfortune is , that the good person does not gain so much honour by his vertue , as the lewd person does reputation by his lewdness ; in regard vertue renders a man naturally inclin'd to retirement , whereas the vicious person never thinks better of himself , than when he appears upon the stage . lxii . princes ought not to betray their surprize and astonishment at any thing , even when things seem to go most against them ; but they should obstinately stand upon the defence of their own , expecting their neighbour princes will find it their own interest to keep them up in their former station , to prevent the over-growth of some ambitious pretender . lxiii . the person o'repress'd with calamities and disasters is always hearkning after some change of fortune , whereas he who is at his ease does not so much as think of any alteration ; the litter is sufficiently satisfi'd with the present posture of his affairs , and the other looks on vicissitude as the only means to cause some amendment in his condition . lxiv . some wise men affirm , that when the commonwealth is upon the choice of a governour , they should be sure to pitch upon a person who has been at least ten years in the wars ; in regard that he alone is most likely to be the best preserver of a desired peace , who has been experimentally acquainted with the miseries and calamities consequent to war. lxv . no doubt but that prince does most wisely , who regulates his affairs answerably to his revenues ; in regard that if he do not , and his territories be but small , he must either run the hazard of losing what he is possess'd of , or , to keep himself up , do those things that are burthensom to his subjects , and so his government must degenerate into tyranny . lxvi . it is the greatest commendation that can be of the supream magistrate , to be conversant and familiar with the good , ( since that familiarity is the greatest incentive and encouragement that can be to goodness ; ) to be liberal of his estate in doing of good works , ( it being notorious , that he who values his reputation , makes but little account of mony ; ) to extirpate tyranny ( inasmuch as the concent and harmony of the princes government consists in the chastisement of the bad , and the rewarding of the good ; ) and to shew his munificence upon all occasions ; in regard there is not any thing more endears the majesty of the prince , than when he makes all the demonstrations he can of his grandeur , in relieving others , and not expecting that he should derive great advantage from others . lxvii . two things render a city secure , and highly contribute to the commendation and honour of its governours ; the one , when it is guarded by those whose estates are the most considerable , & is well provided with all things relating to the defensive part ; the other , when there is a fair correspondence between its governours and their neighbours ; without which there cannot be a free intercourse of commerce , and mutual supplies of all necessary provisions . lxviii . a soveraign lord , who would be obey'd , will do well , in the first place to conclude it necessary , that when he commands , he should make some discovery of his own personal observance thereof , in regard that no lord is to propose that soveraignty to himself , as to be exempted from the acts and exercises of vertue ; especially since that the prince , being the mirrour of others , is oblig'd so evidently and actually to apply himself thereto , as that he himself should give example to those that are under his government . lxix . to meet with some unexpected misfortune , is a thing , of its own nature , not good ; yet may it accidentally contribute to the advantage of a person of sound understanding ; in as much as it may be an occasion to him of standing more strictly upon his guard , in case the like accident may happen another time , there being few who truly believe what evil is , till they have had some experience thereof . whence it comes , that all persons not well vers'd in affairs proceed ordinarily either with too much negligence , or too much presumption ; whereas he who has once weather'd out a disastrous chance , becomes thereby so much the more cautious and considerate . lxx . princes will do well , so to converse with their subjects , as that they may be induc'd to serve them rather out of a readiness of inclination , than out of hopes of reward ; in regard that the less respect men have for mony , the less it implies of servitude . for he who loves another sincerely and generously , does not become arrogant in prosperity , nor flinches from him in adversity ; does not bemoan himself upon the consideration of poverty , nor is cast down and disgusted at his not being much in favour , nor recoyles in the time of persecution . in short , there is a correspondence between life and love to the last gasp . lxxi . every state ought so to desire peace , as to be nevertheless diligent in the making of all military preparations ; for peace without arms is weak and indefensive . thence it came , that the heathens represented even the goddess of arts and sciences armed ; and so , to be desirous of peace and to carry on the preparatives of war , are not things simply contradictory . lxxii . he truly understands the tender and transcendent concern of friendship , who obliges his friend before he be requir'd to do it . for in so doing , he is not only generous in the disposal of his kindnesses , but also causes them to be receiv'd with a greater sense of obligation , by disburthening his friend of that bashfulness and fear of repulse , which commonly attends asking . lxxiii . that prince does well who makes it his business to be well supply'd with prudent commanders and persons eminent for their valour for the management of war : but no doubt , he does better , whose court flourishes with wise counsellors , and statesmen ; in regard that the gaining of battels consists in the prowess and valorous deportment of many , but it happens sometimes , that the government of the commonwealth is committed to the management of one particular person . lxxiv . of all employments the worst is that which is concern'd in the chastisement of other mens miscarriages ; and thence is it that a well-advis'd person does what lies in his power , to avoid them ; in regard that the reprehension of vices does more commonly beget an aversion for the reprover , than it does amendment in those that are reprov'd . lxxv . every fault , what excuse soever there may be for it , is however condemnable ; inasmuch as if it be committed out of a sudden sally of passion , it is already a great miscarriage , but if out of forethought and deliberation , the mischief is so much the greater . lxxvi . 't is well done for a man to endeavour to manage all his concerns with reason , and to carry on every enterprize by order ; but in the doing of it , there is much difficulty . and yet considerate persons , to compass what they have design'd , will use such diligence and precaution , as may prevent those inconveniences ; which , for want thereof , might otherwise ensue . lxxvii . it is but reasonable , that the citizen , who , while he continu'd in the quality of a private person , was affable and familiar with his friends , should demean himself with an equal degree of affability and humanity towards them , when he has put on the robe of magistracy . for as it is the character of a mean spirit to be arrogant upon the honours successively acquir'd by valorous atchievements ; so when a man grows proud upon his advancement to an office , whereof he must within a short time after be devested , he betrays his indigence of modesty and vertue , and little reflects , that if mens exaltation to honours must change their manners , humours , and deportment , it ought to change them for the better , and not for the worse . lxxviii . when persons of understanding propose to themselves the obtaining of somewhat which is not to be obtain'd without some difficulty , they bethink themselves of the proper means to compass their ends . many things are obtain'd , by the dextrous and insinuating applications of those employ'd therein ; as appears frequently by the negotiations of ambassadors , and other publick persons . lxxix . the chief commander of an army , besides his skill and experience in military affaires , ought to be magnanimous , of a sedate temper , valiant , liberal , and prudent . it is expected from him , that he should stand upon his authority in the management of affairs , that he should be grave in discourse , and a punctual observer of his promises . when affairs of importance come into debate , he ought to use all imaginable circumspection , to deliberate with a mature judgement , and then put things in execution with great diligence . his demeanour and countenance towards his soldiers ought to be cheerful , serene , and obliging to all , yet with a remembrance of his quality , and the distance there is between them ; that so he may not , by his excessive familiarity , give his army occasion to be disobedient and undisciplin'd ; nor disgust it , by being too morose and severe . and whereas the good affections of the souldiery is the most certain hope he has for the obtaining of a victory , it ought to be his constant endeavour not only that they should bear him the reverence and respect due to his character , but also that they should have a mutual kindness one for another , and be sensible of their being members of the same body ; rewarding those who merit it , and disgracing and punishing the neglectors of their duty . lxxx . the power of fortune ( by that name did the heathens call the secret and not ordinarily perceptible disposition of the extraordinary works of god ) is of wonderful consequence in humane accidents , but especially in the case of war and armes . so that a command not rightly understood , an order not well executed , some temerarious action , or the voice of an ordinary souldier , does many times transfer the victory to those who before seem'd vanquish'd . and that causes of a sudden an infinite number of accidents , which it is impossible to foresee , or remedy . lxxxi . men are never more easily deceiv'd , than they are by those who have the reputation of being most sincere , that is , at the greatest distance from deceiving . lxxxii . the greater and more important things are , the more apt are men to discourse of them , never minding how closely they keep to the truth , or how far they receed from it . there are some who believe , and hold to be most certain , what they have heard , not regarding whether it be true or false . others , though a thing be ever so true , relate it otherwise than it is , and afterwards time making some additionals to the story , the thing is much augmented beyond what was reported at the first . lxxxiii . to come into favour and authority , one while by ostentation and munificence , another while by industry and vigilance , are two ways equally prejudicial and pernicious , when they are practis'd subtilly in order to a mans advancement to government . thence came it that wise men have affirm'd , that the tracks leading to principality are steepy and difficult , but when once men are gotten into them , every thing helps and sets them forward . lxxxiv . it cannot be easily imagin'd , whence it comes that princes are so favourable to some , and so cross and inflexible to others ; to wit , whether there be in that some secret of nature , or that it lies in our power to keep our selves in a mean , so as that we may not too obstinately oppose the inclinations of him who governs , and yet withal , that we forbear precipitating our selves into a scandalous adulation , and a kind of servile deportment , but that we observe such a moderation as neither to crouch to ambition , nor be over desirous of honour , and by that means pass our lives with more security , and less danger . lxxxv . there are but few that can by prudent advertisements distinguish between good and evil , between what is profitable , and what is prejudicial , but follow the ordinary road of growing better , and more cautious , by the knowledge which they derive from the common events of things . lxxxvi . those things that are foreseen prove much less hurtful , than those whereof we have no preapprehension at all . he therefore may be accounted a person of a sound understanding and excellent temper , who has the government of himelf , and as with an unstartled spirit , entertains the arrival of sudden and unexpected accidents . lxxxvii . though the particular thoughts and imaginations of every one be known only to god himself , yet the natural inclinations of a people or a province is a thing obvious and easy to be known ; inasmuch as their actions being publick , they must needs thereby discover their intentions and affections ; from which prudent men will be able to give a character of them accordingly . lxxxviii . subjects are much more satisfi'd to have their prince near them , than at a great distance from them ; inasmuch as there accrew thence two considerable advantages ; one , that the truly loyal , and well affected , being more immediately under his protection , are so much the more engag'd to his service ; the other , that the pernicious designes of turbulent persons are the more easily prevented . lxxxix . a commander in chief ought to to acquire reputation , not by the hardships and dangers of others ( as many do ) but by the sweat and hazard of his own person , and by the interposition of his own vertue . and whereas it is no less honourable to terminate a war by counsel , than to put a period thereto by arms , he ought to use both means , and should principally reflect , that the first successes are those which rendor him most dreadful to the enemy , or , on the contrary , despicable and of little repute ; in regard that , for the most part , such as the beginning is , such is the issue . xc . as it is a thing unquestionably certain , that victories are gain'd by preventions and diversions , so is it withal certain , that he is at a great distance from good counsel , who , without evident necessity , transfers the war , which another had been first engag'd in , to himself . xci . a person of comprehensive parts , who can husband time well , has no reason to complain that his life is too short ; for he who makes advantage of the infinite occasions that present themselves to him does anticipate time it self . xcii . liberty is a thing makes a great noise in the world , yet few truly understand wherein it consists . but of all kinds of liberty , that of persuasion is the most desir'd by all , in so much that to gain it , some would rather be transplanted to people solitudes , than smother their discontents to live in well-govern'd societies . xciii . he who desires to be in favour with his superiour ought to make all the discoveries he can of the respect and reverence he bears him ; for if there be once a failure in that , the endearing correspondence between superiours and inferiours is immediately dissolv'd . xciv . he who is entrusted with the custody of a city which expects a siege , ought above all things , to be think himself of all the remedies which may protract time , and to cut off all opportunities , though ever so small , from the enemy , inasmuch as many times one day , nay one hour , produces some accident which may occasion the relief of it . xcv . he is easily deceiv'd who relies on the first advertisement he receives of some accident that hath happen'd , in regard that commonly the effects are not aswerable to the first advices that come . he therefore who is not forc'd by necessity to do otherwise , ought to expect several confirmations thereof , ere he takes up his final resolution , what he ought to do . xcvi . it is a dangerous thing to be govern'd by examples , if there be not a concurrence in the general , and also in all the particulars of the same reasons to be consider'd . the same may be said , if things be not regulated by the same prudential motives and reflections ; and withal , if there be not a combination of all the other inducements , and the accidents and success consequent thereto . xcvii . as it is a servile act for any man to be a slave to his affections ; so , to subdue anger , the great disturber of counsel ; to be moderate in victory , which , of its own nature , is insolent and haughty ; to be absolute master of ones self , which is the devoir of a well temper'd and generous soul ; to exercise humanity , meekness , and liberality towards an enemy , is a thing truly royal , divine , and worthy of eternal memory . xcviii . there is not any thing more becoming or more necessary to a prince , than to be just , liberal , and benevolent ; inasmuch as it is the inseparable ; attribute of grandeur and power to relieve the oppressed , and to alleviate the calamities of others ; and this especially in kings , who , by such acts , approach so much the nearer the divinity , whose living images they are , upon the score of their supereminent rank . xcix . persons of lewd inclinations have always some opportunity of doing evil , and though they do it not , yet is it not so great a satisfaction to others , to see that they do not commit those enormities which they might , as it is an affliction , to think that it is in their power to commit them . c. that commonwealth wherein there is justice duly administred for the poor , chastisement for such as are insolent and tyrannically inclin'd , an exact observance of weights and measures , as to those things which concern the sustentation of humane life , discipline and exercise for the younger sort , and as little avarice as may be in those that are advanc'd in age , must needs be an excellent constitution of government . ci. let not any prince think that the choice of a tutor for his son is a thing of small importance . for in that case , his diligence and circumspection ought to be the greater , in that he is not to do in this , as in other offices which are bestow'd either upon the mediation of others , or by corruption , or importunity or friendship , or for a reward of some services already done : in regard that though some one of his courtiers has manag'd an embassy with good success , or been general of an army , or some great officer about the prince's person , or relating to his houshold , yet does it not follow that such a person is fit to teach his son. the reason is , that for a man to be an ambassador , or general , it requires only in the former a good stock of dexterity and dissimulation , and in the latter , that he have valour and good fortune ; but to be governour to a prince , it is requisite , that he have all the accomplishments , and qualifications , suitable to the education of a person of that transcendent dignity . cii . in the disastrous accidents of our life , wherein our own industry and strength are of little account , the only remedy we have , is to look on the worst of misfortunes as things not incompatible with the condition of humanity , and to be so far prudent , as to smother our resentments thereof . ciii . between two princes , the one addicted to the exercises of vertue , the other complying with the suggestions of vice , there is this difference , that the latter is only obey'd , but the former is both obey'd and belov'd . besides , the good and vertuous prince makes the most difficult enterprises seem light , and on the contrary , the tyrant makes the lightest seem most heavy . happy therefore is he who is obey'd , but much more happy he who is both obey'd and belov'd ; for the body grows weary of obeying , but the mind is never wearied nor cloy'd with loving . civ . there is one thing which a wise prince will always be mindful of , to wit , that , in the management of the publick affairs , his governours and judges never permit the abrogation of ancient customes , nor the introduction of new ones ; in regard the populace is commonly so humorous and extravagant , that they would every day have new princes , and new laws . cv . it is an easy matter to design what a man would have done by another person , and by what means it is most likely to be brought to effect ; but to command the execution thereof is no slight thing , inasmuch as between those two there are many things which obstruct , retard , and disturb such executions . cvi. 't is a thing out of all dispute , as aristotle affirms in his rhetorick , that riches do often render those persons , that are possess'd thereof , proud and insolent : but he who shall wisely consider it , will say with seneca , that none is more worthy , none makes greater approaches to the divinity , than he who makes no account of riches ; which , saies he , i am far from affirming that thou shouldst not be possess'd of , but i would have thee possess'd thereof without any fear , distraction , or disturbance . which happiness thou art not to acquire , but by this only expedient , to wit , by a firm persuasion , that thou canst live happily without them , and that thou shouldst always look on them , as if they were taking their flight away from thee . cvii . what presumption soever a man may have of his own abilities , yet ought he not so to rely on his own counsel , as that sometimes it may not be more safe for him to submit to that of others ; in regard that he who is asham'd of consulting , and defies the conduct and directions of another , may assure himself , for the most part , that he has a fool to his guide , and consequently that he must needs be guilty of many miscarriages . cviii . it is not prudence to judge of counsels by the event of things , in regard that many times good counsels have not an issue answerable thereto , and on the contrary , evil counsels may prove fortunate . but when evil counsels are applauded , upon the score of their being successful , it is a secret encouragement for men to do those things that are unjust , which may prove highly prejudicial to the commonwealth , inasmuch as evil counsels are not always fortunate ; and there is also another fault in blaming and censuring the more prudent party , whose advertisements have not had the success which was expected , in regard that such a procedure disheartens the citizens from giving their opinions freely , when the publick concerns of their city requires it . cix . when it happens that there is a necessity of denying some person his request , it is but requisite , to keep the said person from being disgusted , and to assure him of the good will they bear him , and to make some other overture to him , so that he may thereby perceive that they have a respect for him , and would gladly oblige him . upon this demeanour , the other , if he have any sentiment of humanity , will be as much , if not more , satisfi'd , than if his request had been granted : so great an influence have kind words and an obliging carriage over the minds of good natur'd persons . cx . in publick affairs it is requisite that men be extreamly careful and considerate at the beginning of what they design ; in regard it will not be afterwards in their power without dishonour and danger , to receed from the deliberation once fixt upon , and in which they have for some time persisted . cxi . what is wish'd by the greater number does not often succeed in regard that for the most part the events of humane actions depend on the wills of few ; and the intentions of these latter being in a manner always different from those of the greater number , things seldome happen otherwise than according to the intention of those from whose directions they derive their first motion . cxii . neutrality is most commendable in the wars wherein other parties are engag'd , in regard that many inconveniences and great charges are thereby avoided ; and it may be time enough to be concern'd for either party , when success seems to intimate which side is most likely to prevail . cxiii . the clemency of princes hath always gain'd them good-will and reputation ; and , on the contrary , rigour , ( if there be not some extraordinary necessity for it ) has always produc'd the contrary effects , and instead of removing the obstacles and difficulties , which lay in their way , it has made some additionals thereto . cxiv . it is more wisely done for a man to court his friendship who is unwilling to become his enemy , than to curry favour with him , who one time or other cannot be his friend . cxv . there are three principal considerations to be minded in the carrying on of all enterprises , to wit , the justice of the cause , the facility of the victory to be obtain'd , and the conveniences and advantages accruing thereby . cxvi . there is not any thing so short-liv'd as the remembrance of a benefit , and many times , the greater it is , the more likely it is to be repay'd with ingratitude . for , he who is not willing to take off the obligation , by retaliation or remuneration , often endeavours to do the same thing in another sense , perswading himself , that the good turn was not so great ; and they who are asham'd of their having been reduc'd to the necessity of desiring a kindness , are vext and tormented in their minds that they have receiv'd it . so that the remembrance of the necessity into which they were fallen makes a greater impression upon them , than that of the obligation which had been layd upon them . cxvii . many are the inconveniences that happen in the armies of confederated parties ; while they are concerting their designes , the opportunity of entring into action slips away , their preparatives are delay'd , interrupted , and diverted , according to the forces , aimes , and counsels of the princes concern'd , so that it must needs prove a hard matter to make a firm union , where there is so much disorder and distrust , and withal so great a diversity of inclinations , and courages , and varieties of conditions . cxviii . 't is the natural humour of the populace to be always desirous of novelties , and to be easily fill'd with false and vain persuasions , lightly hurry'd away with the insinuations of those who have once set them on work , as the waves of the sea are stir'd by the blowing of the wind . cxix . so extravagant is the nature of mankind , that when they are forc'd out of one extreme , wherein they have been violently detain'd , they ride in full speed to the other extreme , without ever making the least halt in the mean. cxx . there is one thing highly considerable in military concerns , and that is the reputation of the chief commanders . assoon as this begins once to decline , the souldiery is immediately discourag'd ; the loyalty of the nations concern'd is shaken ; there follow distraction and distrust in counsels , and want of a hearty and cheerful concurrence in action ; the provision for the army's subsistence is interrupted ; and on the contrary the enemy is heartned , those who were content to observe a neutrality , are apt to incline to the successful party , and all difficulties grow greater and greater . cxxi . in human actions men ought for the most part to make their counsels complyant with the present necessity , and not , out of an over-earnestness to overcome that which is too difficult , and as it were impossible , to expose the generality to a manifest danger and inconvenience . cxxii . we find many times by experience , that those things which at the first prospect present themselves as highly dreadful , appear by degrees so much the less considerable , that , if the former errour be not renew'd by some additional accident , all the terrour in process of time vanishes , and we are induc'd to laugh and wonder at our former astonishment . cxxiii . he who finds that there is no account made of him , gives way to disgust , and that inspires him with thoughts of revenge , and inclines him to attempt dangerous things , which sometimes meet with their design'd effect ; especially when the person who is become so daring is of any authority , or remarkable for some extraordinary qualification . cxxiv . all subjection is burthensome , all restriction is insupportable to him who would live as he pleases himself . a person of that humour can find but little quiet under a regular government , in regard that there is a necessity either of his complyance which the prince , or of his ruin by him . cxxv . it is commonly observ'd , that a resolution taken either too hastily , or with too much affection comes off with a slur . for the much celerity of the resolver does not allow him the leisure to reflect on those things which ought to be consider'd , before the resolution be taken ; and the excessive affection so prepossesses the mind , that it does not take notice of any thing but what is most pressing in such or such a point . to these two examples may be added two others , to wit , in these cases , when there is time enough to deliberate , and the person deliberating is unprepossess'd with any particular affection , yet out of a certain natural incapacity , or through an insuperable kind of remisness or debility of spirit , remarkable through all their actions , they never do any thing that holds water . cxxvi . when affairs are reduc'd to the extremity , as that there remains nothing for hope to rely upon but the pure providence of god , the prosecution of the adventure in such a case must be look'd on as the result of reason and prudence , insomuch that we ought to attempt the danger , not minding how little ground there presents it self to humane prudence . for god many times takes a certain delight in sending a spirit of infatuation upon the counsels and designs of some people , and making those calamities which they intended to bring on others to recoyle upon themselves . cxxvii . the greater a man's credit and reputation is amongst the generality of the people , the more dangerous it is to support and advance him . as therefore it is an easy matter at the beginning to oppose the disorders which may ensue thereupon , so when they are come to any growth , it will be so much the more difficult to remedy them . cxxviii . the exercise of arms , the observance of the lawes , and the frequent celebration of divine service , in a well regulated city cannot ordinarily be separated , without the destruction of them all . so that there is a correspondence between them and the state of the soul , wherein there are the vegetative part , the sensitive , and the intellectual ; which parts yet do not make three souls , but one only distinguish'd by the operations of the three faculties : so the establishment of the state requires a reciprocal aid and correspondence . cxxix . where ever there is servitude , there is also fear ; and the greater the former is , the greater also is the latter . but though servitude implies tyranny , yet has the tyrant as great a share of the fear , as they over whom he tyrannizes , inasmuch as he who commands slaves , is not himself free ; now the tyrant being such , it follows that he himself is servile as well as his people , and so as there is force and indignity on both sides , so is there a continual augmentation of fear . cxxx . in matter of war , valour and artifice are highly recommended ; but the perfection of arms consists in knowing the true use of the moral vertues , a right understanding of political affairs , and treading in the steps of ancient and eminent commanders . cxxxi . in military affairs , when there is some great designe in hand , the absolute authority of ordering all is to be conferr'd on one single person who transcends all the rest in point of merit ; yet so as that he be oblig'd to have always about him such as are well skill'd in counsel , with whom he may confer , and to whom he may communicate all concerns of importance . cxxxii . men are glad of advertisements and directions in things that are doubtful , not in the certain ; in things subject to hazard , and not to prudence : it were therefore but requisite to consider what is the principal concern in the matter whereof we are to deliberate . for in deliberations , when any one is not constrain'd by necessity , he sets himself on work according to the unconfined plenitude of his own will , which is in all things and every where free , and then his thoughts are wholly taken up with the success of the enterprize , to wit , whether his fears or hopes outweigh one the other ; and thereupon he resolves to forbear attempting any thing when hazard has the principal part , and is most likely to carry it ; or on the contrary he will attempt the execution of his designe , when prudence tells him that it will prove advantageous . cxxxiii . when commonwealths are well govern'd , the prosecutions of envious persons turn to the advantage of those against whom they are intended , for innocency being clear'd by truth , their endeavours prove like the stroaks given to the ball , which the harder it is struck , the higher it rebounds ; so the calumniations of the envious instead of eclipsing , add more lustre to those against whom they are directed . cxxxiv . continual severity must needs exasperate those over whom it is exercis'd . but as the excessive indulgence of parents makes their children apt to lead an irregular and disobedient course of life ; so the remisness of a prince , who suffers his authority to be slighted , renders the citizen dissolute , and the soldier undisciplin'd and licentious , and proves withal the occasion of greater mischief , when persons of quality are concern'd . for the insolence of these last is more dangerous than that of a multitude , it being not so difficult to discover the designes wherein many are engag'd , as it is to pump out the secret plottings of one particular person . cxxxv . when the prince is sollicited by a grandee in some concern of great importance , and that he is unwilling to grant his request , he ought to consider two points , one relating to the necessary circumstances , as the cause from whence the discontent proceeds , the person disgusted , and the present conjuncture of time ; the other , how requisite it may be , to counterballance the refusal , by conferring some other boon on the petitioner . cxxxvi . the good soldier may be likened to polish'd steel , which while it is handled preserves its lustre and brightness , and on the contrary , for want of being us'd , growes rusty , and that rust consumes it , and in time makes it contagious ; so the good souldier , who is good only while he is handling his arms , in the time of war , is prejudic'd in himself , and may prove dangerous to others , when he is out of his proper element and employment . cxxxvii . in the competitions that happen between two several parties , that which is excluded will be rather inclin'd to close with a third party , than comply with that , between whom and it the precedent competition was . cxxxviii . there is not any thing so prejudicial to mankind as a transcendent prosperity ; for the effects of it , are , licentiousness , luxury , confidence to do mischief , an irreclaimable inclination to disturb the publick by some novelty , and all the inconveniencies consequent to satiety . cxxxix . the infamy of being temerarious is more prejudicial to a military commander , than the honour of a victory is advantageous to him ; inasmuch as when he is chargeable with temerity , the blame is wholly attributed to him alone , but the honour of the victory , and the prosperous management of affairs ( at least according to the opinion of many ) is communicable also to others . cxl . since there is frequent necessity of changing orders and deliberations , in the time of war , according to the variety of accidents , it should be the principal consideration of a chief commander , so to accommodate all things at the beginning , as if he had , as much as may be , foreseen all events , and all counsels ; in regard that , as the prosperous successes engage the respects and affections of the army towards their general , so the contrary makes a proportionable abatement of the same respects and affections , and consequently there is not that sympathetical correspondence which ought to be between them . cxli . the prudent person ought not to entertain any suspicion that men distrust his integrity , and if he does suspect it , he should demean himself so as that the wicked may not be sensible of his having any suspicion of them , lest that upon that occasion fear may augment their licentiousness , and that , as to others , there may not be an abatement of their diligence and promptitude . cxlii . 't is prudence in a man to make as if he knew nothing of uncertain newes , or at least to keep it so secret , as not to betray any confirmation thereof ; in regard that many times , either it is absolutely false , or the credit to be given thereto admits of a considerable diminution . cxliii . they who are induc'd to commit some act in the night time proceed commonly upon some sinful motive , presuming that the night covers in them what the day would discover , to wit , their fear and shame . cxliv . for this reason has god entrusted princes with the government of their dominions , that their subjects may , in order to the obtaining of their right , appeale from that law which is dumb , and as it were dead , and without force in it self , to the living law which ought to be the magistrate . cxlv . the principal commendation of military discipline consists in not opposing danger without necessity , by industry , patience and policy to defeat and elude the enterprises of the enemy , rather than by destroying them in a cruel and bloody engagement . cxlvi . a benefit conferr'd upon one who is persuaded that he has receiv'd an injury counterballanceable thereto , is not sufficient to remove out of his disaffected mind the memory of the offence ; especially when the benefit comes at such a time , as that it seems rather occasion'd by necessity , than to proceed from good will. cxlvii . the counsels and secret designs of princes are most commonly divulg'd after a manner much different from that which is true in effect ; and this they do purposely to amuse the generality , that they may busy themselves in discoursing of one thing , while another of different nature is in agitation . cxlviii . peace is desirable and holy , when it smothers all distrusts and jealousies , when it gives a check to all dangers , and when men are exonerated from all charges , and may repose themselves without the least fear of disturbance . but when it hatches the contrary effects , it is a pernicious war , under the counterfeit title of peace , and a pestilent poison under the name of a good medicine . cxlix . ambassadors are the eies and ears of states , and the other publick ministers are the spectacles of the respective princes by whom they are employed . cl. mens favours are to be measur'd by the real effects , and not by the external demonstrations thereof ▪ and yet it can hardly be imagin'd how great a satisfaction it is to a man , to be treated with the ceremonious part of courtesy and humanity ▪ the reason of it may possibly be this , that every one is apt to think , that he deserves more than he receives , and consequently is disgusted when he perceives there is not that account made of him which he thinks due to him . cli . subjects cannot be well govern'd without the exercise of some severity at certain times , yet is there a necessity that it should be season'd with a dextrous insinuation of its being not so much the inclination of the prince to be severe , as that it is requisite for the publick good , that the reformation of some should be occasion'd by the punishments inflicted upon others . clii. a man should endeavor to refrain from whatever may cause the least dissatisfaction or prejudice to another . it is consequent therefore , that he should never say any thing either in a mans presence , or his absence , which may displease him , unless there be some necessity of his so doing ; in regard it is the greatest extravagance in the world , for a man to make a needless creation of enemies to himself . cliii . he who runs himself into a danger without ever considering , of what concern it is likely to be , may be accounted a person of a bestial humour . but he who knows the importance of it , and yet freely exposes himself thereto , either upon the necessity there is of so doing , or upon some honourable account , must a person of great courage , and truely magnanimous . cliv. it is a vulgar errour to affirm , that learning and study are prejudicial to the brain ; though peradventure it might be truly said of some one , who has a weak brain , and is of an infirm constitution ; but where there is a conjunction of a good constitution , and the accidental good of learning , it makes a most accomplish'd person , and of an excellent temperament . clv . that glory is to be accounted vain which is purchas'd with any injury done to another ; but the true , solid , and immortal glory is that which consists not in the ruining of nations , and destruction of cities , but rather in the consolidation of kingdoms , the association of provinces , the settlement of publick tranquillity , the establishment of commerce , and the deliverance of people out of the miseries and calamities attending humane nature . clvi . all the fruit and advantage of having obtain'd a victory consists in knowing how to use it , and it is a greater infamy not to know how to use it , than not to have gain'd it ; in regard it is more ignominious for us to be deceiv'd in those things that are within our power , than in those that are not . clvii . inconsiderate and doubtful deliberations are not excusable in any but those whose concerns are in a distracted and unfortunate posture , or in a person whose thoughts are wholly bent upon ambition , and one who being desirous by all the ways imaginable to get himself a greater name , is afraid he has not time enough to do it in . clviii . all humane actions are subject to many dangers ; but this is the advantage of wise men , that they know that what ever may happen does not always come to pass , but that upon some occasion or other many dangers become none at all , many are stav'd off by prudence and industry ; and many are weather'd out by patience and equanimity . clix. he who is more apprehensive of the future than he ought to be , must not expect to be accounted a wise man , nor yet they who presuppose for certain the dangers that are but doubtful , and accordingly regulate all their deliberations , as if the danger were inevitable . but it argues a certain magnanimity in that person , who knowing and throughly considering the dangers , yet discovers how that many times , either by some unexpected chance , or by the assistance of vertue , men extricate themselves out of great difficulties and inconveniences . clx . it happens sometimes , that when a prince assumes thoughts of aggrandizing himself , or growes jealous of losing his dominions , he takes occasion to forget what obligations may ly upon him for benefits receiv'd . a remarkable instance of this kind of demeanor we find in lewis sforza , who instead of expressing his gratitude to charles viii . of france , for the kindnesses he had receiv'd from him , contributed his assistance for the driving of him out of italy , and sided with his enemies , and all only to preserve his own concerns , and out of the apprehension he had of the greatness of charles . clxi . in the giving and receiving of advice there are many things to be considered , but principally two , to wit , prudence in him who is to receive the advice , and fidelity in him who is to give it . for counsel being nothing else but a discourse consider'd and weigh'd by reason , in order to a discovery whether a thing ought to be done or not , if the person who is to receive the advice be not prudent , he will not accept of that which is given him for the best , but will follow that , which , according to his apprehension , seems most convenient ; in as much as not being prudent , he will be apt to fancy those things that are most inconvenient , and so will never set himself seriously to work as he should do . on the other side , he who gives the advice , it he be not faithful , will find so many ways to disguise the truth , that many times that is put in execution , which is more beneficial to the consultee , than to the consultor . clxii . he who intends to engage in a war ought to be alwaies prepar'd , and to have his mind fortify'd against whatever event may happen , and to be ready to entertain all occurrences ; and he should principally bethink himself not to enter into a war unjustly , and consider well against what potentate he is to be concern'd , what allyances and combinations may be made against him , and lastly examine his own forces and those of his adversary , and what confederates either party may have . clxiii . the ambition of a general often proves pernicious to the state by which he is employ'd . for it is the ordinary humour of such persons to be backward in putting a period to the war , even when they may do it with honour and advantage , that they may continue longer in their charges , and by that continuance they gain the affections of the soldiery , and so are in a fair way to their assumption of soveraignty . he who has a powerful army at his devotion has the command of all as far as that can extend its quarters . clxiv . are men desirous of coming into great repute and esteem ? let them be always careful of doing those things which are commendable and of good report ; inasmuch as vertuous actions are not the effects of honour , but honour is the effect and recompence of vertuous actions . clxv . it is generally acknowledg'd by all , that the government of a country by one single person , when he is but tolerably good , is better than that of a greater number , though it be granted that they also are good . and it may be withal rationally concluded , that in a greater number of govenours there may be a greater likelihood of degeneration from the principles of government , and a greater combination of tyranny , than there can be in one individual person . clxvi . to frame instructions for the particular benefit of every one , is a very difficult task ; but it is much more difficult to put such a project in execution ; in regard that men know well enough what they ought to do , but they are extreamly backward in applying themselves to the performance thereof . let him therefore who thinks that application incumbent upon him , endeavour to offer a certain violence to his own disposition , and make that habitual which yet admits of no greater perfection than that of desire ; by which means , he will easily attain whatever shall be taught him , and will voluntarily do any thing , according as reason shall command him , or experience direct him . clxvii . the acquisition of a great estate or honour is a thing commendable , provided it be done without fraud or any indirect means ; yet so great is the corruption of mankind , that men commonly are ambitious of high titles , and magistracy , as if they were illustious and magnificent of themselves , and did not derive their true value and esteem , from the vertue of those who are deservedly advanc'd thereto . clxviii . a military commander ought so to mind all things as if he had not charg'd any person with the care thereof ; and this , not only out of the distrust he should have that his commands may not be punctually executed , but also out of this consideration , that his soldiers will be more forward to execute his orders , when they shall find him so laborious and vigilant himself . clxix . he who would prognosticate what will be the effects of another mans deliberation , ought , to avoid being deceiv'd , to consider seriously , not only what a prudent person would be inclin'd to do upon the like emergency , but also to measure the abilities and disposition of the deliberator . clxx . a physician who undertakes to cure the infirmity of some particular member , is very careful that the medicine he applies does not prejudice any other member : so ought that privy councellor , who is to advise his prince , to be so his remembrancer of the concerns of the commonwealth , as that he is withal mindful of the honour and preservation of the prince . clxxi. there is not any man of so weak abilities , but that he may manifestly perceive the difference there is between actions proceeding from fear and errour , and those which proceed from fraud and an evil intention . clxxii . he who knows in himself what is advantageous , and for the good of the commonwealth , and yet forbears communicating it to others , is an insignificant member of that body . clxxiii . a commander may make a retreat upon two occasions , either out of timorousness , or prudence ; the former whereof is reproachable , the other deserves commendation , in regard it seems to wave the hazarding of what is not sufficiently secur'd . that victory is the most advantageous and most glorious , which is gain'd with the least loss and effusion of the souldiers blood . clxxiv . as the soul , which ordinarily ought to be the governess of the body , becomes a tyrant , when , regarding only her own excellency , in comparison of the body , she so thinks of her self , as not to allow any part of time for the service of the body , whereby the latter is weakned , and rendered uncapable of performing its offices : so , on the contrary , they who make the body lord over the soul , and employ their whole time in satisfying the appetites thereof , without reserving some part for the other , can never become vertuous , nor have any valour in themselves . clxxv . avarice is , no doubt , much more blameable in a prince , than in a private person ; not only upon this score , that the prince having more to distribute , frustrates men of the benefits they expect from him , but also in regard , that whatever the private person hath , he may dispose thereof without any others being much concern'd in it . but whatever the prince has , he has chiefly for the benefit of others ; what therefore he retains to himself is so much deducted out of what men should receive from him . clxxvi . princes have cause to be more distrustful than other persons , not only in regard they are many times flatter'd , but also that many doubtful advertisements are propos'd to them , and that it is a difficult matter for them to follow those that are most advantageous to their concerns . clxxvii . that prince who has the most obliging way to gain the affections of his people , makes a great discovery of an excellent good nature , and withal gives a certain demonstration of his being unchargeable with the vice of pride , which brings an odium upon the vertues themselves . clxxviii . when any of the enemies forces fall off from him , and come into thy service , it is no small happiness if they prove faithful to thee ; inasmuch as the forces of the enemy are much more weakned , by the defection of those who desert him , than by the loss of those who are kill'd , though the name of turn-coat , or fugitive be suspicious in new-rais'd men , and odious in old souldiers . clxxix . in military concerns ; the prosperous success of the victorious prince proceeds for the most part from the want of counsel and conduct in the enemy . and thence it comes , that it is a difficult task to subdue him who knows the extent of his own forces and those of his enemy . besides , the performances of the souldiery are to be attributed more to their gallantry than to their multitude , and sometimes the advancement they make depends more on the advantages of the place , where the engagement happens , than upon their personal valour . clxxx . men , armes , mony , and provisions are the sinews of war ; but of these four , the two former are the most necessary , in regard that resolute men , well arm'd , will make a shift to find mony and provisions ; but those two last will not so easily find men and arms. clxxxi . when the prince is surrounded by his familiar friends in a time that requires nothing of action , he communicates his favours to those who are most acceptable to him , and most complyant with his humour . but when he has some great design to carry on , he knows how to make a distinction between those who are purely favourites , and such as may be more serviceable to him . clxxxii . a person reputed to be of great conduct and well experienc'd in the management of affairs , who can maintain ten thousand men , is more to be fear'd and esteem'd than ten others confederated together with each of them five thousand men ; in regard they are tedious and dilatory in the concerting of their designes , and much time is commonly lost ere they can be unanimously brought to resolve upon the same end . clxxxiii . that person who is desirous to be entertain'd into the service of some grandee , should rather pitch upon one of some repute for his prudence , than one notorious for his ignorance : in regard that if his dependence be on a wise man , he will find means to ingratiate himself into his favour ; but with an ignorant man , his applications will in all likelihood prove ineffectual , by reason of the want of apprehension in the person to whom they are made . clxxxiv . the affairs of this world are in a perpetual fluxe of uncertainty and instability ; yet are they always in a progressive course towards the end to which they ought to tend according to their nature . but this progress meets with greater obstructions than we imagine , in regard that we measure their motion according to our life , which is of no great duration , and not according to their continuance , which seems long to us in respect of our selves . and thence it comes , that the judgements which we make of them are commonly false and defective . clxxxv . in things of importance , he who does not take into his consideration all the particulars relating thereto , cannot frame a right judgement of them ; in regard that any single circumstance , how inconsiderable soever it be , may change the whole face of the thing which is to be judg'd . yet true it is , that many times , a man may frame a good judgement thereof , though he have the knowledge but of the affair , only in general ; and on the contrary , he who knows the particulars may be guilty of a greater miscarriage ; in regard that if his head be not clear , and disengag'd from passion , his attention to the particular part will confound and disturb his apprehension of the whole matter under consideration . clxxxvi . it is a great felicity for a man to see his enemy cast down and lying at his mercy ; but the greater his happiness is , to whom that happens , the greater reason he has to make a commendable use of that victory , by expressing his clemency and readiness to forgive , it being the particular mark and property of a great and generous soul . clxxxvii . an inferiour prince ought not to hazard all he has in one fight ; for if he get the better , he only gains the more glory ; if he miscarries , he is ruin'd to all intents and purposes . clxxxviii . we find that in the ordinary differences which happen between men upon the civil account , and in the diseases whereto men are subject , the judges and physicians have recourse to the judgements of those who have been anciently eminent in those several professions ; the same may be said of affairs of state and policy , that it were expedient the present statesmen consulted the directions of the ancients , who have been eminent for the good government and civilization of such as were subject to them . clxxxix . there are many who seem to be highly diligent in the reading of ancient histories , and to take a particular divertisement therein , by reason of the remarkable variety of accidents which occur ; but few apply themselves to the imitation thereof ; and that with the greater reproach to themselves , in that they think it a thing not only difficult , but also indeed impossible ; as if the heavens , the sun , and the elements had chang'd their motions , order and influences , in comparison of what they were heretofore . cxc . the friendship there is between persons of quality , of a private condition , proceeds from the mutual correspondence of their minds , and the consonancy of their humours and dispositions . but among princes , this correspondence of humours does not always beget amity , but sometimes , out of a certain judgement which they frame to themselves , of the advantages accrueing by the contraction of such friendships , and sometimes their confederations are the effects of the present exigences forcing them thereto . cxci. adversity is the touch stone which distinguishes between those who are friends out of design , and those who are really such . it makes a full discovery of the fidelity and constancy of some , and how slight and superfluous others may be . so that a man has this benefit by adversity , that there are driven from him , without the help of a staff , all that throng of persons whose souls are mercenary and of no value , full of avarice and ingratitude , and there remain behind only those minds which are fortune proof , and such as cannot be surmounted by adversity . cxcii . he who founds a commonwealth , and establishes laws for the government thereof , ought to have presuppos'd that men are inclin'd to wickedness , and will make a discovery of that inclination , upon any occasion that shall offer it self . and when the malignity lies conceal'd for some time , it proceeds from some secret cause , which , for want of having seen the experience of the contrary , was not observ'd ; but it is afterwards discover'd by time , which brings all things to light . cxciii . neutrality , of its own nature , is full of danger , in as much as it gives offence , on the one side , to the stronger party , who expected to be sided withal upon the score of his grandeur , and on the other to the weaker , who takes it unkindly , and thinks it an injury that he is not assisted and reliev'd . so that the neutral party is neither secur'd against an enemy , on the one side , nor preserves a firiend , on the other . cxciv . as long as a prince continues in a neutral condition , every one endeavours to caress him , & to draw him to his party , and consequently he is honour'd , and not only enjoys his neutrality in quietness , but also makes an advantage of it by the presents he receives from those who would lure him into their allyance ; whereas if he has once declar'd himself , he has lost the satisfaction of being a spectator of the difference , and one of the contending parties must look upon him as an enemy , though the reasons and motives he had to appear against him be never so plausible . cxcv. it is a hard question to decide , whether be the more ambitious person , he who is desirous to keep what he is possess'd of , or he who endeavours to make new conquests . for many times great alterations are caus'd by him who is peaceably possess'd , in regard the fear of losing begets in such persons the same inclinations , which they have who would conquer . nay sometimes , he who is possess'd does not think himself secure , if he be not always in a readiness to make new acquests , and to do that , there is a necessity of having forces , and those must be in action , answerably to the ambitious desires of those by whom they are maintain'd . cxcvi. those who are entrusted with the administration of publick offices , or the government of provinces ought to have these three conditions ; to wit , that they have ● tenderness and affection for those who are under their jurisdiction ; that they be invested with sufficient authority to constrain , where it is requisite ; and that they be persons remarkable for their justice and valour . but with this precaution into the bargain , that they who are advanc'd to the government of others be such as have been in their younger days govern'd and directed by others . cxcvii . in all the resolutions of this world , there is an intermixture of good and evil ; god having so order'd it , that men might be the more sensible of the imperfection of their present state . but it is the part of a prudent person to counterballance the good and evil , and to embrace that resolution wherein he finds either less evil , or more good . cxcviii. since man is to look on his own good and preservation as his main concern , he ought not in reason to be tax'd with any inconstancy , when upon the vicissitude of human affairs , he also admits some change in his designs and procedure , yet continuing constant and resolute as to the end he had propos'd to himself . and this is but to follow the example of good pilots , who being bound for such a port , yet upon alteration of wind and weather seem to change their course , but still in the midst of the tempest they mind the prosecution of their voyage , and the preservation of the vessel . cxcix . good souldiers require a good captain , he being the guide of all , and the success or miscarriage of a design depending on his action and conduct . thence came the greek proverb , that an army of deer having a lyon in the head of it , is more terrible than an army of lyons headed by a deer . but it is however requisite , that both commanders and souldiers should be good , that it may not happen as caesar said going against pompey , that he went against a captain without souldiers ; and afterwards going against afranius that he was to en●gage an army without a captain . cc. there are four sorts of men who are always mention'd with honour . first , they who have been highly successeful in the establishment and promotion of true religion . secondly , those who have been the founders of states and kingdoms , and setled the government thereof by good laws . thirdly , they who have been successors to the last mention'd , and have made great dilatations of the empires which they found so established . and lastly , persons who have been great promotors of literature , and patrons of learned men . on the contrary , the teachers of a false religion or destroyers of the true , the disturbers of government , and the enemies of learning and vertue , have been , through all ages , infamous and detestable . cci. a people which hath been accustomed to live in servitude , being left to their own liberty , may be likened to a beast that has been kept in a park , which having once got out of it , will be continually mischievous , till at last it be either destroy'd or brought into its former restraint . ccii. we ought to be very moderate and cautious in the commendations of persons . for as it is natural for any one , to resent his being disparag'd , so , on the contrary , excessive , commendation ( besides the hazard it implies of his judgement who commends , and the greatness of his merit who is commended ) is many times offensive to him who hears it . that portion of self love , which every one has , even though he is not sensible of it , makes us immediately apply to our selves the commendations and discommendations which we hear given to others , and confequently we imagine our selves concerned therein , though they are not purposely directed to us . cciii . when the prince has fortify'd himself with the allyances of excellent captains , valiant souldiers , arms , mony , and strong places , his next work must be to weaken the forces , and to defeat the designes of the enemy ; and that is done more slowly or with greater expedition , according as occasion offers it self , which is the source of every great and transcendent action . cciv. it seldom happens , that a vertuous man will be ambitious of soveraignty by indirect ways , though his aim therein may be good ; and that a wicked person being once become great , will ever use that authority well , which he has attain'd by evil courses . ccv . though a successor in government be not fully so remarkable for his vertue as the person whom he succeds , yet may he maintain the state in the same grandeur he found it , by the vertue of his predecessor , and make his advantage of the others labours . but if it happen that he does not live long , and that he be again succeeded by one that does not follow the footsteps of the former , such a state must needs degenerate . so , on the contrary , if two persons , both eminent for the greatness of their vertue , happen to be immediate governours of the same province , they commonly do great things , and give a smart stroke to the firm establishment of their government . ccvi. ii is a thing out of all controversy , that if there be not souldiers where there are men enough , it proceeds from some defect in the prince , and not from that of nature , or the situation of the country , or genius of the inhabitants . and thence it comes , that wise princes keep up the exercise of war even in the times of peace . ccvii. in a well-regulated common-wealth , the good services and merits of citizens shall make no plea for their crimes , if they be of any importance . for rewards being appointed for well doing , and punishment for miscarriages , it is an aggravation of their lapses who have done well , that they have done so , and therefore if they do amiss , there is no account made of their former vertuous demeanour . ccviii . he who would reform . a city , to the general satisfaction of all its inhabitants , should endeavour what he can to retain the ancient customs , and that course of life which the people was traditionally inclin'd to , that it may not seem to the generality , that there is any alteration in the government , though really there be , and that the constitution thereof is a quite different thing from what it was before . for it is the humour of the populace , to be contented and layd asleep with that which seems , as much as with that which really is ; and many times there are greater disturbances occasion'd by that which seems to be , than there are by that which really is . ccix. the vice of ingratitude proceeds either from avarice , or distrust . when therefore a prince or state sends out a general upon some important expedition , and the other growes highly into repute thereby ; such a prince or state is oblig'd to acknowledge and recompence the service done them . but if , on the contrary , they dishonour or affront him , avatice prompts him to commit some inexcusable fault , and so he brings himself into perpetual infamy . ccx . ambition has so great an influence over the heart of man , that it keeps a perpetual possession thereof . the reason of it is , that mans disposition being naturally inclin'd to desire all things , and his desires always excessively surmounting the means of obtaining them , proves a continual occasion of discontent and repining . thence proceeds the variety of mens conditions , inasmuch as their labouring to augment , and the fear of losing what they are possess'd of , occasions quarrels , animosities , and wars , and those are the fore-runners of the ruine of one province , and the aggrandization of another . ccxi. that prince who would keep up his estate in a flourishing condition , will not only be careful in the removing of present scandals , but also use his utmost industry in providing against such as may happen . in regard that if he make timely provision against them , they are easily reform'd ; whereas if the evil be grown up to a head , the remedy comes too late . ccxii. it is not to be admir'd , that those princes who are very powerful and have a numerous issue should have their thoughts much bent upon war ; and that , either out of a motive of honour , or to make provision for their progeny , by military employments , or forreign governments , if they have colonies in remote parts of the world ; or lastly to prevent the disturbances which may be occasion'd by the different pretensions of younger brothers . ccxiii. the wise servant ought to imitate the excellent physician , and foresee what he should hope or fear , neither hoping nor fearing more or less than is convenient , so that he may always know whether his hope be in its augmentation , or at its full height , or in its declining state , and accordingly prognosticate what he is to expect . being thus precaution'd , he will have his judgment as it were in his hand , not suffering it to be heightned by hope , or to be depress'd by fear : and so he will prudently manage the affairs of his master , whose advantage . he minds equally with his own repute , in the negotiation wherein he is employ'd . ccxiv. plato would have the devoir of a good citizen to consist in these four things ; to wit , that he should be prudent in diserning well what is most conducive to the common good , as well as to things present , as to come ; that he be just , in distributing to every one what is due to him ; that he be vertuous , in surmounting the fear which commonly obstructs he exercises of vertue ; and lastly , that he have an absolute soveraignty over his affections . ccxv . the shortest and surest way for princes to make a mutual discovery of their different designes , is that of ambassadors , especially if they be persons of great repute either upon the score of the grandeur of their masters , or that of their own vertue . for it being their business to treat always with great persons , and diligently to weigh the actions , deportment , words , and advices of those with whom they negotiate , and also those of the prince himself , they from the present conjuncture of affairs infer what is most likely to come to pass afterwards . ccxvi . when men propose to themselves the doing of some thing of great importance , they ought , with all the industry they can , prepare themselves for it , that when opportunity offers it self , they may be ready to put their design in execution . when therefore all the preparatives are cautiouslly made , there should be no discovery made thereof till the opportunity of action does it ; and then if there be a neglect in the execution , it argues that the persons concern'd therein were not sufficiently prepar'd , or wanted courage to carry it on . ccxvii . distributive justice in a political government ought to be regulated according to geometrical proportion , to wit , according to the quality of persons : otherwise , it is not justice : as we see , that infamy to a person of mean extraction amounts to little , but to one nobly descended , it is the most indigestible punishment . that magistrate therefore who proceeds to the cognizance of merits and miscarriages , favours and disgraces , by the same measure , not considering the diversity there may be between some persons and others , according to their several qualifications , is defective in the understanding of his duty ; in regard , that persons of noble birth are discourag'd by the ignominy of being reduc'd to an equal rank with their inferiours , and those , of the meaner sort , finding themselves treated as persons of better extraction , grow thereby the more insolent and insupportable . ccxviii . when the forces of a prince are regulated by prudence and conduct , they do admirable things , securing his own concerns , and those of his friends , causing confusion and astonishment to his enemies . ccxix. it may easily be observ'd by a person who shall examine things present with a reflection on the past , how that in all cities , and among all nations , there are now the same inclinations , and the same humours , as were heretofore . so that it is no hard matter , for such an examiner , from the things past , to foresee what may happen in any commonwealth , and consequently that prudence advises the practising of the same remedies which were used by the ancients . but in regard those considerations have either been neglected , or not fully comprehended by such as read , or if they have been read , they have not been understood by those who govern , it follows , that the same scandals and misgovernments happen at all times . ccxx . the only way to make a city flourish is to use all possible endeavours to supply it with inhabitants ; and that is done either by love or force . 't is done by the former , when the ways to it are free and secure to strangers who are desirous to make their habitations there ; by the latter , when the neighbouring places are destroy'd , and the inhabitants thereof obliged to transplant themselves thither . ccxxi . a small republick cannot safely be possess'd of a city that is stronger and greater than it self . for otherwise its case would be like that of a tree , whose branches being too weighty for its boal , weaken it so that the first blast of wind lays it on the ground . ccxxii . a prince or republick should submit to any terms rather than have recourse to that nation from which it hath assistance . for there cannot be a more plausible occasion for a prince or republick to possess themselves of a city or province , than when they send their forces for the defence thereof . ccxxiii. of all estates that is the most miserable , whether it be the case of a prince or republick , when they are reduc'd to such extremities , that they can neither accept of a peace , nor carry on a war. such is the condition of those who on the one side are over-crush'd by the conditions that are proffer'd them of a peace , and on the other being oblig'd to continue the war , are forc'd to become a prey either to those who are their auxiliaries , or to their enemies . ccxxiv. the welfare of a government consists in this that the subjects be so kept in , as that they have not the power , nor any reason to make a disturbance . and this is done , either by making all secure in depriving them of the means of doing evil , or gratifying them so well , as that they may not have any plausible reason to desire a change of government . ccxxv. the prince who is set upon by another greater than himself , can hardly commit a greater errour than to refuse all overtures of accommodation , especially when they are offer'd him ; in regard that what is proffer'd cannot be so inconsiderable but that some advantage accrewes to him who accepts of it , and is consider'd as part of a victory obtain'd by him . ccxxvi . among the marks whereby it may be known what condition a state is in , we are to consider the correspondence there is between it and its neighbours . for when it is so govern'd , as that its neighbours to gain its friendship become its pensionaries , it is a certain argument that such a state is in a flourishing condition : but when the neighbours that are inferiour to it , are as so many suckers thereto , perpetually draining its exchequer , it is a great sign of weakness or want of conduct , or corruption in the government . ccxxvii . men in their actions , especially those of importance , ought to consider , what is most convenient to be done , and to accommodate themselves to the present conjuncture ; for they who either through an unfortunate election , or out of a mutinous humour can admit of no acquiescence with the present time , live for the most part in a wretched condition , ever repining , and vainly expecting a change of affairs . ccxxviii . that some men are successful in their undertakings , and others not , it is to be attributed to their complyance or discomplyance with the time proper for the execution thereof . thence is it that we say some men proceed in their actions inconsiderately , and as if they were surprized , while others do nothing without a previous circumspection and scrutiny into all the particulars that may occur in their deportment . ccxxix . that commander who would have a city obstinately defend it self , or an army once engag'd to fight it out to the last man , ought above all things to insinuate into them a persuasion of the necessity there is of fighting . ccxxx . the wise chieftain who proposes to himself the conquest of a country or province , ought to measure the difficulties he may meet withal , by considering the necessity , which may force the inhabitants of the country to defend themselves , answerably to the greatness of the necessity in those who are to defend themselves against him , to make account that his expedition will be more or less difficult . ccxxxi . among other points of military discipline , a wise captain ought to be especially careful , what persons they are who take the word from him ; and to take order that his souldiers believe not any but their own officers , who are not likely to say any thing to them but what they are entrusted withal . for want of a punctual observance of this point , incredible disorders have many times happen'd . ccxxxii . in a military expedition , it is much better to send one single person , though endu'd but with ordinary prudence , than two together , though very valiant persons , invested with equal authority . cxxxiii . some cities and provinces , which have held out against all extremities of war , have been reduc'd by some extraordinay example of generosity , humanity , or chastity . of this there are many examples in the roman histories . ccxxxiv . he who is over-earnestly desirous of being lov'd , if he exceed ever so little in the artifices of insinuating himself , becomes contemptible ; and , on the contrary , he who is over desirous to be fear'd , if he exceeds the true measure , becomes odious . he who can observe a mean in these procedures must be a person of a great and exemplary vertue . ccxxxv . the only way to avoid the infamy or danger which is consequent to the giving of counsel , is , to take things moderately , to give advice without passion , and to defend it with modesty ; so that the prince or city , who receives and follows the advice may do it voluntarily , and not seem to be over-sway'd by the importunity of him who is consulted . ccxxxvi . the wise captain who has to do with a new enemy , whose reputation is great , should make a previous tryal of his souldiers , by small engagements with the enemy , before he comes to the hazard of a pitch'd battel , to the end that by such prelusory skirmishes there may be an abatement made of that terrour , which the noise and reputation of such an enemy might have rais'd in them . ccxxxvii . to use stratagems and circumventions upon all other occasions , raises a dislike of the person using it ; but in military concerns it is otherwise , in so much , that he who subdues his enemy by a stratagem , is as highly commended , as he that does it by force . ccxxxviii . a resolution taken up with too much precipitancy , or an over earnest affection , proves for the most part unfortunate . the former allowes not the time to ruminate on the things which are to be considered ; the latter takes up the mind so , that it heeds not any thing but what immediately press upon it . ccxxxix . a man is much more concern'd at a pleasure or dipleasure newly done him , than he is at a signal kindness , which he had receiv'd some considerable time before . thus a mans immediate exigences make a much greater impression upon him , than either the remembrance of that which is past , or the foresight of that which is to come . ccxl . besides many other misfortunes which must attend a prince who is neligent in the affairs of war , these two are most obvious , to wit , that he cannot be respected by the souldiery , nor repose any trust in them . to remedy this , there are two expedients ; one relating to the body , the other to the mind . the former requires the following of the noblest and most generous sort of exercises , such as hunting , whereby his person is enur'd to the supporting of all inconveniencies , and he is enabled to observe the advantages and situation of places . the latter consists in the reading of histories , and , in them , reflecting on the actions of excellent men , and how they demean'd themselves in their wars , examining the occasions of their victories , or losses , and above all , in imitating those whose great characters time has transmitted to us . ccxli. it is greater wisdom for a man to be accounted poor , though some shame be consequent thereto , provided he do not incurhatred or contempt , than to gain the title of a liberal person by rapine and injustice , which are ever attended by infamy and aversion . ccxlii. he who thinks to advance himself by his dependence on a great person , and is desirous to be employ'd by him , ought to keep as much as he can possibly in his presence . for ever and anon , there happen occasions , wherein he recommends some affair to him who is next at hand , which he would not do , if the other were to seek : and he who misses the beginning of his advancement does many times forfeit his access to great things . ccxliii . in the particular accidents of war , chance ( which is commonly known by the name of fortune ) has a greater influence than in other humane actions . for the different situation of places , the advantages of encamping , the diversity of the air , diseases , want of mony , scarcity of provisions , spies , guides , false intelligence , the contrivances of publick ministers , and divers other things occasion an infinite variety in the occurrences of war. ccxliv . it is more probable , that an experienc'd sea commander , who has ben accustom'd to fight against winds , waves , and men , should make a good captain at land , where he has only men to deal withal , than that a land-captain should make a good commander at sea. ccxlv . those very persons , who attribute most to vertue or prudence , only that they might exclude what is attributed to fortune , cannot deny but that it is an extraordinary chance , for any man to live and flourish at such time , when those vertues are in esteem for which he is most recommendable , or to be concern'd in such an occasion , as where they are most necessarily to be practis'd . ccxlvi . the ministers and favourites of princes , if they are wise , ought to procure all the fair correspondence that may be between them and their neighbouring princes , and withal to raise in them a tenderness and affection for their subjects . ccxlvii. it being every mans case at some time or other to stand in need of anothers assistance , where there is no precedent obligation upon the score of benefits receiv'd , nor any consideration of intimate friendship , or allyance , the person solliciting ought , for this reason , to make it appear , that such his request is of great advantage , or at least not any way prejudicial to him whom he expects liberally to grant his desire ; then he is to make him sensible , how transcendently he will be oblig'd to him . and where he cannot urge any thing of this nature , he ought not to be disgusted , if he does not obtain what he desires . ccxlviii . in all affaires , it is requisite first to use reason , and afterwards force . in military designes therefore , it is of greater concern to set ambushes for the enemy , than only to avoid his . the more a man governs himself by reason in any affair , the more he advantages himself . ccxlix . a man makes a greater complaint when an injury is done him contrary to reason , than when a violence is done him by force : for an injury has place between those who are otherwise equal in condition ; but force is a mark , that he who uses it is more powerful , than he on whom it is used . ccl . when we prepare our selves to go against our enemies , we should make account , that the preparatives on their side are as great as those on ours , not promising our selves any more success for the faults which we imagin they have committed , but rather presuposing , that having their senses , and judgment about them , they have provided for their affairs , as well as we have done for ours . ccli . a wise man ought not to conceal the advantageous advice which he has to give his country , meerly out of the uncertainty there is of its being put in execution ; for time will discover the integrity and prudence of him that gave the advice , and withal the temerity and extravagance of those who rejected it . cclii . though the act of clemency should prove beneficial to the person by whom it is exercis'd , yet does it sometimes tend to his prejudice . but this happens according to the subject on which it is exercis'd . for when it is done to a multitude , it proves so much the more beneficial , the more the obligation conferr'd thereby is multiply'd , it being in a manner impossible , that a numerous party having receiv'd a benefit , should conspire together to be ungrateful to so great a benefactor ; whereas one or few particular persons may be of so malignant a disposition , as to fall , immediatly after the reception of a great kindness , into that horrid vice of ingratitude . ccliii . the best way for a captain to inspire his souldiers with an obstinate resolution of fighting , is , to put them out of all hopes of safety , otherwise than by fighting . and that resolution is augmented in them by the confidence they have of their comanders experience , and the love they bear their country . divers other inducements may concur , but the most pressing consideration is that which forces them either to conquer , or dy . ccliv . the accomplishment of every enterprize is much more difficult than the beginning of it ; since the latter may be the effect of some lucky accident , but the former requires resolution , experience , and conduct . thus a vessel may weather out a tempest at sea , but when it comes near the port , the pilot shews the utmost of his skill by reason of the narrow passage into it . cclv. it is a great presumption , in any person , how much so ever he may imagine himself in favour with his prince , to be over-forward in giving him advice . for the reflectons of soveraigns being many times fixt upon things of a nature transcending the capacities of such as are about them , it happens , that they are secretly dissatisfy'd when they seem in some measure pleas'd . it is therefore the prudence of a courtier , to be alwaies so cautious , in offering his advice , as that there may be a presumptive probability , of it s not becoming prejudicial to the offerer . cclvi. when a person , who thinks himself in savour , is of a sudden discountenanc'd , he should not give the least admission to murmuring , disgust , or animosity ; but , reflecting on what might be applicable to him , upon the score of miscarriage , endeavour , by the arts of insinuation , and complaisance , to recover himself into his former station , in the princes affections . cclvii . there are two eminent requisites , in those , who are concern'd abroad , as publick ministers . for , if they do not give evident proofs of their vigilance , sedulity , and sufficiency , in managing the negotiations wherein they are entrusted , as also of their perspicacity , in foreseeing what influence they may have on posterity , there is a great deficiency in the discharge of the trust reposed in them . cclviii. the main design of government is prudentiallity carried on , and advanc'd , when there is an unanimity of counsels amongst those who have the administration of publick affairs . but when they are divided amongst themselves , and promote different interests , it argues a dangerous crisis . cclix . great are the calamities consequent to war. the treasury of the prince is exhausted : commerce is obstructed : and the devastations , committed in a short time , are not repair'd , without a subsequent peace , of many years continuance . and such must needs be the condition of the many countries , now the seat of the present war. finis . militarie instructions, or the souldier tried for the vse, of the dragon, being a part of cavalrie, for fierings, on horsback, as the harquebusier, & on foote, as infantry, very necessary for such as desier to be studious, in the way of the art militarie. / never before published, by any, and now set forth by captaine nathaniell burt. burt, nathaniel, fl. - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing b thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) militarie instructions, or the souldier tried for the vse, of the dragon, being a part of cavalrie, for fierings, on horsback, as the harquebusier, & on foote, as infantry, very necessary for such as desier to be studious, in the way of the art militarie. / never before published, by any, and now set forth by captaine nathaniell burt. burt, nathaniel, fl. - . sheet ([ ] p.) : ill. s.n., [london : ] engraved caption title. dated at end: from the hermit at wapping, june . . reproduction of the original in the british library. eng military art and sciences -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no militarie instructions, or the souldier tried, for the vse, of the dragon, being a part of cavalrie, for fierings, on horsback, as the harqu burt, nathaniel a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion militarie instructions , or the souldier tried , for the vse , of the dragon , being a part of cavalrie , for fierings , on horsback , as the harquebusier , & on foote , as infaritry , very necessary for such as desier to be studious , in the waye of the art militarie , never before published , by any , and now set forth by captaine nathaniell burt fellow-souldiers , having upon some occasions viewed and looked upon some part of the booke of military instructions for the cavalry , &c. and finding it to speake so disrespectively of the books of infantrie , without exceptions , and for that he saith , the dragoone , or musquetier , must exercise himselfe to give fire on horse-back , as the harquebusier , &c. as you may read in his . cap. pag. . and yet leaveth him to be directed therein , by the infantry , i shall here take occasion to speake somewhat for the complete and perfect method of the young artillerie man , set forth by my honoured fellow-souldier and acquaintance , lievt. colonell barriffe , which for its sufficiency , and plainnnesse , to speak truly , i think as yet unparalleld in any language , which being perfectly apprehended and understood , will furnish the partie that shall understand it , in the rudiments ( god giving him courage to performe and act it sufficiently ) in most things . but i would intreat all souldiers to make use of , and store up experimentall knowledge : for as this war differeth much from other warres , so doth the severall skirmishings , and occasions ( therein : ) and resolution goeth very farre in it , so it be grounded upon judgment , and produceth many faire effects , through gods blessing . for the exercise of the dragoone , firing on horse-back , i will recite somewhat , i have seen , though in a more confused manner and way , and give some directions to performe the same . suppose the enemy retreating , and their horse facing while they draw off their great guns , and baggage , marching away with their infantry , they losing ground , retreat entire , together , with their cornets on the head of their troups , they being on a hill , having a deep and dangerous dale , to friend , fit to lay ambuscadoes in , besides the night approaching to help them , &c. here dragoones may do better service , firing on horse-back , then the curasier , the way being dubitable , &c. by advancing slowly after them , following them about musket shot , the curasier being withing such distance as is needfull , to relieve them , if that the enemy should seeme to charge , or attempt it : for the better performance thereof , they are to fire by introduction , on horse-back ; which is a passing through , or between the files , the files being at open order : the first rank having given fire , by the commanders direction , let the bringer-up passe through the files , which is commonly to the left , placing themselves before their leaders , in the front , and then giving fire , the rest of the ranks acting the same successively , till such time as they shall receive order to the contrary , or to close their files . i am loath to forme their place of march upon such occasions , but the van , or flanks , is most advantagious , and necessary for them , because from thence they can command , and send farthest , and make the best use , to line the hedges , or to beat up their ambuscadoes , if need require : but not knowing the scituation of the place , or the forme of the enemy , which they may pursue , i leave it to the wisdome of the commander , &c. secondly , a party of dragoones may fire retreating , on horse-back , and do good execution , they riding such a pace , as their occasion requireth , or the ground will permit , the last rank somtimes facing about , and firing upon the enemie , then wheeling off to the right , or left , as the ground best affords . i would advise them ( herein ) to keep their files close , and place themselves before their leaders in the front , till they receive order to the contrary . the dragoons having been sent forth for the taking some bridge , or stopping some passage , the enemy having possessed himselfe of it before them , and advancing towards their quarters , whether in field or garrison , and being too strong for them to encounter with , having retreated as before to their quarters , or some place of advantage , where they may secure their horses in the way , they being acquainted therwith before , and what scouts the enemy hath out , may give the enemy an unexpected volley of shot from some secret and unexpected place , which may offer it selfe to their view , which having performed , to mount suddenly againe , for better and sooner expedition , &c. for service to be performed by the dragoone in a siege , it is commonly on foot , wherefore i leave the direction thereof in firings to the severall and speciall occasions , as they shall arise , and their commanders give directions , further certifying , that by the skilfull , and truly valiant , it is sooner formed in field , then described by the pen , onely finding the cavalrie booke so full of good language and learning , and the dragoon , being made a part thereof , and left to anothers direction , i could do no lesse then vindicate my deceased fellow-souldiers book , ut supra . and as a testimony of my love to the school of war i was bred in , and my reall and hearty affections to my countrey , offer this my mite into the treasurie , with my humble prayers to the almighty , to convert us all unto him in his good time , and to send peace in this distracted kingdome , &c. from the hermit at wapping , june . . postscript . gentle reader , accept of these lines in love , and correct them in love , so shall i be ingaged hereafter , further to publish such things as i shall find occasion , for thy benefit , onely for the present , i have commended to the cutters , or ingravers of copper , and so to the presse , for the seconding of the young artillerie-mans request , the motions of the posture for the musket and pike in their severall garbes and portraitures , as also the postures of the halfe pike joyned with the musket , being at this time required either for musketier or dragoone : but the present necessity calling upon this ( as i conceive ) hath caused me to set this forth alone : wherefore expect the other as soon as it can be finished . vale . your friend , nathanael burt. published according to order . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- for the marching postures of the dragoone , they are like the . and . figures in the booke of cavalrie ; i could wish they might have snap-hances on their muskets ; then the postures mentioned at the end of the . chapter would serve them on horse-backe , to make ready . i hope there is no musketier that is any part a posture man , but will finde way to make use of it , on horse-backe , although to fire on horse-backe is not so fully knowne . ( a ) i am perswaded there be many that have beene abroad have growne little in experience or valour , onely in pride and covetousnesse , to defraud : and i dare boldly say , such will never be souldiers , &c. ( b ) first , firing of the musketier on horse-backe by introduction , which i am of opinion is not overbalanced with danger , but the properest , one of them upon such an occasion : but i leave it to the judgement of others , according to my request at the end , &c. the second firing of the musketier on horse-backe . . the dragoone to fire on foot , if that he shall see occasion , and after fire given , to mount , &c. . the dragoone service in a siege , and how he is to behave himselfe , and to fire , &c.